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diff --git a/old/40646-0.txt b/old/40646-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 560f196..0000000 --- a/old/40646-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,23663 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of Spain, by Charles E. Chapman - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: A History of Spain - founded on the Historia de España y de la civilización - española of Rafael Altamira - -Author: Charles E. Chapman - -Release Date: September 2, 2012 [EBook #40646] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SPAIN *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: MAP OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL - -COMPILED BY CHARLES E. CHAPMAN] - - - - -A HISTORY OF SPAIN - -[Illustration: colophon] - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - -NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS -ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO - -MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED - -LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA -MELBOURNE - -THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. - -TORONTO - - - - -A HISTORY OF SPAIN - -FOUNDED ON THE -_HISTORIA DE ESPAÑA Y DE LA CIVILIZACIÓN ESPAÑOLA_ -OF RAFAEL ALTAMIRA - -BY - -CHARLES E. CHAPMAN, PH.D. - -ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY -IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA - -New York -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY -1918 - -_All rights reserved_ - -COPYRIGHT, 1918, - -BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. - -Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1918. - -Norwood Press - -J. S. Cushing Co.--Berwick & Smith Co. - -Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. - -TO MY SON - -SEVILLE DUDLEY CHAPMAN - -BORN IN THE CITY WHOSE NAME -HE BEARS - - - - -PREFACE - - -The present work is an attempt to give in one volume the main features -of Spanish history from the standpoint of America. It should serve -almost equally well for residents of both the English-speaking and the -Spanish American countries, since the underlying idea has been that -Americans generally are concerned with the growth of that Spanish -civilization which was transmitted to the new world. One of the chief -factors in American life today is that of the relations between -Anglo-Saxon and Hispanic America. They are becoming increasingly -important. The southern republics themselves are forging ahead; on the -other hand many of them are still dangerously weak, leaving possible -openings for the not unwilling old world powers; and some of the richest -prospective markets of the globe are in those as yet scantily developed -lands. The value of a better understanding between the peoples of the -two Americas, both for the reasons just named and for many others, -scarcely calls for argument. It is almost equally clear that one of the -essentials to such an understanding is a comprehension of Spanish -civilization, on which that of the Spanish American peoples so largely -depends. That information this volume aims to provide. It confines -itself to the story of the growth of Spanish civilization in Spain, but -its ultimate transfer to the Americas has been constantly in the -writer’s mind in the choice of his material, as will appear from the -frequent allusions in the text. An attempt is made to treat Spanish -institutions not as static (which they never were) but in process of -evolution, from period to period. The development of Spanish -institutions in the colonies and the later independent states, it is -hoped, will be the subject of another volume. Neither story has ever -been presented according to the present plan to the American public. - -Emphasis here has been placed on the growth of the civilization, or -institutions, of Spain rather than on the narrative of political events. -The latter appears primarily as a peg on which to hang the former. The -volume is topically arranged, so that one may select those phases of -development which interest him. Thus one may confine himself to the -narrative, or to any one of the institutional topics, social, political, -religious, economic, or intellectual. Indeed, the division may be -carried even further, so that one may single out institutions within -institutions. As regards proportions the principal weight is given to -the periods from 1252 to 1808, with over half of the volume devoted to -the years 1479 to 1808. The three centuries from the sixteenth to the -nineteenth are singled out for emphasis, not only because they were the -years of the transmission of Spanish civilization to the Americas, but -also because the great body of the Spanish institutions which affected -the colonies did so in the form they acquired at that time. To treat -Spain’s gift to Spanish America as complete by the year 1492 is as -incorrect as to say that the English background of United States history -is necessary only to the year 1497, when John Cabot sailed along the -North American coast, or certainly not later than 1607, when Jamestown -was founded. In accord with the primary aim of this work the place of -Spain in general European history is given relatively little space. The -recital of minor events and the introduction of the names of -inconsequential or slightly important persons have been avoided, except -in some cases where an enumeration has been made for purposes of -illustration or emphasis. For these reasons, together with the fact that -the whole account is compressed into a single volume, it is hoped that -the book may serve as a class-room text as well as a useful compendium -for the general reader. - -The writer has been fortunate in that there exists a monumental work in -Spanish containing the type of materials which he has wished to present. -This is the _Historia de España y de la civilización española_, which -has won a world-wide reputation for its author, Rafael Altamira y -Crevea.[1] Indeed, the present writer makes little claim to originality, -since for the period down to 1808 he has relied almost wholly on -Altamira. Nevertheless, he has made, not a summary, but rather a -selection from the _Historia_ (which is some five times the length of -this volume) of such materials as were appropriate to his point of view. -The chapter on the reign of Charles III has been based largely on the -writer’s own account of the diplomacy of that monarch, which lays -special emphasis on the relation of Spain to the American Revolution.[2] -For the chapter dealing with Spain in the nineteenth century the volumes -of the _Cambridge modern history_ have been used, together with those on -modern Spain by Hume and Butler Clarke. The last chapter, dealing with -present-day Spain, is mainly the result of the writer’s observations -during a two years’ residence in that country, 1912 to 1914. In the -course of his stay he visited every part of the peninsula, but spent -most of his time in Seville, wherefore it is quite possible that his -views may have an Andalusian tinge. - -In the spelling of proper names the English form has been adopted if it -is of well-established usage. The founder of the Carlists and Carlism, -however, is retained as “Don Carlos” for obvious reasons of euphony. In -all other cases the Spanish has been preferred. The phrase “the -Americas” is often used as a general term for Spain’s overseas colonies. -It may therefore include the Philippines sometimes. The term “Moslems” -has been employed for the Mohammedan invaders of Spain. The word “Moors” -has been avoided, because it is historically inaccurate as a general -term for all the invaders; the Almohades, or Moors, were a branch of the -Berber family, and other Moslem peoples had preceded them in Spain by -upwards of four hundred years. Their influence both as regards culture -and racial traits was far less than that of the Arabs, who were the most -important of the conquering races, and this fact, together with their -late arrival, should militate against the application of their name to -the whole era of Moslem Spain. All of these alien peoples were -Mohammedans, which would seem to justify the use of the word “Moslems.” -The word “lords” in some cases indicates ecclesiastics as well as -nobles. “Town” has been employed generally for “_villa_,” “_concejo_,” -“_pueblo_,” “_aldea_,” and “_ciudad_,” except when special attention has -been drawn to the different types of municipalities. Spanish -institutional terms have been translated or explained at their first -use. They also appear in the index. - -As on previous occasions, so now, the writer finds himself under -obligations to his colleagues in the Department of History of the -University of California. Professor Stephens has read much of this -manuscript and has made helpful suggestions as to content and style. -Professors Bolton and Priestley and Doctor Hackett, of the “Bancroft -Library group,” have displayed a spirit of coöperation which the writer -greatly appreciates. Professor Jaén of the Department of Romance -Languages gave an invaluable criticism of the chapter on contemporary -Spain. Señor Jesús Yanguas, the Sevillian architect, furnished the lists -of men of letters and artists appearing in that chapter. Professor -Shepherd of Columbia University kindly consented to allow certain of the -maps appearing in his _Historical atlas_ to be copied here. Doctors R. -G. Cleland, C. L. Goodwin, F. S. Philbrick, and J. A. Robertson have -aided me with much valued criticisms. The writer is also grateful to his -pupils, the Misses Bepler and Juda, for assistance rendered. - -CHARLES E. CHAPMAN. - -BERKELEY, January 5, 1918. - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER PAGE - -PREFACE vii - -INTRODUCTION BY RAFAEL ALTAMIRA xiii - - I. THE INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF SPAIN 1 - - II. THE EARLY PEOPLES, TO 206 B.C. 6 - - III. ROMAN SPAIN, 206 B.C.-409 A.D. 15 - - IV. VISIGOTHIC SPAIN, 409-713 26 - - V. MOSLEM SPAIN, 711-1031 38 - - VI. CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE MOSLEM PERIOD, 711-1035 53 - - VII. ERA OF THE SPANISH CRUSADES, 1031-1276 67 - - VIII. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 84 - - IX. MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 102 - - X. DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479 111 - - XI. DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: ARAGON, 1276-1479 125 - - XII. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 137 - - XIII. THE CASTILIAN STATE, 1252-1479 151 - - XIV. THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479 166 - - XV. ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 174 - - XVI. INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 180 - - XVII. INSTITUTIONS OF OUTLYING HISPANIC STATES, 1252-1479 192 - -XVIII. ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517 202 - - XIX. SOCIAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 210 - - XX. POLITICAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 219 - - XXI. MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS, 1479-1517 228 - - XXII. CHARLES I OF SPAIN, 1516-1556 234 - -XXIII. THE REIGN OF PHILIP II, 1556-1598 246 - - XXIV. A CENTURY OF DECLINE, 1598-1700 258 - - XXV. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1516-1700 272 - - XXVI. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1516-1700 287 - - XXVII. RELIGION AND THE CHURCH, 1516-1700 303 - - XXVIII. ECONOMIC FACTORS, 1516-1700 324 - - XXIX. THE GOLDEN AGE: EDUCATION, PHILOSOPHY, - HISTORY, AND SCIENCE, 1516-1700. 338 - - XXX. THE GOLDEN AGE: LITERATURE AND ART, 1516-1700 351 - - XXXI. THE EARLY BOURBONS, 1700-1759 368 - - XXXII. CHARLES III AND ENGLAND, 1759-1788 383 - - XXXIII. CHARLES IV AND FRANCE, 1788-1808 399 - - XXXIV. SPANISH SOCIETY, 1700-1808 411 - - XXXV. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1700-1808 425 - - XXXVI. STATE AND CHURCH, 1700-1808 443 - - XXXVII. ECONOMIC REFORMS, 1700-1808 458 - -XXXVIII. INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITIES, 1700-1808 471 - - XXXIX. THE GROWTH OF LIBERALISM, 1808-1898 488 - - XL. THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917 508 - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 527 - -INDEX 541 - - -MAPS - -GENERAL REFERENCE MAP _Frontispiece_ - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492 67 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The fact that this book is in great part a summary, or selection, from -one of mine, as is stated in the Preface, makes it almost a duty for me -to do what would in any event be a great pleasure in the case of a work -by Professor Chapman. I refer to the duty of writing a few paragraphs by -way of introduction. But, at the same time, this circumstance causes a -certain conflict of feelings in me, since no one, unless it be a pedant, -can act so freely in self-criticism as he would if he were dealing with -the work of another. Fortunately, Professor Chapman has incorporated -much of his own harvest in this volume, and to that I may refer with -entire lack of embarrassment. - -Obviously, the plan and the labor of condensing all of the material for -a history of Spain constitute in themselves a commendable achievement. -In fact, there does not exist in any language of the world today a -compendium of the history of Spain reduced to one volume which is able -to satisfy all of the exigencies of the public at large and the needs of -teaching, without an excess of reading and of labor. None of the -histories of my country written in English, German, French, or Italian -in the nineteenth century can be unqualifiedly recommended. Some, such -as that by Hume, entitled _The Spanish people_, display excellent -attributes, but these are accompanied by omissions to which modern -historiography can no longer consent. As a general rule these histories -are altogether too political in character. At other times they offend -from an excess of bookish erudition and from a lack of a personal -impression of what our people are, as well as from a failure to narrate -their story in an interesting way, or indeed, they perpetuate errors and -legends, long since discredited, with respect to our past and present -life. We have some one-volume histories of Spain in Castilian which are -to be recommended for the needs of our own secondary schools, but not -for those of a foreign country, whose students require another manner of -presentation of our history, for they have to apply an interrogatory -ideal which is different from ours in their investigation of the deeds -of another people,--all the more so if that people, like the Spanish, -has mingled in the life of nearly the whole world and been the victim of -the calumnies and fanciful whims of historians, politicians, and -travellers. - -For all of these reasons the work of condensation by Professor Chapman -constitutes an important service in itself for the English-speaking -public, for it gives in one volume the most substantial features of our -history from primitive times to the present moment. Furthermore, there -are chapters in his work which belong entirely to him: XXXII, XXXIX, and -XL. The reason for departing from my text in Chapter XXXII is given by -Professor Chapman in the Preface. As for the other two he was under the -unavoidable necessity of constructing them himself. His, for me, very -flattering method of procedure, possible down to the year 1808, if -indeed it might find a basis for continuation in a chapter of mine in -the _Cambridge modern history_ (v. X), in my lectures on the history of -Spain in the nineteenth century (given at the Ateneo of Madrid, some -years ago), in the little manual of the _Historia de la civilización -española_ (History of Spanish civilization) which goes to the year 1898, -and even in the second part of a recent work, _España y el programa -americanista_ (Spain and the Americanist program), published at Madrid -in 1917, nevertheless could not avail itself of a single text, a -continuous, systematized account, comprehensive of all the aspects of -our national life as in the case of the periods prior to 1808. Moreover, -it is better that the chapters referring to the nineteenth century and -the present time should be written by a foreign pen, whose master in -this instance, as a result of his having lived in Spain, is able to -contribute that personal impression of which I have spoken before, an -element which if it is at times deceiving in part, through the influence -of a too local or regional point of view, is always worth more than -that understanding which proceeds only from erudite sources. - -I would not be able to say, without failing in sincerity (and therefore -in the first duty of historiography), that I share in and subscribe to -all the conclusions and generalizations of Professor Chapman about the -contemporary history and present condition of Spain. At times my dissent -would not be more than one of the mere shade of meaning, perhaps from -the form of expression, given to an act which, according as it is -presented, is, or is not, exact. But in general I believe that Professor -Chapman sees modern Spain correctly, and does us justice in many things -in which it is not frequent that we are accorded that consideration. -This alone would indeed be a great merit in our eyes and would deserve -our applause. The English-speaking public will have a guarantee, through -this work, of being able to contemplate a quite faithful portrait of -Spain, instead of a caricature drawn in ignorance of the facts or in bad -faith. With this noble example of historiographical calm, Professor -Chapman amply sustains one of the most sympathetic notes which, with -relation to the work of Spain in America, has for some years been -characteristic, that which we should indeed call the school of North -American historians. - -RAFAEL ALTAMIRA. - -February, 1918. - - - - -A HISTORY OF SPAIN - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF SPAIN - - -[Sidenote: Isolation of the Iberian Peninsula.] - -The Iberian Peninsula, embracing the modern states of Spain and -Portugal, is entirely surrounded by the waters of the Mediterranean Sea -and the Atlantic Ocean, except for a strip in the north a little less -than three hundred miles in length, which touches the southern border of -France. Even at that point Spain is almost completely shut off from the -rest of Europe, because of the high range of the Pyrenees Mountains. -Portugal, although an independent state and set apart to a certain -extent by a mountainous boundary, cannot be said to be geographically -distinct from Spain. Indeed, many regions in Spain are quite as separate -from each other as is Portugal from the Spanish lands she borders upon. -Until the late medieval period, too, the history of Portugal was in the -same current as that of the peninsula as a whole. - -[Sidenote: Mountains and plateaus.] - -The greatest average elevation in Spain is found in the centre, in -Castile and Extremadura, whence there is a descent, by great steps as it -were, to the east and to the west. On the eastern side the descent is -short and rapid to the Mediterranean Sea. On the west, the land falls by -longer and more gradual slopes to the Atlantic Ocean, so that central -Spain may be said to look geographically toward the west. There is an -even more gentle decline from the base of the Pyrenees to the valley of -the Guadalquivir, although it is interrupted by plateaus which rise -above the general level. All of these gradients are modified greatly by -the mountain ranges within the peninsula. The Pyrenean range not only -separates France from Spain, but also continues westward under the name -Cantabrian Mountains for an even greater distance along the northern -coast of the latter country, leaving but little lowland space along the -sea, until it reaches Galicia in the extreme northwest. Here it expands -until it covers an area embracing northern Portugal as well. At about -the point where the Pyrenees proper and the Cantabrian Mountains come -together the Iberian, or Celtiberian, range, a series of isolated -mountains for the most part, breaks off to the southeast until near the -Mediterranean, when it curves to the west, merging with the Penibética -range (better known as the Sierra Nevada Mountains, the name of that -part of the range lying south of the city of Granada), which moves -westward near the southern coast to end in the cape of Tarifa. - -[Sidenote: Geographical divisions of the peninsula.] - -These mountains divide the peninsula into four regions: the narrow -littoral on the northern coast; Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Murcia, and -most of La Mancha, looking toward the Mediterranean; Almería, Málaga, -and part of Granada and Cádiz in the south of Spain; and the vast region -comprising the rest of the peninsula. The last-named is subdivided into -four principal regions of importance historically. The Carpetana, or -Carpeto-Vetónica, range in the north (more often called the Guadarrama -Mountains) separates Old Castile from New Castile and Extremadura to the -south, and continues into Portugal. The Oretana range crosses the -provinces of Cuenca, Toledo, Ciudad Real, Cáceres, and Badajoz, also -terminating in Portugal. Finally, the Mariánica range (more popularly -known as the Sierra Morena) forms the boundary of Castile and -Extremadura with Andalusia. Each of the four sub-divisions has a great -river valley, these being respectively, from north to south, the Douro, -Tagus, Guadiana, and Guadalquivir. Various other sub-sections might be -named, but only one is of prime importance,--the valley of the Ebro in -Aragon and Catalonia, lying between the Pyrenees and an eastward branch -of the Iberian range. Within these regions, embracing parts of several -of them, there is another that is especially noteworthy,--that of the -vast table-land of central Spain between the Ebro and the Guadalquivir. -This is an elevated region, difficult of access from all of the -surrounding lands. Geologists have considered it the “permanent nucleus” -of the peninsula. It is in turn divided into two table-lands of unequal -height by the great Carpeto-Vetónica range. The long coast line of the -peninsula, about 2500 miles in length, has also been a factor of no -small importance historically. Despite the length of her border along -the sea, Spain has, next to Switzerland, the greatest average elevation -of any country in Europe, so high are her mountains and table-lands. - -[Sidenote: Disadvantageous effects of geography.] - -These geographical conditions have had important consequences -climatically and economically and especially historically. The altitude -and irregularity of the land have produced widely separated extremes of -temperature, although as a general rule a happy medium is maintained. To -geographical causes, also, are due the alternating seasons of rain and -drought in most of Spain, especially in Castile, Valencia, and -Andalusia, which have to contend, too, with the disadvantages of a -smaller annual rainfall than is the lot of most other parts of Europe -and with the torrential rains which break the season of drought. When it -rains, the water descends in such quantity and with such rapidity from -the mountains to the sea that the river beds are often unable to contain -it, and dangerous floods result. Furthermore, the sharpness of the slope -makes it difficult to utilize these rivers for irrigation or navigation, -so swift is the current, and so rapidly do the rivers spend themselves. -Finally, the rain is not evenly distributed, and some regions, -especially the high plateau country of Castile and La Mancha, are -particularly dry and are difficult of cultivation. - -[Sidenote: Beneficial effects.] - -On the other hand the geographical conditions of the peninsula have -produced distinct benefits to counterbalance the disadvantages. The -coastal plains are often very fertile. Especially is this true of the -east and south, where the vine and the olive, oranges, rice, and other -fruits and vegetables are among the best in the world. The northern -coast is of slight value agriculturally, but, thanks to a rainfall -which is constant and greater than necessary, is rich pastorally. Here, -too, there is a very agreeable climate, due in large measure to a -favoring ocean current, which has also been influential in producing the -forests in a part of Galicia. These factors have made the northern coast -a favorite summer resort for Spaniards and, indeed, for many other -Europeans. The mountains in all parts of the peninsula have proved to -contain a mineral wealth which many centuries of mining have been unable -to exhaust. Some gold and more silver have been found, but metals of use -industrially--such, for example, as copper--have been the most abundant. -The very difficulties which Spaniards have had to overcome helped to -develop virile traits which have made their civilization of more force -in the world than might have been expected from a country of such scant -wealth and population.[3] - -[Sidenote: Geographical isolation the cause of Spanish individuality.] - -The most marked result of these natural conditions has been the -isolation, not only of Spain from the rest of the world, but also of the -different regions of Spain from one another. Spaniards have therefore -developed the conservative clinging to their own institutions and the -individuality of an island people. While this has retarded their -development into a nation, it has held secure the advances made and has -vitalized Spanish civilization. For centuries the most isolated parts -were also the most backward, this being especially true of Castile, -whereas the more inviting and more easily invaded south and east coasts -were the most susceptible to foreign influence and the most advanced -intellectually as well as economically. When at length the centre -accepted the civilization of the east and south, and by reason of its -virility was able to dominate them, it imposed its law, its customs, -and its conservatism upon them, and reached across the seas to the -Americas, where a handful of men were able to leave an imperishable -legacy of Spanish civilization to a great part of two continents. - -[Sidenote: Events traceable to geographic conditions.] - -Specific facts in Spanish history can also be traced very largely to the -effects of geography. The mineral wealth of the peninsula has attracted -foreign peoples throughout recorded history, and the fertility of the -south and east has also been a potent inducement to an invasion, whether -of armies or of capital. The physical features of the peninsula helped -these peoples to preserve their racial characteristics, with the result -that Spain presents an unusual variety in traits and customs. The fact -that the valley of the Guadalquivir descends to the sea before reaching -the eastern line of the Portuguese boundary had an influence in bringing -about the independence of Portugal,--for while Castile still had to -combat the Moslem states Portugal could turn her energies inward. -Nevertheless, one must not think that geography has been the only or -even the controlling factor in the life and events of the Iberian -Peninsula. Others have been equally or more important,--such as those of -race and, especially, the vast group of circumstances involving the -relations of men and of states which may be given the collective name of -history. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE EARLY PEOPLES, TO 206 B.C. - - -[Sidenote: Prehistoric Spain.] - -The Iberian Peninsula has not always had the same form which it now has, -or the same plants, animals, or climate which are found there today. For -example, it is said that Spain was once united by land with Africa, and -also by way of Sicily, which had not yet become an island, with southern -Italy, making a great lake of the western Mediterranean. The changes as -a result of which the peninsula assumed its present characteristics -belong to the field of geology, and need to be mentioned here only as -affording some clue to the earliest colonization of the land. In like -manner the description of the primitive peoples of Spain belongs more -properly to the realm of ethnology. It is worthy of note, however, that -there is no proof that the earliest type of man in Europe, the -Neanderthal, or Canstadt, man,[4] existed in Spain, and it is believed -that the next succeeding type, the Furfooz man, entered at a time when a -third type, the Cromagnon, was already there. Evidences of the Cromagnon -man are numerous in Spain. Peoples of this type may have been the -original settlers of the Iberian Peninsula.[5] Like the Neanderthal and -Furfooz men they are described generally as paleolithic men, for their -implements were of rough stone. After many thousands of years the -neolithic man, or man of the polished stone age, developed in Spain as -in other parts of the world. In some respects the neolithic man of Spain -differed from the usual European type, but was similar to the neolithic -man of Greece. This has caused some writers to argue for a Greek origin -of the early Spanish peoples, but others claim that similar -manifestations might have developed independently in each region. -Neolithic man was succeeded by men of the ages of the metals,--copper, -bronze, and iron. The age of iron, at least, coincided with the entry -into Spain of peoples who come within the sphere of recorded history. As -early as the bronze age a great mixture of races had taken place in -Spain, although the brachycephalic successors of the Cromagnon race were -perhaps the principal type. These were succeeded by a people who -probably arrived in pre-historic times, but later than the other races -of those ages--that dolichocephalic group to which has been applied the -name Iberians. They were the dominating people at the time of the -arrival of the Phœnicians and Greeks. - -[Sidenote: The Iberians.] - -The early Spanish peoples left no literature which has survived, -wherefore dependence has to be placed on foreign writers. No writings -prior to the sixth century B.C. which refer to the Iberian Peninsula are -extant, and those of that and the next two centuries are too meagre to -throw much light on the history or the peoples of the land. These -accounts were mainly those of Greeks, with also some from Carthaginians. -In the first two centuries B.C. and in the first and succeeding -centuries of the Christian era there were more complete accounts, based -in part on earlier writings which are no longer available. One of the -problems resulting from the paucity of early evidences is that of the -determination of Iberian origins. Some hold that the name Iberian should -not have an extensive application, asserting that it belongs only to the -region of the Ebro (_Iberus_), the name of which river was utilized by -the Greek, Scylax, of the sixth century B.C., in order to designate the -tribes of that vicinity. Most writers use the term Iberians, however, as -a general one for the peoples in Spain at the dawn of recorded history, -maintaining that they were akin to the ancient Chaldeans and Assyrians, -who came from Asia into northern Africa, stopping perhaps to have a -share in the origin of the Egyptian people, and entering Spain from the -south. According to some authors the modern Basques of northern Spain -and the Berbers of northern Africa are descendants of the same people, -although there are others who do not agree with this opinion. Some -investigators have gone so far as to assert the existence of a great -Iberian Empire, extending through northern Africa, Spain, southern -France, northern Italy, Corsica, Sicily, and perhaps other lands. This -empire, they say, was founded in the fifteenth century B.C., and fought -with the Egyptians and Phœnicians for supremacy in the Mediterranean, -in alliance, perhaps, with the Hittites of Asia Minor, but was defeated, -and fell apart in the twelfth or eleventh century B.C., at which time -the Phœnicians entered Spain. - -[Sidenote: The Celtic invasion.] - -The origin of the Celts is more certain. Unlike the Iberians they were -of Indo-European race. In the third century B.C. they occupied a -territory embracing the greater part of the lands from the modern Balkan -states through northern Italy and France, with extremities in Britain -and Spain. They entered the peninsula possibly as early as the sixth -century B.C., but certainly not later than the fourth, coming by way of -the Pyrenees. It is generally held that they dominated the northwest and -west, the regions of modern Galicia and Portugal, leaving the Pyrenees, -eastern Spain, and part of the south in full possession of the Iberians. -In the centre and along the northern and southern coasts the two races -mingled to form the Celtiberians, in which the Iberian element was the -more important. These names were not maintained very strictly; rather, -the ancient writers were wont to employ group names of smaller -sub-divisions for these peoples, such as Cantabrians, Turdetanians, and -Lusitanians. - -[Sidenote: Celtiberian civilization.] - -It is not yet possible to distinguish clearly between Iberian and Celtic -civilization; in any event it must be remembered that primitive -civilizations resemble one another very greatly in their essentials. -There was certainly no united Iberian or Celtic nation within historic -times; rather, these peoples lived in small groups which were -independent and which rarely communicated with one another except for -the commerce and wars of neighboring tribes. For purposes of war tribal -bodies federated to form a larger union and the names of these -confederations are those which appear most frequently in contemporary -literature. The Lusitanians, for example, were a federation of thirty -tribes, and the Galicians of forty. The social and political -organization of these peoples was so similar to others in their stage of -culture, the world over, that it need only be indicated briefly. The -unit was the gens, made up of a number of families, forming an -independent whole and bound together through having the same gods and -the same religious practices and by a real or feigned blood -relationship. Various gentes united to form a larger unit, the tribe, -which was bound by the same ties of religion and blood, although they -were less clearly defined. Tribes in turn united, though only -temporarily and for military purposes, and the great confederations were -the result. In each unit from gens to confederation there was a chief, -or monarch, and deliberative assemblies, sometimes aristocratic, and -sometimes elective. The institutions of slavery, serfdom, and personal -property existed. Nevertheless, in some tribes property was owned in -common, and there is reason to believe that this practice was quite -extensive. In some respects the tribes varied considerably as regards -the stage of culture to which they had attained. Those of the fertile -Andalusian country were not only far advanced in agriculture, industry, -and commerce, but they also had a literature, which was said to be six -thousand years old. This has all been lost, but inscriptions of these -and other tribes have survived, although they have yet to be translated. -On the other hand the peoples of the centre, west, and north were in a -rude state; the Lusitanians of Portugal stood out from the rest in -warlike character. Speaking generally, ancient writers ascribed to the -Spanish peoples physical endurance, heroic valor, fidelity (even to the -point of death), love of liberty, and lack of discipline as salient -traits. - -[Sidenote: The Phœnicians in Spain.] - -The first historic people to establish relations with the Iberian -Peninsula were the Phœnicians. Centuries before, they had formed a -confederation of cities in their land, whence they proceeded to -establish commercial relations with the Mediterranean world. The -traditional date for their entry into Spain is the eleventh century, -when they are believed to have conquered Cádiz. Later they occupied -posts around nearly all of Spain, going even as far as Galicia in the -northwest. They exploited the mineral wealth of the peninsula, and -engaged in commerce, using a system not unlike that of the British -factories of the eighteenth century in India in their dealings with the -natives. Their settlements were at the same time a market and a fort, -located usually on an island or on an easily defensible promontory, -though near a native town. Many of these Phœnician factories have -been identified,--among others, those of Seville, Málaga, Algeciras, and -the island of Ibiza, as well as Cádiz, which continued to be the most -important centre. These establishments were in some cases bound -politically to the mother land, but in others they were private -ventures. In either case they were bound by ties of religion and -religious tribute to the cities of Phœnicia. To the Phœnicians is -due the modern name of the greater part of the peninsula. They called it -“Span,” or “Spania,” meaning “hidden (or remote) land.” In course of -time they were able to extend their domination inland, introducing -important modifications in the life of the Iberian tribes, if only -through the articles of commerce they brought. - -[Sidenote: The Carthaginian conquest.] - -The conquest of Phœnicia by the kings of Assyria and Chaldea had an -effect on far-away Spain. The Phœnician settlements of the peninsula -became independent, but they began to have ever more extensive relations -with the great Phœnician colony of Carthage on the North African -coast. This city is believed to have acquired the island of Ibiza in -much earlier times, but it was not until the sixth century B.C. that the -Carthaginians entered Spain in force. At that time the people of Cádiz -are said to have been engaged in a dangerous war with certain native -tribes, wherefore they invited the Carthaginians to help them. The -latter came, and, as has so often occurred in history, took over for -themselves the land which they had entered as allies. - -[Sidenote: The Greeks in Spain.] - -Meanwhile, the Greeks had already been in Spain for some years. -Tradition places the first Greek voyage to the Spanish coast in the year -630 B.C. Thereafter there were commercial voyages by the Greeks to the -peninsula, followed in time by the founding of settlements. The -principal colonizers were the Phocians, proceeding from their base at -Marseilles, where they had established themselves in the seventh century -B.C. Their chief post in Spain was at Emporium (on the site of Castellón -de Ampurias, in the province of Gerona, Catalonia), and they also had -important colonies as far south as the Valencian coast and yet others in -Andalusia, Portugal, Galicia, and Asturias. Their advance was resisted -by the Phœnicians and their Carthaginian successors, who were able to -confine the Greeks to the upper part of the eastern coast as the -principal field of their operations. The Greek colonies were usually -private ventures, bound to the city-states from which they had proceeded -by ties of religion and affection alone. They were also independent of -one another. Their manner of entry resembled that already described in -the case of the Phœnicians, for they went first to the islands near -the coast, and thence to the mainland, where at length they joined with -native towns, although having a separate, walled-off district of their -own,--comparable to the situation at the present day in certain ports of -European nations on the coast of China. Once masters of the coast the -Greeks were able to penetrate inland and to introduce Greek goods and -Greek influences over a broad area of the peninsula. To them is -attributed the introduction of the vine and the olive, which ever since -have been an important factor in the economic history of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Spain under the Barcas.] - -The principal objects of the Carthaginians in Spain were to develop the -rich silver mines of the land and to engage in commerce. In furtherance -of these aims they established a rigorous military system, putting -garrisons in the cities, and insisting on tribute in both soldiers and -money. In other respects they left both the Phœnician colonies and -the native tribes in full enjoyment of their laws and customs, but -founded cities of their own on the model of Carthage. They did not -attempt a thorough conquest of the peninsula until their difficulties -with the rising power of Rome pointed out its desirability. In the -middle of the third century B.C., Carthage, which had long been the -leading power in the western Mediterranean, came into conflict with Rome -in the First Punic War. As a result of this war, which ended in 242 -B.C., Rome took the place of Carthage in Sicily. It was then that -Hamilcar of the great Barca family of Carthage suggested the more -thorough occupation of Spain as a counterpoise to the Roman acquisition -of Sicily, in the hope that Carthage might eventually engage with -success in a new war with Rome. He at length entered Spain with a -Carthaginian army in 236 B.C., having also been granted political powers -which were so ample that he became practically independent of direction -from Carthage. The conquest was not easy, for while many tribes joined -with him, others offered a bitter resistance. Hamilcar achieved vast -conquests, built many forts, and is traditionally supposed to have -founded the city of Barcelona, which bears his family name. He died in -battle, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Hasdrubal. Hasdrubal -followed a policy of conciliation and peace, encouraging his soldiers to -marry Iberian women, and himself wedding a Spanish princess. He made his -capital at Cartagena, building virtually a new city on the site of an -older one. This was the principal military and commercial centre in -Spain during the remainder of Carthaginian rule. There the Barcas -erected great public buildings and palaces, and ruled the country like -kings. Hasdrubal was at length assassinated, leaving his command to -Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar. Though less than thirty years of age -Hannibal was already an experienced soldier and was also an ardent -Carthaginian patriot, bitterly hostile to Rome. The time now seemed ripe -for the realization of the ambitions of Hamilcar. - -[Sidenote: Siege of Saguntum.] - -In order to check the Carthaginian advance the Romans had long since put -themselves forward as protectors of the Greek colonies of Spain. Whether -Saguntum was included in the treaties they had made or whether it was a -Greek city at all is doubted today, but when Hannibal got into a -dispute with that city and attacked it Rome claimed that this violated -the treaty which had been made by Hasdrubal. It was in the year 219 B.C. -that Hannibal laid siege to Saguntum. The Saguntines defended their city -with a heroic valor which Spaniards have many times manifested under -like circumstances. When resistance seemed hopeless they endeavored to -destroy their wealth and take their own lives. Nevertheless, Hannibal -contrived to capture many prisoners, who were given to his soldiers as -slaves, and to get a vast booty, part of which he forwarded to Carthage. -This arrived when the Carthaginians were discussing the question of -Saguntum with a Roman embassy, and, coupled with patriotic pride, it -caused them to sustain Hannibal and to declare war on Rome in the year -218 B.C. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Carthaginians by the Romans.] - -Hannibal had already organized a great army of over 100,000 men, in -great part Spanish troops, and had started by the land route for Italy. -His brilliant achievements in Italy, reflecting, though they do, not a -little glory on Spain, belong rather to the history of Rome. The Romans -had hoped to detain him in Spain, and had sent Gnæus Scipio to -accomplish this end. When he arrived in Spain he found that Hannibal had -already gone. He remained, however, and with the aid of another army -under his brother, Publius Cornelius Scipio, was able to overrun a great -part of Catalonia and Valencia. In this campaign the natives followed -their traditional practice of allying, some with one side, others with -the other. Hannibal’s brother Hasdrubal was at length able to turn the -tide, defeating the two Scipios in 211 B.C. He then proceeded to the aid -of Hannibal in Italy, but his defeat at the battle of the Metaurus was a -deathblow to Carthage in the war against Rome. The Romans, meanwhile, -renewed the war in Spain, where the youthful Publius Cornelius Scipio, -son of the Scipio of the same name who had been killed in Spain, had -been placed in command. By reckless daring and good fortune rather than -by military skill Scipio won several battles and captured the great city -of Cartagena. He ingratiated himself with native tribes by promises to -restore their liberty and by several generous acts calculated to please -them,--as, for example, his return of a native girl who had been given -to him, on learning that she was on the point of being married to a -native prince. These practices helped him to win victory after victory, -despite several instances of desperate resistance, until at length in -206 B.C. the Carthaginians abandoned the peninsula. It was this same -Scipio who later defeated Hannibal at Zama, near Carthage, in 202 B.C., -whereby he brought the war to an end and gained for himself the surname -Africanus. - -[Sidenote: Results of Carthaginian occupation.] - -The Carthaginians had been in Spain for over two hundred years, and, as -was natural, had influenced the customs of the natives. Nevertheless, -their rule was rather a continuation, on a grander scale, of the -Phœnician civilization. From the standpoint of race, too, they and -their Berber and Numidian allies, who entered with them, were perhaps of -the same blood as the primitive Iberians. They had developed far beyond -them, however, and their example assisted the native tribesmen to attain -to a higher culture than had hitherto been acquired. If Rome was to -mould Spanish civilization, it must not be forgotten that the -Phœnicians, Greeks, and Carthaginians had already prepared the way. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -ROMAN SPAIN, 206 B.C.-409 A.D. - - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Roman occupation.] - -Undoubtedly the greatest single fact in the history of Spain was the -long Roman occupation, lasting more than six centuries. All that Spain -is or has done in the world can be traced in greatest measure to the -Latin civilization which the organizing genius of Rome was able to graft -upon her. Nevertheless, the history of Spain in the Roman period does -not differ in its essentials from that of the Roman world at large, -wherefore it may be passed over, with only a brief indication of events -and conditions in Spain and a bare hint at the workings and content of -Latin civilization in general. - -[Sidenote: The Roman conquest.] - -The Romans had not intended to effect a thorough conquest of Spain, but -the inevitable law of expansion forced them to attempt it, unless they -wished to surrender what they had gained, leaving themselves once more -exposed to danger from that quarter. The more civilized east and south -submitted easily to the Roman rule, but the tribes of the centre, north, -and west opposed a most vigorous and persistent resistance. The war -lasted three centuries, but may be divided into three periods, in each -of which the Romans appeared to better advantage than in the preceding, -until at length the powerful effects of Roman organization were already -making themselves felt over all the land, even before the end of the -wars. - -[Sidenote: The military conquest.] - -The first of these periods began while the Carthaginians were still in -the peninsula, and lasted for upwards of seventy years. This was an era -of bitter and often temporarily successful resistance to Rome,--a matter -which taxed the resources of the Roman Republic heavily. The very lack -of union of the Spanish peoples tended to prolong the conflict, since -any tribe might make war, then peace, and war again, with the result -that no conquests, aside from those in the east and south, were ever -secure. The type of warfare was also difficult for the Roman legionaries -to cope with, for the Spaniards fought in small groups, taking advantage -of their knowledge of the country to cut off detachments or to surprise -larger forces when they were not in the best position to fight. These -military methods, employed by Spaniards many times in their history, -have been given, very appropriately, a Spanish name,--_guerrilla_ -(little war). Service in Spain came to be the most dreaded of all by the -Roman troops, and several times Roman soldiers refused to go to the -peninsula, or to fight when they got there, all of which encouraged the -Spanish tribes to continue the revolt. The Romans employed harsh methods -against those who resisted them, levelling their city walls and towers, -selling prisoners of war into slavery, and imposing heavy taxes on -conquered towns. They often displayed an almost inhuman brutality and -treachery, which probably harmed their cause rather than helped it. Two -incidents stand out as the most important in this period, and they -illustrate the way in which the Romans conducted the war,--the wars of -the Romans against the Lusitanians and against the city of Numantia in -the middle years of the second century B.C. - -[Sidenote: Viriatus.] - -The Roman leader Galba had been defeated by the Lusitanians, whereupon -he resorted to an unworthy stratagem to reduce them. He granted them a -favorable peace, and then when they were returning to their homes -unprepared for an attack he fell upon them, and mercilessly put them to -death. He could not kill them all, however, and a determined few -gathered about a shepherd named Viriatus to renew the war. Viriatus was -a man of exceptional military talent, and he was able to reconquer a -great part of western and central Spain. For eight or nine years he -hurled back army after army sent against him, until at length the Roman -general Servilianus recognized the independence of the lands in the -control of Viriatus. The Roman government disavowed the act of -Servilianus, and sent out another general, Cæpio by name, who procured -the assassination of Viriatus. Thereafter, the Lusitanians were unable -to maintain an effective resistance, and they were obliged to take up -their abode in lands where they could be more easily controlled should -they again attempt a revolt. - -[Sidenote: The wars of Numantia.] - -Meanwhile, the wars of Numantia, which date from the year 152 B.C., were -still going on. Numantia was a city on the Douro near the present town -of Soria, and seems to have been at that time the centre, or capital, of -a powerful confederation. Around this city occurred the principal -incidents of the war in central Spain, although the fighting went on -elsewhere as well. Four times the Roman armies were utterly defeated and -obliged to grant peace, but on each occasion their treaties were -disavowed by the government or else the Roman generals declined to abide -by their own terms. Finally, Rome sent Scipio Æmilianus, her best -officer, with a great army to bring the war to an end. This general -contrived to reach the walls of Numantia, and was so skilful in his -methods that the city was cut off from its water-supply and even from -the hope of outside help. The Numantines therefore asked for terms, but -the conditions offered were so harsh that they resolved to burn the city -and fight to the death. This they did, killing themselves if they did -not fall in battle. Thus ended the Numantine wars at a date placed -variously from 134 to 132 B.C. The most serious part of the fighting was -now over. - -[Sidenote: Sertorius.] - -In the next period, lasting more than a hundred years, there were not a -few native revolts against the Romans, but the principal characteristic -of the era was the part which Spain played in the domestic strife of the -Roman Republic. Spain had already become sufficiently Romanized to be -the most important Roman province. When the party of Sulla triumphed -over that of Marius in Rome, Sertorius, a partisan of the latter, had to -flee from Italy, and made his way to Spain and thence to Africa. In 81 -B.C. he returned to Spain, and put himself at the head of what purported -to be a revolt against Rome. Part Spanish in blood he was able to -attract the natives to his standard as well as the Romans in Spain who -were opposed to Sulla, and in a short time he became master of most of -the peninsula. He was far from desiring a restoration of native -independence, however, but wished, through Spain, to overthrow the -Sullan party in Rome. The real significance of his revolt was that it -facilitated the Romanization of the country, for Sertorius introduced -Roman civilization under the guise of a war against the Roman state. His -governmental administration was based on that of Rome, and his principal -officials were either Romans or part Roman in blood. He also founded -schools in which the teachers were Greeks and Romans. It was natural -that not a few of the natives should view with displeasure the secondary -place allotted to them and their customs and to their hopes of -independence. Several of the Roman officers with Sertorius also became -discontented, whether through envy or ambition. Thus it was that the -famous Roman general Pompey was at length able to gain a victory by -treachery which he could not achieve by force of arms. A price was put -on Sertorius’ head, and he was assassinated in 72 B.C. by some of his -companions in arms, as Viriatus had been before him. In the course of -the next year Pompey was able to subject the entire region formerly -ruled by Sertorius. In the war between Cæsar and Pompey, commencing in -49 B.C., Spain twice served as a battle-ground where Cæsar gained great -victories over the partisans of his enemy, at Ilerda (modern Lérida) in -49, and at Munda (near Ronda) in 45 B.C. It is noteworthy that by this -time a Cæsar could seek his Roman enemy in Spain, without paying great -heed to the native peoples. The north and northwest were not wholly -subdued however. This task was left to the victor in the next period of -civil strife at Rome, Octavius, who became the Emperor Augustus. His -general, Agrippa, finally suppressed the peoples of the northern coasts, -just prior to the beginning of the Christian era. - -[Sidenote: Invasions from Africa.] - -For another hundred years there were minor uprisings, after which there -followed, so far as the internal affairs of the peninsula were -concerned, the long Roman peace. On several occasions there were -invasions from the outside, once by the Franks in the north, and various -times by peoples from Africa. The latter are the more noteworthy. In -all, or nearly all, of the wars chronicled thus far troops from northern -Africa were engaged, while the same region was a stronghold for pirates -who sailed the Spanish coasts. A large body of Berbers successfully -invaded the peninsula between 170 and 180 A.D., but they were at length -dislodged. This danger from Africa has been one of the permanent factors -in the history of Spain, not only at the time of the great Moslem -invasion of the eighth century, but also before that and since, down to -the present day. - -[Sidenote: The Romanization of Spain.] - -Administratively, Spain was divided into, first two provinces (197 -B.C.), then three (probably in 15 or 14 B.C.), and four (216 A.D.), and -at length five provinces (under Diocletian),[6] but the principal basis -of the Roman conquest and control and the entering wedge for Roman -civilization was the city, or town. In the towns there were elements -which were of Roman blood, at least in part, as well as the purely -indigenous peoples, who sooner or later came under the Roman influence. -Rome sent not only armies to conquer the natives but also laborers to -work in the mines. Lands, too, were allotted to her veteran soldiers, -who often married native women, and brought up their children as Romans. -Then there was the natural attraction of the superior Roman -civilization, causing it to be imitated, and eventually acquired, by -those who were not of Roman blood. The Roman cities were distinguished -from one another according to the national elements of which they were -formed, and the conquered or allied cities also had their different sets -of rights and duties, but in all cases the result was the same,--the -acceptance of Roman civilization. In Andalusia and southern Portugal the -cities were completely Roman by the end of the first century, and -beginning with the second century the rural districts as well gradually -took on a Roman character. Romanization of the east was a little longer -delayed, except in the great cities, which were early won over. The -centre and north were the most conservatively persistent in their -indigenous customs, but even there the cities along the Roman highways -imitated more and more the methods of their conquerors. It was the army, -especially in the early period, which made this possible. Its camps -became cities, just as occurred elsewhere in the empire,[7] and it both -maintained peace by force of arms, and ensured it when not engaged in -campaigns by the construction of roads and other public works. - -[Sidenote: The Roman gift to Spain.] - -The gift of Rome to Spain and the world was twofold. In the first place -she gave what she herself had originated or brought to a point which was -farther advanced than that to which other peoples had attained, and -secondly she transmitted the civilization of other peoples with whom her -vast conquests had brought her into contact. Rome’s own contribution may -be summed up in two words,--_law_ and _administration_. Through these -factors, which had numerous ramifications, Rome gave the conquered -peoples peace, so that an advance in wealth and culture also became -possible. The details need not be mentioned here, especially since Roman -institutions will be discussed later in dealing with the evolution -toward national unity between 1252 and 1479. The process of -Romanization, however, was a slow one, not only as a result of the -native opposition to innovation, but also because Roman ideas themselves -were evolving through the centuries, not reaching their highest state, -perhaps, until the second century A.D. Spain was especially favored in -the legislation of the emperors, several of whom (Trajan, Hadrian, and -possibly Theodosius, who were also among the very greatest) were born in -the town of Itálica (near Seville), while a fourth, the philosopher -Marcus Aurelius, was of Spanish descent. - -[Sidenote: Last years of the Roman rule.] - -In the third and fourth centuries Spain suffered, like the rest of the -empire, from the factors which were bringing about the gradual -dissolution of imperial rule. Population declined, in part due to -plagues, and taxes increased; luxury and long peace had also softened -the people, so that the barbarians from the north of Europe, who had -never ceased to press against the Roman borders, found resistance to be -less and less effective. Indeed, the invaders were often more welcome -than not, so heavy had the weight of the laws become. The dying attempt -of Rome to bolster up her outworn administrative system is not a fact, -however, to which much space need be given in a history of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Society in Roman Spain.] - -In Spain as elsewhere there were a great many varying grades of society -during the period of Roman dominion. There were the aristocratic -patricians, the common people, or plebeians, and those held in -servitude. Each class had various sub-divisions, differing from one -another. Then, too, there were “colleges,” or guilds, of men engaged in -the same trade, or fraternities of a religious or funerary nature. The -difference in classes was accentuated in the closing days of the empire, -and hardened into something like a caste system, based on lack of equal -opportunity. Artisans, for example, were made subject to their trade in -perpetuity; the son of a carpenter had no choice in life but to become a -carpenter. Great as was the lack of both liberty and equality it did not -nearly approximate what it had been in more primitive times, and it was -even less burdensome than it was to be for centuries after the passing -of Rome. Indeed, Rome introduced many social principles which tended to -make mankind more and more free, and it is these ideas which are at the -base of modern social liberty. Most important among them, perhaps, was -that of the individualistic tendency of the Roman law. This operated to -destroy the bonds which subordinated the individual to the will of a -communal group; in particular, it substituted the individual for the -family, giving each man the liberty of following his own will, instead -of subjecting him forever to the family. The same concept manifested -itself in the Roman laws with reference to property. For example, -freedom of testament was introduced, releasing property from the fetters -by which it formerly had been bound. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of the Christian church in Spain.] - -Even though Rome for a long time resisted it, she gave Christianity to -the world almost as surely as she did her Roman laws, for the very -extent and organization of the empire and the Roman tolerance (despite -the various persecutions of Christians) furnished the means by which the -Christian faith was enabled to gain a foothold. In the fourth century -the emperors gave the new religion their active support, and ensured its -victory over the opposing faiths. There is a tradition that Saint Paul -preached in Spain, but at any rate Christianity certainly existed there -in the second century, and in the third there were numerous Christian -communities.[8] The church was organized on the basis of the Roman -administrative districts, employing also the Roman methods and the Roman -law. Thus, through Rome, Spain gained another institution which was to -assist in the eventual development of her national unity and to play a -vital part in her subsequent history,--that of a common religion. In the -fourth century the church began to acquire those privileges which at a -later time were to furnish such a problem to the state. It was -authorized to receive inheritances; its clergy began to be granted -immunities,--exemptions from taxation, among others; and it was allowed -to have law courts of its own, with jurisdiction over many cases where -the church or the clergy were concerned. Church history in Spain during -this period centres largely around the first three councils of the -Spanish church. The first was held at Iliberis (Elvira) in 306, and -declared for the celibacy of the clergy, for up to that time priests had -been allowed to marry. The second, held at Saragossa in 380, dealt with -heresy. The third took place at Toledo in 400, and was very important, -for it unified the doctrine of the Christian communities of Spain on the -basis of the Catholic, or Nicene, creed. It was at this time, too, that -monasteries began to be founded in Spain. The church received no -financial aid from the state, but supported itself out of the proceeds -of its own wealth and the contributions of the faithful. - -[Sidenote: Priscillianism.] - -As in other parts of the Roman world, so too in Spain, heresies were -many and varied at this time. One of the most prominent of them, -Priscillianism, originated in Spain, taking its name from its -propounder, Priscillian. Priscillian was a Galician, who under the -influence of native beliefs set forth a new interpretation of -Christianity. He denied the mystery of the Trinity; claimed that the -world had been created by the Devil and was ruled by him, asserting that -this life was a punishment for souls which had sinned; defended the -transmigration of souls; held that wine was not necessary in the -celebration of the mass; and maintained that any Christian, whether a -priest or not, might celebrate religious sacraments. In addition he -propounded much else of a theological character which was not in accord -with Catholic Christianity. It was to condemn Priscillianism that the -Council of Saragossa was called. Nevertheless, this doctrine found favor -even among churchmen of high rank, and Priscillian himself became bishop -of Ávila. In the end he and his principal followers were put to death, -but it was three centuries before Priscillianism was completely stamped -out. In addition to this and other heresies the church had to combat the -religions which were already in existence when it entered the field, -such as Roman paganism and the indigenous faiths. It was eventually -successful, although many survivals of old beliefs were long existent in -the rural districts. - -[Sidenote: Economic development and public works.] - -The Romans continued the economic development of Spain on a greater -scale than their predecessors. Regions which the other peoples had not -reached were for the first time benefited by contact with a superior -civilization, and the materials which Spain was already able to supply -were diversified and improved. Although her wealth in agricultural and -pastoral products was very great, it was the mines which yielded the -richest profits. It is said that there were forty thousand miners at -Cartagena alone in the second century B.C. Commerce grew in proportion -to the development of wealth, and was facilitated in various ways, one -of which deserves special mention, for its effects were far wider than -those of mere commercial exchange. This was the building of public -works, and especially of roads, which permitted the peoples of Spain to -communicate freely with one another as never before. The roads were so -extraordinarily well made that some of them are still in use. The -majority date from the period of the empire, being built for military -reasons as one of the means of preserving peace. They formed a network, -crossing the peninsula in different directions, not two or three roads, -but many. The Romans also built magnificent bridges, which, like the -roads, still remain in whole or in part. Trade was fostered by the -checking of fraud and abuses through the application of the Roman laws -of property and of contract. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual life and the fine arts.] - -In general culture Spain also profited greatly from the Romans, for, if -the latter were not innovators outside the fields of law and government, -they had taken over much of the philosophy, science, literature, and the -arts of Greece, borrowing, too, from other peoples. The Romans had also -organized a system of public instruction as a means of disseminating -their culture, and this too they gave to Spain. The Spaniards were apt -pupils, and produced some of the leading men in Rome in various branches -of learning, among whom may be noted the philosopher Seneca, the -rhetorician Quintilian, the satirical poet Martial, and the epic poet -Lucan. The Spaniards of Cordova were especially prominent in poetry and -oratory, going so far as to impose their taste and style of speech on -conservative Rome. This shows how thoroughly Romanized certain parts of -the peninsula had become. In architecture the Romans had borrowed more -from the Etruscans than from the Greeks, getting from them the principle -of the vault and the round arch, by means of which they were able to -erect great buildings of considerable height. From the Greeks they took -over many decorative forms. Massiveness and strength were among the -leading characteristics of Roman architecture, and, due to them, many -Roman edifices have withstood the ravages of time. Especially notable -in Spain are the aqueducts, bridges, theatres, and amphitheatres which -have survived, but there are examples, also, of walls, temples, -triumphal arches, and tombs, while it is known that there were baths, -though none remain. In a wealthy civilization like the Roman it was -natural, too, that there should have been a great development of -sculpture, painting, and the industrial arts. The Roman type of city, -with its forum and with houses presenting a bare exterior and wealth -within, was adopted in Spain. - -In some of the little practices of daily life the Spanish peoples -continued to follow the customs of their ancestors, but in broad -externals Spain had become as completely Roman as Rome herself. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -VISIGOTHIC SPAIN, 409-713 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the Visigothic era.] - -The Roman influence in Spain did not end, even politically, in the year -409, which marked the first successful invasion of the peninsula by a -Germanic people and the beginning of the Visigothic era. The Visigoths -themselves did not arrive in that year, and did not establish their rule -over the land until long afterward. Even then, one of the principal -characteristics of the entire era was the persistence of Roman -civilization. Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that the Visigoths left -few permanent traces of their civilization, they were influential for so -long a time in the history of Spain that it is appropriate to give their -name to the period elapsing from the first Germanic invasion to the -beginning of the Moslem conquest. The northern peoples, of whom the -Visigoths were by far the principal element, reinvigorated the -peninsula, both by compelling a return to a more primitive mode of life, -and also by some intermixture of blood. They introduced legal, -political, and religious principles which served in the end only to -strengthen the Roman civilization by reason of the very combat necessary -to the ultimate Roman success. The victory of the Roman church came in -this era, but that of the Roman law and government was delayed until the -period from the thirteenth to the close of the fifteenth century. - -[Sidenote: Coming of the Vandals, Alans, and Suevians.] - -In the opening years of the fifth century the Vandals, who had been in -more or less hostile contact with the Romans during more than two -centuries, left their homes within modern Hungary, and emigrated, men, -women, and children, toward the Rhine. With them went the Alans, and a -little later a group of the Suevians joined them. They invaded the -region of what is now France, and after devastating it for several years -passed into Spain in the year 409. There seems to have been no effective -resistance, whereupon the conquerors divided the land, giving Galicia to -the Suevians and part of the Vandals, and the southern country from -Portugal to Cartagena to the Alans and another group of Vandals. A great -part of Spain still remained subject to the Roman Empire, even in the -regions largely dominated by the Germanic peoples. The bonds between -Spain and the empire were slight, however, for the political strife in -Italy had caused the withdrawal of troops and a general neglect of the -province, wherefore the regions not acknowledging Germanic rule tended -to become semi-independent nuclei. - -[Sidenote: Wanderings of the Visigoths.] - -The more important Visigothic invasion was not long in coming. The -Visigoths (or the Goths of the west,--to distinguish them from their -kinsmen, the Ostrogoths, or Goths of the east) had migrated in a body -from Scandinavia in the second century to the region of the Black Sea, -and in the year 270 established themselves north of the Danube. Pushed -on by the Huns they crossed that river toward the close of the fourth -century, and entered the empire, contracting with the emperors to defend -it. Their long contact with the Romans had already modified their -customs, and had resulted in their acceptance of Christianity. They had -at first received the orthodox faith, but were later converted to the -Arian form, which was not in accord with the Nicene creed. After taking -up their dwelling within the empire the Visigoths got into a dispute -with the emperors, and under their great leader Alaric waged war on them -in the east. At length they invaded Italy, and in the year 410 captured -and sacked the city of Rome, the first time such an event had occurred -in eight hundred years. Alaric was succeeded by Ataulf, who led the -Visigoths out of Italy into southern France. There he made peace with -the empire, being allowed to remain as a dependent ally of Rome in the -land he had conquered. In all of these wanderings the whole tribe, all -ages and both sexes, went along. From this point as a base the -Visigoths made a beginning of the organization which was to become a -powerful independent state. There, too, in this very Roman part of the -empire, they became more and more Romanized. - -[Sidenote: The Visigothic invasion.] - -The Visigoths were somewhat troublesome allies, for they proceeded to -conquer southern France for themselves. Thereupon, war broke out with -the emperor, and it was in the course of this conflict that they made -their first entry into Spain. This occurred in the year 414, when Ataulf -crossed the Pyrenees and captured Barcelona. Not long afterward, Wallia, -a successor of Ataulf, made peace with the emperor, gaining title -thereby to the conquests which Ataulf had made in southern France, but -renouncing those in Spain. The Visigoths also agreed to make war on the -Suevians and the other Germanic peoples in Spain, on behalf of the -empire. Thus the Visigoths remained in the peninsula, but down to the -year 456 made no conquests on their own account. Wallia set up his -capital at Toulouse, France, and it was not until the middle of the -sixth century that a Spanish city became the Visigothic seat of -government. - -[Sidenote: The Visigothic conquest.] - -The Visigoths continued to be rather uncertain allies of the Romans. -They did indeed conquer the Alans, and reduced the power of the Vandals -until in 429 the latter people migrated anew, going to northern Africa. -The Suevians were a more difficult enemy to cope with, however, -consolidating their power in Galicia, and at one time they overran -southern Spain, although they were soon obliged to abandon it. It was -under the Visigothic king Theodoric that the definite break with the -empire, in 456, took place. He not only conquered on his own account in -Spain, but also extended his dominions in France. His successor, Euric -(467-485), did even more. Except for the territory of the Suevians in -the northwest and west centre and for various tiny states under -Hispano-Roman or perhaps indigenous nobles in southern Spain and in the -mountainous regions of the north, Euric conquered the entire peninsula. -He extended his French holdings until they reached the river Loire. No -monarch of western Europe was nearly so powerful. The Visigothic -conquest, as also the conquests by the other Germanic peoples, had been -marked by considerable violence, not only toward the conquered peoples -of a different faith, but also in their dealings with one another. The -greatest of the Visigothic kings often ascended the throne as a result -of the assassination of their predecessors, who were in many cases their -own brothers. Such was the case with Theodoric and with Euric, and the -latter was one of the fortunate few who died a natural death. This -condition of affairs was to continue throughout the Visigothic period, -supplemented by other factors tending to increase the disorder and -violence of the age. - -[Sidenote: Visigothic losses to the Franks and the Byzantine Romans.] - -The death of Euric was contemporaneous with the rise of a new power in -the north of France. The Franks, under Clovis, were just beginning their -career of conquest, and they coveted the Visigothic lands to the south -of them. In 496 the Franks were converted to Christianity, but unlike -the Visigoths they became Catholic Christians. This fact aided them -against the Visigoths, for the subject population in the lands of the -latter was also Catholic. Clovis was therefore enabled to take the -greater part of Visigothic France, including the capital city, in 508, -restricting the Visigoths to the region about Narbonne, which -thenceforth became their capital. In the middle of the sixth century a -Visigothic noble, Athanagild, in his ambition to become king invited the -great Roman emperor Justinian (for the empire continued to exist in the -east, long after its dissolution in the west in 476) to assist him. -Justinian sent an army, through whose aid Athanagild attained his -ambition, but at the cost of a loss of territory to the Byzantine -Romans. Aided by the Hispano-Romans, who continued to form the bulk of -the population, and who were attracted both by the imperial character -and by the Catholic faith of the newcomers, the latter were able to -occupy the greater part of southern Spain. Nevertheless, Athanagild -showed himself to be an able king, and it was during his reign (554-567) -that a Spanish city first became capital of the kingdom, for Athanagild -fixed his residence in Toledo. The next king returned to France, leaving -his brother, Leovgild, as ruler in Spain. On the death of the former in -573 Leovgild became sole ruler, and the capital returned to Toledo to -remain thereafter in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Leovgild.] - -Leovgild (573-586) was the greatest ruler of the Visigoths in Spain. He -was surrounded by difficulties which taxed his powers to the utmost. In -Spain he was confronted by the Byzantine provinces of the south, the -Suevian kingdom of the west and northwest, and the Hispano-Roman and -native princelets of the north. All of these elements were Catholic, for -the Suevians had recently been converted to that faith, and therefore -might count in some degree on the sympathy of Leovgild’s Catholic -subjects. Furthermore, like kings before his time and afterward, -Leovgild had to contend with his own Visigothic nobles, who, though -Arian in religion, resented any increase in the royal authority, lest it -in some manner diminish their own. In particular the nobility were -opposed to Leovgild’s project of making the monarchy hereditary instead -of elective; the latter had been the Visigothic practice, and was -favored by the nobles because it gave them an opportunity for personal -aggrandizement. The same difficulties had to be faced in France, where -the Franks were the foreign enemy to be confronted. All of these -problems were attacked by Leovgild with extraordinary military and -diplomatic skill. While he held back the Franks in France he conquered -his enemies in Spain, until nothing was left outside his power except -two small strips of Byzantine territory, one in the southwest and the -other in the southeast. Internal issues were complicated by the -conversion of his son Hermenegild to Catholicism. Hermenegild accepted -the leadership of the party in revolt against his father, and it was six -years before Leovgild prevailed. The rebellious son was subsequently put -to death, but there is no evidence that Leovgild was responsible. - -[Sidenote: Reccared.] - -Another son, Reccared (586-601), succeeded Leovgild, and to him is due -the conversion of the Visigoths to Catholic Christianity. The mass of -the people and the Hispano-Roman aristocracy were Catholic, and were a -danger to the state, not only because of their numbers, but also because -of their wealth and superior culture. Reccared therefore announced his -conversion (in 587 or 589), and was followed in his change of faith by -not a few of the Visigoths. This did not end internal difficulties of a -religious nature, for the Arian sect, though less powerful than the -Catholic, continued to be a factor to reckon with during the remainder -of Visigothic rule. Reccared also did much of a juridical character to -do away with the differences which separated the Visigoths and -Hispano-Romans, in this respect following the initiative of his father. -After the death of Reccared, followed by three brief reigns of which no -notice need be taken, there came two kings who successfully completed -the Visigothic conquest of the peninsula. Sisebut conquered the -Byzantine province of the southeast, and Swinthila that of the -southwest. Thus in 623 the Visigothic kings became sole rulers in the -peninsula,--when already their career was nearing an end. - -[Sidenote: Last century of Visigothic rule.] - -The last century of the Visigothic era was one of great internal -turbulence, arising mainly from two problems: the difficulties in the -way of bringing about a fusion of the races; and the conflict between -the king and the nobility, centring about the question of the succession -to the throne. The first of these was complicated by a third element, -the Jews, who had come to Spain in great numbers, and had enjoyed high -consideration down to the time of Reccared, but had been badly treated -thereafter. Neither in the matter of race fusion nor in that of -hereditary succession were the kings successful, despite the support of -the clergy. Two kings, however, took important steps with regard to the -former question. Chindaswinth established a uniform code for both -Visigoths and Hispano-Romans, finding a mean between the laws of both. -This was revised and improved by his son and successor, Recceswinth, and -it was this code, the _Lex Visigothorum_ (Law of the Visigoths), which -was to exercise such an important influence in succeeding centuries -under its more usual title of the _Fuero Juzgo_.[9] Nevertheless, it was -this same Recceswinth who conceded to the nobility the right of -electing the king. Internal disorder did not end, for the nobles -continued to war with one another and with the king. The next king, -Wamba (672-680), lent a dying splendor to the Visigothic rule by the -brilliance of his military victories in the course of various civil -wars. Still, the only real importance of his reign was that it -foreshadowed the peril which was to overwhelm Spain a generation later. -The Moslem Arabs had already extended their domain over northern Africa, -and in Wamba’s time they made an attack in force on the eastern coast of -Spain, but were badly defeated by him. A later invasion in another reign -likewise failed. - -[Sidenote: The Moslem conquest.] - -The last reigns of the Visigothic kings need not be chronicled, except -as they relate to the entry of the Mohammedans into Spain. King Witiza -endeavored to procure the throne for his son Achila without an election -by the nobility, and Achila in fact succeeded, but in the ensuing civil -war Roderic, the candidate of the nobility, was successful, being -crowned king in the year 710. What followed has never been clearly -ascertained, but it seems likely that the partisans of Achila sought aid -of the Moslem power in northern Africa, and also that the Spanish Jews -plotted for a Moslem invasion of Spain. At any rate the subsequent -invasion found support among both of these elements. Once in 709 and -again in 710 Moslem forces had effected minor landings between Algeciras -and Tarifa, but in 711 the Berber chief Tarik landed with a strong army -of his own people at Gibraltar,[10] and marched in the direction of -Cádiz. Roderic met him at the lake of Janda,[11] and would have defeated -him but for the treacherous desertion of a large body of his troops who -went over to the side of Tarik. Roderic was utterly beaten, and Tarik -pushed on even to the point of capturing Toledo. In the next year the -Arab Musa came from Africa with another army, and took Mérida after an -obstinate siege which lasted a year. Up to this time the invaders had -met with little popular resistance; rather they had been welcomed. With -the fall of Mérida, however, it began to be clear that they had no -intention of leaving the country. At the battle of Segoyuela[12] Musa -and Tarik together won a complete victory, in which it is believed that -Roderic was killed. Musa then proceeded to Toledo, and proclaimed the -Moslem caliph as ruler of the land. - -[Sidenote: The family in Visigothic law.] - -There were four principal racial elements in the peninsula in the -Visigothic period: the indigenous peoples of varying grades of culture; -the Germanic peoples; the western Roman, which formed a numerous body, -more or less completely Romanized; and the Byzantine Roman, which -influenced even beyond the Byzantine territories in Spain through the -support of the clergy. The two last-named elements were the most -important. The Germanic tribes, especially the Visigoths, had already -become modified by contact with Rome before they reached Spain, and -tended to become yet more so. The Visigoths reverted to the family in -the broad sense of all descended from the same trunk as the unit of -society, instead of following the individualistic basis of Rome, -although individuals had considerable liberty. Members of the family -were supposed to aid and protect one another, and an offence against one -was held to be against all. A woman could not marry without the consent -of her family, which sold her to the favored candidate for her hand. She -must remain faithful to her husband and subject to his will, but _he_ -was allowed to have concubines. Nevertheless, she had a right to share -in property earned after marriage, and to have the use of a deceased -husband’s estate, provided she did not marry again. A man might make a -will, but must leave four-fifths of his property to his descendants. -Children were subject to their parents, but the latter did not have the -earlier right of life and death, and the former might acquire some -property of their own. - -[Sidenote: Social classes in the Visigothic era.] - -The great number of social classes at the close of the Roman period was -increased under the Visigoths, and the former inequalities were -accentuated, for the insecurity of the times tended to increase the -grades of servitude and personal dependence. The nobility was at first a -closed body, but later became open to anybody important enough to enter -it. The kings ennobled whomsoever they chose, and this was one of the -causes of the conflict between them and the older nobility. Freemen -generally sank back into a condition of dependence; in the country they -became serfs, being bound by inheritance both to the land and to a -certain type of labor. Freemen of the city, however, were no longer -required to follow the trade of their fathers. Men of a higher grade -often became the retainers of some noble, pledged to aid him, and he on -his part protected them. Few were completely free. The Suevians took -two-thirds of the lands and half of the buildings in the regions they -conquered, and it is probable that the Visigoths made some such division -after Euric’s conquest, although they seem to have taken less in Spain -than they did in France. - -[Sidenote: Social customs.] - -The Visigoths were not an urban people like the Romans. The tendency of -this age, therefore, was for a scattering of the city populations to the -country, where the fortified village or the dwelling of a Visigothic -noble with his retinue of armed followers and servants formed the -principal centre. The cities therefore remained Hispano-Roman in -character, and their manner of life was imitated more and more by the -Visigoths. There was a laxity in customs which went so far that priests -openly married and brought up families, despite the prohibitions of the -law.[13] Superstition was prevalent in all classes.[14] One of the -popular diversions of the period seems to have been a form of -bull-fighting. - -[Sidenote: Royal power under the Visigoths.] - -Before the Visigoths reached Spain the monarchy was elective, but within -a certain family. The king’s authority had already increased from that -of a general and chief justice to something approaching the absolutism -of a Roman emperor. With the extinction of the royal family there was a -long period of strife between rival aspirants for the throne. Leovgild -was the first to take on all the attributes, even the ceremonial, of -absolutism, and was one of many kings who tried to make the throne -hereditary. Despite the support given to the kings by the clergy, who -hoped for peace through enhancing the royal power, the nobles were able -to procure laws for an elective monarch without limitation to a -specified family; an assembly of nobles and churchmen was the electoral -body. These conflicts did not modify the absolute character of the -king’s rule; the king had deliberative councils to assist him, but since -he named the nobles who should attend, both appointed and deposed -bishops, and in any event had an absolute veto, these bodies did no more -than give sanction to his will. Heads of different branches of -administration also assisted the king. The real limitation on absolutism -was the military power of the nobles. - -[Sidenote: Visigothic administration.] - -For a long time the Visigoths and the Hispano-Romans had different laws -governing their personal relations, although in political matters the -same law applied to both. In the case of litigation between Visigoths -and Hispano-Romans the law of the former applied, with modifications -which approximated it somewhat to the principles of the Roman law. In -the eyes of the law these differences disappeared after the legislation -of Chindaswinth and Recceswinth, but many of them in fact remained as a -result of the force of custom and the weakness of the central authority. -In general administration the Visigoths followed the Roman model from -the first. The land was divided into provinces ruled by officials called -dukes, while the cities were governed by counts.[15] Each had much the -same authority under the king as the kings had over the land. The Roman -provincial and municipal councils were retained, and their position -bettered, since they were not made responsible for the taxes as in the -last days of the empire. Complex as was this system and admirable as it -was in theory there was little real security for justice, for in the -general disorder of the times the will of the more powerful was the -usual law. Taxes were less in amount than in the days of the empire, but -only the Hispano-Romans were subject to them. - -[Sidenote: The church in Visigothic times.] - -The church became very influential after the time of Reccared, but lost -in independence, since the kings not only appointed the higher church -officers, but also intervened in matters of ecclesiastical -administration, though rarely in those of doctrine. Churchmen had -certain privileges, though fewer than in the last century of Roman rule -and much fewer than they were to acquire at a later time. Their -intervention in political affairs was very great, however, due not only -to their influence with the masses, but even more to their prestige as -the most learned men of the time. Monasteries increased greatly in -number; at this time they were subject to the secular arm of the clergy, -for the bishops gave them their rule and appointed their abbots. -Religious ceremonies were celebrated by what was called the Gothic rite, -and not after the fashion of Rome, although the pope was recognized as -head of the church. As regards heresies the church had to oppose the -powerful Arian sect throughout the period and to uproot the remnants of -indigenous and pagan faiths. - -[Sidenote: Economic backwardness.] - -An agricultural and military people like the Visigoths, in an age of -war, could not be expected to do much to develop industry and commerce. -Such as there was of both was carried on by some Hispano-Romans and by -Greeks and Jews. Spain dropped far behind in economic wealth in this -era. Roman methods were used, however, even in the agriculture of the -Visigoths. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual decline.] - -[Sidenote: Saint Isidore.] - -Spain also fell back in general culture. Public schools disappeared. The -church became almost the only resort for Christians desirous of an -education, but there were Jewish academies in which the teachers read -from books, and commented on them,--the system adopted by the Christian -universities centuries later. Latin became the dominant tongue, while -Gothic speech and Gothic writing gradually disappeared. The Greek -influence was notable, due to the long presence of Byzantine rule in -southern Spain. The writers of the period were in the main churchmen, -particularly those of Seville. Orosius of the fifth century, author of a -general history of a pronouncedly anti-pagan, pro-Christian character, -was one of the more notable writers of the time. By far more important, -one of the greatest writers in the history of Hispanic literature in -fact, was Saint Isidore, archbishop of Seville in the early part of the -seventh century. Among his numerous works were the following: a brief -universal history; a history of the Visigoths, Vandals, and Suevians; -lives of illustrious men; an encyclopedia of Greco-Roman knowledge; and -books of thoughts, of a philosophical and juridical character. He -represented very largely the ideas of the Spanish clergy, and many of -the principles enunciated by him were later embodied in the _Fuero -Juzgo_. He maintained that political power was of divine origin, but -that the state must protect the church. He supported the ideas of -hereditary succession and the prestige and inviolability of kings as the -best means of securing peace. - -[Sidenote: The fine arts.] - -In architecture the Visigoths followed the Romans, but on a smaller and -poorer scale. Perhaps the only matter worthy of note as regards the fine -arts was the presence of Byzantine influences, especially marked in the -jewelry of the period. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -MOSLEM SPAIN, 711-1031 - - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Moslem conquest.] - -The Moslem period in Spanish history is the subject of a number of -popular misconceptions. The Moslems are believed to have attained to a -phenomenally high stage of culture and to have lived in a luxury without -parallel at that time in the world. While these views are not without -truth, it is also true that the conquerors never shook themselves free -from their tribal instincts, and it was not until the tenth century that -their civilization was well established. Even then it was more largely -through the efforts of others whom they imitated than through -innovations of their own that they reached their high estate, which was -the natural result of their power and wealth, although its ripest fruit -was reserved for a later period, when much of their political authority -had passed. Nevertheless, the Moslem occupation of Spain was on other -grounds fully as important for Europe as it has usually been regarded, -and perhaps more important for Spain and Spanish America than has ever -been stated. As to the first point, it is true that Europe, through -Moslem Spain, gained a knowledge of classical and Byzantine -civilization. As to the second, racial elements entered the peninsula at -this time which have left a deep impress on Spanish character, -especially on that of the Andalusians and through them on Spanish -America. The later Spanish colonization of the Americas passed almost -wholly through the ports of Seville and Cádiz, and was confined in large -measure to Castilians. At that time, however, Andalusia was considered -part of Castile, and it was only natural that the Andalusian -“Castilians” should have been the ones to go. Many present-day Spanish -American peoples pronounce their language in the Andalusian way, -although differing in degree of similarity and having certain practices -peculiar to themselves. In other respects, too, one finds -Moslem-descended Andalusian traits in the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Conversion of the Arabs to Mohammedanism.] - -The Arabs were a people dwelling in greatest part in that section of -western Asia which bears their name. Prior to their conversion to -Mohammedanism they led a tribal life, not as one great tribe but as -many, some of them in settled fashion, and others in a nomadic way, but -all were independent one tribe from another and all engaged in endless -strife. There was no such thing as an Arabic national feeling or an -Arabic political state. Early in the seventh century Mahomet began to -preach the faith which he originated, a religion of extreme simplicity -in its doctrinal beliefs, but based very largely on the Jewish and -Christian creeds. The Mohammedans date their era from the year 622 A.D., -but it was not until after that time that the Arabs were converted to -the new religion. Once they did receive it they were for a long time its -principal sword-bearers, since it fitted their fighting spirit and -promised rewards which suited their pleasure-loving tastes. Most of -them, however, were not nearly so zealous in their religious beliefs as -they have at times been regarded; rather they were too sceptical and -materialistic a people to be enthusiastic devotees of an abstract faith. - -[Sidenote: Arabic conquests.] - -[Sidenote: Elements of dissension among the Moslem conquerors.] - -Nevertheless, the Arabs achieved a conquest which was remarkable alike -for its extent and for its rapidity. Between 697 and 708 they overran -nearly all of Syria and the entire northern coast of Africa, including -Egypt. For their conquests they had formed themselves into a single -state under the rule of a caliph, who was at the same time the head of -the church, thus centering political and religious authority in one -person. The state was divided into provinces, two of which were in -northern Africa,--Egypt and northwestern Africa. This cohesion was more -apparent than real, for the old tribal jealousies and strife continued, -accentuated by differences both in religious zeal and in -interpretations of the Moslem faith. Of the Arabs who entered Spain -there were two principal parties, representing at the same time -religious and tribal animosities, the Sunnites, or Sunnis, who were of -Yemenite race, and the Shiites, or Shiahs, of Mudarite blood. Their -quarrels in Spain, as elsewhere in Moslem realms, were a factor which -rendered difficult the establishment or the maintenance of a strong -political state. In northwestern Africa the Arabs had encountered the -Berbers, who had submitted only after opposing a determined resistance. -The Berbers were by nature a devout and democratic people, and once they -received the Moslem faith they took it up with fanatical enthusiasm. -They never regarded their conquerors with favor, however, and their -hatred was intensified by the very religious indifference of the Arabs. -Here, then, was another element of dissension in Spain, for the Berbers -took part in the conquest along with the Yemenite and Mudarite Arabs. - -[Sidenote: Nature of the Moslem conquest of Spain.] - -The military conquest took seven years (711-718), for after the fall of -Mérida the invaders met with vigorous, if also unorganized, resistance. -In characteristic fashion the Spanish peoples fought in guerrilla bands -or defended their own towns with desperate courage, but did not aid one -another. Some nobles made terms whereby they were allowed to retain -their estates, but the majority of them opposed the conquerors. Except -for narrow strips in the mountain regions of northern Spain the entire -peninsula had been overrun by the year 718, at which time the Moslem -armies crossed the Pyrenees into southern France. Spain was organized as -a district ruled by an emir under the governor of the province of -Africa, who was in turn subject to the Moslem caliph. The bond uniting -Spain to Africa was not in fact very tightly drawn, for the Spanish -Moslems acted in the main with complete independence of the governor of -Africa. The conquerors did not usually insist on the conversion of the -Spanish peoples (although there were exceptions to the rule), preferring -usually to give them the option of accepting the Mohammedan faith or of -paying a poll tax in addition to the taxation on Moslems and Christians -alike. Many of the Arabs opposed the conversion of the Christians, -since the continuance of the latter in their own religion meant a -lighter financial burden upon the Moslems. Since, also, the conquerors -were outnumbered, they often found it wise to grant the Spanish peoples -a right to retain their faith. In fine the conquest was not a matter of -religious propaganda, but rather was one of a more or less systematic -pillage. - -[Sidenote: Division of the conquered lands.] - -[Sidenote: Religious effects of the conquest.] - -The lands of the Visigothic state, the Christian church, emigrating -nobles, and those who resisted were confiscated, but individuals who -submitted, even nobles (and in some cases monasteries), had their -estates restored to them in whole or in part, subject to the usual -taxation. A fifth of the confiscated lands were taken by the state, and -the rest were distributed among the soldiers and the chiefs of the -Moslem armies. The state holdings were re-allotted to Spanish serfs, who -were required to pay a third of the produce to the government, being -allowed to keep the rest for themselves. The Berbers were given lands in -the north, while the Arabs took the more fertile south. These lands, -too, were given over to serfs on much the same terms as those granted by -the state. The mass of the people were not greatly disturbed. Indeed, -the agricultural laborer advanced economically, because requirements -were lighter than formerly, and, also, since the lands were divided -among a great many proprietors, the evil of the vast estates which had -existed formerly was for the time being corrected. Slaves profited by -the conquest, in part because they were better treated, but also in that -they might become free by the mere act of conversion to Mohammedanism if -they were slaves of Christians or Jews. A great many Christians became -Mohammedans, some of them to escape slavery, others to avoid the poll -tax, and still others from sincere belief, and they came to form an -important class of the Moslem world, called “Renegados,” or renegades, -by the Christians, and “Muladíes” by themselves. The conquest weighed -more heavily on the Christian church, although, indeed, it was allowed -to remain in existence. The church had to experience the curious -practice of having its bishops named or deposed and its councils called -by the Moslem caliph or his representative. The Jews gained more than -any other element. The harsh Visigothic laws were repealed and Jews were -employed in government and administration as allies of the conquerors. - -[Sidenote: Civil wars.] - -The Moslem invasion of France was carried on with varying success for -several years. In 732 occurred the so-called battle of Tours, in fact -fought near Poitiers, when Charles Martel and a Frankish army defeated -the Moslems. It was not this battle which caused the retreat of the -invaders from France, but rather a civil war in Spain eight years later, -necessitating a return to the peninsula. The Berbers of Africa had risen -in revolt against their Arabic rulers, and had defeated both them and a -Syrian force sent to the latter’s assistance. Thereupon the Spanish -Berbers rose as well. For a time they were successful, but the emir was -able finally to subdue them, being aided by the Syrian army in Africa, -which he had induced to come to Spain. Then followed a terrible war -between the Syrians and the emir, because the promises to the former had -not been fulfilled. The struggle ended with a grant of some of the state -lands in southern Spain to the Syrians, who were to receive the -government’s third of the produce, but not the title to the lands. -Shortly afterward there was another civil war, this time between the -Shiite and Sunnite Arabs, caused by the harsh treatment of the former by -a Sunnite governor. The war lasted eleven years, being then given a new -turn by the intervention of a man who was to play an important part in -the history of the period. - -[Sidenote: Coming of Abd-er-Rahman to Spain.] - -Other parts of the Moslem world had been afflicted by the same sort of -internal strife as that which was occurring in Spain. In particular -there was a dynastic struggle, which resulted in the dethronement of the -caliphs of the Ommayad family and in the rise to power of the Abbasside -caliphs. The Ommayads were ordered to be put to death, but one of them, -a youth named Abd-er-Rahman, contrived to escape. He took refuge -successively in Egypt and northwestern Africa, and in 755 came to Spain -with the object of establishing himself there. This he was able to do, -though not without a struggle, setting himself up as emir with his -capital in Cordova, and proclaiming his independence of the caliph. - -[Sidenote: Abd-er-Rahman I.] - -The entire reign of Abd-er-Rahman I (755-788) was one of war. He had to -fight the Yemenite (Sunnite) Arabs, the Berbers, and many chiefs of -various tribes, as well as the governors sent out by the Abbassides, -before his authority was recognized. His ideal was that of an absolute -monarchy which should bring to an end the aristocratic independence and -anarchy in Spain, but in order to accomplish this he had to combat -Arabic tradition and pride, Berber democracy, and inter-tribal hatred. -Abd-er-Rahman was at least able to subject his opponents if not to -change them. It was during his reign that the Frankish king Charlemagne -invaded Spain and got as far as Saragossa. Obliged by events in France -to recross the Pyrenees he was attacked by the Basques in the pass of -Roncesvalles, and his rear-guard was completely destroyed. It was this -event which gave rise to the celebrated French epic poem, the _Chanson -de Roland_ (Song of Roland), in which the Frankish hero Roland is -supposed to combat the forces of Islam. No Mohammedan forces in fact -engaged in the battle, for the Basques were Christians; they were then, -as later, opposed to any foreign army which should invade their lands. - -[Sidenote: Internal strife.] - -Hisham I, the next emir, was not free from wars, but his reign was more -notable in its religious aspects. He was a devout Mohammedan, and -enabled the religious class to attain to great power. His successor, -Hakem I, was a sincere believer, but did not refrain from drinking wine, -thus breaking the religious law, and he conceded less influence in the -government to the church than his father had. This led to several -uprisings, in which the Renegados were a principal element. Hakem -subdued them, and exiled many thousands, most of them Renegados, who -went to different parts of northern Africa and Egypt. Another serious -revolt broke out in Toledo, which had been enjoying virtual -independence, though nominally subject to the emir. The citizens of -Toledo were most of them Renegados, but they were also Spanish, and were -unable to forget that Toledo had once been the capital of Spain. Hakem -resolved to bring them into real subjection, and was able to effect his -will. Seven years later, in 829, when Abd-er-Rahman II was emir, the -people of Toledo revolted again, and it took eight years to subdue them. -War and disorder were also prevalent in other parts of the realm. The -inhabitants of Mérida, who were Christians, rose several times; in -Murcia there was a seven years’ war between the Sunnites and Shiites. At -this time, too, the Normans began to attack the coasts of Spain just as -they were doing in other parts of Europe. They made no permanent -conquest, but rendered the coasts unsafe during the greater part of the -century. Toward the close of the ninth century the emirate began to -break under the strain of constant war. After repeated rebellions the -city of Toledo formed itself into a republic, and on the basis of an -annual tribute to the emir was recognized by the latter, who had no -other right there. In Aragon the Visigothic but Renegado family of -Beni-Casi founded an independent kingdom. A similar kingdom sprang up in -Extremadura, and another in the mountains of southern Spain. Meanwhile, -the Christian kingdoms were making gains. Except for them the new states -were usually made up of Renegados. They did not work together, however, -or the Arabic domination might have been completely broken: rather, each -little state followed a selfish policy of its own. The most important -was that of Omar-ben Hafsun in the south. Omar founded his kingdom in -884, with his capital at the castle of Bobastro. In 886 the emir -attacked him, and for more than thirty years thereafter there was war -between Omar and the emirs of Cordova. Omar was usually successful, -acquiring nearly all of Andalusia, but his political plans illustrate -the lack of a truly Spanish ideal in the kingdoms carved out of the -emirate. At first he planned only a tiny kingdom of his own; later he -aimed to get the governor of Africa to appoint him emir of Spain; -finally he became converted to Christianity, and resolved to wage a -religious war, whereupon his Renegado followers abandoned him. During -the same period civil wars of a racial nature broke out in other parts -of Spain between the Arabic aristocracy and the Renegados, especially -around the cities of Elvira and Seville. The Arabs despised the -Renegados, who were at this time the principal industrial and commercial -class, especially in Seville, and envied their wealth. Many Arabic -chiefs also refused obedience to the emirs. For a time the aristocratic -party was successful, inflicting great blows on the Renegados, and -increasing their own estates, but in the reign of Abdallah, early in the -ninth century, they received a check. The same Abdallah inflicted a -crushing defeat on King Omar. Thus the way was prepared for Abdallah’s -successor, Abd-er-Rahman III, who was to establish peace in Spain after -two centuries of almost continuous disorder. - -[Sidenote: Abd-er-Rahman III.] - -Abd-er-Rahman III (912-961) was by far the greatest ruler in the history -of Moslem Spain. His first problem was the establishment of the central -power. Within a few years he had reduced not only the Renegado states of -Toledo, Aragon, Extremadura, and Bobastro but also the aristocratic -Arabs and the Berber chiefs in various parts of Spain. He then changed -his title from that of emir to caliph, thus signifying his intention of -maintaining a robust absolute monarchy. He also drove back the Christian -kings in the north, after which he proceeded to cultivate friendly -relations with them. Even the Moslem province in northwestern Africa -fell under his sway. In administrative matters as well Abd-er-Rahman III -proved his ability. Not only did he create a great army but he also -increased the strength of the navy (which the emirs before him had -already founded) until it became the most powerful fleet in the -Mediterranean Sea. Spain was recognized as the greatest state in Europe, -and in western Europe it was also the centre of the highest culture. -Through the caliph’s measures agriculture, industry, and commerce, and -education, literature, and the fine arts developed to a high point, and -Cordova became a city of half a million inhabitants. - -[Sidenote: Almansor.] - -Hakem II (961-976) continued his father’s policy in all respects, but -was able to devote even more attention to intellectual activities. In -military affairs the next reign, that of Hisham II (976-1013), was -particularly brilliant, but it was not the caliph who directed affairs. -In the time of Hakem II a certain Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir had -attracted the attention and won the heart of the caliph’s favorite wife. -Through her aid he became the chief minister of Hisham II, who was a -minor at the time of his succession. Hisham was soon put aside by -Mahomet, who sequestered the caliph in the palace, and ruled in the name -of the virtually deposed monarch. Mahomet was principally famous for his -victories, on account of which he was called Almansor, meaning “the -aided of God,” or “the victorious by divine favor.” He reorganized the -army, making it a machine which was not only efficient in a military way -but also personally devoted to him. Then in repeated campaigns he -defeated the Christian kings of the northwest and northeast, reducing -the greater part of their territories to his authority, and making -himself arbiter in the kingdoms which were allowed to exist. - -[Sidenote: Downfall of the caliphate.] - -Almansor died in 1002, but the military supremacy of the Moslem state -was sustained by his son Abdul Malik, who succeeded as chief minister -and virtual ruler. The latter did not live long, however, being followed -in authority by another son of Almansor, who was not so fortunate in his -rule. The Moslem nobles were hostile to the military absolutism of the -Almansor family, chiefly, no doubt, because of the usual intractability -of the aristocracy, but also because the military element, composed of -Berbers and foreigners of all descriptions, even slaves (who might be -powerful generals), had become the most important in the country. Civil -wars broke out, therefore, and they resulted in the fall of the Almansor -family, in 1009. The wars continued, however, between the generals of -Almansor’s army and the various pretenders to the caliphate (even though -Hisham was alive during part of the time and was believed to be living -for many years after he had probably died or been put to death). In -1027, the last of the Ommayads, Hisham III, became caliph, but in 1031 -was deposed. Thenceforth, no one was able to make good a claim to the -throne; Moslem Spain fell apart into a number of independent units, and -the caliphate came to an end. - -[Sidenote: Social classes in Moslem Spain.] - -Although the differences in social status were much the same in Moslem -Spain as in other parts of Europe, there were added complications, owing -to the differences of race and religion. There were the usual gradations -of aristocracy, freemen, freedmen, and slaves, but the real aristocracy -was the Arabic. This was nearly destroyed in the time of Abd-er-Rahman -III, and a new aristocracy of soldiers and merchants took its place. -Prior to that time both the Arabic and Berber nobility had gone on -increasing their holdings until they had attained vast estates, and it -was perhaps on this account that they lived for the most part in the -country, leaving the cities to the Renegados and “Mozárabes,” as the -Christians living under Moslem rule were called. The Renegados were an -especially important element in the population, both industrially and -intellectually, but were despised by the other groups; indeed, many were -descendants of slaves. The Mozárabes usually lived in a separate -district, and were allowed to govern themselves to some extent, having -law courts and some administrative officials of their own. In daily life -they mixed freely with the Moslem population. The old differences -between the Hispano-Roman and Visigothic Christians were maintained for -a time, but seem at length to have passed away. The Mozárabes were -allowed to retain their Christian worship, and as a rule were not -persecuted, although frequently insulted by lower class Moslems. Late in -the ninth century, especially in the reign of Mahomet I, there was a -period of persecution, caused very largely by the excessive zeal of some -of the Christians. The law inflicted the penalty of death on anybody who -publicly cursed the founder of the Mohammedan faith, wherefore a number -of Christians, already exasperated by certain harsh measures of the -emir, began to seek martyrdom by cursing the prophet. A Christian church -council disapproved of this practice, but it continued and was later -sanctioned by the church, which canonized many of the martyrs. The Jews -were another important element, not only in administration, but also in -commerce and in general culture. Cordova became the world’s centre for -Jewish theological studies. In all of this period the Jews were well -treated. - -[Sidenote: Status of women.] - -A Mohammedan was allowed to have as many as four wives and a greater -number of concubines, all together forming the particular individual’s -harem. The wives were subject to their husbands, but were not without -rights. The first wife was privileged to forbid her husband’s taking -concubines or additional wives without her consent, although it is -doubtful if the right was generally exercised. Possibly a wife’s most -important powers were those having to do with property, coupled with her -privilege of bringing suit at law without the previous consent of her -husband. Children of legally taken concubines, even if the latter were -slaves, were held to be legitimate and free. Women enjoyed more liberty -than they are commonly supposed to have had, being privileged, for -example, to visit freely with their relatives. The Arabs were very fond -of music and dancing, and took delight in licentious poetry. Not a -little of the pleasure-loving character of this race survives today in -southern Spain. - -[Sidenote: Methods of warfare.] - -[Sidenote: Moslem law.] - -Much has been said already with regard to the general administration of -the Moslem realm, which was not greatly different from that of the -Visigothic kingdom preceding it. As for the Moslem armies they were not -so superior in organization when they entered Spain as their rapid -conquests might lead one to suppose. They were nothing more than tribal -levies, each group marching with its chief as leader. Campaigns were -also managed in a somewhat haphazard fashion, for the Moslem troops went -forth to war when the tasks of harvest time did not require their -presence at home. Many expeditions were made with no idea of military -conquest; rather they were for the sake of destroying an enemy’s crops -or securing plunder, after which the army would return, satisfied with -what it had done. The Moslem rulers gradually began to surround -themselves with special troops, and, finally, Almansor abolished the -tribal levy, and formed regiments without regard to tribe. As for Moslem -law the Koran was at the same time a book of holy writ and one of civil -law. This was supplemented by the legislation of the caliphs, but there -was always more or less confusion between law and religion. There was -never a formal code. - -[Sidenote: Religion in Moslem Spain.] - -Attention has already been called to the difference in the religious -fervor of the Moslem tribes. Many of the Arabs even went so far as to -deny the existence of God, although the vast body of them, perhaps, were -indifferentists. The Berbers and the mass of the people generally were -very enthusiastic Mohammedans, so that it was unsafe to express one’s -opinions contrary to the faith or even to engage openly in certain -philosophical studies, for these were regarded as heretical. Among the -religious themselves there were varying interpretations of the Koran and -differences of rite. Religious toleration existed to such an extent that -not only were the Mozárabes allowed to retain their churches, their -priesthood, and their councils, but also some of their holy days were -celebrated by Christians and Moslems alike. There was one instance where -the same building served as a Mohammedan mosque and a Christian church. -Christian clergymen from foreign lands frequently visited Moslem Spain, -while native churchmen went forth from the caliphate to travel in the -Christian countries, returning later to the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: The wealth of Cordova.] - -[Sidenote: Economic prosperity.] - -In the tenth century Moslem Spain came to be one of the richest and most -populous lands in Europe. The wealth of Cordova was astounding, although -some allowance has to be made for the exaggerations of the chroniclers. -At one time the Moslem capital was said to have 200,000 houses, 600 -mosques, and 900 bath-houses, besides many public buildings. It was well -paved, had magnificent bridges across the Guadalquivir, and contained -numerous palaces of the caliphs and other great functionaries. The most -famous of all was that of Az-Zahra, which was a palace and town in one, -erected by Abd-er-Rahman III for one of his wives. The great mosque of -Cordova, which is in use today as a Catholic cathedral, was equally -luxurious. This was begun in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman I, and was -continued and enlarged by later Moslem rulers. It came to have nineteen -aisles one way, and thirty another, with twenty-one gates, and 1293 -columns of porphyry and jasper with gilded capitals. In its adornment it -was a wealth of marble, silver, and precious stones. Travellers came to -Cordova from all parts of the world, but it is worthy of note as an -evidence of the lack of complete security, even in the greatest days of -the caliphate, that it was the practice to come in great bodies, for the -roads were infested with bandits. One measure of the advance of Moslem -Spain is in the revenues of the government, which were eighteen times -greater in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman III than they were in the reign of -Abd-er-Rahman I.[16] This wealth depended on economic well-being, which -was especially in evidence in the tenth century. The Arabs were not -innovators in agriculture, but they had already learned much from -others, and they assimilated Hispano-Roman and Mozárabic methods, with -the result that Spain became richer in this regard than she had ever -been before. They introduced rice, sugar, and several other products -which had not previously been cultivated in Spain, and made use of -irrigation in Granada, Murcia, and Valencia. Stock-raising, mining, and -manufacturing were also extensively carried on. As a natural result of -all this activity there was a like development of commerce. The -principal part of Abd-er-Rahman III’s revenues proceeded from import and -export duties. It is worthy of note that there was a considerable -traffic not only in slaves but also in women,--such was Arabic -character. Seville was perhaps the most important port. Through the -medium of commerce Spain came into close contact with the Moslem East -and with the Byzantine Greeks. As a result of the mathematical problems -involved in trade it is believed that the Arabs introduced into Europe -the very important cipher, or zero, which they on their part had -received from India. - -[Sidenote: Languages.] - -[Sidenote: Education.] - -Not only Arabic and Latin but many other languages as well were spoken -in Moslem Spain; the Berber, for example, was independent of either of -the two first-named. Despite the predominatingly Latin character of the -eventual Spanish tongue the Arabic influence upon it was great,--not so -much in words as in forms and idioms of speech. There were Moslem -schools of a private character, but there was no public school system. -The caliphs often brought learned men to their court, but it was the -religious who more than any others devoted themselves to education. -There were few Moslems who could not read or write, and in this respect -Spain was in advance of the rest of western Europe. Women, far from -being excluded from education, were taught the same branches as the men, -and often became notable both in literature and in scientific studies. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual achievements.] - -[Sidenote: The fine arts.] - -[Sidenote: Narrow streets.] - -The Arabs introduced the industrially manufactured paper of the orient -instead of using the parchment or papyrus of the Romans. This greatly -lowered the cost of books, and led to an increase in productivity, -facilitating both literary and scientific studies. Although philosophy -and astronomy were so strongly opposed by the common people and the -priestly class of the Moslems that their study was at times forbidden by -the government,[17] they were a fruitful topic in the education and -researches of the upper classes. One of the greatest glories of Arabic -civilization was the transmission of Greek culture to western Europe, -for the Arabs had become acquainted with the works of the Greeks, while -western Europe had almost completely forgotten them. Nevertheless, -Moslem Spain was to be more important in this respect in the period -following the downfall of the caliphate. Mathematics and medicine did -not meet with popular and religious opposition, and in both of these -sciences the Arabs achieved notable results. Polite literature, however, -and especially poetry, was the most favored intellectual medium. Poetry -had been cultivated by the Arabs while they were yet in their crude -tribal stage. It was not unusual for challenges to personal combat or -declarations of war to be written in poetry. Books of science, even, -made their appearance in verse, and the improvisation of poetry was a -general practice. The most favored subject-matter illustrates a -pronounced trait in Arabic character, for amorous themes of an immoral -order accorded best with Arabic taste. The Spanish Moslems were not -notable in painting and sculpture, but distinguished themselves in -architecture and the industrial arts. Perhaps the most important feature -of their cultivation of these arts was the introduction of Byzantine -influences. They made use of the dome and of the elaborate decoration of -flat surfaces (especially of walls) with arabesques, so named because of -their profuse employment in Arabic work. In addition they painted their -buildings in brilliant and variegated colors. They rarely built in -stone, preferring brick, plaster, and adobe. The mosque was the -principal example of their architecture. In that and in their civil -edifices they made use of one feature, not unlike that of the Roman -house, which has survived in Spain,--the enclosed court, or _patio_, -surrounded by arcades, with a fountain in the centre. Streets were -narrow, both with a view to provide shade against the heat of the sun, -and also because of the necessities of space, so that the city might be -contained within its walls. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE MOSLEM PERIOD, 711-1035 - - -[Sidenote: Fitful character of the Christian reconquest.] - -One of the popular misconceptions of the Moslem period in the history of -Spain is that the Christians began a holy war almost from the time of -the Moslem invasion, and continued to gain in fervor and in power, step -by step, until at length they took Granada in 1492. In fact religious -enthusiasm and national conquest alike were fitful and spasmodic, and -very little progress was made in the period of the emirs and caliphs. - -[Sidenote: The kingdom of Asturias.] - -[Sidenote: Covadonga.] - -It has usually been held, although the matter is in dispute, that the -Visigoths resisted the invaders continuously at only one point in -Spain,--in Asturias. In the mountains of Asturias there gathered various -nobles of the centre and south of Spain, a number of bishops, and the -remains of the defeated Christian armies, and, aided perhaps by the -natives of that land, they prepared to make a stand against the Moslems. -On the news of the death of Roderic they elected a certain Pelayo as his -successor, and it is this king who is customarily regarded as the -founder of the Spanish monarchy. Pelayo fixed his capital at Cangas de -Onís, and is believed to have maintained amicable relations with the -Moslems for a while, perhaps paying them tribute, and possibly even -making a visit to Cordova. Hostilities broke out again, however, and in -the year 718 Pelayo and his partisans won a victory in the valley of -Covadonga. Coming as it did after several years of defeats this -achievement attained to a renown which was far greater than the merits -of the actual battle, and in later years legendary accounts made the -combat itself assume extraordinary proportions. It has usually been -taken as marking the beginning of the Christian reconquests, and it is -said that Pelayo became king in consequence of the battle, when in fact -he was elected several years before. The battle of Covadonga did secure -eastern Asturias to the Christians, which was its immediate result. -Aside from that tiny kingdom there is no proof that there were any -independent Christian states in Spain, although it is probable that -there were several in the other mountainous parts of the north. - -[Sidenote: The advance of the Asturian frontier.] - -Since the invaders respected the religion and customs of the conquered, -the war of the Christian kingdom of Asturias against them did not at -first have a religious or even a racial character. It was a war of the -nobles and clergy for the reconquest of their landed estates and of the -king for the restoration of his royal authority over the peninsula. The -little Asturian kingdom was like the old Visigothic state in miniature; -for example, there were the struggles between the nobility and the crown -for precisely the same objects as formerly. For a century the history of -Asturias reduced itself primarily to these quarrels. Nevertheless, the -Moslem frontier tended to withdraw from the far northwest, not that the -Moslems were forced out by the Christians, but possibly because their -own civil wars drew them together in the centre and south, or because -their numbers were not great enough to make them seek the less desirable -lands in the northwest. The frontier became fixed south of the Douro -along a line running through Coimbra, Coria, Talavera, Toledo, -Guadalajara, and Pamplona, although the last-named place was not long -retained. It cannot be said that the Christians took a conscious -offensive until the eleventh century. In this period, despite the -internal dissension of the Moslem state, the Christian frontier did not -pass the Guadarrama Mountains even at the most favorable moments, -leaving Aragon and central and southern Spain in the enemy’s hands. The -line of the Douro was far from being held consistently,--as witness the -conquests of Abd-er-Rahman III and Almansor. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso I and Alfonso II.] - -[Sidenote: Santiago de Compostela.] - -The only notable kings of Asturias in the century following the death of -Pelayo (737) were Alfonso I “the Catholic” (739-757) and Alfonso II -“the Chaste” (791-842). Both made successful campaigns against the -Moslems, although their principal importance was that they brought back -many Mozárabes from the temporarily conquered regions, and these helped -to populate the north. To assure his power Alfonso II sought an alliance -with the Holy Roman Emperor, Charlemagne, and with his son, Louis the -Pious. It is this which gave rise to the legend of Bernardo del Carpio, -who is said to have compelled the king to forbear making treaties with -foreign rulers which lowered the dignity of the Spanish people. Some -writers have found in this supposed incident (for the figure of Bernardo -is a later invention) an awakening sense of nationalism, but it seems -rather to reflect the traditional attitude of the nobility lest the king -become too strong for them, for real patriotism did not exist. The two -Alfonsos did much to reorganize their kingdom internally, and Alfonso -the Chaste moved the capital to Oviedo. In his reign, too, there -occurred a religious event of great importance,--the finding of what was -believed to be the tomb and body of the apostle Santiago (Saint James) -in northwestern Galicia. The site was made the seat of a bishopric, and -a village grew up there, named Santiago de Compostela. Compostela became -a leading political and industrial factor in the Christian northwest, -but was far more important as a holy place of the first grade, ranking -with Jerusalem, Rome, and Loreto. Thenceforth, bands of pilgrims not -only from Spain but also from all parts of the Christian world came to -visit the site, and, through them, important outside influences began to -filter into Spain. More noteworthy still was the use of the story of the -miraculous discovery to fire the Christian warriors with enthusiasm in -their battles against the Moslems, especially at a later period, when -the war entered upon more of a crusading phase. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of Navarre and Aragon.] - -The people of the mountains of Navarre were of Basque race, and seem to -have maintained a more or less unorganized freedom from political -subjection for many years before a definite state was formed. They -opposed both the Frankish kings and the Moslem emirs, and for a long -time the former were their principal enemy. At length they established -their independence of both. In these wars the kingdom of Navarre almost -certainly had its origin, but at an uncertain date. Tradition makes -Iñigo Arista one of the early kings, or chiefs, but the first name -definitely to appear is that of Sancho García in the tenth century -(905-925). The founding of an independent state in Aragon was due to the -same causes; indeed, Aragon and Navarre were assigned a common origin in -the legends of the period. Aragon was absorbed by Navarre, however, -possibly toward the end of the tenth century. - -[Sidenote: Origin of the Catalan counties.] - -Catalonia had been overrun by the Moslems when they entered Spain, but -between 785 and 811 the Frankish kings were able to reconquer that -region, establishing a province there which they called the Spanish -Mark. This section was at first ruled by a number of counts, independent -of each other, but subject to the kings of the Franks. Catalan -submission to the latter did not endure through the ninth century. -Wifredo, count of Barcelona, is believed to have established his -independence as early as 874, although that event is doubtful; at any -rate the separation from the Frankish kingdom was not much longer -delayed. Each count was lord unto himself, although the counts of -Barcelona were recognized as the greatest among them. Indeed, in the -entire breadth of northern Spain each unit labored for its own selfish -ends. Christians fought Moslems, but also fought other Christians. Owing -to the disorder of the Moslem realm, however, the Catalan counts, like -the other Christian rulers, were able to make some territorial gains. - -[Sidenote: Two centuries of scant progress in Asturias.] - -[Sidenote: The independence of Castile.] - -[Sidenote: Sancho the Fat.] - -For nearly two centuries after the death of Alfonso II, or until the -fall of the Moslem caliphate, very little progress was made by the kings -of Oviedo and León, which latter city had become the capital of the -Christian kingdom in the northwest early in the tenth century. There was -a marked opposition between the Asturian-Leonese and the Galician parts -of the realm, and the Galician nobles maintained almost continuous war -with the kings. Similarly the counts of the frontier often acted like -petty sovereigns, or even joined with the Moslems against their own -compatriots. So, too, there were contests for the throne, and neither -side hesitated to call in Moslem aid. Some kings achieved conquests of -temporary moment against the Moslems; for example, Alfonso III “the -Great” (866-909) added considerably to his territories in a period of -marked weakness in the caliphate, but was obliged to abdicate when his -sons and even his wife joined in rebellion against him; the kingdom was -then divided among three sons, who took respectively León, Galicia and -Lusitania, and Asturias, leaving to the king the town of Zamora alone. -Then followed the caliphate of Abd-er-Rahman III, when the Christian -kingdoms, except Galicia, were most of the time subject in fact to the -Moslem state, although allowed to govern themselves. To the usual -quarrels there was added a new separatist tendency, more serious than -that of Galicia had been. This proceeded from the eastern part of the -kingdom in a region which came to be called Castile because of the -numerous castles there, due to its situation on the Moslem frontier. The -counts of Castile, centering around Burgos, had repeatedly declined to -obey the kings of Oviedo and León,--for example, when they were called -to serve in the royal armies. During the reign of Ramiro II (930-950), -Count Fernán González united the Castilians under his standard, and -after repeated wars was able to make Castile independent of the king of -León. The reign of Sancho “the Fat” is typical of the times. Sancho -became king of León in 955, but was soon dethroned by his nobles, who -alleged among other things that because of his corpulence he cut a -ridiculous figure as a king. Sancho went to the court of Abd-er-Rahman -III, and got not only a cure for fatness but also a Moslem army. Aided, -too, by the Christian kingdom of Navarre he was able to regain his -throne. He had promised to deliver certain cities and castles to the -caliph, but did not do so until compelled to by the next caliph, Hakem. -Civil wars between the nobles and the crown continued, and many of the -former joined with Moslem Almansor in his victorious campaigns against -their coreligionists and their king. - -[Sidenote: Advance of the Christian states in the early eleventh -century.] - -[Sidenote: Sancho the Great.] - -When the caliphate began to totter, following the deaths of Almansor and -Abdul Malik, the Christian kings returned to the conquest. Alfonso V -(994-1027) of León and his uncle Sancho “the Great” (970-1035) of -Navarre pushed their frontiers southward, Alfonso crossing the Douro in -Portugal. The counts of Castile, too, now aiding one Moslem faction, now -another, now remaining neutral, profited by each new agreement to -acquire additional territory or fortified posts. Shortly after the death -of Alfonso V, Sancho the Great intervened successfully in the wars of -the Christian kingdoms, and united Castile and León under his authority. -Since he was also king in Navarre, Aragon, and the Basque provinces of -France and Spain, only Galicia, where the kings of León took refuge, and -the counties of Catalonia remained free from his rule in the north. Here -seemed to be an important moment in the history of Spain,--one which -might have had tremendous consequences. But it was as yet too early, not -alone for Spanish nationalism, but even for the conception of a Spanish -state. Sancho the Great undid his own work, and consigned himself to a -place only a little short of oblivion by dividing his kingdom among his -sons. The three most important regions resulting from this act were the -kingdoms of Navarre, Castile, and Aragon. The death of Sancho in 1035 is -an important date, however, for it marks the time when work had to be -begun over again to achieve the distant ideal of the unity of Spain. -Meanwhile, the counts of Barcelona, who had lost their territories in -the days of Almansor, regained them in the ensuing decline of the -caliphate, whether by military conquest, or by intervention in the wars -of the Moslem state in return for concessions. The important year 1035 -is notable also in Catalonia, for at that time Ramón Berenguer I, the -first outstanding figure among the counts of Barcelona, inherited the -rule of the county. - -[Sidenote: Inter-relations of the Christian and Moslem peoples.] - -Except in times of war, relations between the Christian and Moslem -peoples were even cordial and intimate. They visited one another’s -countries, aided one another in civil wars, engaged in commerce, and -even contracted mixed marriages, not only among people of the lower -classes, but also among those of the highest rank, even to that of -royalty. Mohammedan law did not require the conversion of Christian -wives, but many of the latter embraced the Moslem faith, with the -consent, too, of their families. Although there were instances of -Mohammedan women marrying Christians, the reverse was usually the case, -for the conquerors did not bring their families as had the earlier -Germanic invaders. Religious differences were not an insuperable barrier -in this period: there was scarcely a war confined to Christians on the -one side and Mohammedans on the other; the Mozárabes were not greatly -molested within the Moslem state; Christians were often employed in -administrative capacities by the emirs and caliphs; and Christian -mercenaries, many of them Spaniards, fought in the Moslem armies. It was -only natural, therefore, that the neighboring Arabic civilization should -have exercised not a little influence on Christian Spain, especially -since the power and wealth of the caliphate were so much greater than in -the kingdoms of the north. In intellectual aspects--for example, in -philosophy and science--the Arabic influence was to be greater at a -succeeding time, but in political and military matters and in language -much passed over to the Christians in this period. In like manner the -Spanish peoples reacted upon the invaders, but this was confined -principally to the effects produced by the Renegados and Mozárabes, -whose contributions were largely due to the conditions of the Moslem -world in which they lived. - -[Sidenote: Diversity in Christian Spain.] - -Christian Spain itself was far from being a unit; rather diversity was -the rule. The northwest followed the Visigothic tradition, while the -north centre and northeast, especially Navarre and Catalonia, while -retaining much of the Visigothic institutions came into frequent contact -with French peoples, who gave a new turn to their civilization. Within -each section, too, there were many complex differences between one -region and another. Hence the institutions of the principal areas may be -taken separately. - - -_Kingdoms of Asturias, León, and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Social classes in the Christian northwest.] - -Social inequality increased in this period, due to a decline in wealth -and to an accentuation of the hazards of life. The higher nobility -attained to vast privileges and authority, although less than in other -parts of Christian Europe. They were often, but not always, allowed to -conquer lands for themselves, rule their own estates with almost -absolute authority, leave the king’s service for that of another -monarch, and be free from taxation. The social prestige of the nobles -was weakened, however, through the king’s right to grant titles of -nobility. The king might also deprive a noble created by himself of his -titles and lands. Most of the nobility of the lower grades were in fact -retainers of the greater nobles or of the king, usually rendering -military service in return for protection. This state of dependence was -called _encomienda_ (commendation),--a term used centuries later to -cover the virtual enslavement of the American Indians. Small landed -proprietors and free agricultural and industrial laborers placed -themselves in similar relations to the great nobles, so that the latter -were about the only really free class of the time. These civilian -dependents gave produce, tribute, or personal service to the lord. The -various grades of servitude, from serfs attached to a piece of land and -enjoying at least some of the products of their labor down to -individuals held in personal slavery, continued to exist. In general the -servile classes advanced in about the same degree that the freemen fell -back; many of them came together to form an intermediate class in which -some rights--for example, to own property and to change one’s habitation -freely within the same seigniorial territory--were enjoyed. - -[Sidenote: The political system.] - -The king’s power was complete enough in theory to merit being called -absolute, for in him rested supreme legislative, judicial, and -administrative authority over the realm as a whole. In fact the royal -authority did not extend equally over all the land. On his own -properties and usually in conquered regions the king was indeed an -absolute monarch, but as concerned the lands of the nobles and the -church there were important limitations on his authority. On their -estates the nobles enjoyed rights of an economic nature and also those -of a sovereign, with almost as much power in theory and in fact as the -king had in theory over all the land. They raised troops at will, and -fought with one another and even against the king; they had judicial -authority over most of the cases arising within their lands; and they -collected taxes for themselves. The protection which they owed to all on -their estates was not very faithfully accorded, but on the contrary they -oppressed not only their own dependents but also those of other -lords,--a practice which was a fruitful cause of private war. The -nobles, too, were veritable highwaymen, robbing travellers, business -men, and pilgrims, and contributing more than any other class to the -lawlessness of the times. Bishops and abbots occupied a position similar -to that of the great nobles. The church had acquired estates through -gifts of individuals and grants of the king, and the same rights and -duties attached to them as in the case of the nobles. Thus, for example, -great churchmen raised troops, which at times they commanded themselves. -The royal power was still further limited in fact, because of the -necessity of relying upon nobles or churchmen to govern distant lands or -to hold other posts of an administrative and even of a judicial nature. -The rulers of administrative districts were the counts (_condes_) -appointed by the king, and these individuals often gave him considerable -trouble,--as witness the uprisings (at length successful) of the counts -of Castile. The very necessities of civil strife obliged the kings to -yield privileges to one set of nobles in order to get their aid against -another. Nevertheless, great as was the nobles’ authority, it was not so -excessive as elsewhere in western Europe. Feudalism, the essence of -which was the grant of lands in perpetuity with rights of sovereignty -attached, in return for which the grantee owed fealty and some form of -service, perhaps military, to the grantor, did not exist in its fullness -in northwestern Spain. By special grants the king might agree to refrain -from exercising his sovereign privileges, but in such cases certain -limitations were usually expressed. When judicial authority was -conferred on a noble, some attributes were retained,--for example, the -trial of crimes of murder and the right of appeal to the royal authority -from the cases in seigniorial courts. Again, when the lords made laws -for their territories they did so by special grant of the king, who -frequently intervened to change the seigniorial statutes or to enact -others of his own. The difference from European feudalism, however, was -perhaps more juridical than actual. - -[Sidenote: Rise of the free towns.] - -One element appeared in this period which was to prove a great -limitation on seigniorial authority, and was to be an aid to the king in -the establishment of internal good order and unity. This was the -plebeian town. The most important type of this class was the _villa_, or -_concejo_, which originated in the tenth century. The _villas_ were -founded on lands conquered by the kings, and were usually in frontier -districts exposed to the enemy. On this account special privileges were -granted in order to induce people to settle there. Anybody who could -contrive to reach a _villa_ was declared free, even if of servile grade -before. All citizens were not equal, however; there were varying grades -of rank, though all were free. The _villas_ were exempted from many -duties to the state,--often from the payment of taxes. They were also -withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the counts, and were granted much -political authority. Each _villa_ received its own _fuero_, or charter, -by a special grant, with the result that there was a great variety in -the terms of different charters, although certain of them tended to -become the types which were imitated in subsequent grants. As a general -rule the government of a _villa_ was in the hands of the assembly of -citizens, in which local laws were enacted and judges and administrative -officers elected. These rights, added to a long line of exemptions, made -veritable political entities of the _villas_, which were independent of -all but the king, and were in great measure not subject to him. The -_villa_ extended beyond its own walls to include neighboring rural -districts as well. The rise of the _villas_ on royal lands compelled the -nobility and the clergy to form similar settlements in order to attract -people to their territories or to avoid uprisings of their dependents, -although these towns did not achieve rights equal to those of the -_villas_. - -[Sidenote: Diversity and primitive character of the law.] - -Since privilege was the general rule, the law in northwestern Spain was -very far from being uniform. The Visigothic _Fuero Juzgo_ continued to -be the general law, but it was often supplanted as a result of grants by -the king to nobles, clergy, and _villas_, and by the nobles and clergy -to yet other units under their rule. Very important, too, was the -modifying effect of local customs, which in the absence of other -specific law were frequently cited. These customs tended to resemble -those of the Germanic invaders or even of the indigenous peoples, since -the type of life at this time was similar to that of earlier unsettled -periods. This era, therefore, was one of a marked falling away from -Roman traditions, which had to wait several centuries before they again -came into their own. - -[Sidenote: Economic backwardness.] - -As was natural in such an age of disorder, commerce and industry did not -flourish. With the rise of the towns a beginning was made, and at least -one town, Santiago de Compostela, seems to have attained to some -industrial importance. Commerce was hampered by innumerable obstacles, -such as the depredations of foreign enemies and robber lords, the duties -which had to be paid to the king, and the tolls which were collected by -the lords at highways, rivers, or bridges within their lands. -Stock-raising and agriculture and the production of the bare necessities -of life were the principal occupations. Even these suffered, not only -from the raids of the Moslems and the nobles, but also from the extreme -weight of taxation, which was all the worse in that it was levied at the -caprice of the king, lord, or churchman collecting it. The state of -misery was so great that it is not surprising that famine and epidemics -harassed the people. - -[Sidenote: Ignorance and superstition.] - -[Sidenote: Innovations in architecture.] - -In general culture, too, there was a decline to an even lower level than -that of the Visigothic period. Churches and monasteries maintained -something of the old intellectual traditions, and their schools were -almost the only resort for an education. Latin continued to be used in -literature and in official documents, but was already acquiring the new -forms which were to pave the way to the various Romance tongues of later -days. The age was one of superstition, which made itself manifest, as in -other parts of Europe, even in judicial procedure. The tests of wager of -battle (or a duel between litigants), the hot iron, and boiling water -were all used to determine innocence or guilt, in the belief that God -would intervene on the side of the man whose cause was just. Poverty and -danger led men to live in groups, thereby introducing a fresh departure -from Roman individualism. In the towns life more nearly resembled the -Roman type. In architecture this period marked the introduction of the -buttress in some of the churches. Naturally, it was an age of the -building of castles and walls, although the materials used were -perishable. Most edifices were of wood, for in that day Spain was -covered with forests in regions where they no longer exist. The burning -of villages in times of war, especially during the Norman invasions, led -to an exchange from the wooden roof in church building to one of -non-combustible material of industrial manufacture. - - -_Kingdoms of Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: The Christian reconquest of Catalonia.] - -In essentials, the social organization of north central and northeastern -Spain was not greatly different from that of the northwest. Navarre and -Catalonia were considerably affected by French influence,--Aragon less -so. The details for Navarre and Aragon are in any event obscure or -lacking. The Moslem invasion caused an emigration of the people of -Catalonia across the Pyrenees, with the result that most of the -territory remained deserted for two centuries. By 797 Gerona had been -reconquered, and by 801 Barcelona was retaken, and these dates marked -the beginning of the social and political reorganization of what was to -become Catalonia. Lands were allotted to the Frankish conquerors and to -a number of Catalans who had either remained in that region, subject to -the Moslems, or who came in at the time of the reconquest. These estates -were given free of obligation, except for that of military service. The -most important holders were the various counts, but there were a number -of lesser proprietors beyond their jurisdiction. Many of these were -converted in course of time into feudatories of the counts. The counts -were at first the appointees of the French king; later they became -hereditary; and finally independent. The church also acquired vast -territories in Catalonia, and was allowed to enjoy immunity from -obligations and an absolute dominion over its lands. The most important -holdings were those of the bishop of Gerona. - -[Sidenote: Feudalism in Catalonia and Navarre.] - -From the above it appears that the feudalism of France had taken root in -Catalonia, where the nobles were more absolute in their own territories -and more free from the power of the king or lord to whom they were -subject than was the case in northwestern Spain. The greater importance -of the counts of Barcelona has already been alluded to; by the beginning -of the eleventh century they were saluted with the title of prince in -recognition of their sovereignty. Aside from their own estates, however, -their legal authority extended little further than that of a right to -inspect judicial tribunals (in order to see that their decisions were in -accord with the general law of the land) and to have certain cases -appealable to their courts. The _Fuero Juzgo_, in so far as it applied -to the changed conditions of Catalonia, was the general law, but -numerous exceptions began to appear, much as in the northwest, although -the development of free towns was not nearly so great. In Navarre the -administration of justice belonged to the king, but on the other hand -the king could not hold court, or make war, peace, or a truce, without -consulting the nobles, and he was subject in every respect to the laws -which confirmed their privileges. Furthermore, he acquired his throne by -election, although the choice was confined as a rule to members of a -single family. Feudalism not only weakened the power of the monarchy in -north central and northeastern Spain, but also tended to impair the lot -of the servile classes, which were delayed in achieving emancipation in -these regions much longer than in other parts of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Coming of the monks of Cluny.] - -[Sidenote: Backwardness of Pyrenean Spain.] - -The most important religious incident of the period was the entry of the -monks of Cluny into Spain. This order had taken it upon itself to -combat simony (the sale of church office) and offences against the -ecclesiastical law of celibacy (requiring that men who had taken holy -orders should not marry), both of which practices were than very -prevalent in Christendom, and to bring about a complete and effective -submission of distant churches to the bishop of Rome. These monks came -into Spain by way of Navarre in the reign of Sancho the Great, and by -1033 they were already in Castile. Aside from their immediate objects -they produced two other important effects: they reinforced the French -ideas which had preceded them; and they accelerated the reconquest as a -result of the influence which they acquired, employing it to urge on the -kings in wars against the Moslems. In economic institutions, general -culture, and the fine arts the north centre and northeast were very -backward, like the northwest. It is noteworthy, however, that by the -ninth century the Catalans were already beginning to engage in trade in -the Mediterranean. - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492 - -[Illustration: Spain in 910] - -[Illustration: Spain in 1130] - -[Illustration: Spain in 1037] - -[Illustration: Spain 1212-1492] - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -ERA OF THE SPANISH CRUSADES, 1031-1276 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -The period of a little more than two centuries after the downfall of the -caliphate was marked by a complete change from that preceding it, and in -like manner was quite independent of the next succeeding era. Up to this -time Moslem Spain had represented by far the principal element in the -peninsula. The Christian states had maintained themselves with -difficulty, making occasional gains, which were not infrequently -followed by equally great losses whenever the Moslem power was -sufficiently united internally to present its full strength. The -civilization of the Christian kingdoms had also been notably inferior in -almost every respect to that of the Moslem south. From the eleventh to -the middle of the thirteenth century, however, the region of Moslem -Spain, divided against itself, could not make an effective resistance, -and the Christian powers began an offensive which enabled them to -reconquer all of the peninsula except for a narrow strip in southern -Andalusia. These wars partook very largely of the crusading spirit then -so prevalent in Europe, and although it was not nearly so persistent, -fervid, or exclusive an aim as is usually believed it seems appropriate -to characterize this era as that of the Spanish crusades. This was also -a period of noteworthy advance in internal organization in Christian -Spain, for although civil war and disorder were great as compared with -some later eras many regions enjoyed long terms of peace, very much more -complete at least than in the three preceding centuries. The pushing -back of the Moslem frontier conduced greatly to this end. The kings -gradually became more powerful than the great individual nobles, who -had been able to meet them on virtually equal terms before. The free -commoners advanced both in status and in numbers. In material well-being -there was a marked improvement. Finally, in general culture the same -tendency appeared. In all of these respects the fund of civilization was -very slight compared with what it was to become in succeeding centuries, -but it was at least something, whereas the period before had represented -little more than bare existence. Despite the fact that there was very -little understanding of the ideal of national unity, as evidenced by the -frequency with which monarchs divided their kingdoms, circumstances -tended toward the accomplishment of what men could not readily grasp. -Two great states emerged in Christian Spain, the kingdoms of Castile and -Aragon. They were able even to act in peace and concert at times in the -wars against the Moslems. A third region tended to withdraw from the -current of peninsula unity, for it was in this period that the modern -state of Portugal had its independent beginnings. Nevertheless, Moslem -Spain, though less important than Castile and Aragon, remained the -keynote of the period, not alone because of the wars against it, but -also because its civilization, especially in material and intellectual -aspects, was still far superior to that of Castile and Aragon. It was at -this time, indeed, that the Moslem world produced its greatest scholars -and the Christian states became most strongly imbued with the spirit of -Moslem culture, with permanent results on Spanish character. This era -was unequal in length for Castile and Aragon, closing respectively in -1252 and 1276 with the deaths of Ferdinand III and Jaime I. - - -_Moslem Spain_ - -[Sidenote: The _taifa_ states and the rise of Seville.] - -With the dethronement of Hisham III in 1031 the caliphate broke up into -a number of states called _taifas_, from an Arabic word meaning “tribe,” -or “people.” Down to the close of the eleventh century there were many -of these states,--twenty-three at one time,--but the most important were -those of Cordova, Seville, Málaga, Granada, Almería, Denia and the -Balearic Islands, Saragossa, Toledo, and Badajoz. The rulers were -usually Slavic or Berber generals of the latter-day armies of the -caliphate and their descendants. Each desired to make himself sole -caliph, and so an internecine strife was waged almost continuously, -especially in the south. Seville soon forged ahead of its regional -rivals, and was by far the most important _taifa_ of the century. Like -several of the others it had been founded as a republic (as early as -1023), but its skilful ruler, Abul Cassim Mohammed of the Abbadite -family, soon made himself absolute, while retaining the forms of a -republic. In order to overcome his most powerful neighbors he pretended -that Hisham II had reappeared, availing himself of a mat-maker who -resembled the dead caliph. The stratagem was so successful that Carmona, -Valencia, Denia, Tortosa, and even the republic of Cordova recognized -the pseudo-Hisham, whereupon the crafty Sevillian proceeded to conquer -large parts of the _taifa_ states of Málaga and Granada. His successors -were equally fortunate, and by the end of the third quarter of the -century the greater part of Moslem Spain, especially in the west and -south, had acknowledged the rule of the lord of Seville. Seville, too, -had become every bit as noteworthy an intellectual centre as Cordova had -been under the caliphs. - -[Sidenote: Yusuf and the Almoravide conquest.] - -The Christian kings of Castile and León had meanwhile profited by the -wars of the _taifa_ states to make conquests or to reduce many of the -_taifas_ to the payment of tribute. Even Seville was tributary to a -Christian king. This inclined many of the Moslem princes, realizing -their own helplessness, to invite a newly-risen Mohammedan power in -northwestern Africa to come to their aid. The rulers of the _taifas_ -recognized that their own authority might be endangered by the entry of -their coreligionists, but their feelings were well expressed in the -words attributed to the ruler of Seville: “I would rather be a -camel-driver in Africa than a swineherd in Castile.” The African people -referred to were a branch of the Berbers who had dwelt apart in the -Sahara Desert. Converted at length to the Moslem faith, they became -fanatically religious, taking to themselves the name “Almoravides” -(religious men), and launching themselves forth to the conquest of all -northwestern Africa. The African empire of the Almoravides was already -an accomplished fact when their emperor, Yusuf, was invited to help the -Spanish Moslems under a promise that he would not deprive the _taifa_ -rulers of their states. In 1086 Yusuf entered Spain, and encountered the -army of Alfonso VI of León at Zalaca, near Badajoz. Yusuf was completely -successful, and the Christian peril was rolled back, but no -counter-conquests of moment were made. Yusuf himself returned to Africa. -Four years later the Moslem princes had need of Yusuf, and once again he -came to avert the threatening danger. By this time popular opinion, -reinforced by the intrigues of the Moslem priesthood, desired the -establishment of Yusuf’s authority in Spain; the restoration of a single -rule, it was believed, would check the Christian kings, and bring peace -and prosperity. By 1091 Yusuf had reduced all of the _taifa_ princes -except the king of Saragossa, and the latter was subjected by Yusuf’s -successor. Thus the unity of Moslem Spain was again accomplished.[18] - -[Sidenote: Rise of the Almohades.] - -The Almoravide rule rested very lightly on the Moslem population, but -only for a short time. The emperors lost their religious enthusiasm, and -not only did they fail to advance the conquest but they also gave -themselves up to a life of luxury and dissipation. Public security -declined, with the result that the people now wished to rid themselves -of the sovereigns whom formerly they had desired so much. At this time -there came a tremendous uprising in Africa in 1125 of the Moors of the -Moroccan Atlas, an uncivilized branch of the Berber family. They had -become fanatical Mohammedans, and like their Almoravide predecessors had -taken a name springing from their religious faith, that of “Almohades” -(unitarians). Uncultivated as they were, they were able to master the -military art of that day sufficiently to overwhelm the Almoravide power -in Africa, though only after a long war. - -[Sidenote: The Almohades in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: The Christian reconquest.] - -Meanwhile, a second era of _taifa_ states had sprung up in Spain, but in -1146 the Almohades entered the peninsula, and proceeded to reduce the -_taifa_ princes. By 1172 all Moslem Spain was under their sway. Spain -was now formed into a province of the Almohade empire, the capital of -which was in Africa. The new conquerors did more than merely garrison -the peninsula,--they pursued the hated Arabs so zealously that the -latter were either destroyed or absorbed. The Berbers were for many -years virtually the only Mohammedan element in the peninsula except for -the Renegados. The wars with the Christians were also renewed. In 1194 -Alfonso VIII of Castile challenged the emperor Yacub to a battle. Yacub -accepted, and the battle was fought at Alarcos (Badajoz) in 1195, ending -in the rout of the Christians. The war continued, however, and in 1212 -the united forces of León, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon gained a great -victory at Navas de Tolosa in Andalusia. This was the turning-point in -the Christian reconquest. The Almohade state soon fell to pieces, and by -1228 the _taifas_ began to reappear, but one after another they were -conquered by the Christian kings. A single Moslem state escaped; in 1230 -it had been founded at Arjona, and presently took shape as the kingdom -of Granada, establishing its capital in 1238 at the city of the same -name. This tiny realm, extending at its greatest from Almería to -Gibraltar, was able to maintain itself for over two centuries and a -half. - - -_León and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Castilian conquests.] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso VI.] - -By the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Castile had become legally a -kingdom in 1035. Ferdinand I (1035-1065) soon overwhelmed the king of -León, uniting all northwestern Spain under his rule. Wars with Navarre -followed until 1054, after which Ferdinand devoted himself with great -religious zeal to campaigns against the Moslem _taifas_, making numerous -conquests, and subjecting many states to the payment of tribute. Despite -the lesson of his own experience he divided his realm, at death, into -the three kingdoms of Castile, León, and Galicia, besides two lesser -principalities. A long civil war followed, out of which there emerged -Alfonso VI (1065-1109) as sole ruler of the domain of his father. -Alfonso VI took up the wars against the Moslems with great success, and -on one occasion, in 1082, was able to ride his horse into the sea in the -extreme south of Spain at Tarifa, when he is said to have exclaimed: -“This is the last land in Spain, and I have trod it.” The principal -event of the reign was the capture of Toledo in 1085. Alfonso had -promised to restore the _taifa_ king of Toledo to his throne, from which -he had been ousted by a rebellion, but changed his mind, and took the -city for himself. From that time forward Toledo was of great military -importance to the Christians, serving as the centre of the reconquest, -and it was also the medium through which Moslem civilization began to -produce an effect on Castile. The treaty of capitulation was not very -faithfully carried out; for example, Alfonso had promised to allow the -Mohammedans to retain their principal mosque for purposes of worship, -but in his absence the monks of Cluny were able to persuade the queen to -take over that edifice as a Christian church. The incident is -illustrative of a new crusading spirit which had entered Spain with the -monks of Cluny, although it had not yet become general. _Taifa_ after -_taifa_ now humbled itself before Alfonso; Valencia was captured, and -the former king of Toledo became its nominal ruler, but with a Castilian -army; and Alfonso could with reason entitle himself “sovereign of the -men of the two religions,” a phrase which shows that Christian zeal was -not altogether uncompromising. It was then that the Almoravide invasion -checked the Castilian king, but although he lost Valencia he was able to -maintain the principal part of his conquests. - -[Sidenote: The Cid.] - -It was in the reign of Alfonso VI that Rodrigo, or Ruy, Díaz of Vivar -(near Burgos), better known as “the Cid,” performed the achievements -which have made him a famous character in literature. Until recently he -was represented as a fanatically ardent, Christian crusader, ever -drawing his sword against the infidel or in defence of any just and -noble cause, and performing superhuman prodigies of valor. The true Cid -was very far from answering to that description, and was also so typical -of his age that his real career has historic value apart from -literature. In the civil wars following the death of Ferdinand I, Díaz -was a partisan of Sancho II of Castile, and contributed greatly to that -monarch’s success,--a victory which was spoiled by the assassination of -his patron. Díaz then recognized Alfonso VI, and was sent by the latter -to collect the tribute due from the king of Seville. On his return he -was accused of having appropriated for himself certain of the funds -which he was bringing to the king, and was banished from Castile; -possibly Alfonso VI may still have felt resentment over Díaz’s part in -the victories of Sancho. Followed by only a few warriors Díaz wandered -over Spain, seeking wealth and honors in return for military aid. -Finally he took service with the Moslem king of Saragossa, and won fame -in all the peninsula as a result of his victories not only against -Moslem enemies but more than once against Christian kings; in fine, -religion seems not to have entered into his program to any appreciable -extent; indeed, the name Cid was applied by his Moslem soldiers, meaning -“lord,” or “master.” In 1086 the Moslem king of Valencia, the same one -who had been placed on the throne by Alfonso VI, got into difficulties -with his subjects, and sought the aid of Saragossa. The Cid was sent -with an army of mingled Christians and Moslems to restore the authority -of the Valencian monarch. This he did, but under a contract which -ignored his Saragossan master and enabled the Cid to become the virtual -ruler of Valencia. In 1092 on the death of the king of Valencia the Cid -converted his _de facto_ into a _de jure_ rule, reigning until his death -in 1099. As monarch of Valencia he was selfish and cruel, like others of -his time, sustaining his power by virtue of his army of Christians and -Moslems against foes of whatever faith, even against Castile. He -espoused one of his daughters to Ramón Berenguer III of Barcelona, and -another to a prince of the royal family of Navarre. After his death his -state fell before the advance of the Almoravides. - -[Sidenote: The anarchy of Urraca’s reign.] - -[Sidenote: The beginnings of Portugal.] - -Alfonso VI was succeeded by his daughter Urraca (1109-1126), for he left -no sons, and her reign was a period of anarchy. Urraca, who was a widow, -was compelled by the nobles to remarry, on the ground that affairs of -state needed a man’s direction, while her infant son by a previous -marriage, Alfonso, was brought up in Galicia, being considered king of -that region. Alfonso I “the Battler” of Aragon was selected as a husband -for Urraca, but the marriage was not a happy one. Urraca was so -imprudent in her manner of life that the Battler saw fit to imprison her -in a castle. Furthermore, he displayed a clear intention of making -himself ruler in Castile as he was in Aragon, a course which the -Castilian nobles were far from approving. The scene having been set the -wars began. A complication entered from the side of Galicia, where -Bishop Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela proposed that the infant -Alfonso should reign in León as well as in Galicia. The changes of side -and fortune in these wars, not only by the three principals, but also by -individual nobles, need not be followed, except to relate one incident -which marked the first step toward the ultimate independence of -Portugal. Teresa, a sister of Urraca, had married a French count, Henry -of Lorraine, to whom (in 1095?) Alfonso VI granted territories called -the county of Portugal in the northern part of the land which now bears -that name. These estates were held as a fief, subject to tribute and -military service. Henry and later Teresa (on the former’s death) -profited by the civil strife to increase their holdings and acquire real -strength. Urraca died in 1126, and matters were arranged by the -recognition of the young Alfonso (Alfonso VII “the Emperor”) as king in -his grandfather’s domain, while Alfonso the Battler gained some -territories adjoining his kingdom of Aragon.[19] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso “the Emperor.”] - -The death of Urraca did not end the internal strife in Christian Spain. -For ten years there were wars with Teresa and her son Affonso Enríquez -of Portugal; there were wars, too, against Aragon and Navarre, following -the death of Alfonso the Battler, out of which Alfonso VII procured some -extensions of territory. When the century was nearly half gone Alfonso -was able to turn energetically to an attack upon the Moslem states, -especially between 1144 and 1147 during the second era of the _taifas_. -His conquests were vast, but of brief duration, for the Almohades soon -entered Spain to deprive him of what he had won. Like Ferdinand I before -him Alfonso VII took the title of emperor, which then had a significance -equivalent to that of sole temporal ruler of Christendom in succession -to the Roman emperors. In the case of Ferdinand and Alfonso it may also -have represented a protest against the like pretensions of the Holy -Roman Emperors, then reigning principally in Germanic Europe. Alfonso -seemed in a fair way to create a peninsula empire, for he was able to -make the kings of Aragon and Navarre, the counts of Barcelona and -Toulouse, various lesser princes of Spain and southern France, and some -rulers of the Moslem _taifas_ swear fealty to him as their feudal -sovereign. The imperial confederation had no real strength, however, for -the spirit of separatism was as yet too deeply rooted. Alfonso himself -demonstrated this by dividing his realm at his death, in 1157, into the -two kingdoms of Castile and León. - -[Sidenote: The defence of Calatrava.] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso VIII and the overthrow of the Moslems.] - -The next following reigns had their share of internal strife and one -important event in the course of the Moslem wars,--the defence of -Calatrava in 1158 by two Cistercian monks, who procured an army by -proclaiming a crusade. Out of this event there came the founding in 1164 -of the important military order of Calatrava. Alfonso VIII (1158-1214) -inherited the throne of Castile while still a child. War and disorder -followed until 1180, for the kings of León and Navarre and various -nobles endeavored as usual to profit for themselves at the expense of -the newly enthroned monarch. At length Alfonso VIII, who was one of the -ablest rulers of this period (both in internal organization and in -external conquest), directed his attention to the reconquest from the -Moslems. After a rapid succession of victories he was defeated, as -already noted, at the battle of Alarcos, on which occasion the kings of -León and Navarre failed to accord him the aid they had promised. Wars -followed against the two kings, but matters were at length adjusted and -a tremendous army, including many foreigners, was raised to combat the -Almohades. All seemed to be imbued with the crusading spirit, but most -of the foreigners deserted before the issue presented itself. Nearly all -the peoples of Christian Spain were represented in Alfonso’s host, -however, and together they won the great battle of Navas de Tolosa in -1212. - -[Sidenote: The independence of Portugal.] - -Meanwhile, the counts of Portugal had continued their policy of complete -separation from León and Castile, and had also extended their frontiers -southward by successful wars against the Moslems. Affonso Enríquez took -the title of king, and this was recognized in 1143 by Alfonso VII, -subject to the vassalage of the Portuguese monarch to León. Affonso -Enríquez managed to avoid this condition by submitting his state to the -sovereignty of the pope, who accepted it in 1144, though conferring only -the title of duke on Affonso. A few years later Pope Alexander III -recognized the Portuguese ruler as king. Thus Portugal withdrew from the -current of peninsula unity, and established her independence in law and -in fact. - -[Sidenote: Saint Ferdinand and the crusades in Spain.] - -Berenguela, daughter of Alfonso VIII of Castile, had married Alfonso IX -(1188-1230) of León, by whom she had a son, Ferdinand. Pope Innocent III -brought about an annulment of the marriage on the ground of -consanguinity, though he recognized the legitimacy of Ferdinand. On the -death of Henry I of Castile in 1217 Berenguela was proclaimed queen, but -granted the throne to her son, who as Ferdinand III, later Saint -Ferdinand (San Fernando), was to prove an even greater monarch than his -grandfather, Alfonso VIII. Wars with his father and with his nobles -occupied the early years of his reign, but by 1225, having overcome his -Christian enemies, he was able to renew the campaigns against the -Moslems. City after city fell into his power; Cordova was taken in 1236; -Murcia became tributary in 1241; and the culminating blow came with the -siege of Seville, which surrendered to Ferdinand in 1248. Despite the -fact that not a little crusading zeal entered into these campaigns and -that Ferdinand himself was an ardent Christian, religious enthusiasm, -even yet, was not as uncompromising as it later became. Ferdinand was an -ally at one time of the Almohade emperor, whom he restored to his throne -in Africa; he also accepted the alliance of the Moslem prince of Granada -in the campaign against Seville; and other similar instances of his -freedom from fanatical intolerance might be adduced. Nevertheless, he -planned to overwhelm the Moslem authority, and would almost certainly -have invaded Africa if he had lived a few years longer. His Christian -spirit, however, was along practical and national lines. When Louis IX -of France invited him to join in a crusade in the orient Ferdinand is -said to have replied: “There is no lack of Moors in _my_ land.” Not only -by conquests but also by internal reforms he assisted in the development -of Castilian unity. One external event of capital importance was the -incorporation into Castile of the kingdom of León in 1230 on the death -of Alfonso IX, despite the latter’s attempt to deliver his dominions to -two daughters by a marriage previous to that with Berenguela. With -Ferdinand’s death in 1252 the era of the Castilian crusades came to an -end. - - -_Catalonia, 1035 to 1164_ - -[Sidenote: The extension of the authority of the counts of Barcelona.] - -At the time when Ramón Berenguer I (1035-1076) became count of -Barcelona, Catalonia was a federation of counties, acknowledging the -ruler of Barcelona as overlord. Possessed already of Barcelona and -Gerona, Ramón Berenguer soon acquired two more counties, which had been -left by his father to other sons. He extended his frontiers at the -expense of the Moslems, and laid the foundations of the later Catalonian -power in southern France through marriage alliances with princes of that -region. It was in his reign, too, that the Catalan code of the -_Usáticos_, or _Usatges_ (Usages, or Customs), was compiled, though at -the instance of his powerful vassals, who wanted their privileges -reduced to writing. By the end of his reign he had united five -Catalonian counties and many other territories under his rule, including -almost as much land in southern France as he possessed in Spain. No -further progress was made until the reign of Ramón Berenguer III -(1096-1131), who, through inheritance, without civil wars, acquired all -of the Catalonian counties but two and a great part of southern France. -He also waged wars against the Moslems, though perhaps the most notable -thing about them was that the Pisans fought as his allies. Indeed, he -established commercial and diplomatic relations with the various Italian -republics,--a beginning of Spain’s fateful connection with Italy. Ramón -Berenguer IV (1131-1162) inherited only the Spanish portions of his -father’s domain, but extended his authority over Tortosa, Lérida, and -other Moslem regions, being a notable warrior. In 1150 he married the -daughter of the king of Aragon, and in 1164 his son by this marriage -united Aragon and Catalonia under a single rule. - - -_Aragon_ - -[Sidenote: The beginnings of Aragon and the union with Catalonia.] - -The kingdom of Aragon dates from the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre -in 1035. The new state was almost insignificantly small at the outset, -but, by inheritances, wars with the Moslems, and the peaceful -incorporation of Navarre in 1076, it already included a large portion of -north central Spain by the close of the eleventh century. The era of -great conquests began with Alfonso I “the Battler” (1104-1134), the same -king whose marriage with Urraca of Castile had resulted so unfavorably. -Better fortune awaited him on the Moslem frontier. In 1118 he captured -Saragossa, an event as important in Aragon as was the acquisition of -Toledo a few years before in Castile. He carried his campaigns as far -south, even, as Murcia and Andalusia, but the principal result of these -invasions was that he brought back ten thousand Mozárabes to settle his -newly-won conquests. Having no sons he tried to leave his realm to two -military orders, but this arrangement did not prove agreeable to his -subjects. The nobles of Navarre elected a king of their own, withdrawing -from the union with Aragon, while those of Aragon chose a brother of -Alfonso, named Ramiro, who at the time of his election was a monk. The -reign of Ramiro II “the Monk” (1134-1137) was exceptionally important -for Spain, without any particular merit accruing therefor to the king. -The pope freed him from his vows and he married. From this marriage -there was born a daughter, Petronilla. Ramiro espoused her to Ramón -Berenguer IV of Barcelona, and soon abdicated, returning to his -monastery. Petronilla’s son, Ramón Berenguer, who presently changed his -name to the Aragonese-sounding Alfonso, was the first to rule in his own -right over Aragon and Catalonia in what came to be called the kingdom of -Aragon, although Catalonia was always the more important part. - -[Sidenote: The act of vassalage to the pope and the French conquests in -Aragonese dominions of southern France.] - -Alfonso II inherited Catalonia in 1162, and became king of Aragon proper -in 1164 on the abdication of Petronilla. Later he inherited nearly all -of southern France. He was also a frequent ally of Alfonso VIII of -Castile against the Moslems, gaining some territories on his own -account. In 1179 these two kings made a treaty dividing Spain between -them, fixing the limits of their respective present and future -conquests,--a noteworthy instance of the approach toward the unification -of Spain. Alfonso II was succeeded by Pedro II “the Catholic” -(1196-1213) at a time when affairs were in a critical state in his -French dominions. That region had been in constant turmoil, as a result -both of the ambitions of the kings of France and of the comparative -independence and selfish aims of the feudal lords. There was now added a -new factor,--the widespread Albigensian heresy, which had been accepted -by the majority of the Provençal people and even more by their lords. -With matters in this state Pedro visited Rome in 1204, and, while -there, gave his dominions in vassalage to the pope, receiving them back -as a fief. This act was to have important consequences at a later time, -but if its immediate object was to check French pretensions to southern -France, as has been supposed, it was not very successful, for the pope -himself proclaimed a crusade against the Albigenses. The crusaders were -French nobles, who represented a purely French invasion quite as much as -they did an orthodox host. Under their leader, Simon de Montfort, they -won several victories, displaying such cruelty against Catholics and -heretics alike that they were censured by a famous religious at that -time preaching among the Albigenses, Domingo de Guzmán. Guzmán was the -Spaniard who later founded the Dominican order, named for him, and who -became canonized as Saint Dominic (San Domingo). Pedro II endeavored to -mediate to check the temporal designs of Montfort, but was persuaded by -the pope to recognize the French leader as his vassal in the regions he -had conquered. When Montfort continued in his aggressive designs Pedro -II declared war against him, but was defeated in a battle which cost him -his life. - -[Sidenote: Early years of the reign of Jaime “the Conqueror.”] - -The death of Pedro II brought to the throne the greatest Aragonese -monarch of the period, Jaime I “the Conqueror” (1213-1276), a worthy -contemporary of Ferdinand III of Castile. At the outset of his reign he -was a mere child in the dangerous possession of Simon de Montfort. On -this occasion the tremendous influence of the great pope, Innocent III, -was beneficial to Spain, for Montfort was constrained to surrender the -boy king to his people. Then followed the usual troubles which beset the -early years of a youthful monarch in that period. There were wars -brought about by ambitious nobles fighting for the possession of the -king, wars of the nobles among themselves, and wars of the nobles -against the king. Though only a boy, Jaime took a hand in the fighting, -and was many times in danger,--twice he was captured by hostile -nobles,--but thanks to his courage and coolness was always able to free -himself from the perils which beset him. Not until 1228 was he in full -command of the situation. Meanwhile, civil wars had been taking place -in southern France, resolving themselves finally into a struggle between -the count of Toulouse, aided by the Catalans, and Simon de Montfort. In -this war Montfort lost his life, and the French power in that region for -the time being vanished. - -[Sidenote: The conquests of Jaime.] - -Backed by the sentiment of most of Catalonia, which desired territorial -and commercial expansion in the Mediterranean, Jaime now planned a -career of conquest. Many of the Aragonese and western Catalonian nobles -declined to join him in this enterprise; so he had to find means as best -he could without their aid. In 1229 he entered the island of Majorca, -which for centuries had been successively a pirate and Moslem -stronghold. Having achieved the conquest, which proved an easy matter, -Jaime distributed the lands among his Catalan followers. In 1232 Minorca -was subjected, and in 1235 Ibiza, too. Thus the Balearic Islands fell -into Jaime’s power and received a Catalan civilization, which they still -possess. The greatest prize, however, was the rich kingdom of Valencia. -Although handicapped by the lukewarm support of his nobles Jaime -proceeded to the conquest with such success that he won the aid of those -who had previously failed to help him, and in 1238 the city of Valencia -fell,--an event comparable with the capture of Seville by Ferdinand III. -The rest of the kingdom was not long in falling into Jaime’s power, and -the lands were distributed among his nobles, but the Moslems were so -numerous that they were able to rise in rebellion on two occasions -before the end of the reign. On achieving the conquest of Valencia, -Jaime had agreed with the king of Castile that the southern boundary of -that kingdom should be the limit of the Aragonese conquest, while -Murcia, which became tributary to Ferdinand III in 1241, was reserved -for the ultimate definitive conquest of Castile. The unquenchable -military ardor of Jaime I would not allow him to rest on his laurels, -however, and he engaged to conquer Murcia for the king of Castile. This -he accomplished in the years 1265 and 1266, giving the lands to his -Catalan nobles, who were subjected to the Castilian king, whereupon -Jaime withdrew. These relations between the kings of Castile and Aragon -not only instanced a somewhat rare good faith, but also marked a -tendency which was gradually manifesting itself toward the ultimate -unity of Spain. Next, the restless warrior-king planned to go on a -crusade to Palestine, but his fleet was wrecked, and he gave up the -project, although some Catalan boats did reach their destination. In -1273 Jaime wanted to conquer Granada for Castile, but this time he could -not persuade his Catalan nobles to follow him. He did, however, send a -fleet to attack the coast of Morocco. - -[Sidenote: Other characteristics of Jaime’s rule.] - -Jaime was not only a great conqueror; he was also a great administrator. -Owing to the entry of feudalism into northeastern Spain his nobles had -such power that even the able Jaime was obliged often to compromise or -to yield to their wishes. He took steps to reduce their power, at the -cost of civil war, and in many other respects bettered the -administration of his kingdom. Though deeply religious he was far from -being an ascetic, as is evidenced by the many illegitimate children -descended from him, and although usually magnanimous in character he was -capable of acts of ferocious cruelty,--such, for example, as that of -ordering the tongue of the bishop of Gerona to be torn out for the -latter’s having revealed to the pope a secret of the confession. In 1276 -when the great king died he left a will which contradicted the policies -of centralization and the aggrandizement of the kingdom which in his -lifetime he had unfailingly pursued. He divided his realms, giving -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia to his eldest son, Pedro, and Majorca -and the Roussillon (southern France) to his son Jaime. The division was -not to endure long, however. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Navarre passes under French rule.] - -There is little worth recording in the history of Navarre in this -period. After the separation from Aragon in 1134 Navarre engaged -periodically in civil strife and in wars with Aragon or Castile. When -the throne became vacant in 1234 the French count of Champagne was -elected king, and, with this, Navarre was, for many years, more -involved in the history of France than in that of Spain. At length the -heiress of Navarre married Philip IV of France, whereupon Navarre ceased -to be a kingdom, becoming a mere dependency of the French monarch. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 - -_Moslem Spain_ - - -[Sidenote: Absolutism in government.] - -The principle of absolute monarchy continued to be followed in Moslem -Spain, and was even accentuated, whether in the eras of the _taifas_, or -at times of a single dominion. Indeed, this was virtually the case while -the _taifas_ were still republics, although they soon converted -themselves into confessed monarchies. In furtherance of absolutism an -excess of court ceremonial was introduced, and the rulers rarely allowed -their faces to be seen, holding audiences, for example, from behind a -curtain. The _taifa_ kings amassed great wealth, and their palaces were -overflowing with luxury. - -[Sidenote: Social factors in Moslem Spain.] - -The most important social change was the complete overthrow of the -Arabic element, leaving the Berbers and Renegados in control. Arabic -influence had already done its work, however, and the passing of the -contemporary members of that race did not mean the uprooting of Arabic -traits in Spain. Social well-being declined, owing to the various -factors of war, the development of vast landed estates (at the expense -of the small proprietor), and the increase in taxation. The Jews enjoyed -great consideration for a while, exercising an important influence in -material, intellectual, and even political affairs. Under the -Almoravides and Almohades they were severely persecuted, and many of -them emigrated to Castile, where for the time being they were well -received. The Mozárabes were also persecuted, and in increasing degree -with the advance of the Christians, for they aided not a little in the -reconquest. Many of them were taken north by the Christian kings when -they returned from their invasions, whereupon those remaining in Moslem -territory were all the more harshly treated. The Almohades were -particularly intolerant. - - -_León and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Nobles and clergy.] - -The nobility continued to be the most important social class, with much -the same differences of grade among themselves, the same authority and -privileges, and the same tendencies to war against the king and with one -another and to commit acts of violence and robbery as in the preceding -period. The conflict of the nobility as a class against the king took -definite shape, and a numerous new nobility, the _caballeros_ (knights), -sprang up. The _caballeros_ proceeded from the plebeian ranks, being -composed of those who could equip themselves for war as cavalrymen. -Although they gained certain privileges, such as exemptions from -taxation, thus weakening the king’s power, they served in fact as a -counterpoise to the hereditary noble class. They were much favored by -the kings, who needed well-equipped soldiers for their wars. The clergy -made distinct gains as regards personal immunities and the freedom of -their lands from the usual obligations, especially from that of -taxation. This bettering of their position was not the result of general -laws, but rather of the accumulation of individual privileges, granted -now to one religious institution, now to another. Their advantages in -these respects were not always well received by others, and objections -were made, especially by the popular element, through their -representatives in the national _Cortes_ (Congress, or Parliament),--of -which institution presently. - -[Sidenote: The advance of the middle class.] - -[Sidenote: Gains of the servile classes.] - -The free popular element, or middle class, which had been reborn in the -preceding period with the founding of the _villas_, or _concejos_, -developed a much greater social importance than formerly. Many factors -contributed to this end, such as the increase in the number of the -_villas_, the concession of new privileges, the material advance of -Christian Spain (agriculturally, industrially, and commercially), the -important military services of the municipal militia, and the fact that -not only the _caballeros_ but also the leading jurisconsults began to be -recruited from the middle class. As a rule this element paid taxes, but -it enjoyed not a few exemptions and privileges,--for example, a right -not to be required to make unusual contributions at the mere will of the -king, or in some cases a right to commute all of their taxes to a single -tribute. At the same time, the servile classes made striking advances, -in part through their own efforts, but aided also by an increasing -sentiment in favor of manumissions, by the need for population (both as -a result of the conquests and in consequence of economic development), -and by the protection accorded them in the _villas_. The movement for -emancipation was not uniform or free from setbacks, and this led to -numerous uprisings of serfs, who joined the enemies of their masters in -wars against the latter. The monks of Cluny, accustomed to the much -greater subjection of the servile classes in France, represented a -strong current of reaction. At Sahagún, the principal Cluniac centre, -there were such limitations on liberty as those requiring that all bread -must be cooked in the ovens of the monastery, and forbidding anybody to -sell his wine before the monks had sold theirs, or to buy cloth, fresh -fish, firewood, or other necessities before the monks had bought theirs, -and there were other restrictions of a like character. By the end of the -twelfth century serfs generally had gained such rights as the exact -fixing of services due their lords, the abolition of the practice of -selling them with the land, and the recognition of the validity of their -marriages, whether consented to by their lords or not. In the thirteenth -century they gained almost complete personal liberty, doing away with -the _malos usos_, or bad customs, like those referred to in the case of -the monastery of Sahagún. - -[Sidenote: The four new social classes.] - -Four new social classes became important at this time, principally as a -result of the wars of reconquest,--the foreigners, Jews, Mudéjares, and -Mozárabes. As a general rule each group had its own law, differentiating -it from the national elements. Foreigners from every prominent western -European region came to León and Castile, attracted by the crusading -character of the wars or by the material development of this part of -Spain or perhaps fleeing from worse conditions in the lands whence they -had come. For the Jews this was the happiest period they ever enjoyed in -Catholic Spain, and great numbers of them entered Castile in order to -escape the persecution of the Almoravides and Almohades. For a while -they were on practically an equal footing socially and juridically with -the Christians, and were one of the principal agencies for the diffusion -of Moslem culture in León and Castile. By the opening of the thirteenth -century their situation began to change with the adoption of restrictive -measures, although it was not until the next period that these operated -in all their harshness. As the conquests proceeded, great bodies of -Moslems were incorporated into the Christian states, and they came to be -called “Mudéjares.” Despite the growth of intolerance with the advance -in the crusading character of the wars the Mudéjares were in general -very well treated. Aside from treaties of capitulation making promises -to that effect, political and economic interests made it advisable both -on account of the numbers of the vanquished Moslems and because of the -need for population. Many of them, whether as freemen or serfs, were -agricultural laborers enjoying considerable independence, including the -right of publicly practising their religion. As time went on they tended -to gather into the cities, although subjected to more restrictions than -in the country,--such as the refusal to allow the public practice of the -Moslem faith (with a number of exceptions, however) or requirements that -they must wear a distinctive dress and live in a separate section of the -city. If they were not greatly molested in other respects they did have -to endure very heavy taxation, even including the tithe for the benefit -of the Christian church. The Mozárabes, though of the same race and -religion as the Leonese and Castilian population, had lived so long in -contact with Moslem civilization that they represented a class apart, -having their special laws differing from those of the native-born -Christians. Naturally, they were well received. - -[Sidenote: Forms of wedlock.] - -[Sidenote: The family.] - -Among the social traits of the era may be noted a certain moral laxity. -Two forms of marriage were recognized, that of _bendición_ (blessing of -the church), accompanied by a religious ceremony, and the wedding _á -yuras_ (under oath), by a simple contract between the parties concerned. -A third form of union, similar to the latter but not recognized as -lawful wedlock, was that of _barraganía_ (concubinage). The essential -conditions of _barraganía_ were permanence and fidelity. Both parties -were supposed to be single, although the custom often extended to -include married men; in the latter case, but not in the former, the -children were held to be illegitimate. Many clergymen entered into this -relation, despite efforts to prevent the practice. _Barraganía_ and the -marriage _á yuras_ have been considered to be a Christian imitation of -Moslem marital customs. Divorce was allowed for serious cause. The -father was recognized as the master of the family, although the wife and -children gained certain financial and personal rights which had not -formerly been accorded them. The bonds of family were so strong, -however, that individuals who were free by law to emancipate -themselves--for example, by marriage--often continued under the parental -roof. Thus great family groups living in common were formed. - -[Sidenote: Advance in domesticity.] - -[Sidenote: Other social customs.] - -As a result of the greater economic wealth, the comparative peace back -from the frontier, and the development of the towns the manner of life -underwent a rapid change, which may be summed up by saying that people -began to live inside the house instead of out, giving more active play -to the domestic instinct of the woman, which in its turn had a much -needed softening effect upon the man. Houses now had hearths, although -not always a chimney and as late as the twelfth century no panes of -glass in the windows. Furniture reached a degree of luxury and comfort -far in advance of what it had been since the Roman era. It was heavy and -very sober in decoration at first, but increased in adornment later on. -Beds were an object of luxury in the eleventh century; people slept on -benches or on the floor. By the thirteenth century artisans and laborers -usually had a bed, as also a table, two chairs, and a chest. Chairs, -throughout the period, were low, and rarely had backs; those with both -arms and a back were reserved for the master of the house. Floors, even -in palaces, were usually bare of cover. Habits of cleanliness were not -yet very much in evidence. Clothing was customarily worn until worn out, -without being changed or washed. At table it was rare for the diners to -have individual plates or napkins, and the fork was not yet known. Bones -and refuse were left on the table, or thrown on the floor, and the use -of water for any purpose other than for drinking was unusual. The custom -of public baths had some vogue in the cities, however. Men still lived -much in the open, but women habitually withdrew from public view. Crimes -against women, from those which were more serious down to the -comparatively mild offence of pulling a woman’s hair, were punished with -extreme severity,--not that women enjoyed high esteem or even an equal -consideration with men, for the supposed gallantry of the medieval -period did not in fact exist. Men wore their hair long, and a long beard -was considered as an indication of dignity,--so much so, that a heavy -penalty was imposed on anybody who pulled or cut another’s beard. -Amusement was provided by jugglers or by dancing and singing, especially -on days of religious festivals, or holidays, and during the holding of -fairs. Among the great people the French sport of the tourney was much -in favor. From France, too, came feudal chivalry, imposing the ideals of -valor, loyalty, and dignity (to the extent that nobody should doubt -another’s nobility, his word, or his courage) on those professing it. -This exaggerated sense of honor led to duelling, and comported ill with -the real conduct of the nobles. Epidemics of leprosy and plagues -(bubonic?) were frequent, resulting in the founding of hospitals and -institutions of charity. - -[Sidenote: Political and administrative changes.] - -Fundamentally, León and Castile had much the same political organization -as before, but the popular element, as represented in the _villas_ and -the _Cortes_, began to be a real political force, and the kings -increased their strength at the expense of the nobles, although their -struggle with the nobility as a class was not to result in complete -royal victory for more than two centuries yet. The throne continued -elective in theory, but the tendency was for it to become hereditary, -although the question was not definitely settled at this time. The right -of women to reign became recognized with the crowning of Berenguela. In -administration many governmental districts were enlarged to include -various counties, the whole being ruled by a governor appointed directly -by the king, assisted by functionaries called _merinos mayores_,[20] who -had charge of civil and criminal jurisdiction. An important reform was -effected by removing the nobles from the post of the king’s -representative in the counties and substituting officials called -_adelantados_, whose authority at this time was more civil than -military, and therefore less dangerous.[21] Still others exercised -respectively political and military authority. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of the _Cortes_.] - -[Sidenote: Legislation.] - -For centuries the kings had been in the habit of holding councils of -nobles or ecclesiastics, or both, although there was a tendency to -exclude the churchmen. In 1137 a council of nobles at Nájera was called -the _Cortes_. The popular element was first admitted in 1188, at a -_Cortes_ held in León,--possibly the first occasion in the history of -Europe when representatives of the towns appeared in such an assembly. -The first known instance in Castile occurred in 1250. For a number of -years, León and Castile, though become a single kingdom, continued to -have a separate _Cortes_. The kings called this body whenever they -wished, although they often made promises (which they did not fulfil) to -set regular intervals. None of the individuals called, whether nobles, -ecclesiastics, or representatives of the _villas_ (or towns), had the -right to present themselves; that was left to the choice of the king, -but the custom gradually became fixed that certain towns should have the -privilege of being represented. Each member had one vote, but the number -of representatives from the towns differed, without being subject to a -general rule. The towns themselves chose who should represent them, but -the methods of choice were various. The _Cortes_ was allowed to make -petitions to the king, each branch for itself, and to fix the sum of -money that it would grant him. It had no true legislative functions, but -the king sought its advice, or its approval for his laws, and its -influence was such, that it was able to procure desired legislation. The -king presided in person at the opening and closing sessions, and through -officials of his own appointment at the other meetings. The king -continued to be the principal legislative authority, and the law -retained its former diversity and its fundamental basis of privilege; -the variety even increased, with the introduction of the new social -classes. The _Fuero Juzgo_, which was the common law, applied in but few -respects. The kings did something in the way of producing greater -juridical similarity, as by making dispositions of a general character -at meetings of the _Cortes_, and by using certain municipal charters as -types, while Ferdinand III commenced to draw up a uniform code, although -he did not live to complete it. - -[Sidenote: Political life of the towns.] - -Municipal organization retained the essential features of the preceding -era, such as the local assembly and the various officials, of whom the -most important were the judges. The latter came to be called _alcaldes_ -(from an Arabic term meaning “the judges”),--an example of Moslem -influence. In many cities, there were representatives of the king, -called _merinos_ and other names. Communication with the king was also -maintained by the use of messengers, now of the king, now of the city. -The actual monarchical authority was so slight that the towns often -acted with complete independence. Like the nobles they made forays -against the Moslems on their own account, or fought one another, or with -very good reason attacked neighboring, lawless nobles. For these wars -they often formed leagues, or brotherhoods (_hermandades_), of towns (or -occasionally leagues which included some nobles), for which special -ordinances were drawn up without previously consulting the king. Some of -the towns of the north coast were so independent that they joined in the -wars between France and England, against the latter. Often the towns -changed their own charters without royal permission, although this was -not done in open defiance of the king, but, rather, in secret and -fraudulently. The privileges of the towns in respect to taxation -(although, indeed, they paid the bulk of what the king received from his -free, Christian subjects) have already been mentioned.[22] Taxes were -also collected within the towns for local purposes. In addition to -revenues from direct contributions the towns also imposed obligations of -personal service on their citizens, and owned lands which formed -perhaps their most important source of wealth. These lands were of two -kinds, the _propios_ (estates “belonging to” a municipality and utilized -to assist in defraying public expenses), which were worked directly or -rented by the town, and the _comunales_, or land common, for the use of -all, subject to local regulations. In seigniorial towns, especially in -those acknowledging an ecclesiastical lord, great progress was made -toward an approximation of the rights enjoyed by the royal towns and -cities. They had already gained economic independence, but now wished to -attain to political freedom as well. They fought against the lord’s -practice of arbitrarily choosing their principal magistrates; next, they -endeavored to gain for their own assembly the exclusive right of choice; -then they tried to increase the powers of the locally chosen officials -as compared with those appointed by the lord; and, all along, they aimed -to acquire more authority for their assemblies, or for the council which -came to represent them,--for example, the right to fix wages. By the -opening of the thirteenth century local autonomy had been gained at -Santiago de Compostela, and many other seigniorial towns (both noble and -ecclesiastical) had achieved equal, or nearly equal, good fortune. - -[Sidenote: The administration of justice.] - -Justice belonged fundamentally to the king, but the _alcaldes_ of the -towns usually exercised civil jurisdiction, and often criminal as well; -in some towns royal _merinos_ or _adelantados_ had charge of criminal -jurisdiction. The king might punish local judges, however, even removing -them and appointing others, but this power did not in fact enable him to -check abuses. Appeals went to the king, who also had the right to try in -first instance the serious crimes of murder, assault on a woman, -robbery, and others. In such cases the king was assisted in -administering justice by a group of men of his own appointment, called -the _Cort_ (not to be confused with the _Cortes_), but this body merely -advised him, for the decision was left to him. As might be expected in -an age of disorder, punishments were atrocious,--such, for example, as -mutilation, stoning to death, throwing over a cliff, burning, burial -alive, starvation, cooking, stripping off the skin, drowning, and -hanging; only the last-named has survived. On the other hand, -composition for murder, or the payment of a sum of money, was -allowable,--for men were valuable to the state,--although the murderer -was not free from the private vengeance of the dead man’s family. The -so-called “vulgar proofs,”--such as the tests of the hot iron and hot -water, and the wager of battle,--besides torture, were employed (as -elsewhere in western Europe) as a means for acquiring evidence, but -these methods were already being looked upon with disfavor. Real justice -was in fact rare; the wealthy, especially if they were nobles, were able -to take matters into their own hands or to procure favorable decisions, -if affairs should reach the point of litigation. - -[Sidenote: Methods of warfare.] - -Military service was obligatory upon all, but except for a small royal -guard there was no permanent army. Organization continued to be simple; -the seigniorial troops were commanded by the lord or his representative, -and the militia of the towns by an _alférez_ (standard-bearer).[23] -Large numbers of foreigners joined in the wars against the Moslems, but -perhaps the most important element was that of the military orders. -These orders had a mixed religious and secular character, for, while -some members took the usual monastic vows, others were not required to -do so. Aside from the orders of general European prominence, like that -of the Templars, there were three which were confined to the peninsula, -those of Calatrava, Santiago, and Alcántara, all formed in the middle of -the twelfth century. Their membership became so numerous and their -wealth so great that they constituted one more important force with -which the kings had to reckon in the struggle for the establishment of -royal authority, although the peril proved greater in its possibilities -than in the fact. War was absolutely merciless, falling quite as heavily -on the non-combatant as upon the opponent with arms in his hands. The -enemy population might be subjected to the loss of their lands and to -enslavement, unless this seemed inadvisable, and pillage was legally -recognized, with a share of the booty going to the king. Such weapons as -the sword, lance, and pike were still the principal types. The use of -flags was introduced as a means of inciting the troops to deeds of -valor, while priests were employed to provide a like stimulus. The first -navy in this part of Spain was the private fleet of Bishop Gelmírez of -Santiago de Compostela. Private navies were the rule. The first royal -navy was formed by Ferdinand III, as a result of the important part -played by the private naval levies which had assisted in the taking of -Seville. - -[Sidenote: The monks of Cluny and church reform.] - -Notwithstanding the increase in privileges accorded the church, the king -had always intervened in its affairs,--as by the appointment or -deposition of bishops, and even by taking under his own jurisdiction -certain cases on appeal from the ecclesiastical courts. The monks of -Cluny, influential in so many respects, set about to uproot the -dependence of the church upon the king and to bring about a closer -relation of the clergy with the papacy. Aided by the piety of the kings -themselves they were able to achieve their ends, although the monarchs -maintained that the pope’s measures should not be valid in the royal -dominions without governmental consent. Thenceforth, the pope and his -legates began to take the place of the king in church affairs. The same -centralizing policy of the monks of Cluny and the great popes of the era -was employed to bring the Castilian church into uniformity with that of -Rome in matters of doctrine and rite. Some difficulty was experienced in -the latter respect, for the Spanish people were attached to their form -of worship, which was called the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite. Earlier -popes had recognized this as orthodox, but Gregory VII asked Alfonso VI -to abolish it. The king was willing, but the people and the clergy were -not. The matter was once left to the decision of the wager of battle, -and again to that of fire, but in each case the local rite came out -victorious. Finally, the king rode roughshod over judicial proofs, and -abolished the local rite.[24] It was in this period, therefore, that the -hierarchy of the church, depending on the pope, was established in -Spain. At this time, too, the monasteries (and the military orders as -well) became independent of the bishops, and ascended to the pope, or -his legate, through the medium of their abbots (or grand masters). The -increasing wealth and privileges of the church have already been -sufficiently alluded to; many of the orders degenerated greatly, even -that of the monks of Cluny, as a result of the luxury which their means -permitted. At the moment when clerical ostentation had become greatest -there came the founding of the mendicant orders, early in the thirteenth -century. In the peninsula, as elsewhere, these orders (whose principal -vow was poverty) achieved a great work for the church; the Franciscans -went chiefly among the poor, and the Dominicans dealt more with the -upper classes, but both preached the necessity for repentance and for -conversion to the faith.[25] They also contributed greatly to doing away -with the loose practices which had become current among the clergy in -all parts of Christendom. One such practice persisted, despite their -efforts, the earlier efforts of the monks of Cluny, and the continuous -opposition of the kings (translated into severe laws),--that of priests -entering into the form of union called _barraganía_. - - -_Aragon proper_ - -[Sidenote: Social institutions in Aragon.] - -In institutions, Aragon proper must be distinguished, throughout this -period, from the Catalonian region of the greater kingdom of Aragon. -Social differences were much more marked than in León and Castile, for -there was an excessively privileged feudal nobility, which had a -despotic power over the servile classes; the movement for emancipation -from slavery and serfdom belongs to a much later time. Lords had a right -even to kill their serfs. Slavery (confined usually to Moslems) was not -personal, for the slaves were attached legally to the land. What has -been said for Castile as regards the church, the Jews, Mozárabes, and -Mudéjares applies generally for Aragon. There were more Mudéjares than -in Castile, but, although they enjoyed equality with Christians before -the law, they were on a lower plane socially, and were more heavily -taxed. The practice of living in communal family groups was the rule in -Aragon. - -[Sidenote: Political life and administration in Aragon.] - -The nobles had privileges of a political, as well as of a social -character, being virtually sovereigns on their own estates. One -noteworthy official to develop was the _Justicia_ (Justice, or -Justiciar), charged with hearing cases of violation of privilege and -complaints generally against the authorities. The nobles tried to take -the appointment of this official to themselves, but failing in this -were, nevertheless, able to compel Jaime I to recognize that the -functions of the _Justicia_ were to be exercised in his own right, and -not by delegation of the king,--for example, in cases in which the -_Justicia_ acted as judge, or mediator, between the nobles and the king. -The free towns usually sided with the crown, as in Castile, but they -were not nearly so numerous, and not equally an agency for the -liberation of the servile classes. According to some writers they were -represented in the _Cortes_ as early as 1163 (which was earlier than in -León), but others make 1274 the date of their entry. There were four -estates in the Aragonese _Cortes_,--the higher nobility, the -_caballeros_, the clergy, and the representatives of the towns. Aragon -and Catalonia continued to have a separate _Cortes_ after the union of -the two states, and Valencia also received one of its own, but there -were times when a general _Cortes_ of the entire kingdom was held. The -principal form of legislation was that of the royal charters. The same -diversity of law existed as in Castile, but Jaime I did something to -bring about unification by having a code drawn up. This code, called the -_Compilación de Canellas_ (Compilation of Canellas), for one Canellas -was the compiler, embodied the traditional law of Aragon, supplemented -by principles of equity. It did not do away with the charters, applying -only to matters which they did not cover. The Roman law of Justinian and -the canon law, both of which greatly favored the king, were beginning to -be studied, but the nobility opposed the assertion of these legal -principles in courts of law. Taxes fell more heavily and more -vexatiously on the common people than they did in Castile, but a greater -proportion went to the lords and less to the king; Jaime I had to give -his note for the royal dinners, at times, and he paid his tailor by an -exemption from taxation. The king was not always able to persuade his -nobles to join him in war, though in other respects the military customs -resembled those of Castile. The principal difference in the religious -history of the two regions was that the influence of the monks of Cluny -in favor of ecclesiastical dependence on the pope was much earlier -accepted in Aragon; the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite was abolished as -early as 1071. Pedro II’s submission of the kingdom to the pope was not -well received, however, by either the nobility or the people of both -Aragon and Catalonia. - - -_Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: Social institutions in Catalonia.] - -Different as Catalonia was from Aragon, the two regions had many -features in common because of the existence of feudalism. The feudal -hierarchy was composed of counts, viscounts, _valvasores_ (barons), and -free vassals, of whom the first three grades were noble. Underneath was -the institution of serfdom, equally harsh as in Aragon, and almost -equally late in advancing toward emancipation. Personal slavery (of -Moslem prisoners of war, as a rule) also existed. There were not many -Mozárabes or Mudéjares, but the Jews were fairly numerous. All enjoyed -the same lenient treatment as that accorded in Castile and Aragon,--with -a beginning of restrictive measures at the end of the period. The middle -class of the cities was more important than in Aragon, especially in the -coast cities or towns, where the citizens engaged in commerce. Although -the communal family group was the general rule in Catalonia, this -institution was considerably modified by the existence of the law of -primogeniture, causing the entailment of landed properties to each -successive eldest son,--a variation from the _Fuero Juzgo_. This aided -in economic prosperity, because it kept estates intact, and influenced -younger brothers to go forth in order to build up estates of their own. -In other respects, social customs did not vary materially from those of -Aragon and Castile.[26] - -[Sidenote: Political life and administration in Catalonia.] - -[Sidenote: Importance of Barcelona.] - -The only new factor of interest in general political and administrative -organization was the increase in the actual authority of the counts of -Barcelona (and, similarly, after they became kings of Aragon), although -on the same legal basis of feudalism as before. This came about through -the uniting of most of the counties in the single family of the counts -of Barcelona, who therefore were able to exercise a decisive influence -in Catalonian affairs. The rise in importance of Barcelona was the most -notable event in municipal history. Its commerce and wealth were so -great, and its prestige as capital of the county so influential, that it -exercised a veritable hegemony over the other towns. Each year the -general assembly elected five councillors, who in turn appointed a -council of one hundred, or _Consell de Cent_, which was the principal -governing body of the city. The city was allowed to coin money and to -appoint consuls charged with looking after the business interests of -Barcelona in foreign lands. The _Consell_ also had mercantile -jurisdiction. The Catalan commercial customs were to pass over in a -developed form into Castile, and from there to the Americas. The -Catalonian _Cortes_ had but three estates, and was in other respects -similar to that of Castile. The representatives of the towns were -admitted in 1218, but their right to appear was not definitely affirmed -until 1282. Barcelona had unusual weight in that body, for it possessed -five votes. The _Usatges_ (the code adopted in the reign of Ramón -Berenguer I) merely expressed in writing the feudal customs which were -already in vogue, and therefore it was generally observed. It did not -supersede the charters, the _Fuero Juzgo_, and local customs, all of -which continued in effect. The Roman and canon law, despite the -resistance of the nobility, came to be regarded as supplementary to -other legal sources, although not as of right until centuries later. In -naval affairs Catalonia was far ahead of the rest of Spain. Both a -merchant and a naval marine had existed since the ninth century, and the -former was encouraged by the suppression of taxes and by favorable -treaties with the Italian states. The navy had become a permanent state -institution by the middle of the twelfth century (in the reign of Ramón -Berenguer IV). Individual lords and towns had naval vessels of their -own, however. The history of the church followed the same course as in -Aragon; the Roman rite was adopted in the time of Ramón Berenguer I -(1035-1076). - - -_Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: The royal power in the social and political life of -Valencia.] - -When Jaime I conquered Valencia, he had an opportunity to put into -effect some of his ideas with regard to strengthening the principle of -monarchy, and did not fail to take advantage of it. In the distribution -of lands among the nobles, the king was recognized as the only lord; -furthermore, the majority of the lands were given outright, in small -parcels, to middle class proprietors, subject only to the royal and the -neighborhood taxes. Most of the recipients were Catalans, and thus the -Catalan civilization came to predominate in Valencia. The most numerous -body of the population, however, was that of the Mudéjares. Many of -these were not molested in their estates and their business, and some -were even granted lands, but the majority were obliged to pay heavy -taxes in return for the royal protection. The Mudéjar uprisings led to -the introduction of more rigorous measures. In political affairs, too, -Jaime I established a system more favorable to monarchy. The nobles -wished to have the Aragonese law apply, but the king introduced new -legislation whereby the greater part of the authority rested with him. -The Valencian _Cortes_, of three branches, dates from 1283. - - -_Balearic Islands_ - -[Sidenote: Similarly in the Balearic Islands.] - -Jaime I pursued the same policy in the Balearic Islands as in Valencia, -avoiding the evils of feudalism, and treating the Mudéjares well,--for -here too they were in the majority. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Feudalism and French influences in Navarre.] - -The extreme of feudal organization, similar to that in Aragon, existed -in Navarre. French peoples were an important element in the population, -and the power of the monks of Cluny was unusually great. Although the -kings established hereditary succession, the nobles continued to be -virtually absolute on their estates. The towns did not become as -important a power as elsewhere in Spain, and it was not until the next -era, possibly in the year 1300, that their representatives were admitted -to the _Cortes_. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 - -_Moslem Spain_ - - -[Sidenote: Economic vicissitudes.] - -The political vicissitudes of Moslem Spain could not fail to have an -unfavorable effect on industry and commerce. The economic decline did -not at once manifest itself and was not continuous in any event, for the -periods of depression were often followed by others of great prosperity. -Agriculture, industry, and the arts profited by new impulses, and trade -was carried on with eastern Mediterranean lands. The Christian conquests -meant an end of these commercial relations, but many of the industries -survived in the hands of Moslems, now become Mudéjares. - -[Sidenote: Moslem intellectual achievements.] - -[Sidenote: Averröes and Maimónides.] - -In intellectual culture, Moslem Spain was even greater than it had been -in the days of its political power,--at least in the higher -manifestations of that culture. The _taifa_ kings encouraged freedom of -thought and expression, even when unorthodox; yet, in literature and -science the greatest heights were reached, by both Jewish and Moslem -writers, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, during the rule of the -intolerant Almoravides and Almohades. That, too, was the period of their -greatest influence on the Christians. The principal service of Moslem -Spain to western Europe was, as has been said, the transmission of Greek -thought, although not in its purity, but with the modifications and -variants of its later days, especially those of the Alexandrian school. -In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries many European scholars of note -visited Spain, and took back with them the Greco-oriental thought which -was to be the chief basis of the philosophy and science of Christendom, -until the true Greek texts were discovered at the time of the -Renaissance. The Moslems were further advanced in medicine than the -other western European peoples, and were the first in Europe since the -days of the Greeks to cultivate the study of botany. In pure mathematics -and its applications, such as in astronomy and the pseudo-science of -astrology, they were equally to the fore. Their greatest influence was -to make itself felt, however, in the realm of philosophy, especially in -the works of Averröes and Maimónides, scholars who are to be compared -with Saint Isidore, both as respects the greatness of their -achievements, and as concerns the breadth, almost universality, of their -attainments. Averröes of Cordova (1126-1198), as commentator and -propagator of the ideas of Aristotle and Plato, was perhaps the -principal resort of western European scholarship for an early knowledge -of Greek thought. He was also a distinguished doctor and mathematician. -Maimónides (or Moisés ben Maimón), also of Cordova (1139-1205), was the -founder of the rationalistic explanation of Jewish doctrine and a bitter -opponent of the neoplatonism[27] of the Alexandrian school, but he was -much influenced by Aristotle, whose ideas he contributed to disseminate -in western Europe. He was also a celebrated physician. In addition to -individual treatises on the various sciences, many encyclopedias were -written inclusive of all. As might be expected, the rhetorical taste of -Moslem Spain found abundant expression, in both poetry and prose, and in -subject-matter of a heroic, fabulous, satirical, or amatory character. -History, which at this time was more akin to literature than to science, -was also much cultivated. Aben-Hayyán of Cordova wrote a history in -sixty volumes, of the epoch in which he lived; and there were others -almost equally prolific who dealt with different phases of the history -of Moslem Spain. In the sciences, Jewish scholars followed the current -of their Moslem masters, but in philosophy and literature they developed -originality, inspired by their religious sentiments. Their poetry had a -somewhat more elevated tone than that of the Moslems. - -[Sidenote: Architectural mediocrity.] - -Although the Almoravides and Almohades were great builders, this period -was less important in Moslem architecture than either the preceding or -the following eras. The principal characteristic seems to have been a -withdrawal from Visigothic and classical forms, but the execution was -less correct and in poorer taste than formerly. - - -_León and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Advance of agriculture and stock-raising.] - -The advance of the conquests, leaving large areas back from the frontier -in the enjoyment of a measure of peace, furthered economic development. -There continued to be civil wars in the interior, and personal security -against abuses of the lords and the attacks of bandits was none too -great, but matters were very much better than before, as a result of -legislation favorable to property, the greater importance of the towns, -and the emancipation of the servile classes. Agriculture was -encouraged,--for example, by laws granting unbroken lands to whoever -should cultivate them. The conquest made itself directly felt through -the introduction of the vine and the olive of Moslem Spain into regions -which had not previously cultivated them. Works of irrigation and the -buildings of roads, so important for the agricultural prosperity of -Spain, seem not to have been undertaken, however. Stock-raising was much -more actively pursued than agriculture, due in part to the traditional -importance of that occupation, and in part to the ease with which that -form of wealth could be withdrawn from the hazards of war,--an advantage -which agriculture, naturally, could not share. The age-long war of the -stock-raisers against the farmers was usually favorable to the former, -who were wont to appropriate commons for their animals and even to enter -cultivated fields and damage or despoil them. Associations of -stock-raisers to protect their interests were already in existence. - -[Sidenote: Industrial and commercial beginnings.] - -In the thirteenth century Castilian Spain made a beginning of industrial -and commercial life, of which Santiago de Compostela had been perhaps -the only representative prior to that date. Laborers united in guilds, -just as in other western European lands, working together according to -the laws of their guild, and living in the same street. Many of them -were foreigners, Jews, or Mudéjares. An export trade of raw materials -and wine developed between the towns of the north coast and the -merchants of Flanders, England, and Germany, and just at the end of the -period the capture of Seville added commercial wealth to Castile, -through the trade of that city in the western Mediterranean. Interior -commerce still encountered the difficulties which had harassed it in -earlier times, but some of them were overcome through the development of -fairs to facilitate exchange. Certain days in the year, usually -corresponding with the feast of the patron saint of the town, were set -aside by important centres for a general market, or fair, on which -occasions special measures were undertaken to assure the safety of the -roads and to protect all who might attend,--Moslem and Jews as well as -Christians. Men naturally travelled in large groups at such times, which -was an additional means of security. The season of the fair might be the -only occasion in a year when a town could procure a supply of goods not -produced at home, wherefore this institution assumed great importance. -The increased use of coin as a medium of exchange demonstrates the -commercial advance of this period over the preceding. - -[Sidenote: The intellectual awakening.] - -In every branch of intellectual culture there was a vigorous awakening -at this time. The classical traditions of the Spanish clergy and the -Mozárabes were reinforced by western European influences coming -especially from France, while the Greco-oriental culture of the -Mudéjares and Mozárabes merged with the former to produce a Spanish -civilization, which became marked after the conquests of the thirteenth -century. In the twelfth century universities had sprung up in Italy and -France, where the Roman and the canon law, theology, and philosophy -were taught. In those countries the formal organization of the -universities had grown naturally out of the gatherings of pupils around -celebrated teachers, but Spain had no Irnerius or Abélard, wherefore the -origins of the universities of the peninsula were the result of official -initiative. In 1212 or 1214 Alfonso VIII founded a university at -Palencia, but this institution lived only thirty-one years. About the -year 1215 Alfonso IX of León made a beginning of the more celebrated -University of Salamanca, the fame of which belongs, however, to the next -following era. By the close of the eleventh century the Castilian -language had become definitely formed, as also the Leonese and Galician -variants. By the middle of the twelfth century all three had become -written languages, and, by the middle of the thirteenth, Latin works -were already being translated into the Romance tongues. - -[Sidenote: Romance poetry.] - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of the drama.] - -One of the earliest forms of Romance literature was that of popular -poetry of an epic character, singing the deeds of Christian warriors. -This was of French origin, coming in with French crusaders and the monks -of Cluny. Two long poems of this class, both dealing with the life of -the Cid, have been preserved. One, the _Poema_ (Poem), is believed to -date from the middle of the twelfth century, while the other, the -_Crónica_ (Chronicle), is probably of later origin. Both mix legend with -fact, but the former is the less legendary. In the thirteenth century -another type of poetry developed in Castile called _mester de clerecía_ -(office of the clergy), also bound up with French influences, but more -erudite and formally correct and usually religious in subject-matter, a -Spanish expression of European scholasticism. From the side of Aragon -came the influence of southern France, in the lyrical and erotic poetry -of the Provençal troubadours. Galicia was much affected by these foreign -impulses, due to the journeys of pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela, and -developed a notable poetry of its own. In this period, too, the -Castilian theatre had its origins, in the mystery plays of the church -and in the popular performances of jugglers in the streets. Whereas the -former were in the nature of a religious ceremony, the latter, which -were ultimately to exercise the greater influence, were of a secular -character, usually satirical, and given to great liberty of expression. - -[Sidenote: History and science.] - -In historical literature there were two names of some note in this -period. Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, archbishop of Toledo (1170-1247), -reduced the early Spanish chronicles to a narrative form, embellished by -erudite references which his classical knowledge enabled him to employ. -He may be regarded as the father of Spanish historiography. Naturally, -given the age, his works were not free from legends and errors, and do -not display the critical spirit of modern times. Bishop Lucas of Tuy -(died 1288), though far inferior to Jiménez de Rada in both method and -criticism, wrote a life of Saint Isidore and other works which enjoyed -great popularity in the thirteenth century. In scientific literature -there were no great names, for this was a period of study and the -translation of Arabic and western European texts, rather than one of -original composition. - -[Sidenote: Romanesque architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Early Gothic architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Mudéjar architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Sculpture, painting, and the lesser arts.] - -Just as the Romance tongues replaced the Latin, so Romanesque -architecture took the place of the decadent classical styles. Although -there was not a little variety in details, this style was characterized -in León and Castile by an accentuation of the cruciform ground plan, -robustness of form, heaviness in proportions, and profuse ornamentation, -often of a rude type. Arches were sometimes round, and sometimes -slightly pointed. Over the crossing there often appeared a polygonal -dome or a tower with arcades and a cap. The wooden roof was supplanted -by barrel-vaulting in stone, and this led to a strengthening of the -walls, reducing the window space, and to the use of heavy piers or -columns and of exterior buttresses attached to the walls. The west -front, or portal, of churches was adorned in luxurious style, notably -with the sculptured work of men, animals, or foliage. At the same time, -new influences proceeding out of France were making themselves felt, and -by the thirteenth century the so-called Gothic style of architecture was -firmly established. In this the entire edifice was subordinated to the -treatment of the vault, which attained to a great height through the use -of the true pointed arch and of transversals to receive the weight of -the vault. For this purpose the flying buttress, now free from the -walls, was greatly developed. Edifices not only became higher, but also -were enabled to use a large amount of space for windows, since the walls -no longer had to sustain the thrust. At the same time decorative effects -were increased, not only in porticoes, but also in the glass of the -windows, the capitals of columns, water-spouts, pinnacles and towers, -and in various forms of sculpture. The spaces between the buttresses -were often filled in to form chapels. Remarkable as was the advance made -in architecture, the work of this period was sober and robust when -compared with the later Gothic work. Nevertheless, the development was -very great, and is to be explained, very largely, by social causes, such -as the advance in the population and importance of the cities and of the -middle class. Greater cathedrals were therefore needed, but they were -also desired from motives of vanity, which prompt new social forces to -construct great monuments. The cathedrals became not only a religious -centre but also a place of meeting for the discussion of business and -political affairs, the heart and soul of the cities in which they were -located. Gothic architecture also manifested itself in military and -civil edifices. The castle was the characteristic type of the former. -The material now became stone, instead of wood. As in other parts of -Europe, there were the surrounding moat and the bridge, the walls with -their salients and towers, the buildings inside for the artisans on the -one hand, and for the lord and his soldiers on the other, and the -powerfully built tower of homage to serve as a last resort. The growth -of the towns gave rise to the erection of local government buildings, or -town halls, and private dwellings began to have an important -architectural character. Another style of architecture, usually called -Mudéjar, existed in this period, combining Arabic with Christian -elements, of which the latter were Gothic of a simplified character. The -roof was of wood, but with the ornamentation of the period. The body of -the edifice was of brick, which was left without covering on the -outside, giving a reddish tone to the building. Sculpture had an -important vogue as an adjunct of architecture. Gradually, it passed from -the badly proportioned, stiff figures of the earlier years to something -approaching realism and to a great variety of form. Painting was notable -only for its use in the adornment of manuscripts and of windows, and in -these respects the work done was of a high order. Both sculpture and -painting were employed to represent sacred history or allegory. Rich -tiles were much used, both in the form of azulejos, and in that of -compositions of human figures, in which the usual symbolism appeared. -The gold work and furniture also bore witness to the greater wealth of -this period as compared with earlier times. - - -_Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Economic differences in the kingdom of Aragon.] - -[Sidenote: Catalan commerce.] - -Much that has been said about León and Castile as regards material -prosperity might be repeated for Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. Aragon -proper was the poorest part of this region, economically. Stock-raising -and industries growing out of it were the principal occupations there. -Catalonia, though not backward in agriculture, was not too well adapted -to it, since certain crops, notably grain, could not be raised, but it -had a varied industrial life and an active commerce. Valencia was the -most favored region, being agriculturally wealthy, on account of the -extensive use of irrigation, and, like Catalonia, having a rich -industrial and commercial life. This was true also of Majorca. The -Catalans had been engaged in Mediterranean commerce since the ninth -century, but in this period their trade reached much greater -proportions. Although Catalan boats went to every part of the -Mediterranean, the principal relations were with Italy; there were -frequent commercial treaties with Pisa and Genoa. Jaime I brought about -the sending of commercial representatives, or consuls, to foreign -countries, and was responsible for the establishment of mercantile -bodies, called _consulados de mar_ (commercial tribunals of the sea) in -Catalan ports. A special maritime law sprang up, and was embodied in a -code, called the _Libro del consulado de mar_ (Book of the _consulado_ -of the sea). - -[Sidenote: Intellectual manifestations.] - -[Sidenote: Raymond Lull.] - -The intellectual movement in Aragon and Catalonia ran along lines -parallel to that in León and Castile, but with more frequent contact -with French and Italian thought. Jaime I followed the custom of the era -in founding universities, establishing one at Lérida and another at -Valencia. One great name appeared in the literary history of this -period, reaching over into the next, that of Raimundo Lulio, known to -English scholars as Raymond Lull, or Lully (1232-1315), a philosopher, -mystic, and poet, who wrote many books which had a noteworthy influence -on European thought. Writing in the vulgar tongue and in a style adapted -to the general public, he attacked the pantheistic ideals of Averröes -and held that all sciences, though they have their individual -principles, lead to a single all-embracing science, which, for him, was -Christianity; in other words, he represented the reconcilement of -Christianity with reason and science. The development of the Romance -tongues followed the same course as in Castile, but the Catalan became -widely separated from the other peninsular tongues, being more akin to -the Provençal, or language of southern France. The Provençal influence -on poetry was earlier in evidence in Catalonia than in Castile, and was -more pronounced. Lyric poetry, accompanied by music, was so high in -favor that great nobles and the kings themselves cultivated it. Alfonso -II (1162-1196) was the first Spanish troubadour, and other kings -followed, including Jaime I. History was the most important form of -prose literature, and the principal work was that of Jaime I himself, a -chronicle of the vicissitudes of his reign. Jaime I also compiled a -collection of proverbs and the sayings of wise men. - -[Sidenote: Architecture.] - -The Romanesque art of this region was less heavy and more gracefully -proportioned than that of Castile,--possibly, the result of Italian -influences. Catalan Gothic architecture was especially affected by -Italian art,--so much so, that it lacked some of the principal elements -of the Gothic. - - -_Navarre_ - -Attention need be called only to the profound French influence in this -region. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -After the death of Ferdinand III and of Jaime I the reconquest of Spain -from the Moslems came to a virtual standstill for over two centuries. -Some slight accessions of territory were obtained by Castile, but no -serious effort was made to acquire the only remaining enemy stronghold, -the kingdom of Granada. Conditions had changed to such an extent that -Moslem Spain for the first tune in more than five centuries was of -secondary and even minor importance. Castile and Aragon devoted their -principal attention to other affairs, and both took great strides ahead -in the march of civilization. In Castile the chief problems were of an -internal social and political nature. On the one hand this period marked -the change from a seigniorial country type of life to that of the -developed town as the basis of society; on the other it witnessed the -struggle of monarchy and the ideal of national unity against seigniorial -anarchy and decentralization for which the lords (including many of the -great churchmen) and the towns contended. As before, the king’s -principal opponents were the nobles, and the civil wars of this era, -whatever the alleged causes, were really only the expression of the -struggle just referred to. Outwardly the kings appeared to have been -defeated, but in no period of the history of Spain has the external -narrative been more at variance with the actual results, as shown by a -study of the underlying institutions, than in this. The real victory lay -with monarchy and unity, and this was to be made manifest in the reign -of Ferdinand and Isabella following this era. That reign was therefore -the true end of this period, but as it was even more the beginning of -modern Spain it has been left for separate treatment. The institutions -of Castile from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century were therefore -of more than usual importance, and particularly so since they formed the -basis for the system which Spain was so soon to establish in the -Americas. In almost every aspect of life, social, political, economic, -and intellectual, Castile forged as far ahead over the preceding period -as that had over the one before it, although it did not reach that high -and intricate culture which is the product of modern times. Castile was -still medieval, like nearly all of Europe, but the new age was close at -hand. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso “the Learned.”] - -[Sidenote: His foreign policy.] - -Alfonso X “the Learned,” or “the Wise” (1252-1284), was one of the kings -whose reign seemed to be a failure, but in fact it was he who sowed the -seed which was to bring about an eventual victory for the principles of -monarchy and national unity. Besides being a profound scholar Alfonso -was a brave and skilful soldier, but his good traits were balanced by -his lack of decision and will power, which caused him to be -unnecessarily stubborn and extremely variable. He engaged in a number of -campaigns against the Moslems, and made some minor conquests, but these -wars were of slight consequence except as they bore on his struggles -with the nobles. The same thing may be said for Alfonso’s European -policy, which aimed not only at the aggrandizement of Castile but also -at his acquisition of the title of Holy Roman Emperor. The kings of -Castile had long claimed the throne of Navarre, and Alfonso now -attempted to invade that realm, but desisted when it seemed that this -might lead to complications with Jaime I of Aragon. He also had a legal -claim to the Basque province of Gascony, which had come to the throne of -Castile as the dowry of the wife of Alfonso VIII, and planned to -incorporate it into a _de facto_ part of the kingdom, but he renounced -his rights to England upon the marriage of his sister to Prince Edward, -the later Edward I, of England. In 1257 the imperial electors chose -Alfonso X as Holy Roman Emperor, but many German princes supported the -pretensions of an English earl of Cornwall, and on the latter’s death -those of Count Rudolph of Hapsburg. For sixteen years Alfonso -endeavored to get possession of the imperial title, going to great -expense in wars for that purpose, but the opposition of the popes, wars -with Granada and with his own nobles, and a general lack of sympathy -with the project in Castile combined to prevent him from even making a -journey to Germany in order to be crowned. In 1273 Rudolph of Hapsburg -was formally chosen emperor, and Alfonso’s opportunity passed. - -[Sidenote: Causes of his strife with the nobles.] - -Meanwhile, influenced by the Roman law, Alfonso had been enunciating -monarchical doctrines which were at variance with the selfish and -unscrupulous designs of the nobles, who fought the king at every turn. -Other causes for strife existed, but they were not fundamental. These -were, especially, the unwise measures employed by Alfonso to procure -funds for his sadly depleted treasury, and on the other hand his -extravagant liberality. Alfonso reduced the tribute due from Granada, -debased the coinage, increased the salaries of court officials, expended -enormous sums in celebration of the marriage of his eldest son, and was -responsible for other acts of a like character. In line with his claim -of absolute royal power he ceded the province of Algarve to the king of -Portugal, renounced his right to homage from that king, and as already -noted gave Gascony to England, all of which he did on his own authority. -These acts were alleged by the nobles, who fought him themselves, or -even went so far as to join the Moslems of Granada and Morocco against -him. The most serious period of the struggle was reserved for the last -years of the reign. This was precipitated by a fresh appearance of the -Moslem peril. - -[Sidenote: War of succession between Alfonso and Sancho.] - -The Almohades had been succeeded in their rule of northern Africa by the -Benimerines, who were invited by the Moslems of Granada to join them in -a war against Castile. The invitation was accepted, but, although the -Benimerines landed and were for a time victorious, the danger was -averted. Its chief importance was that the king’s eldest son, Fernando -de la Cerda, was killed in battle in 1275, thereby precipitating a -dynastic question. According to the laws of succession which Alfonso had -enacted the eldest son of the dead prince should have been next heir to -the throne, but this did not suit Alfonso’s second son, Sancho, who -alleged the superiority of his own claim. He did not fail to support his -pretension by promises of favors to disaffected nobles, which procured -him a backing strong enough to persuade Alfonso himself to name Sancho -as his heir. Later, Alfonso decided to form a new kingdom in the -territory of Jaén, though subject to Castile, for the benefit of his -grandson. Sancho objected, and persisted even to the point of war, which -broke out in 1281. The partisans of Sancho, who included nearly all of -the nobles, the clergy, and most of the towns, held a _Cortes_ in -Valladolid in 1282, and deposed Alfonso. The latter soon won over some -of Sancho’s followers, and continued the war, but died in 1284, -disinheriting Sancho, leaving Castile to his grandson and smaller -kingdoms in southern Spain to two of his younger sons. - -[Sidenote: Sancho “the Brave.”] - -That the elements which supported Sancho were really fighting for their -own independent jurisdiction was early made clear. In 1282 they obtained -an acknowledgment from Sancho of the right of the nobles and towns to -rise in insurrection against the illegal acts of the king, and to bring -royal officials and judges to trial for their maladministration, being -privileged to inflict the death penalty on them. With their aid he was -able to set aside his father’s will and become King Sancho IV -(1284-1295), later styled “the Brave.” Once in possession of the throne -he too showed a disposition to check the turbulence of the nobles, for -it was as impossible for a king to admit the arbitrary authority of the -lords as it was for the latter to accept the same attribute in the king. -Internal strife continued, but the pretext changed, for Sancho’s -opponents alleged the will of Alfonso in justification of their -insurrections. Sancho was at least an energetic character, and put down -his enemies with a stern hand, on one occasion having no less than four -thousand partisans of his nephew put to death. His brother Juan, whom -Sancho had deprived of the small kingdom which Alfonso had left him, -gave him the most trouble, at one time enlisting the aid of the -Benimerines, but without success.[28] - -[Sidenote: Ferdinand “the Summoned.”] - -[Sidenote: María de Molina.] - -Ferdinand IV “the Summoned”[29] (1295-1312) was only nine years old when -his father died, wherefore the opponents of strong monarchy seized the -occasion for a new period of civil strife which lasted fourteen years. -His uncle, Juan, and his cousin, Alfonso,[30] renewed their pretensions, -furnishing an opportunity for the lords and towns to join one side or -the other, according as they could best serve their own interests, as -also affording a chance for the intervention of Portugal, Aragon, -France, and Granada with a view to enlarging their kingdoms. Although -the towns usually supported the king, they did so at the price of such -privileges as had been exacted from Sancho in 1282, showing that they -had the same spirit of feudal independence as the lords, despite the -monarchical sentiment of the middle class and the interest which they -had in common with the king in checking the turbulence of the lords. -That the king was able to extricate himself from these difficulties was -due in greatest measure to his mother, María de Molina, one of the -regents during his minority. By her political skill, added to the -prestige of her word and presence, she was able to attract many towns -and nobles to Ferdinand’s side and to separate the more dangerous -foreign enemies from the conflict against him. This she did not do -without making concessions, but, at any rate, by the time the king had -attained his majority at the age of sixteen the most serious perils had -been overcome. Ferdinand IV showed himself an ingrate, demanding a -strict account from his mother of her use of the public funds. Not only -was she able to justify her administration, but she also demonstrated -her devotion to her son’s interests on later occasions, causing the -failure of two insurrections headed by Ferdinand’s uncle, Juan. -Ferdinand made several minor campaigns against the Moslems, but died -while engaged in one of them, leaving as his heir a year old boy. - -[Sidenote: Able rule of Alfonso XI in domestic affairs.] - -Alfonso XI (1312-1350) shares with Alfonso X the honor of being the -greatest Castilian king of this era, and he was by far more successful -than his great-grandfather had been. Naturally, civil wars broke out at -the beginning of the reign; a dispute over the regency served as one of -the pretexts. María de Molina came forward again, and saved her grandson -as she had saved his father, although she was unable to put down the -insurrections. In 1325, when he was but fourteen years old, Alfonso was -declared of age, and began his reign with an act which was -characteristic of the man and his time. He summoned an uncle of his, his -principal opponent, to a meeting at his palace, under a pretence of -coming to an agreement with him, and when the latter came had him put to -death. He tried the same policy with success against other leaders, and -intimidated the rest so that he soon had the situation under control. -Alfonso combined a hand of iron with great diplomatic skill, both of -which were necessary if a king were to succeed in that period. An -exponent of the monarchical ideas of Alfonso X, he proceeded by diverse -routes to his end. Thus, in dealing with the nobles he made agreements -with some, deceived others, punished still others for their infractions -of the law, developed a distrust of one another among them, employed -them in wars against the Moslems (in order to distract their forces and -their attention), destroyed their castles whenever he had a sufficient -pretext, and flattered them when he had them submissive,--as by -encouraging them in the practices of chivalry and by enrolling them in a -new military order which he created to reward warlike services. In fine -he employed all such methods as would tend to reduce the power of the -nobles without stirring up unnecessary opposition. He was strong, but -was also prudent. He followed the same policy with the towns and the -military orders. For example, he promised that no royal town should ever -be granted to a noble (or churchman),--a promise which was not observed -by his successors or even by Alfonso himself. He was also successful in -getting generous grants of money from the _Cortes_, which assisted him -materially in the carrying out of his policy. He won the favor of the -people by correcting abuses in the administration of justice and by his -willingness to hear their complaints alleging infractions of the law, -whether by his own officials or by the nobles. He procured the -comparative security of the roads, and in other ways interested himself -in the economic betterment of his people. Meanwhile, he enhanced his own -authority in local government, and always maintained that the national -legislative function belonged to the king alone, not only for the making -or amending of laws, but also for interpreting them. - -[Sidenote: The acquisition of Álava and repulse of a Moslem invasion.] - -Alfonso’s great work was the political and administrative organization -of the country, but there were two external events of his reign which -are worth recording. In 1332 the Basque province of Álava was added to -Castile, although with a recognition of the jurisdiction of the law of -Álava. More important, perhaps, was a great conflict with Granada and -the Benimerines of Morocco, who once more tried to emulate the successes -of their coreligionists of the eighth century. The kings of Aragon and -Portugal joined Alfonso to avert this peril, and a great battle was -fought in 1340 at the river Salado, near Tarifa, where the Moslem forces -were completely defeated. Though not yet forty at the time of his death -Alfonso had already written his name in large letters on the pages of -Castilian history. - -[Sidenote: Pedro “the Cruel.”] - -The work of Alfonso XI seemed to be rendered in vain by the civil wars -of the reign of his successor, Pedro I, variously called “the Cruel” or -“the Just” (1350-1369). In fact, the basis of the structure which -Alfonso had reared was not destroyed, and even Pedro took some steps -which tended to increase the royal power. He was not the man for the -times, however, since he lacked the patience and diplomacy which had -distinguished his father. He was, above all, impetuous and determined to -procure immediate remedies for any ill which beset him, even to the -point of extreme cruelty. He possessed a stern hand, energy, and -courage, but he had to deal with a nobility as turbulent and -unsubmissive as was the spirit of Pedro himself. The tale of his reign -may be told at somewhat greater length than some of the others,--not -that it was more important, but by way of illustrating the usual course -of the civil wars in that time. - -[Sidenote: Civil wars of the reign of Pedro “the Cruel.”] - -Pedro I was the only legitimate son of Alfonso XI, who had left five -illegitimate sons by his mistress, Leonor de Guzmán, to each of whom he -had given important holdings and titles. On the death of Alfonso, his -wife (Pedro’s mother) procured the arrest of Leonor de Guzmán and later -her assassination. Naturally, this incensed the five sons of Leonor, -although all but the eldest, Count Henry of Trastamara, appeared to -accept the situation. Other pretexts for internal strife were not -lacking. Pedro was a mere boy, and at one time became sick and seemed -about to die, whereupon the nobles began to prepare for a dynastic -struggle. Pedro lived, however, but caused discontent by choosing a -Portuguese, named Alburquerque, as his leading adviser and favorite; the -chief basis for the objections of the nobles was that each one wished -the post for himself. The resistance to Alburquerque was the -rallying-cry in the early period of the wars, in which Pedro’s -illegitimate brothers joined against him. Pedro was successful, and it -is noteworthy that he dealt leniently with his brothers, in contrast -with his energetic cruelty against the other rebels. In 1353, as the -result of negotiations which had been arranged by Alburquerque, Pedro -married a French princess, Blanche of Bourbon. Previously, however, he -had entered into relations with a handsome young lady of good family, -named María de Padilla, to whom he remained ardently devoted for the -rest of his life. So blindly in love with her was he that Alburquerque -had to take him from the arms of María in order to have him assist at -his own wedding. Three days later the youthful Pedro deserted his wife -in favor of his mistress. Alburquerque wisely took himself away, the -Padillas were established as the favorites at court, and the young queen -was imprisoned. The nobles could no longer pretend that they were -fighting Alburquerque; on the contrary, they joined the very man they -had assumed to oppose, in a war against the king, with various alleged -objects, but in fact with the usual desire of seizing an opportunity for -increasing their own power. At one time they contrived to capture Pedro, -but he escaped and wreaked a fearful vengeance on his enemies, though -once again he allowed his brothers, who as usual were against him, to -submit. Meanwhile, Pedro’s marital experiences included a new wife, for -he found two bishops who declared his first marriage null, despite the -pope’s efforts to get the king to return to Blanche of Bourbon. Pedro -married Juana de Castro, but this time was able to wait only one day -before returning to María de Padilla. These events had their influence -in the civil wars, for many towns refrained from giving Pedro aid or -joined against him out of disgust for his actions. - -[Sidenote: The wars with Henry of Trastamara.] - -The wars were renewed from the side of Aragon, where Henry of -Trastamara, who for years had been the Castilian monarch’s principal -opponent, formed an alliance with the king of Aragon. The ruler of -Aragon at that time was Pedro IV, a man of the type of Alfonso XI. -Having overcome the seigniorial elements in his own realm he did not -scruple to take advantage of Pedro I’s difficulties in the same regard -to seek a profit for himself, or at least to damage a neighboring king -of whom he felt suspicious. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities Pedro I -gave himself up to a riot of assassinations, and among his victims were -three of his half brothers and several members of their families. His -enemies were not yet able to defeat him, however, even with the aid of -Aragon, and a peace was signed in 1361. Shortly afterward, both Blanche -of Bourbon and María de Padilla died, the latter deeply bemoaned by -Pedro I. In 1363 Henry of Trastamara and Pedro IV again formed a league -against the Castilian king, and it was at this time that Henry first set -up a claim to the crown of Castile. To aid them in their project they -employed the celebrated “White companies,” an army of military -adventurers of all nations who sold their services to the highest -bidder. They were at that time in southern France and (as usually -happened in such cases) were regarded as unwelcome guests now that their -aid was no longer required there. The pope (then resident at Avignon) -gave them a vast sum of money on condition that they would go to Aragon, -and Pedro IV offered them an equal amount and rights of pillage (other -than in his own realm) if they would come. Therefore, led by a French -knight, Bertrand du Guesclin, they entered Spain, and in 1366 procured -the conquest of most of Castile for Henry, who had himself crowned king. -Pedro I sought aid of his English neighbors, for England at that time -possessed a great part of western France, and, in return for certain -concessions which Pedro promised, Edward III of England was persuaded to -give him an army under the command of the celebrated military leader, -Edward, the Black Prince. It was Henry’s turn to be defeated, and he -fled to France. Pedro I now took cruel vengeance on his enemies, -disgusting the English leader, besides which he failed to keep the -promises by which he had procured his aid. The English troops therefore -went back to France, at a time when a fresh insurrection was about to -break out in Castile, and when Henry of Trastamara was returning with a -new army. Pedro I was utterly defeated at Montiel, and was besieged in a -castle where he took refuge. Captured by Henry through a trick, he -engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with his half brother, and seemed to -be winning, but with the aid of one of his partisans Henry at length got -the upper hand and killed Pedro,--a fitting close to a violent reign. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties of Henry II.] - -Henry II (1369-1379), as the victor of Montiel was now entitled to be -called, did not retain his crown in peace. Despite the fact that he had -gravely weakened the monarchy by his grants of lands and privileges in -order to gain support, he was beset by those who were still faithful to -Pedro, or who at least pretended they were, in order to operate in their -own interest. Aragon, Navarre, Portugal, and England waged war on -Henry, and the two last-named countries supported Pedro’s illegitimate -daughters by María de Padilla, Constanza and Isabel (for Pedro had no -legitimate children), in their pretensions to the throne, as against the -claims of Henry. The most serious demands were put forward by John of -Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster and husband of Constanza, backed by Edward III -of England. Henry overcame his difficulties, although at the cost of -concessions to the nobles which were to be a serious obstacle to future -kings. - -[Sidenote: Juan I and the battle of Aljubarrota.] - -[Sidenote: The Prince and Princess of Asturias.] - -The reign of Juan I (1379-1390) was marked by two important events. Juan -married the heiress to the Portuguese throne, and the union of Spain and -Portugal seemed about to take place, but this arrangement did not suit -the Portuguese nobility. A new king of Portugal was chosen, and the -Castilian army was completely defeated at Aljubarrota in 1385. Shortly -afterward, the Duke of Lancaster landed in Spain with an English army to -prosecute the claims of his wife. This matter was settled by the -marriage of the Duke of Lancaster’s daughter, in 1388, to Juan’s heir, -Prince Henry. Thus was the conflict of Pedro I and Henry II resolved. -Their descendants, though tainted with illegitimacy in both cases, had -joined to form the royal family of Spain. The young prince and his -consort took the titles of Prince and Princess of Asturias, which have -been used ever since by the heirs to the Spanish throne. - -[Sidenote: Henry “the Sickly.”] - -Henry III “the Sickly” (1390-1406), though already married, was only a -minor when he became king, wherefore there occurred the usual troubled -years of a minority. Despite the pallor of his complexion (whence his -nickname) he was a spirited individual, and upon becoming of age (when -fourteen years old) set about to remedy some of the evils which had been -caused by the grants of favors to the nobles durng the regency and in -preceding reigns. He also adopted a vigorous policy in his relations -with Portugal, Granada, and the pirates of the North African coast, and -even went so far as to send two somewhat celebrated embassies to the -Mogul emperor and king of Persia, Tamerlane. One event of capital -importance in his reign may be taken as the first step in the Castilian -venture across the seas. In 1402 Rubín de Bracamonte and Juan de -Bethencourt commenced the conquest of the Canary Islands under the -patronage of Henry. The young king was also preparing to conquer -Granada, when at the age of twenty-seven his life was unfortunately cut -short. - -[Sidenote: Juan II and Álvaro de Luna.] - -It seemed likely that the opening years of the reign of Juan II -(1406-1454) would witness a fresh period of civil struggle, since the -king was not yet two years old. That this was not the case was due to -the appearance of a man who was both able and faithful to his trust, the -regent, Ferdinand of Antequera, an uncle of Juan II. In 1412, however, -he left Castile to become king of Aragon, and a few years later Juan’s -majority was declared at fourteen years of age. Juan II was the first -truly weak king of Castile. In the history of Spanish literature he -occupies a prominent place, and he was fond of games of chivalry, but he -lacked the decision and will-power to govern. Fortunately he had a -favorite in the person of Álvaro de Luna who governed for him. On -several occasions in the reign Álvaro de Luna was able to win successes -against Granada, but the fruits of victory were lost because of civil -discord in Castile. During most of the reign the nobles were in revolt -against Álvaro de Luna, and the weak king occasionally listened to their -complaints, banishing the favorite, but he could not manage affairs -without him, and Álvaro de Luna would be brought back to resume his -place at the head of the state. By 1445 the position of Álvaro de Luna -seemed secure, when a blow fell from an unexpected quarter. He had -procured a Portuguese princess as the second wife of Juan II, but she -requited him by turning against him. She persuaded Juan to give an order -for his arrest, and, since there was no cause for more serious charges, -he was accused of having bewitched the king, and was put to death in -1453. This time Juan could not call him back; so he followed him to the -grave within a year. - -[Sidenote: Henry “the Impotent” and Juana “La Beltraneja.”] - -The evil of internal disorder which for so many years had been hanging -over the Castilian monarchy came to a head in the reign of Henry IV “the -Impotent” (1454-1474). If Juan II had been weak, Henry IV was weaker -still, and he had no Álvaro de Luna to lean upon. He commenced his reign -with an act of characteristic flaccidity which was to serve as one of -the pretexts for the insurrections against him. War was declared upon -Granada, and the Castilian army reached the gates of the Moslem capital, -when the king developed a humanitarianism which hardly fitted the times, -declining to engage in a decisive battle lest it prove to be bloody. A -more important pretext for rebellion arose out of a dynastic question. -Failing to have issue by his first wife, Henry procured a divorce and -married again. For six years there were no children by this marriage, -wherefore the derisive name “the Impotent” was popularly applied to the -king, but at length a daughter appeared, and was given the name Juana. -Public opinion, especially as voiced by the nobles, proclaimed that the -father was the king’s favorite, Beltrán de la Cueva, on which account -the young Juana became known vulgarly as “La Beltraneja.” The _Cortes_ -acknowledged Juana, and she was also recognized as heir to the throne by -the king’s brothers and by his sister, Isabella, but the nobles formed a -league on the basis of her supposed illegitimacy with the object of -killing the favorite. They directed an insulting letter to the king, -demanding that his brother, Alfonso, should be named heir. Instead of -presenting a bold front against these demands, Henry was weak enough to -consent to them. - -[Sidenote: The seigniorial program and the vacillation of the king.] - -The dynastic question was far from being the principal one in the eyes -of the nobles. By this time it was perfectly clear that the real -struggle was political, between the elements of seigniorial independence -and strong monarchy. Thus the nobles and their allies had insisted that -the king’s guard should be disarmed and that its numbers should be -fixed; that the judges in royal towns and certain other royal officials -should be deprived of their office and be replaced by the appointees of -the league; that the king should be subjected to a council of state -formed of nobles and churchmen, which body was to intervene in the -affairs formerly handled by the king himself, including even the -exercise of ordinary judicial authority; that all cases against nobles -and churchmen should be tried by a tribunal of three nobles, three -churchmen, and three representatives of the towns, and several of the -members who were to compose the tribunal (all of them opponents of the -king) were named in the document of these demands; and that there should -be a right of insurrection against the king if he should contravene the -last-named provision. After he had accepted the nobles’ terms Henry -realized the gravity of his act and changed his mind, declaring his -agreement void. The nobles then announced the deposition of the king, -and named his brother, Alfonso, in his stead, but the royal troops -defeated them soon afterward, and Alfonso suddenly died. The nobles then -offered the crown to Isabella, but she declined to take it while her -brother was living, although consenting to do so in succession to him, -thus retracting her previous recognition of Juana. On this basis the -nobles offered peace to the king, and he consented, which for the second -time put him in the position of acknowledging the dishonor of his wife -and the illegitimacy of Juana. The queen protested, and in 1470 Henry -again recanted, but at the time of his death, in 1474, he had not yet -resolved the succession to the throne. - -[Sidenote: The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella.] - -[Sidenote: The union of Castile and Aragon.] - -Meanwhile Isabella had contracted a marriage of surpassing importance in -the history of Spain. In 1469 she married Ferdinand, heir to the throne -of Aragon, rejecting Henry IV’s proposal of a marriage with the king of -Portugal. Isabella was proclaimed queen on the death of her brother, but -many nobles now took the other side, upholding the cause of Juana, -including some who had formerly fought on the side of Isabella,--for -example, the archbishop of Toledo. The hand of Juana was promised to the -king of Portugal, who therefore joined in the war on her side. The -forces of Isabella were victorious, and in 1479 a treaty was made -whereby she was recognized as the queen. The unfortunate Juana chose to -enter a convent. In the same year, 1479, Ferdinand became king of -Aragon, and at last a political union of the greater part of Christian -Spain had become a fact. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: ARAGON, 1276-1479 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -The general remarks made with respect to Castilian history in this -period apply, with but few modifications, to that of the kingdom of -Aragon. In Aragon the victory of monarchy over seigniorial anarchy was -externally clear as early as the middle of the fourteenth century. The -civil wars after that date (and there were very few until the last reign -of the period) were due to the vast power of the city of Barcelona in -conflict with the king, to the difference in interests of Aragon proper -and Catalonia, and to social uprisings. Social progress in this region, -but especially in Catalonia, was much more marked than in Castile, -merely because there was so much more to gain, and great as were the -advances made they did not bring the masses to a state of social freedom -equal to that which had been attained in Castile. Of great importance to -the future of Spain was the embarkation of Aragon on a career of Italian -conquest. Fatal as Spain’s Italian aspirations were to be in succeeding -centuries, that evil was balanced, at least in part, by a contact with -Renaissance influences proceeding out of Italy, and by a favorable -commerce which redounded in many ways to the benefit of Spain. This was -one of the periods when the advantages of the Italian connection were -greater than the disadvantages. - -[Sidenote: Pedro III and the nobles.] - -Pedro III (1276-1285) showed in his short reign that he was a man of his -father’s mould. Able as he was he had to yield not a little to his -nobles and the oligarchical towns, as indeed had Jaime I,--as witness -the case of the independent position of the _Justicia_ won from Jaime I. -From Pedro III these elements, especially those of Aragon proper, -obtained the rights embodied in a document called the “General -Privilege”; by this the _Justicia_ was proclaimed chief justice for all -cases coming before the king, and was made to depend more closely on the -nobles and allied towns. They also gained many other privileges, such as -the restoration of the goods and lands taken from them by Jaime, -exemption from naval service, and a reduction in the number of days of -military service required of them. Yet Pedro was able to keep them -sufficiently in hand to enable him to embark upon an ambitious foreign -policy. - -[Sidenote: Foreign policy of Pedro III.] - -Pedro took the first step toward the reincorporation of the realm left -by his father to Pedro’s brother Jaime when he procured a recognition -from the latter that he held his kingdom of Majorca as a vassal of the -king of Aragon. Reaching out still farther he established a protectorate -over the Moslem state of Tunis, gaining great commercial advantages at -the same time. The next logical move was the conquest of the island of -Sicily. Two events combined to bring Pedro III into competition for -dominion there. One was his denial of vassalage to the pope, repudiating -the arrangement of Pedro II, and the other was his marriage to -Constance, the daughter of King Manfred of Sicily. The papacy had only -recently won its struggle of several centuries against the Hohenstaufen -Holy Roman Emperors, and it claimed that the territory of Naples, or -southern Italy and Sicily, was at the pope’s disposal. Manfred of Sicily -was a member of the defeated imperial family, and would not recognize -the papal claim, whereupon the pope offered the kingdom as a fief to the -French prince, Charles of Anjou. Charles accepted and succeeded in -conquering the island, putting Manfred to death. He then proceeded to -rule in tyrannical fashion, until in 1282 he provoked the celebrated -uprising known as the “Sicilian vespers,” when a terrible vengeance was -wreaked upon the followers of Charles. Pedro III already had a great -army near by in Tunis, and when he was invited by the Sicilians to help -them he accepted, alleging the claims of his wife to the Sicilian crown, -and landing in Sicily in the same year, 1282. In a short time he was -master of the entire island, and through the exploits of his great -admiral, Roger de Lauria, in control of not a little of the Italian -coast as well, though only temporarily. - -[Sidenote: The French invasion.] - -Affronted both by the denial of vassalage and by the conquest of Sicily -the pope excommunicated Pedro, and declared his deposition as king of -Aragon, granting the throne in his stead to Charles of Valois, second -son of the king of France. He even went so far as to proclaim a crusade -against Pedro, and a great French army was prepared to carry out his -decision and to establish the claim of Charles of Valois. Allies were -found in King Jaime of Majorca and many of Pedro’s own nobles and -churchmen. The French forces soon overran much of Catalonia, but when -matters looked darkest a great naval victory by Roger de Lauria and an -epidemic which broke out in the French army turned the tide, and the -invaders were driven across the Pyrenees. In the same year Pedro died, -but just before his death he offered to return Sicily to the pope,--so -strong was the prestige of the papacy in that day. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso III.] - -[Sidenote: Struggles with the nobility and the Privilege of the Union.] - -Pedro’s son, Alfonso III (1285-1291), had no idea of abandoning Sicily. -He made it into a separate kingdom under his brother Jaime, and the -strife with France and the pope went on. Alfonso was not of his father’s -calibre, however, and in 1291 agreed to renounce the Sicilian claim and -to fight Jaime if the latter should fail to comply with this -arrangement; furthermore, he agreed to pay the papal tribute of the -treaty of Pedro II, including all back sums still unpaid. Before Alfonso -could act on this agreement he died. His reign had not been free from -struggles with the nobility, and the latter were in no small degree -responsible for the weak result of his foreign policy; only an -exceptionally capable monarch, such as Pedro III had been, could handle -successfully the grave foreign and domestic problems of the time. The -nobles and towns of Aragon proper and Valencia had banded together in a -league called the Union, and they used their combined influence to exact -new privileges from Alfonso. When he resisted they went so far as to -conspire for the succession of the French pretender, and took other -extreme measures which soon decided the king to give way. In 1287 he -granted the famous “Privilege of the Union.”[31] By this document the -king was restrained from proceeding against any member of the Union -without the consent of both the _Justicia_ and the _Cortes_, and a -council was to be appointed to accompany him and decide with him the -matters of government affecting Aragon and Valencia. If he should fail -to observe the Privilege in these and other respects (for there were -other articles of lesser note) the members of the Union might elect a -new king. Thus, as Alfonso III put it, “There were as many kings in -Aragon as there were _ricoshombres_” (great nobles). Jaime II -(1291-1327), brother of the preceding, contrived to reduce some of the -privileges granted by this document, although indirectly, for he -recognized its legal force. He enacted laws which were in fact -inconsistent with it, and in this way managed to deprive the _Justicia_ -of some of the vast power to which he had attained. - -[Sidenote: Jaime II and the Sicilian question.] - -The reign of Jaime II was especially interesting from the standpoint of -foreign affairs. Having been king in Sicily, Jaime was not disposed to -surrender the island to the pope, and left his son, Fadrique, there to -govern for him. Soon he changed his mind, and made a similar agreement -to that of Alfonso III, whereby the island was to be given to the pope, -and Jaime was to employ force, if necessary, to achieve this end. Jaime -was soon afterward granted Sardinia and Corsica in compensation for -Sicily, although they were to be held as a fief from the pope, and he -was to make good his claim by conquering them. The Sicilians were not -favorable to Jaime’s agreement, and proceeded to elect Fadrique king, -resisting Jaime’s attempts to enforce his treaty. After a long war, -peace was made in 1302 on terms whereby Fadrique married the daughter of -the Angevin claimant, the papal candidate, and promised the succession -to his father-in-law. Toward the close of Jaime’s reign Sardinia was -conquered, in 1324, by the king’s eldest son. It was at this time, too, -that a body of Catalan mercenaries set up their rule in the duchy of -Athens, thus extending Catalan influence to the eastern -Mediterranean.[32] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso “the Benign.”] - -Alfonso IV “the Benign” (1327-1335) had a brief, not very eventful -reign, marked by wars with Pisa and Genoa for the possession of -Sardinia, but more especially interesting as a preparation for the reign -to follow. Alfonso’s second wife tried to procure a kingdom for her son -by a partition of the realm, thus depriving the king’s eldest son, -Pedro, of his full inheritance. Alfonso was willing to accede to her -wishes, but the energetic character of Pedro, backed by popular -sentiment, obliged him to desist from the project. - -[Sidenote: Pedro “the Ceremonious” and the overthrow of seigniorial -anarchy.] - -Pedro IV “the Ceremonious” (1335-1387) forms a curious parallel to his -Castilian contemporaries, the great Alfonso XI and the violent Pedro I. -Like the latter he was energetic, treacherous, and cruel, but was more -hypocritical, having a great regard for appearances and standing on the -letter of the law (hence his nickname). Withal, like Alfonso XI, he was -the type of ruler needed at the time, and was even more successful than -the great Castilian, for he definitely decided the question between the -nobility and the crown. The struggle began over a dynastic issue when -Pedro, who at the time had no sons, endeavored to arrange for the -succession of his daughter Constance, instead of his brother Jaime. The -nobles and the towns of the Aragonese and Valencian parts of the kingdom -used this event as a pretext for a renewal of the activities of the -Union, and in the first conflict they were too strong for Pedro. He was -obliged in 1347 to acknowledge the Privilege of the Union, and in -addition had to consent to a division of the kingdom into districts -ruled by delegates of the Union, who had broad powers, including a right -to receive the taxes, which henceforth were not to go to the king. Pedro -was not a man to bow at the first defeat, and in the same year renewed -the contest. It is noteworthy that the Catalonian nobles and towns were -on the king’s side, possibly because of their interest in Mediterranean -expansion, which necessitated the backing of a strong government. In -addition, certain democratic towns in Valencia and Aragon joined Pedro, -as well as many individuals who resented the tyranny of the recently -victorious Union. In 1348 Pedro crushed the Aragonese opposition at the -battle of Épila, and then overwhelmed his opponents in Valencia, -punishing them afterwards with a ruthless hand, displaying a rather -vitriolic humor when he made some of his enemies drink the molten metal -of which the bell for calling meetings of the Union had been composed. -The legal effect of these victories was little more than the -nullification of the Privilege of the Union and a reduction of the -powers of the _Justicia_ and of the exaggerated pretensions, social and -otherwise, of the nobles, while the General Privilege and other royal -charters remained in force. In fact, however, a death-blow had been -struck at feudal anarchy, and the tendency henceforth was toward -centralization and absolutism. - -[Sidenote: Pedro’s successful foreign policy.] - -The reign of Pedro was not without note, also, in foreign affairs. Even -before settling his dispute with the Union he had accomplished something -for the aggrandizement of Aragon. He somewhat treacherously provoked a -quarrel with the king of Majorca, and then conquered the island in 1343. -Proceeding at once against the same king’s possessions in southern -France he incorporated them into his kingdom. Pedro had also assisted -Alfonso XI of Castile against the Benimerines, contributing to the -victory of the Salado in 1340. The war with Genoa and the uprisings in -Sardinia which had filled the reign of his predecessor gave trouble also -to Pedro, but after a campaign in Sardinia in person he was able -temporarily to get the upper hand. His intervention in the civil wars of -Castile has already been noted, and from these he came out with some not -greatly important advantages. He also cast his eyes upon Sicily with a -view to restoring it to the direct authority of the Aragonese crown, -although this was not accomplished in his reign, and he encouraged -commercial relations with the lands of the eastern Mediterranean. In -1381 he accepted an offer to become the sovereign of the Catalan duchy -of Athens. These events were more indicative of a conscious Catalan -policy of predominance in the Mediterranean than important in -themselves. - -[Sidenote: Juan I and Martín I.] - -[Sidenote: The dispute over the succession and the crowning of Ferdinand -I.] - -The reigns of the next two kings, Juan I (1387-1395) and Martín I -(1395-1410), were more important from the standpoint of social -institutions than in external political events. In the former reign -occurred the loss of the duchy of Athens. In the latter, the island of -Sicily, as foreseen by Pedro IV, returned to the Aragonese line when -Martín of Sicily succeeded his father as king of Aragon. On the death of -Martín without issue, a dispute arose as to the succession to the -throne. The most prominent claimants were Ferdinand of Antequera, then -regent of Castile, a son of Martín’s sister, and Jaime, count of Urgel, -son of a cousin of Martín. Ferdinand was supported by the Aragonese -anti-pope, Benedict XIII,[33] by the ecclesiastical and popular -elements of most of Aragon proper, by various nobles, and by the -political influence of the Castilian state, while Jaime counted on the -popular support of Catalonia and Valencia and of part of Aragon, as well -as on various noble families. Jaime had the advantage of being a native -of the kingdom, while Ferdinand was looked upon as a foreigner, but as a -matter of law Ferdinand had the better claim. For two years there were -serious disturbances on the part of the noble families, which united -their personal rivalries to the question of the dynastic succession. -Finally, the matter was left to a commission of nine, three each from -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, and this body rendered a decision, in -1412, in favor of the Castilian claimant, who thereby became Ferdinand I -of Aragon (1410-1416). Jaime resisted for a time, but was soon obliged -to submit, and was imprisoned in a castle, although well treated there. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso “the Magnanimous” and Aragonese expansion into -Italy.] - -Ferdinand was succeeded by his son, Alfonso V, called variously “the -Learned” or “the Magnanimous” (1416-1458) under whom the Catalan Policy -of Mediterranean expansion advanced to a stage far beyond anything -previously attempted. Most of his reign was passed by him in warfare in -Italy. Invited by the queen of Naples, who adopted him as her heir, to -assist her against the house of Anjou, Alfonso was at length able to -dominate the land and to set up a brilliant court at the city of Naples. -He also intervened successfully in other wars, and even thought of -attempting to reconquer Constantinople from the Turks, for that city had -been taken by them in 1453. Meanwhile, his absence from his Spanish -dominions permitted of a revival of internal disorders, which were to -come to a head in the next reign. Alfonso gave Naples (southern Italy) -to his illegitimate son Ferdinand, and the rest of his domains, -including Sardinia and Sicily, to his brother Juan. - -[Sidenote: Juan II, Juana Enríquez, and Charles of Viana.] - -[Sidenote: The revolt of the Catalans.] - -Prior to his succession to the Aragonese throne Juan II (1458-1479) had -married the queen of Navarre, and at her wish, consented to by their -son, Charles, Prince of Viana, had continued to act as king of that land -after his wife’s death. He had contracted a second marriage with a -Castilian lady, Juana Enríquez, and her intrigues against Charles of -Viana had already caused that prince no little trouble. In the interests -of her own children (one of whom, the later great King Ferdinand, was to -be a worthy exemplar of the scheming traits of his mother) she plotted -to deprive him of his rights, first to the throne of Navarre, and later, -after Juan had succeeded to the Aragonese crown, to that of Aragon. The -Catalans took up the cause of Charles of Viana with enthusiasm, and when -Juan refused to declare him his heir civil war broke out, not only in -Catalonia, but also in Aragon and Navarre. Charles was at first -successful, and his father consented to recognize him as his successor -and to appoint him governor of Catalonia, but the agreement had hardly -been signed when the young prince died. Public opinion ascribed his -death to poisoning at the instigation of his step-mother, and so great -was the general indignation over this event that civil war in Catalonia -broke out afresh. The Catalans were at a legal disadvantage in not -having a legitimate lord to set up against Juan II. They elected various -individuals as count of Barcelona, and even thought of organizing a -republic, but the successive deaths of their chosen rulers, and the -length of the war, which had already lasted twelve years, inclined many, -toward the close of the year 1470, to make peace with the king. The very -misfortunes of the latter, despite the crimes which he had committed, -tended to this end, for he had again become a widower, and was blind and -alone, for his son, Ferdinand, had remained in Castile after his -important marriage with Isabella in 1469. Finally, in 1472, a peace -satisfactory to both sides was arranged. It is to be noted that this war -had nothing to do with the earlier struggle of the lords against the -king, but was sustained rather by the city of Barcelona and the -permanent committee, or deputation, representing the _Cortes_ of -Catalonia, against the king, being fought mostly in Catalonia, and being -involved also with the attempts of the Catalan peasant classes to shake -off the social burdens which they had so long been obliged to bear. The -former seigniorial stronghold of Aragon proper was in this war the most -powerful royalist element. The closing years of Juan’s reign were -devoted to a war against France for the reconquest of Cerdagne and the -Roussillon, which had previously been granted by Juan to the French king -in return for support against the former’s Catalan enemies. This war was -still going on when, in 1479, Juan died, and Ferdinand ascended the -throne, to rule, jointly with Isabella, the entire realms of Castile and -Aragon. Thus had the evil intrigues of Juana Enríquez redounded to the -benefit of Spain. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Navarre re-enters the current of peninsula history.] - -From 1285 to 1328 Navarre was a French province, but recovered its -independence under the house of Evreux on the death of Charles IV of -France without succession. The next heir after Charles of Viana was his -sister Blanche, but her father, Juan II of Aragon, had her imprisoned, -and a younger sister, Leonor, was enthroned in her stead.[34] Leonor and -her husband, the count of Foix, established a new dynasty which was -destined to be of short duration, for in 1512 Ferdinand of Aragon -conquered Spanish Navarre. French Navarre remained for a time under the -rule of the house of Foix, but presently became a part of the kingdom of -France. - - -_The Basque Provinces_ - -[Sidenote: Early history of the Basque provinces and their ultimate -incorporation in the kingdom of Castile.] - -The three Basque provinces of Álava, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa had more of -interest in their internal organization than in their external political -history, since in the latter respect they were closely united to Navarre -and Castile, which states disputed the dominion of these provinces. They -were usually subject to one power or the other, although some of their -towns, together with others of the Castilian north coast, formed -themselves into leagues (_hermandades_), and enjoyed a certain amount of -independence in their dealings with England and France. A number of -popular beliefs exist with regard to the history of these provinces, one -of which is that they have never been conquered. It is true that no -conqueror ever stamped out the indomitable spirit and the customs of the -people, but the land was rarely independent. It is believed that the -Moslem invasion of the eighth century did not extend to these provinces, -but at a later time they did suffer from Moslem incursions. With the -organization of the kingdom of Asturias, both Álava and Vizcaya seem to -have been either dependent on that realm or at least in close -relationship with it. At times, from the eighth to the tenth centuries, -the counts of Álava were also counts of Castile. Passing into the hands -of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Álava was incorporated in that kingdom -until the reign of Alfonso VIII of Castile. Alfonso VIII won the battle -of Vitoria, and conquered the land in 1200. Thenceforth it remained -under the sovereignty of the Castilian monarch, although with an -assembly, the _Cofradía_ (Fraternity, or Association) of Arriaga, of its -own. In 1332, in the reign of Alfonso XI, the incorporation with Castile -was made complete, although with a retention of the charters and -liberties of the province. Vizcaya also vacillated between Navarre and -Castile as a more or less independent, protected country, until in 1370 -it passed over to the Castilian crown by inheritance of the wife of -Henry III. The course of events in Guipúzcoa was very similar. In 1200 -the province submitted to the conqueror of Vitoria, and from that time -forth the external political history of Guipúzcoa was that of Castile. - - -_Granada_ - -[Sidenote: Inconsequential character of Granadine political history.] - -The Moslem state of Granada was of very slight political importance in -this period, despite its by no means insignificant territorial extent, -wealth, and population. It was a mere political accident, annoying to -the Christians at times, but as a rule not worthy of serious -consideration as an enemy. It was precisely because it was not greatly -to be feared or very troublesome that it was permitted to maintain its -independence. It is to be noted, also, that there was very little of -the crusading spirit in these centuries; if there had been, Granada -would soon have been conquered. On several occasions, when the rulers of -Granada called in the Benimerines and others from Africa, the Moslems -were a serious peril to Christian Spain, but the battle of the Salado in -1340 proved decisive, being followed by a decline of the political -strength of the Moslem states of northern Africa. After 1340 the rulers -of Granada limited themselves, in their relations with the Christian -states, to intervening in Castile during periods of civil war, or to -asking Castilian aid at times of internal strife in Granada. Uprisings -and dethronements were of frequent occurrence, but so too were Moslem -raids into Castilian territory. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 - - -_Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Social changes of the era in Castile.] - -As regards social organization this period represents merely an -evolution of the factors which had already appeared in the preceding -era, and its chief results were the following: the end of serfdom; the -advance of the middle class and its opposition to the lords, principally -through its jurisconsults and the _caballeros_ of the towns; an increase -in the privileges of the clergy; and additional landed wealth for the -nobles through the donations of the kings or private conquests. The -principal social struggle was no longer that of the serfs against their -lords, but rather of the middle class, as represented by the wealthier -citizens of the towns, against the nobles and clergy for legal equality, -especially as regards taxation and other duties to the state. The -disappearance of serfdom did not bring economic well-being to the -agricultural laborers; their fortunes in this regard were often as -vexatious and hard to bear as their former personal dependence had been. -At the same time, the poorer people of the towns became a fairly -numerous class, but they were in a position of inferiority as compared -with the wealthier citizens. - -[Sidenote: Social and political prestige of the nobility.] - -[Sidenote: Primogeniture and _latifundia_.] - -Through civil wars and the weakness of the kings the power of the -nobles, both socially and politically, appeared to increase. They did -not confine their strife to opposition to the king, but fought one -another incessantly, not for any political or other ideal, but mainly -for personal reasons. Such was the nature of the wars, for example, -between the Guzmán and Ponce families of Seville. As time went on, -these intra-class struggles increased, being more numerous than ever in -the fifteenth century. The nobility would have destroyed itself if the -kings had known how to take advantage of the situation, but most of them -failed to appreciate their opportunity. Sancho IV, Alfonso XI, Pedro I, -and Henry III tried to reduce the nobles by direct attack, and Henry IV -gave special attention to the development of a new nobility as a -counterpoise to the old, but usually the kings dared to fight only -indirectly, as by granting the petitions of the towns which involved a -diminution of seigniorial authority. Two circumstances in addition to -their political victories tended to secure the position of the nobles: -the adoption of the law of primogeniture with regard to the succession -to both their titles and their lands; and the increase in the -territorial domains in the possession of the nobles. By the law of -primogeniture the wealth of the family and the lustre of its name were -given in charge of the eldest son, maintaining in this way the powerful -position of the particular noble house. The second sons (_segundones_), -in large measure disinherited, sought a career as members of the clergy -or as soldiers. Henry II himself was partly responsible for the -introduction of this new practice of the nobility, and he and later -kings usually required that the lands granted by them to the nobles -should be inalienable and subject to the law of primogeniture. The royal -donations, which were especially great from the time of Henry II on, -were usually of two kinds: _honores_ (honors), or grants of the fiscal -rights which the king had in a specifically named place; and _tierras_ -(lands), or grants of a fixed rent on a certain town or towns. Both -forms were termed generally grants in _encomienda_. The nobles increased -their holdings yet more by usurpations and private conquests. Early in -the reign of Henry IV, for example, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and other -nobles conquered territories of vast size from the Moslems, and these -_latifundia_, (broad estates) have influenced even to the present day -the economic life of Andalusia. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the military orders.] - -The _caballeros_ of the military orders were a notably important -element. A noble of high rank was usually chosen as grand master, and -this gave him a preponderantly strong position. The vast power of these -orders was the cause of their downfall, the impulse for which came from -without, through the joint action of the French monarchy and the popes. -The order of the Templars, the strongest of all, was abolished by the -pope in 1312, and this reacted to cause a decline of the other orders. -Furthermore, the reason for their existence ceased with the entry of the -Turks into Europe and the cessation of the Spanish crusades. Except as -concerned the military orders the nobles seemed to have reached the -height of their social ambitions, conducting themselves in a lawless -manner with a more or less complete lack of loyalty, high ideals, or -moral sense, but (as will be pointed out in the following chapter) their -authority appeared to be greater than it actually was.[35] - -[Sidenote: Social importance of the clergy.] - -The personal immunities of the clergy were not only extended, but were -also made applicable to a greater number than formerly, and the wealth -of the church was increased. Not only priests, but also their servants -and the members of the religious orders, including even those of the lay -orders, acquired the so-called “benefit of clergy,” which exempted them -from certain financial obligations to the state and to the towns, and -secured them the privilege of being subject judicially to the -ecclesiastical courts only. Furthermore, entry into religious orders -became so comparatively easy that the number of ecclesiastics proper -increased greatly, although many of them continued to be business men, -lawyers, administrative officers, and even jugglers and buffoons, -frequently leading a licentious life. Similarly, the mendicant orders -had lost their early ideals of poverty and self-sacrifice, and besides -being lax at times in their mode of life were devoting themselves to the -acquisition of wealth, especially by procuring inheritances. These -conditions were cited in complaint after complaint of the national -_Cortes_, asking the king for their redress. Finally, Henry II issued a -law, confirmed by Juan I, that clergymen should contribute to the funds -applied on public works, and that lands which had been tributary should -continue to pay taxes after their acquisition by the church. These laws -seem not to have been complied with, for the complaints were renewed in -later meetings of the _Cortes_; it was charged that the clergymen -excommunicated the tax collectors. On the other hand the right of the -church to collect the _diezmo_, or tithe (not precisely a tenth), of the -produce of lands not their own, a right which had already existed in -some jurisdictions, became general. The king profited by this -arrangement, since a portion called the royal thirds (_tercias -reales_)[36] went to him for expenditure for public charities or pious -works, such as the building of churches, although the kings did not -always so employ it.[37] - -[Sidenote: Advance of the middle class.] - -The same causes which had conduced to the development of the middle -class in the preceding era were accentuated to procure a corresponding -advance in this,--such as the increase in population, the growth of -industry, commerce, and agriculture, the freedom of the servile classes, -the prominence of the jurisconsults and secondary nobility, or -_caballeros_ (proceeding usually from the towns, and living there allied -with the middle class against the greater nobles), and the great -political importance which the towns acquired. The basis of the middle -class was the town, partisan of the centralizing, absolutist tendency of -the kings so far as it related to the nobles and clergy, but strenuously -insistent on the retention of its own local charter. The middle class -had control of production and was the nerve of the state, but was -virtually the only element to pay taxes, despite the fact that the great -bulk of territorial wealth was in the hands of the nobility and the -church. The term “middle class” began to refer more and more clearly to -the wealthier, free, but untitled element, for the laboring class became -more prominent in the towns, sharing in the charter privileges of their -richer neighbors, but with certain limitations on their economic -liberty. There was no social conflict of consequence between the two -classes, however, for the laborers were not yet very numerous, and the -evils of their situation were not so great as they later became, besides -which, self-interest united them with the middle class against the -nobles and clergy. Such strife as there was between them was of a -political, and not of a social, character. The so-called popular element -of the _Cortes_ represented the middle class only. The practice of -forming leagues (_hermandades_) of towns and _caballeros_ against the -abuses of the higher nobility was much indulged in, for it was not safe -to rely solely on the king. The victory in the end lay with the towns, -although they were far from obtaining their specific aims at this time. -Nevertheless, the fourteenth century was characterized by the -transformation of society from its earlier basis of chivalry and war, -when the scene had been laid in the castles of the country, to the -bourgeois life of the towns, devoted to industry and commerce. - -[Sidenote: Improved basis of rural society.] - -[Sidenote: Slavery.] - -The rural servile classes, which had all but won complete personal -liberty in the preceding period, attained both that and nearly complete -economic liberty at this time. Thus the ordinance of Valladolid, in -1325, prohibited the lords from retaining either the realty or the -personalty of any man who should move from seigniorial to royal lands, -preserving the owner’s right to cultivate or sell his lands, and to -make any use he saw fit of his personal effects. The ordinance of -Alcalá, of 1348, took a step backward, limiting the owner’s freedom of -sale, lest the lands fall into privileged, non-taxpaying hands, and -requiring him to keep somebody on the land, so that there might always -be a taxpayer there. Finally, the ideal of the ordinance of Valladolid -prevailed. At the same time, the old servile relation whereby the lord -procured the cultivation of his own lands changed to one of landlord and -tenant, based on the payment of a stipulated rent. The fact that there -were no social struggles in Castile in the fourteenth and fifteenth -centuries is evidence of the comparatively satisfactory condition of the -rural classes. Naturally, there were abuses of an extra-legal character -by the nobles, such as the forced loans exacted by them, the compulsory -marriages of rich widows to members of a lord’s following, and outright -robbery, but the real interests of the lords called for them to use -conciliatory measures to attract population, and some of them at least -did follow that policy. Personal slavery still continued, but the number -of slaves was very greatly diminished and gradually got smaller,--a -tendency which was favored by the laws. - -[Sidenote: Treatment of the Mudéjares.] - -The free Mudéjares continued to receive lenient treatment, and their -numbers increased greatly; many of the Moslem faith preferred to leave -Granada and live in Christian Castile. The legislation of Alfonso X put -them under the royal protection and allowed them to have their own -courts and their own law. They were permitted to retain the mosques they -already had, but were forbidden to build new ones; they could not -worship in public in places settled chiefly by Christians, but otherwise -no objection was made; the obligations of former times as regards -taxation, mode of dress, and dealings with Christians were also -retained; and the gathering of Mudéjares into the cities, despite the -greater number of restrictions imposed upon them, went on, caused by the -abuses of an unofficial character to which they were subjected at the -hands of the Christian population in the country. In later reigns the -restrictions were increased, but many of them were not enforced. In -fact, the Mudéjares enjoyed greater prosperity in the last reign of the -era than at any other time of the period, being a wealthy and important -social element, represented at court even, and enjoying a number of -advantages which for a long time had been denied them. - -[Sidenote: Harsh measures against the Jews.] - -[Sidenote: The Marranos.] - -For a while the legal situation of the Jews was comparable to that of -the Mudéjares, but the Christian clergy was particularly vindictive -against the former, and popular sentiment was bitterly hostile to them, -due not only to the influence of the church, but also in part to hatred -of the Jewish tax collectors, and partly to the avarice awakened by the -wealth of the Jews (fabulously exaggerated as a rule). This enmity was -evidenced in more and more restrictive laws and in the open insults and -violence of the Christian populace. Popular feeling began to make itself -more rigorously felt from about the year 1391. In 1391 a great massacre -of the Jews took place in Seville, and this was a signal for similar -massacres in other parts of Spain. Shortly afterward the Jews lost their -separate law courts; they were forbidden among other things to engage in -commerce with Christians, to rent the taxes[38] or hold public -positions, to be artisans, to carry arms, or to have intimate relations -with Christians; and they were even compelled to listen to sermons -preached with a view to their conversion. These laws were not always -enforced, but the position of the Jews was far from equalling that of -the Mudéjares. Great numbers of them were converted, but it was -believed, probably with truth, that they continued to practise the -Jewish faith in secret. The converts were insulted by their Christian -brethren, even in the name “Marranos” (pigs) applied to them as a class. -They were also envied because of their industry and wealth, and were -accused of diabolical practices of which they were almost certainly not -guilty. In the last years of the reign of Henry IV the massacres of Jews -began to be extended to them as well as to the unconverted element. - -[Sidenote: Changes in the laws of marriage, the family, and property.] - -Two forces combined to change the former type of family life: the Roman -civil law (of tremendous importance); and the doctrines of the church, -which indeed in their judicial expression were influenced profoundly by -the Roman law. They were able to strike a death-blow at the marriage _á -yuras_; henceforth the law required the sanction of the church. -_Barraganía_ still maintained a legal though restricted standing. Cases -of marriage and divorce were taken away from civil jurisdiction and -turned over to the ecclesiastical courts. As an illustration of the -individualistic tendencies springing from the influence of Roman -jurisprudence it may be noted that up to twenty-five years of age a -daughter had to have her father’s consent in order to contract marriage, -but could dispense with his permission after that time. The most -important reform in family life was the establishment of the rule of -primogeniture, a practice which rapidly became customary. The Roman law -was equally influential in its effects upon property. Whereas formerly -the wealth of Castile had been based on agriculture and stock-raising, -with the land concentrated in few hands and cultivated by serfs, now -urban lands and personalty, based on industry and commerce and adapted -to Roman principles, became the more important; and despite the -_latifundia_ of the era a large part of the former seigniorial lands was -now given over in small lots to free proprietors protected by the law. -The Roman formalism appeared to some extent also in the law of property, -contract, and wills, especially in the legislation of Alfonso X. - -[Sidenote: Survivals of medieval collectivity.] - -The collectivity of medieval times had a survival in the lands common of -the towns, and appeared also in the industrial guilds and the -semi-religious _cofradías_, or fraternities. The latter included various -classes of people organized into a group for the accomplishment of some -social object, such as to perform acts of charity or hold funerary -dinners, as well as to provide mutual aid; the law forbade associations -for political, immoral, or illegal purposes. The guilds were far more -important, and were greatly favored by the laws. At first they were -closely dependent on the municipalities, which intervened to regulate -the trades, even in technical respects, but at length the guilds began -to receive charters directly from the king. The new charters, too, in -keeping with the practices of the era, were minute in their directions -with regard to the conduct of the various industries. By the fifteenth -century the guilds were paying little attention to the social matters -which formerly were their most important function,--these had passed -over to the _cofradías_,--and had become almost wholly economic and -professional, although their members marched together in processions, -and the guilds as a body rendered public service of one kind or -another,--as, for example, maintaining some public charity. They were -also a factor in the political life of the towns. - -[Sidenote: General social customs.] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -[Sidenote: Superstition.] - -[Sidenote: Sports.] - -In general social customs, so far as they relate to the upper classes, -for the practices of the humbler elements are less well known, this era -was marked by great immorality, license in expression (even when -referring to matters of religion), luxury, a desire for honors and noble -rank (even to the point of falsely pretending to them), the mixture of -an appetite for knowledge with the pursuit of superstitions, and the -exaggerated practice of chivalric principles (professed more as an -affectation than with sincerity). The luxury of the times manifested -itself in the usual ways, and it is worthy of note that members of the -middle class were now able to vie with the nobles. Women painted and -powdered and used exaggerated effects in their dress, and men wore -high-heeled boots, employed various devices to correct the natural -defects of the body, and used perfumes. Foreign influences entered to -modify clothing so that it tended more to fit the body than before, with -a resulting abandonment of the flowing garments of earlier times. Men -often wore stockings of different colors, a feather in their hat, and a -much-adorned, variegated cape. Color, too, was equally prominent for its -diversity in women’s dress, but the dress itself allowed greater freedom -of movement than the earlier styles had done. Superstitions were -prevalent, from the alchemy and astrology of the learned, to the various -forms of divination and ancient practices--such, for example, as the -mass for the dead dedicated to living persons--of the common people. -Jousts and tourneys and attempts to imitate the warlike feats of the -heroes of fiction in such works as _Amadís de Gaula_ (of which later) -formed a part of the chivalric customs of the day. Bull-fighting was -clearly in existence by the time of Alfonso X, and thenceforth enjoyed -great popularity.[39] - -In social and political institutions Aragon proper, Catalonia, and -Valencia still differed from one another sufficiently to merit separate -treatment. While in many ways their customs were like those of Castile -there were certain variations worthy of record. - - -_Aragon proper_ - -[Sidenote: Social differences in Aragon proper.] - -Prior to the reign of Pedro IV the nobles increased their authority both -with respect to their rights over the lower classes and in the exercise -of political power, but if Pedro reduced their privileges in the latter -respect neither he nor his successors did anything to prepare the -emancipation of the servile classes. The nobles retained their social -privileges even to the extent of procuring a law in 1451 doing away with -the royal practice of granting titles of nobility of the lower grades. -Feudalism continued, though in a modified form, for if the nobles could -receive lands from the king and reissue them to vassals of their own -they were obliged to return them to the king whenever he should ask them -to do so, and were not allowed to build castles without his consent; -moreover, there were various other limitations on their former nearly -absolute sway. They collected taxes for themselves, and were exempt from -paying them to the royal treasury, but were under the necessity of -rendering military service when called upon. The clergy gained increased -social importance just as it did in Castile, and the middle class became -a prominent factor with the development of the towns, though far from -attaining to the high place of the same element in Castile. The towns -followed a divided policy, for those of the north were feudal in type -and allied with the nobility, while those of the south were more -democratic and royal. The condition of the servile classes was even -worse than before, and no serious attempt was made either by them or -the _Cortes_ to relieve their hard lot.[40] The laws continued to -recognize the lord’s right to deal with them as he pleased, and even to -kill them, and lands were still sold with the men and women both -Christians and others who dwelt thereon. The history of the Jews and -Mudéjares followed the same course that it did in Castile. Not merely in -Aragon proper but in all the dominions of the crown the Jews were -subjected to exceedingly harsh treatment. The Mudéjares of both Aragon -and Valencia were protected by the kings and the nobles with a view to -keeping their lands occupied so that they might not fail to yield rents -and taxes, and in both regions the rural population was principally -Mudéjar. The Roman law exercised a powerful influence in Aragon as -elsewhere. Thus freedom of testament was introduced, and primogeniture -attained to a predominant place. The guilds did not advance to the point -reached in Castile, existing rather for purposes of mutual aid, and -lacking the technical regulations of the Castilian guilds. - - -_Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: Revolts of the serfs.] - -There are two prime facts in the social history of Catalonia in this -period: the uprising of the serfs; and the outstanding importance of the -cities, especially Barcelona. The first marked the decline of the -nobility and the appearance of a new social factor; the second indicated -the direction which modern social organization was to take. Having lost -their political power the nobles concentrated their interest on getting -wealth out of their lands, especially through the tributes of their -serfs. In this respect they had the enormous advantage of possessing the -greater part of Catalan territory.[41] The serfs were subject to a great -number of annoying personal services, and (in a typical case) to as many -as thirty different tributes, most of them in kind, besides the -ordinary rental for the land. They had already won a right to redeem -themselves for money, and Juan I, Martín I, and María (the wife and -regent of Alfonso V), as well as many jurisconsults, made some more or -less ineffectual attempts to better their condition. The plagues which -swept Europe in the fourteenth century were a greater aid, since -laborers became scarce and therefore more desirable. By the time of -Alfonso V the serfs had become sufficiently emboldened to formulate -demands, on the threat of a general uprising. Alfonso accepted a sum of -money from them, granted what they asked, and then withdrew his promises -when the nobles also bribed him. The revolt was delayed, however, to the -year 1462 in the next reign, when it formed one of the complications in -the wars of Juan II against the deputation of Catalonia and the city of -Barcelona. Both sides sought the aid of the serfs, but Juan was able to -win them to his support, although their military operations were -directed primarily against their own lords. The peace of 1472 did not -solve the social question; so there was another uprising in 1475, and it -was still going on at Juan’s death, in 1479, being left for solution to -the reign of his son, Ferdinand. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the nobility.] - -[Sidenote: Persecution of the Jews.] - -As a result of these troubles the nobles declined even in social -prestige, for they had received very little in the way of tributes from -the serfs since the reign of Alfonso V, and had aggravated the situation -by their wars with one another or against the towns. Meanwhile, the -_caballeros_ and others of the secondary nobility, natural enemies of -the great lords, had advanced in importance, and in the reign of Pedro -IV had won a right to law courts of their own, free from the -jurisdiction of nobles of the upper grades. On the other hand, the great -nobles continued to receive donations of land from the king, with more -or less complete jurisdiction, since the existing needs of the royal -treasury usually seemed greater than the ultimate evil of the grants; -often the kings gave away towns which they had previously pledged their -word never to alienate. It is to be noted that the mere ownership of -land did not entitle the lords to exercise civil and criminal -jurisdiction without a specific grant of those powers from the king. In -addition to the serfs and the kings, the nobility had a third element -against it, the very powerful bourgeoisie, or middle class, which in -this period attained to the greatest splendor. The history of the -Mudéjares at this time was unimportant, for there were not many in -Catalonia. The Jews suffered as they did in Castile. The year 1391, -which witnessed the massacre in Seville, was marked by a similar event -in Barcelona, where the Jewish quarter completely disappeared. From that -time on, harsh measures were taken in Catalonia, and as a result the -Jews came to be regarded as sharing with slaves (of whom there were -still a considerable number) the lowest level in the social hierarchy. - -[Sidenote: Catalan guilds.] - -The modifications of family life arising from the influence of the Roman -law were as notable in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon. The guilds -were developed to a point even surpassing that of Castile. As early as -the fourteenth century they were already organizations for technical -objects related to their trade. Every trade had its guild, from the more -important associations of weavers, bakers, and the like, down to the -more humble blind beggars’ guilds. - -[Sidenote: Transition from medievalism to modernity in social customs.] - -All that has been said of Castile as regards the immorality, luxury, -dress, superstition, and chivalric pursuits of the aristocracy and -middle class applies generally, not only to Catalonia, but also to -Aragon and Valencia. The nobles endeavored to emulate the king in -extravagances, with the result that many were ruined, and their attempts -to avoid paying their debts to the Jews were one cause of the massacres -of the latter. The luxury in dress brought in its train the development -of tailoring to such an extent that the Catalan modes were well-known -even in foreign countries. In many of the amusements of the -period,--dances, illuminations, pantomimes, processions, masquerades, -and others,--one sees the influence of Renaissance tastes, which were to -lead to modern civilization, although these same diversions were also -tainted with the rudeness of earlier times.[42] In fine, the customs of -the period were made up of a curious mixture of passing medievalism and -coming modernity. For example, while some seigniorial castles were -centres of luxury and entertainment, others retained the austere, -military customs of the past. Again, at the same time that there -appeared a veneer of literary and scientific culture, ideas as regards -sanitation, both public and private, were still rudimentary. Laws -continued to be passed forbidding people to wash clothes in public -fountains, to throw water and filth in the streets, and to loose pigs -therein, but they were not very generally obeyed. Even the public baths -which had existed formerly fell into disuse. Thus epidemics were -frequent, but aside from prayers and sequestration of cases not much was -done to check their progress. - - -_Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Victory of Catalan civilization in Valencia.] - -The majority of the Christian settlers of Valencia were both bourgeois -and Catalan, while the nobles were mostly Aragonese. Down to the time of -Pedro IV, the latter exerted themselves to deprive the former of the -power which Jaime I had given them, and they were successful to the -point of sharing in administrative posts which had formerly been denied -them, and also procured the application of the Aragonese law in the -land. After their defeat by Pedro IV they declined rapidly, hastening -their fall by partisan quarrels among themselves. The history of the -Mudéjares and Jews followed the same course as in Aragon; here, as -elsewhere, the terrible year 1391 was a time of massacres of the Jews, -followed by increasingly harsh legislation. The influence of the Roman -law in modifying family institutions and the development of the guilds -proceeded on lines analogous to the same factors in Catalonia. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE CASTILIAN STATE, 1252-1479 - - -[Sidenote: General character and importance of the era in political -institutions.] - -In the relations of the seigniorial elements and the monarchy this was a -critical period for the latter, deciding as a result of the virtual, -though not at the time apparent, victory of the kings that Castile was -to become a power in the world. For that very reason the evolution of -political institutions in this era was important, for on the development -of monarchy depended the conquest of America, but they were also -important because the institutions which were set up in the new world -had noteworthy antecedents at this time. Influenced largely by the -principles of the Roman law the kings aspired to absolute monarchy in a -centralized state, with a view to overcoming the social and political -strife resulting from the diffusion of power inherent in the seigniorial -system. Their most dangerous enemies were the nobles, whose spirit of -independence and self-esteem and whose vast wealth in lands and fighting -men made them a powerful factor in themselves. They were yet stronger -because the kings had to depend on them for military service since there -was no large standing army, and because they in a measure developed a -class consciousness in opposition to absolutism, becoming a nobility -rather than remaining a mere aggregation of nobles. While the -seigniorial ideal was not lacking in the towns, they were not nearly so -dangerous to the monarchy, because they were usually as hostile to the -nobility as the kings were. Often, however, they fought against the -kings, or exacted concessions for their services. The task for the -fulfilment of royal ideals was therefore a difficult one, requiring a -sagacious type of monarch, such as in fact rarely appeared in the -period. Circumstances fought better than the kings, and nowhere does -this show forth more clearly than in a review of the political -institutions of the era. - -[Sidenote: Internal decline in the power of the nobles.] - -The external vicissitudes of the strife between the nobles and the kings -have already been traced, and it would appear from them that the former -gained the upper hand. In fact, however, their cause was already -internally dead. One symptom of their approaching dissolution was the -change in the practices of the nobles whereby they became more and more -a court nobility, plotting in the shadow of the king (like the -chancellor López de Ayala) instead of being semi-independent potentates -on their own estates as formerly. Despite their class consciousness, -parties arose within their ranks with distinct ideals, apart from -personal ambition, dividing them against one another. Thus in Seville -the Guzmán faction represented conservatism, while the Ponces were -radical. Most important of all were the blows resulting from the social -and economic changes which deprived the nobles of their serfs and -created a new form of wealth in the hands of the middle class, an -element better fitted than the old nobility to acquire and develop the -new resources. The eagerness with which the nobles took up the practice -of primogeniture, leaving their estates nearly intact to their eldest -sons so that their house and their name might not be lost, showed that -they realized the force of the new order of things and were taking -thought for the future. In earlier times, when wealth was territorial -and serfs were numerous, the land-rich nobility had been secure, but -that day had passed. - -[Sidenote: The absolutist ideal of Alfonso X.] - -The great representative of absolutism was Alfonso X, not that he -invented the idea or was the first to attempt its achievement, but -because he formulated the program more clearly than any of his -predecessors, embodying it in his legislation, and because he received -the first shock in defence of these principles. He enacted that the -legislative, judicial, and military powers and the right to coin money -were fundamental, inalienable rights of the king, who could not give -them away for a period longer than his own life, and declared that the -lords could not exercise any judicial or other sovereign powers on their -estates except those which had been granted to them by the king, or -which they had enjoyed by immemorial custom. His laws also prescribed -certain forms of etiquette which should be employed in treating with the -king, establishing the ceremonial which has always served as such a prop -for monarchy. The divine origin of royal power was asserted. -Independence of the Holy Roman Emperors was specifically proclaimed, but -a measure of subjection to the pope was admitted. The absolutism of -Alfonso X did not pretend, even in principle, that the king might -exercise arbitrary or tyrannical authority; Alfonso declared that the -king was bound to observe the law and deal justly with the people, -acting as their guardian and administrator, and granting them certain -rights to inspect his conduct. Those who wrongly possessed themselves of -the royal power, or made bad use of it, were declared to be tyrants and -not legitimate kings. The people, on the other hand, owed respect, -obedience, and loyalty to the legitimate king, and even a species of -guardianship to prevent his non-fulfilment of obligations. Alfonso X was -not able to sustain his principles in open conflict, but they remained -as the ideal of future kings, even though some of them were modified by -the legislation of later reigns; thus Alfonso XI declared that sovereign -rights might be acquired from the crown by prescription, except the -taxing power and high justice (or the hearing of cases on appeal), and -that the kings could alienate any of their sovereign powers except those -of high justice, coinage, and war. - -[Sidenote: Establishment of hereditary succession and development of -court officialdom.] - -Two fundamental results of the centralizing, absolutist policy of the -kings were the final establishment of hereditary succession and the -development of consultive and other bodies about the king, the -forerunners of modern bureaucracy. The former has already been referred -to. Alfonso himself was the first to break his own law in this respect, -but after his reign the principle was definitely recognized. The pomp -and ceremonial of royalty increased the number of officials whose -principal functions were those of adding splendor to the court,--such, -for example, as the king’s cup-bearer, butler, and chamberlain. Great -nobles also sent their sons to court to be educated under the protection -and with the favor of the king, and these young men formed a special -royal guard. In addition there began to be an infinity of servants, -notaries, doctors, and others occupying posts of a less ornamental -character. The most important novelty of the period was the development -of the _Consejo Real_. - -[Sidenote: _The Consejo Real._] - -The kings had long been surrounded by a body of nobles and prelates -called the _Consejo Real_, or Royal Council, which advised them in -matters of government, or sat as the _Cort_, or supreme court, in -appeals from lower jurisdictions, but its membership and functions had -not been very clearly established, for it dealt indiscriminately with -any subject upon which the king might want advice. One important reform -was the introduction of representatives of the popular element in this -body. Different kings, from Sancho IV on, decreed that a certain number -of the council should be “good men,”--or members of the untitled, -secular class,--although the practice did not become fixed. A law of -Juan I in 1385 provided that the council should be composed of twelve -men, of whom four should be plebeians. Two years later it was required -that the last-named should be _letrados_,--that is, men learned in the -law,--and shortly afterward they began to be called _oidores_ (hearers -of cases). Juan II divided the council into two bodies, one of -government, the other of justice. It was not until the time of Ferdinand -and Isabella, however, that the _Consejo Real_ acquired real stability. - -[Sidenote: The hierarchy of officialdom.] - -There were important developments, too, in the general administrative -and judicial hierarchy, although with a mixture of the two functions. -The hierarchy of officialdom, from the lowest grade to the highest, with -especial regard to comparative judicial authority, ran from the -_alcaldes_ of the towns through _merinos mayores_ or the _adelantados_, -the _alcalde del rey_ (royal _alcalde_) of the court, and the -_adelantado mayor_ (or chief justice of Castile) to the king himself. In -some jurisdictions cases in first instance came before _alcaldes del -rey_ (different from the above-named) with an appeal to _merinos -menores_[43] and _merinos mayores_, or directly to the latter, and -thence upward. The _merinos menores_ limited themselves to jurisdiction -in certain criminal cases. The _merinos mayores_ were, like the -_adelantados_, governors of large districts as well as judges in cases -of appeal, for which latter purpose they were assisted by men acquainted -with the law. They took the place of many of the former _adelantados_. -The _adelantado mayor_ also had administrative functions, as the superior -of the _merinos_ and other officials below him. Alfonso X employed the -old term, _cort_, in the new and more restricted sense of a royal judicial -tribunal which acted for the king. In later reigns this came to be known -as the _chancillería_ (chancery), or _audiencia_,[44]--which latter name -was eventually transmitted to the Americas for bodies exercising similar -functions. - -[Sidenote: Diversity of jurisdictions and tendencies toward -centralization.] - -Despite appearances, uniformity and order in the administrative and -judicial organization were far from being completely established. Not -only was there a great variety of jurisdictions, but there was also a -great diversity in the law, for one region would differ radically from -another. The towns, nobles, clergy, universities, and the great -corporation of stock-raisers (the _Mesta_) all had officials of their -own and exemption from royal jurisdiction. At the same time, great -_hermandades_, or leagues of cities, were formed for the maintenance of -public security against highwaymen or other disturbing elements, since -royal activity in this regard left much to be desired, and these also -had their separate jurisdictions.[45] The current toward centralization -was very strong, however, being aided by the education in the Roman law -of the _letrados_, whom the king employed as his officials (for these -men were pronouncedly monarchical in sentiment), and by the increase in -powers to which the _adelantados_ and _merinos mayores_ were attaining -at the expense of the semi-independent elements. The successors of -Alfonso X, especially Alfonso XI, furthered this policy of -centralization. Royal judges began to appear in the towns, either taking -the place of the formerly elected officials, or acting concurrently with -them, for the kings took advantage of one pretext or another to make an -opening for their own appointees. Another important reform was the -division of the _audiencia_ into two sections, one of which remained in -Segovia, while the other went on circuit for brief periods in Andalusia. -Under Juan II there appeared in the _audiencia_ the official known as -the _fiscal_, who at this time was a royal prosecuting attorney, but who -later was to become one of the most important all-round administrative -officials in Spanish and Spanish colonial government. As an example, -too, of the extension of royal jurisdiction may be mentioned the -so-called recourse of _fuerza_ in cases of usurpation (by force,--hence -_fuerza_) of lands or jurisdiction by the clergy. The trial of these -cases was ordered to be held in the royal courts. - -[Sidenote: Judicial procedure.] - -Punishments for crime continued to be atrocious, and torture was still -employed, but only in the case of persons of bad reputation or when the -accused bore the evidences of crime. Privilege still obtained to modify -the punishment of the upper classes. A very notable reform was the -introduction of the _pesquisa_, or inquisitorial investigation, for the -bringing of an indictment, or accusation, of crime. Formerly the state -had intervened when one individual charged another with crime, a process -which resulted to the detriment of the weak, who would not dare to -accuse the more powerful. The _pesquisa_ not only introduced the grand -jury function of an accusation by the state, without necessarily -involving any individual accusers, but it also made crime partake more -of the nature of a public offence than of a mere infringement of -individual rights. The vulgar proofs, with one exception, were -abolished, and the importance of written documents and the testimony of -witnesses became more generally recognized. This also caused the rise of -the lawyers, who, after a lapse of centuries, began again to be a -noteworthy element in judicial affairs. The _riepto_, or duel, a special -form of the wager of battle, was the only one of the vulgar proofs to -remain in existence. This was a special privilege enjoyed only by those -of noble blood. The duel was hedged in by a number of rules, one of -which was that it must take place in the presence of the king. If the -challenger were killed, the innocence of his opponent was proclaimed, -but if the latter were killed, still protesting innocence, he was in -this case, too, declared guiltless. The challenger could win by -defeating his opponent without killing him, in which event the latter -was banished, and half of his goods were granted to the king. - -[Sidenote: The new system of taxation.] - -Although the expenses of the state were greater than formerly, the -income was also greater. Many new forms of taxation were introduced: the -royal monopolies on salt and mines; the _alcabala_, or tax on sales, -which first became general in the reign of Alfonso XI; stamp taxes; and -the _consumo_, or tax on all merchandise entering the city. These taxes -fell upon goods or upon acts of individuals in connection with the state -(as distinguished from the king) differing radically from the services -of a feudal character, with a multitude of exceptions and privileges, -which had formerly been the basis of the public income. Owing to the -turbulence of the era and the excessive alienation of public wealth by -grants of the kings to the nobles, receipts did not equal the royal -needs, and resort was had frequently to loans, debasement of the -coinage, and arbitrary confiscations of property. Even under the new -system of taxation the nobles and clergy very rarely had to pay any of -the numerous taxes, and privileges and exemptions were granted, much as -before. Nevertheless, the methods employed contained the germ of a sound -financial system, which was to develop in succeeding centuries. The -collection of taxes was rented out as formerly, being given in charge -usually of Mudéjares, Jews, or Marranos. Complaints against these -collectors were so insistent that at one time churchmen were substituted -for them,--without diminishing the complaints, for the fault lay in the -system. There were royal financial officials for receiving the funds and -examining accounts, but no organized treasury department was as yet -developed. - -[Sidenote: The army and navy.] - -The principal military fact of the era was the increase in the number of -troops sustained by the king, but in other respects there was no -fundamental difference from the preceding period. Technically there were -advances in the art of war,--such as the development of a greater -variety in the branches of the service and the introduction of -powder,--but except for cannon of not very great utility the use of -firearms did not become general. Complete armor came in with the white -companies. The royal navy, initiated by Ferdinand III, was continued -throughout the era, and this was a period of brilliant victories against -the Moslems in the Mediterranean and the English in the north; on one -occasion the Castilian admiral, Pero Niño, ravaged the English coast. No -results of note seem to have proceeded from these victories, however. - -[Sidenote: Greatness and decline of the towns in political authority.] - -[Sidenote: Advance of the seigniorial towns.] - -This was the most flourishing epoch in the history of the free Castilian -towns: their numbers and political importance increased; they received -new privileges; and they made their presence felt in national affairs -through their representatives in the _Cortes_. The most extreme example -of municipal independence was provided by the towns of the north coast, -which recognized the sovereignty of the Castilian king, but in fact -governed themselves, even intervening in foreign affairs through the -agency of their league. In the interior the towns were less independent -politically and administratively, and in the fourteenth century their -authority began to wane. The entry of royal judges into the towns has -already been mentioned. In administration the kings were also able at -length to exercise influence. This came about as a result of a number -of political changes, such as the substitution of a life term in office -for one of a period of years, the usurpation by the _ayuntamiento_ (or -body of municipal officials) of powers formerly exercised by the general -assembly, the limitation of the right to hold office to the _caballeros_ -or to specified families, the disturbances at times of election, and the -corruption which occasionally manifested itself in municipal -administration. In the interests of internal peace the towns themselves -often sought intervention by the kings, who did not fail to profit by -the situation. Under Alfonso XI some towns began to be ruled by -officials appointed by the king, and that monarch also created the post -of _corregidor_,[46] a royal agent placed in many towns to watch the -course of local affairs and represent the king, acting with the local -_alcaldes_. The _corregidores_ gradually acquired considerable -influence, thereby reducing the power of the popularly elected -officials. Internal municipal strife continued, but now the great -families fought, not for the favor of the electorate, but for that of -the king, since this had become the surer route to public office. The -greater towns or cities suffered through the breaking away of the -villages and rural districts which had formerly been subordinate to -them. These villages were desirous of local autonomy, because the -municipalities on which they depended were wont to exploit them or to -exclude them from a share in government. The kings granted their -petitions, thus weakening the greater towns, even if they did extend the -institution of chartered municipalities. It should be said, however, -that this decline of the towns, with the incidents accompanying it, was -not uniform, for a number of them still retained their earlier -liberties, including popular election, at the end of the period. In the -seigniorial towns, especially those under ecclesiastical domination, -there were frequent struggles with a view to reducing the lord’s -intervention in local affairs, and these ended almost everywhere in a -victory for the towns, which won a right to name their own officers and -to possess much the same degree of liberty enjoyed by the royal towns. -Here, too, the kings intervened, not only through the practice of -judicial appeals to the royal courts, but also in other ways, even with -armed forces, in order to reduce the power of the lords. The victory of -the seigniorial towns lessened the power of the lords to an appreciable -extent; the struggles of the lords with the kings were thenceforth -maintained only through combinations of nobles, often with Mudéjar -levies, joined at times by some of the towns. - -[Sidenote: Great age of the Castilian _Cortes_.] - -The institution which most clearly represented the different factors of -Castilian political life, but especially that of the municipalities, was -the _Cortes_, which grew in importance until the fifteenth century, when -it began to show signs of decline. The _Cortes_ was hardly mentioned in -the legislation of Alfonso X, for it did not comport well with his -theories of absolutism, but the later kings paid it great consideration, -seeking the aid of the popular branch against seigniorial anarchy. Its -principal function continued to be economic, rather than legislative, -through the grants of subsidies by the representatives of the towns. -While these were not the only source of royal revenue they were so -urgently needed that the _Cortes_ was able to procure legislation from -the kings in response to its petitions. The fourteenth century was -particularly rich in ordinances of the _Cortes_, especially those -arising from the meetings of 1329 (Madrid), 1348 (Alcalá), 1351 -(Valladolid), 1366 (Burgos), 1371 (Toro), 1373 (Toro), 1377 (Burgos), -1379 (Burgos), and 1380 (Soria). In most cases the kings did not put the -ordinances (which should rather be considered petitions) into effect, -wherefore many of them were repeated time and again,--such, for example, -as the legislation requested against the Jews, against the granting of -Castilian benefices by the pope, against the abuses of royal officials -and renters of taxes, and against the royal donations to the lords. In a -number of instances the _Cortes_ got what it asked for, even in cases -affecting the king’s personal authority, such as a law in 1329 which -prohibited the issuing of royal letters, or orders, in blank (whereby -the possessor of the letter might insert anybody’s name he chose,--a -practice which usually served to promote unjust ends, just as in the -case of the _lettres de cachet_ in France prior to the French -Revolution), and another of 1348 extending the prohibition to letters -which the kings were in the habit of granting to individuals empowering -them to marry designated persons, with or without the latter’s consent. -The kings also accepted petitions of a more general character, such as -those asking that steps be taken for the suppression of banditry, the -specification of the powers of royal officers, the correction of various -abuses, the lowering of certain taxes, the regulation of disputes -between the stockmen and the farmers, and the reform of judicial -procedure. It was also affirmed several times,--in 1348, for -example,--that there could be no new tax without a grant of the -_Cortes_. The laws of Alfonso X insisted upon the king’s sole right to -legislate, however, and this principle was maintained by the later -kings, for despite the fact that a law of 1387 declared that the -ordinances of the _Cortes_ were irrevocable, unless by the act of a -_Cortes_ itself, the kings proceeded according to their own pleasure, -apparently regarding the concession of 1387 as purely theoretical. The -ordinances of the various _Cortes_ appeared without method or plan, and -lacked the full force of law, but they demonstrated the enormous -activity of this body, and were in fact a basis for much legislation, -both at the time and in later years. In organization the _Cortes_ -followed the general practices of the preceding era. Among the -comparatively few novelties may be mentioned a law of Juan II, fixing -the number of representatives from a town as two, and a law of 1351 -granting immunity from arrest to members of the _Cortes_ while that body -was in session. Up to 1301 Castile and León had a separate _Cortes_, -although there were a number of joint meetings before that date. After -1301 there was but a single _Cortes_ for the entire kingdom. - -[Sidenote: Diversity in the laws and tendencies toward unification.] - -Not only in the ordinances of the _Cortes_, but also in the general laws -of the king without intervention of the _Cortes_, in grants of municipal -charters, and in the innumerable private grants (often modifying the -general law) this period was exceedingly rich in legislation. The fame -of the laws of Alfonso X and of Alfonso XI has obscured the legislation -of other reigns, but the output of the other kings was great in -quantity, if less in importance than that of the two Alfonsos. Diversity -was still a leading characteristic of the legislation. For example, from -Alfonso X to 1299 at least 127 local charters were granted; in the -fourteenth century at least 94; and in the fifteenth, at least 5, -although many were reproductions or slight modifications of certain -typical charters. The _Fuero Juzgo_ continued to be the general law, but -there was very little of it which was not contradicted or changed by -other legislation. A tendency toward unification of the laws manifested -itself in many ways, however. Alfonso X issued a municipal charter in -1254, variously named, but usually called the _Fuero Real_ (Royal -Charter), which was a new model, more complete and systematic than those -which had preceded it, but based on those already in existence and on -the _Fuero Juzgo_, preserving the Visigothic and early Leonese and -Castilian principles of law. The _Fuero Real_ was adopted as -supplementary law for use in cases of appeal to the royal courts, but -was also granted as the local charter of a great many towns, being the -most extensively used of the typical charters, although by no means in a -majority of the municipalities. To bring about unification at one stroke -it is believed that Ferdinand III and Alfonso X projected a code to -apply in all the land. Ferdinand is said to have begun the drawing up of -the _Setenario_ (or Septenary, so-called because it was to be in seven -parts), which was completed by Alfonso after the former’s death. This -code, if such it may be called, was never promulgated, and may rather -have been intended as an encyclopedia of law. A similar compilation of -the reign of Alfonso X was the _Espéculo_ (or _Espejo_) _de todos los -derechos_ (mirror of all the laws), but it, too, never became law, -although used as a reference book by jurisconsults. Yet another such -compilation appeared in this reign, the famous _Leyes de las siete -partidas_ (laws of the seven parts), or simply the _Partidas_, and this -was to attain to a very different lot from the others just named. - -[Sidenote: The code of the _Siete Partidas_ and the revival of Roman -principles.] - -The _Partidas_ was the work of a number of jurisconsults under the -inspection, and with more or less intervention, of Alfonso himself; -these men began work in 1256 and finished it in 1265. Some of the laws -and customs of Castile,--for example, the _Fuero Juzgo_ and the _Fuero -Real_,--were used as sources, but the preponderant influences were those -of the canon law and the codes of the Roman emperor Justinian,--so much -so that the _Partidas_ amounted to an encyclopedia of these two sources -of law, both of which were Roman in origin and very different from the -customs, Visigothic and otherwise, at that time prevailing in Castile. -Whether Alfonso intended that the _Partidas_ should become the general -law, or merely that it should serve as an encyclopedia, it was not -promulgated in his day, and there were many later laws directly -contradicting it. Nevertheless, it constantly gained ground, favored -especially by lawyers and university men (both of which elements were -strong partisans of the Roman law), being used as a book of reference -and as a text-book. Finally the current in its favor became so strong -that so far as it was not inconsistent with certain specified -compilations it was declared to be law in the reign of Alfonso XI by the -important ordinance of the _Cortes_ of Alcalá (1348). This set forth -that the decisions of that _Cortes_ should be the principal fountain of -Castilian law, followed in order of precedence by the _Fuero Real_, the -other municipal charters, and finally by way of supplement by the -_Partidas_, which was not to be enforced in such parts as it -contradicted the privileges of the nobility, for these also were -confirmed. Despite this lowly position of the _Partidas_ and despite the -vast quantity of later laws which took precedence of the above-mentioned -hierarchy of sources, the ultimate victory of Alfonso’s code was assured -from the time of its official promulgation. Without any statute to that -effect it gradually became recognized, not as a mere supplementary -source, but as the principal law of the land. Reformations of its text -were undertaken to make it conform with the necessities of later times, -but in substance the ideas of the original remained. - -[Sidenote: Leading factors in ecclesiastical history.] - -[Sidenote: Papal intervention in the Castilian church.] - -[Sidenote: Wealth of the church.] - -[Sidenote: Pilgrimages.] - -Next to the state the church was the most powerful and influential -factor in Castile. This period was one of serious internal disturbance -in the Castilian church and of relaxation in discipline. Despite the -efforts of the popes and some Castilian prelates, the practice of -_barraganía_ continued. There also occurred such incidents as -competitions in beauty between the nuns of Seville and Toledo, such -instances of lack of discipline as the armed resistance of the dean of -Sigüenza to the pope’s appointee as bishop, such turbulent intervention -in politics as that of the bishops of Seville and Toledo in the time of -Henry IV, and such cases of strife and violence as the attack of the -monks of Melón on those of Armenteira, and that of the bishop of -Mondoñedo on the Cistercians of Meyra. The disorder was enhanced owing -to the appearance of the Great Schism in the church at large, in which -Spanish countries were particularly interested, since several of the -popes and anti-popes were of Spanish blood. On the other hand, the popes -intervened more than ever in the affairs of the Castilian church. The -ideas of Gregory VII of the supremacy of the papacy over temporal rulers -did not fail to produce results in Castile. In the _Partidas_ of the -absolutist Alfonso X it was recognized that one legitimate way of -acquiring the crown was by a grant of the pope, and that the latter -might also absolve Castilian subjects from obedience to the king in -certain cases. The election of bishops, normally the act of the -cathedral canons, provoked many disputes between the kings and the -popes, for the latter frequently intervened to impose their candidate, -or even to make direct appointments, while the former claimed that no -election was valid until it had their approval. One of the most -unpopular practices of the popes was the appointment of foreigners to -Castilian benefices, and frequent protests were made against it, but -usually without avail. Although the popes got rather the better of the -dispute over appointments to bishoprics, the kings manifested their -prerogative in other respects, as by banishing prelates who worked -against royal interests, by prohibiting the publication of papal bulls -which might do harm to the state, and by employing the already mentioned -process of recourse of _fuerza_ in cases of ecclesiastical usurpations -of jurisdiction. The _Partidas_ named certain cases where clergymen lost -their right of resort to ecclesiastical courts,--for example, suits -between clerical and lay individuals over lands and inheritances. Even -Alfonso XI, who (though somewhat immoral in private life) was very pious -and notably generous with churches and monasteries, was very strict in -guarding the rights of the state against the intrusions of the church. -On the other hand, he confirmed the jurisdiction of the church courts in -spiritual and related matters, including such cases as those arising out -of church taxation, marriage, births, divorce, adultery, usury, and -robbery in a sacred place, as well as those of a more purely religious -or ecclesiastical character. The wealth of the church in lands increased -greatly, both as a result of royal donations, and through the gifts of -individuals, especially in the fourteenth century when the terror of the -plagues which were sweeping Europe caused many to seek divine favor -through benefactions to the church. There were a number of protests in -the _Cortes_, especially in the case of the monasteries. The objections -were based on social and financial, rather than anti-clerical, grounds, -since the accumulation of landed wealth in the hands of the church -tended to reduce the agricultural classes to a perpetual condition of -mere usufruct or rental of lands, and resulted in vast tracts remaining -uncultivated. Furthermore, these lands as a rule became exempted from -taxation. The _Partidas_ recognized the right of the church to receive -such gifts, and no effectual steps were taken to check them. It may be -mentioned here that this was the golden age of pilgrimages to holy -places, due to religious devotion, or in fulfilment of vows, or from -pure love of travel and adventure. Naturally, Santiago de Compostela was -the chief objective of pilgrims in Spain, and to that place went not -only Spaniards but also many thousands of persons from all parts of -western Europe. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479 - - -_Aragon proper_ - -[Sidenote: Victory of the royal authority in Aragon proper.] - -The struggle of the kings against the seigniorial elements of Aragon and -Valencia (in furtherance of their policy of absolutism and -centralization) has already been traced up to the point where royalty -gained the upper hand in the reign of Pedro IV. One result of Pedro’s -victory was the reduction of the power of the _Justicia_, no longer a -creature of the nobility (to mediate between them and the king) but a -royal appointee, exercising strictly judicial powers as chief justice of -the realm. Even in this respect his authority was limited by the -founding of a tribunal to accompany the king. Attempts continued to be -made to establish the independence of the _Justicia_, and the _Cortes_ -declared him irremovable, but the kings compelled their appointees to -give them a letter of resignation, with the date left blank, or -disregarded the prohibition of the _Cortes_ altogether, deposing a -_Justicia_ if it suited them to do so. Pedro IV enacted that no person -of higher rank than that of _caballero_ should be governor in Aragon, -thus removing another factor which had formerly contributed to civil -strife. Aside from the abolition of the Privilege of the Union and the -reforms just mentioned (together with others of lesser note), the kings -did not modify the political organization of Aragon, but became in fact -the principal element in the state, working their will even to the point -of acts at variance with the laws. Great diversity in charter rights and -jurisdictions continued to exist, although a number of general -compilations of legislation like those in Castile were made. These -became supplements to the already-mentioned code of Jaime I.[47] Other -volumes were prepared of the customs of the realm, and the agreements of -the _Cortes_ were also an important legislative source. The abolition of -torture and of the vulgar proofs may be mentioned among the reforms in -judicial procedure. The nobles remained almost wholly exempt from -taxation, even with respect to the lands which they might acquire in -royal territory. - -[Sidenote: Relations of church and state in Aragon.] - -[Sidenote: Benedict XIII.] - -The relations of the state and church in Aragon were more acute than in -Castile, because of the consequences of Pedro II’s act of vassalage and -the wars in Italy, and because of the Great Schism, in which Aragon -played a leading part, since one of the anti-popes, Benedict XIII, an -Aragonese, fixed his court in Aragon for a time, causing a divided -allegiance of the clergy. The matter of the election of bishops was -settled early in favor of the popes when Jaime II enacted that the pope -himself should appoint them. This occasioned a number of disagreeable -results, especially at the time of the schism, when there were two or -more popes. Some appointments were manifestly improper. Clement V -appointed his nephew, a mere boy at the time, as archbishop of -Saragossa, and even Benedict XIII, though a man of the highest -character, made a similar appointment to the archbishopric of Toledo. In -other respects the kings often insisted on the rights of the state, and -intervened in matters of an ecclesiastical character. Alfonso V was the -first Aragonese ruler to pronounce for the retention of papal bulls when -their publication was against the interests of the monarchy, availing -himself of the _pase regio_ (royal permit), on which the kings based -their claims to prevent documents which displeased them from being put -into effect or even from reaching their intended destination. Pedro de -Luna had for a long time been influential in Spain before he became Pope -Benedict XIII; he it was who persuaded Juan I of Castile and Juan I of -Aragon to recognize Clement VII of Avignon instead of the pope at Rome. -He himself succeeded Clement VII, and because of his upright character, -piety, intellectual capacity, and Spanish blood received the adhesion of -most of the peninsula prelates. It was largely through his support that -Ferdinand of Antequera was crowned king of Aragon instead of Jaime of -Urgel. When a general church council was called to elect a pope to -replace the three then in power, Benedict XIII alone of the three -refused to abdicate. Ferdinand, who for a time endeavored to support -him, felt obliged at last to deny him obedience. Benedict maintained -himself in the fortress of Peñíscola until 1422 or 1423, when he -died,--almost certainly poisoned by a friar. His cardinals elected Gil -Muñoz, a canon of Barcelona, but in 1429 Muñoz renounced the title and -the schism ended. - - -_Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Catalan towns.] - -The most marked feature in the political life of Catalonia in this -period was the rise of the towns, and especially the vast power -exercised by the city of Barcelona. The towns became veritable lords, -buying jurisdictions, privileges, immunities, castles, and lesser towns -from the king, just as the nobles were in the habit of doing. Important -cities got to be protectors of villages and towns, granting the right of -_carreratge_, which entitled them to be considered a street of the city. -As a rule the kings favored this increase in the power of the -municipalities, and the latter might have made themselves an -irresistible force, had it not been for their internal party strife, and -for the armed struggles of rival cities. There began to be a certain -uniformity in the organization of royal towns in the thirteenth century, -and in the fourteenth it became more marked under the influence of the -centralizing policy of Pedro IV. The general assembly was the basis of -government at first, but its place was taken later by a council elected -from the wealthy citizens; at times, the officials themselves were the -only ones to vote, and they too chose the representatives to the -_Cortes_. This aristocratic form of government did not please the -kings, since it tended to create a force which would be hostile to them -and led to social strife in the municipalities, wherefore matters were -adjusted at the close of the fourteenth century by the entry of the -popular element into the council. Just as in Castile, the nobles and -churchmen were forced to grant privileges to their towns almost equal to -those enjoyed by the royal municipalities, in order to retain the -people. They still collected certain taxes, exercised judicial powers, -and appointed some officials, but the greater part of local -administration was in the hands of the towns themselves, which developed -along lines similar to those of the royal towns. - -[Sidenote: Greatness of the city of Barcelona.] - -The most accentuated representation of municipal life was to be found in -the city of Barcelona. The administrative organization of the preceding -era did not change fundamentally, but the power and privileges of the -city increased greatly, due to the concessions of the kings. The council -of five was at first composed only of _honrats_, or members of the -bourgeois aristocracy, but by the year 1455 only two were of this class, -a third was a merchant, a fourth an artist, and a fifth an artisan. The -classes of lower grade than the _honrats_ were admitted to the _Consell_ -in 1387, and by the end of the period the popular element had become -preponderant. The five councillors, though subject to the _Consell_, -formed an administrative commission for the government of the city. It -was also their privilege to advise the king, something which they -frequently did, and they were charged with the duty of maintaining the -charter rights of the city, a matter to which they attended most -zealously, even to the point of war with the king. Through purchase, -annexation, royal donations, and the extensive application of the -institution of _carreratge_ Barcelona acquired a great part of Catalonia -and other portions of the realm; the possession of Elche and other towns -in Valencian territory illustrates the far-reaching authority of the -great Catalan city. The subject towns had a right to protection and to -the privileges and exemptions of Barcelona, in return for which the -latter had more or less complete control of the administration of -justice, was supposed to have their coöperation in matters of general -interest, and was entitled to contributions of soldiers and the payment -of certain tributes. The vast power of Barcelona was not always -exercised for the best interests of the state, as in the case of the -blow inflicted on the commerce of Valencia, through the influence of -Barcelona, whereby no merchandise was allowed to be shipped from that -port in foreign vessels. At times, the governing authorities of -Barcelona equalled, or even exceeded, the power of the deputation of the -_Cortes_ of Catalonia, and sustained disputes with it. On the other -hand, Barcelona repeatedly intervened in the struggles of _caballeros_, -towns, and social classes to impose peace. The authority of the city was -reflected in the pride of its aristocracy, the _honrats_. They enjoyed -the right of _riepto_, or duel, the same as members of the nobility, and -vigorously protested against measures which seemed to place them on a -lower level than any other class of society,--for example, when the -order of St. John proposed to admit only the descendants of nobles. -Anybody might become an _honrat_ if he combined certain prerequisites, -such as wealth, with an election by the council. - -[Sidenote: Struggle between absolutism and seigniorial society in -Catalonia.] - -The same struggle of absolutism against the seigniorial elements -appeared in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon, although the monarchy -was more consistently victorious there than elsewhere. The nobles -opposed the kings, though somewhat weakly, for they were more concerned -with the social problems of the era. The cities and towns, especially -Barcelona, also constituted a feudal element which was not always in -accord with the king. Although during most of the era there was no armed -conflict between these forces, there were a number of symptoms of -discontent which at length broke forth in the civil wars of the reign of -Juan II. Some of the causes of dissatisfaction were the following: the -belief that their Castilian sovereign, Ferdinand I, and his successors -had an exaggerated ideal of absolutism; the employment of foreigners in -public offices, especially Castilians, by the same monarchs,--a -demonstration also of the lack of Spanish national feeling; and the -absence of Alfonso V in Italy and his expensive wars there, although the -Catalans were as a rule partisans of the policy of Mediterranean -expansion. Fundamentally, however, the strife at the end of this period -was a conflict between centralized absolute monarchy and -decentralization based on charter rights. Neither Juan II nor his -predecessors varied the charters or the political organization of the -principality, but nevertheless the blow was struck, and the downfall of -the sovereign rights of the lords and towns was already at hand. - -[Sidenote: The Catalan _Cortes_.] - -The _Cortes_ continued to meet separately from that of Aragon and to be -chiefly important for its grant or refusal of taxes. The third estate -(representatives of the towns) endeavored to establish its right to -participate with the king in legislation, but the latter made laws -independently of the _Cortes_ as before. When the _Cortes_ was not in -session, it was represented by the general deputation, or _Generalitat_, -usually made up of three members, or one for each branch of the -_Cortes_. In addition to keeping watch to see that the laws were -strictly observed, the deputation had certain police powers, including -the defence of the principality, and other less notable administrative -functions. The general _Cortes_ of the entire realm held occasional -meetings, as did also a new _Cortes_ for the Mediterranean possessions -of the kingdom (Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples). - -[Sidenote: Legislation in Catalonia.] - -[Sidenote: Administration in general.] - -Legislation was characterized by the variety of jurisdictions of former -years, but the number of grants of new municipal charters diminished -greatly, and the general decrees of the kings increased. If this -manifested a tendency toward unity, the citation of the principles of -the Roman law did so even more. This had already proved influential in -the preceding era, but it did not establish itself securely until the -fifteenth century. There was a strong sentiment in its favor in -Catalonia, and Pedro IV ordered its study and its use in cases at law. -Finally it was established in the _Cortes_ of 1409 that the Roman and -canon law might be cited as supplementary law after certain other -specified legal sources. Like the adoption of the _Partidas_ in Castile -(in 1348) this meant an ultimate, complete victory for the Roman -principles. In most other respects the administration of justice in -Catalonia followed the course already described for Castile. In -financial history the only features worthy of note were the development -of a system of taxation by the deputation of Catalonia, whereby it met -its own expenses and provided funds for the grants to the king, and the -growth of a system of municipal finance in Barcelona on a scale in -keeping with its extensive power. In both military and naval affairs the -authority of the deputation was the most striking element. This body -merely loaned the army and navy to the king, specifying the cases when -the loan was allowable. The principal military force was that of the -municipal militia, although the seigniorial levies still formed part of -the army. In addition to the flotilla of the deputation there were the -navies of the king, of the corporation of merchants of the city of -Barcelona, and of private individuals or towns. The most persistent -enemies in the Mediterranean were pirates, both the Moslems of northern -Africa, and the Christians from Majorca, southern France, Italy, and -Catalonia itself. Towers were built and a messenger service developed to -advise of the presence of pirates, but the evil was not eliminated. - -[Sidenote: Power of the great prelates.] - -The general relaxation in the customs and discipline of churchmen -already mentioned in the case of Castile and the course of -ecclesiastical history described for Aragon apply equally to the church -of Catalonia. The most noteworthy characteristic in the relations of the -church and state was the continuation of the feudal authority of the -more powerful prelates. Principal among them were the bishops of Gerona, -whose dominions and wealth in personalty were greatly increased in this -period. As they were virtual monarchs on their lands, they were able to -challenge the authority of neighboring nobles or of the kings -themselves, and they oppressed the people. Their scant respect for the -royal power was often displayed; on one occasion they compelled two of -the highest officials of the kingdom to walk through the streets of -Gerona in the garb of criminals, submitting all the while to a beating, -and made them ascend the long stairway fronting the cathedral on their -knees, wearing only a shirt, and carrying a candle. Several of the -bishops were banished, and even the nobles joined the kings against the -ecclesiastical lords. The Franciscans and Dominicans opposed the bishops -and abbots, but although they had popular sympathy in their favor they -did not have an equal political influence, since they were not -represented in the _Cortes_. The power of the great churchmen was not -materially diminished, but the last bishop of Gerona in the era was a -strong partisan of the king. - - -_Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Distinctive features in Valencian political life.] - -In some parts of Valencia the law of Aragon applied, but the usual rule, -especially after the victory of Pedro IV, was the jurisdiction of the -laws, or _furs_, granted by Jaime I, added to, or modified by, the -grants of different kings and the ordinances of the _Cortes_. The law of -Barcelona applied in a number of towns which were joined to that city by -the institution of _carreratge_. In general administration the practices -were much the same as those mentioned for Castile. The extreme harshness -of judicial punishments, possibly surpassing other regions, may be -noted. The death penalty was habitually given, and various cruel methods -of execution were employed. A sentence of imprisonment was rarely -inflicted. The greatness of the city of Valencia was almost as -noteworthy in this part of Spain as that of Barcelona in Catalonia. -Valencia put itself at the head of the Union which fought Pedro IV, only -to go down in defeat. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 - - -_Castile_ - -[Sidenote: General factors of Castilian economic life.] - -A continuation in this era of the factors which had tended in the -preceding period to develop material resources brought about progress in -agriculture, stock-raising, mining, industry, and commerce, although it -was not great enough to cause general economic prosperity. The -stock-raisers, as before, received more favors than their rivals, the -farmers, and it was at this time that the powerful corporation of -sheepmen, the _Mesta_, was formed. Alfonso X granted charters to various -of these corporations, entitling them to elect _alcaldes_ with special -jurisdiction in the affairs of the _Mesta_ and its disputes with the -farmers. The different organizations were united in the reign of Alfonso -XI to form a single Castilian _Mesta_, a body which possessed immense -power. Gold, silver, quicksilver, and lead mines were worked to some -extent; these, with salt mines and fisheries, constituted a royal -monopoly, but were exploited by private individuals who paid rent to the -kings. The advance in industry was particularly marked. Santiago de -Compostela no longer enjoyed a unique position as a manufacturing -centre, for every important town now had its industries devoted to -supplying the needs of daily life and the exigencies of a growing -artistic refinement, as evidenced by the wealth in jewelry, arms, -architecture and its appurtenances, furniture, rich embroideries, and -other articles far superior in quality and quantity to those of the -preceding era. The towns conquered from the Moslems, especially the city -of Seville, were particularly noteworthy for their industrial life. -Among the principal commercial outlets for Castilian products were the -ports of the Basque provinces; their exports seem to have been chiefly -raw materials, but there were also such items as cloth, wine, oil, and -sugar. It is probable, however, that most of the manufacturing done in -the Castilian towns was for the consumption of the towns themselves and -a very limited neighboring area. Distribution within Castile was not -well developed, for many of the same (or similar) products as those -exported were also imported. Industry and commerce were very largely in -the hands of foreigners, Jews, and Mudéjares. - -[Sidenote: Legislative helps and hindrances to economic progress.] - -Legislation showed the double tendency of encouraging economic -development and of checking it by laws looking to the temporary needs of -the royal treasury. The _Partidas_ urged the cultivation of the soil, -the building of bridges and repair of roads, the prevention of frauds in -customs houses, and the exemption of certain imports from the payment of -duty when they seemed likely to aid in material progress,--such as -farming utensils when destined for use by the importer himself and not -intended for resale. Commercial treaties with foreign countries began to -be made in the fourteenth century, although often by merely a portion of -the kingdom, particularly the north coast ports; thus there were -treaties of 1351 and 1366 with England. On the other hand there were the -royal monopolies, the _alcabala_, and the rigid maintenance of customs -duties,--for the exemptions, after all, were few in number. Not only was -there the obstacle of different state boundaries, but also there were -the duties collected by many, if not most, of the towns. No distinction -was made as to the source of goods, and those of Castile paid equally -with foreign products. Another hindrance to economic advance was the -well-intentioned, but mistaken, policy of excessive governmental -regulation of the industries. Both the state and the guilds themselves -made laws fixing wages, the hours of labor, prices, methods of contract, -amount of interest, and even the way in which goods should be made. -These regulations were not uniform for all Castile, but varied according -to the special circumstances of the different regions. The -municipalities also intervened to fix prices for goods of prime -necessity or of general use. At times they granted an exclusive right of -sale, or established municipal shops. - -[Sidenote: Progress in commerce.] - -To facilitate commerce fairs and general markets were greatly resorted -to, being established by law, or, if already in existence, favored by -grants of new privileges. The insecurity of the roads and the civil wars -prevented the royal grants from having their full effect, and other -circumstances, such as the popular attacks on Jewish districts, the -variety and uncertainty of coins and of weights and measures, the -debasement of the coinage by the kings, and the prevalence of -counterfeiting (despite the penalty imposed,--burning to death), tended -to interfere with commerce. Nevertheless, notable progress was made. -Bills of exchange first appeared in this era. Foreign merchants visited -Castile, and Castilians went abroad, especially to England and Flanders; -there were Castilian consuls in Bruges. The Jews figured prominently in -foreign trade, as money changers and makers of loans, while their -international relations due to the solidarity of their race enabled them -to act as bankers. - -[Sidenote: Public works.] - -Something, though little, was done to assist in economic betterment by -the building of public works. The lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, -resisted many of these projects, notably the building of bridges, since -it deprived them of the tolls which they were in the habit of collecting -for ferrying goods, animals, and persons across the rivers. Men -travelled on horseback, or on a litter, and goods were carried by -pack-animals or carts, although the latter could rarely be used because -of the bad condition of the roads. Measures to improve the highways were -frequently taken, however. The greater part of the revenues devoted to -public works was still applied to the building or repair of -fortifications. - - -_Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Economic factors in the kingdom of Aragon, especially in -Catalonia.] - -The economic history of this region, based on the natural differences of -the three principal sections, followed much the same lines as before, -but the principal note was the all-round development in Catalonia. -Grain in that region was scarce, on which account large quantities were -imported from Aragon and from foreign countries, but some other -agricultural products, such as rice, grapes, and olives, were cultivated -with success. Stock-raising was also a prominent occupation. The most -important source of Catalan wealth continued to be in manufacturing, -especially in Barcelona. A great variety of cloths and fabrics was made, -as also pottery, barrels, rope, glass, and many other articles of -practical utility. Aragon was less important in commerce, as in other -respects, than the other parts of the realm. Something was done there by -royal legislation to favor trade, and enough of it existed to warrant -the founding of a _consulado_ in Saragossa (1391) with mercantile -jurisdiction. Catalan commerce was so great in volume that it rivalled -that of the Italian cities. From the Scandinavian lands in the northwest -to the extremes of the Mediterranean, Catalan ships might be seen, and -if there were many Italian vessels which visited the ports of Catalonia, -so too the Catalans carried their trade to the cities of Italy, where -many Catalan consuls resided. Kings, lords, and towns endeavored to -build up Catalan industry and commerce, by favorable legislation, by -extending the institution of the _consulados_, and by making commercial -treaties. Nevertheless, not a few obstacles were also raised, largely as -a result of the false economic ideas of the era. Thus, prices were often -fixed; a precise order, or sequence, of sale might be required,--for -example, in La Bisbal the crop of the bishop had to be sold first; the -technical regulation of industries was carried to excess, far beyond the -rules established in this respect in the other lands of the peninsula; -taxes were numerous in kind, and some were very heavy; and the policy of -protection was carried to extremes in favor of some municipalities as -against others. Furthermore there were dangers of piracy and the -insecurity of the roads. Valencia was commercially prosperous in only -less degree than Catalonia. Both regions were represented principally, -in industry and commerce, by their great capital cities. - -[Sidenote: The industrial and mercantile system of Barcelona.] - -Barcelona was easily the greatest industrial and mercantile centre in -Spain, and was also the leading exponent of the Catalan policy of -protection. Foreign goods like those produced in Catalonia were either -prohibited from entry or charged with excessive duties. On the other -hand, the importing of goods which had no counterpart in Catalonia, such -as fine cloths, or which existed in small quantity, such as grain, was -encouraged. In the case of grain, premiums were granted to importers, -and heavy export duties were collected, or its exportation entirely -prohibited. From 1249 to 1347 the _Consell_ exercised mercantile -jurisdiction through the medium of two consuls of the sea (_consules de -mar_), but in the last-named year a _consulado_ was created to perform -that function and to provide for the protection of commerce against -pirates. Both the deputation of the _Cortes_ and the two local councils -occasionally intervened, however. The local authorities appointed the -consuls to represent Catalan interests in foreign countries. This was a -post of high consequence, and was rewarded by a grant of a certain -percentage of the purchases and sales of merchandise in the entire realm -of Aragon. The consuls acted as judges, mercantile agents, and guardians -and defenders of the persons and property of their compatriots. The -councils of Barcelona concerned themselves with the introduction of new -industries, bringing in foreigners skilled in such manufactures. -Financial and technical experts were maintained at municipal expense. -Not only do these facts evidence the attention paid by the people of -Barcelona to mercantile life, but they also demonstrate a surprising -modernity in point of view. It is no wonder that the merchants of that -city were notably wealthy, proud, and given to luxury. - -[Sidenote: Economic prominence of the city of Valencia.] - -Favored by the rich agricultural productivity of the Valencian kingdom, -the industrial traditions of the Moslem population, and the energy of -its Catalan bourgeoisie, the city of Valencia became a veritable rival -of Barcelona in industry and commerce, and enjoyed a wide fame in -Mediterranean lands, especially in Italy. A _consulado_ was founded as -early as 1283, and the first bills of exchange known in the peninsula -(from 1376) were drawn up in Valencia. Legislation favoring Barcelona at -Valencia’s expense caused a considerable damage to the latter’s -commerce, although it continued to be important. - -[Sidenote: Public works.] - -In the erection of public works this was a notable era in all the -kingdom of Aragon. A number of bridges were built, and tolls were -collected to provide for their preservation and repair. The Catalans -were particularly mindful of improving their ports. That of Barcelona -was enlarged in the fourteenth century, and in the fifteenth an -artificial port was begun and completed. The fifteenth century also -marked the beginning of work on the artificial port of Valencia. Old -roads were improved and new ones built. A considerable advance was made -in works of irrigation in all parts of the realm. In this respect -Valencia took the lead, making use of the canals dating from the Moslem -period, but amplifying and improving them. A mail service developed at -this time. The kings and the municipalities had their separate mails, -but in Catalonia there was also a private mail-carrying industry as -early as the latter part of the thirteenth century. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 - - -_Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Beginning of Castilian intellectual superiority in the -peninsula.] - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -With the advance of the Christian conquest against the Moslems the -political centre had passed from the northern coast to the Castilian -table-land, and thence to Andalusia, where for a time the court was set -up in Seville. There was a tendency, however, to return to Castile -proper, since the people of that region were the principal element in -the conquest and in internal political affairs. The political -preponderance of the Castilian part of the realm was so clearly -established that it transformed that region in many ways, and caused it -to have for the first time a civilization superior to that of the -coastal plains, overcoming the geographical handicaps which hitherto had -held it back. The predominance of Castile in intellectual life was to -become yet more marked in later centuries. In earlier times the rude -Asturians and Galicians had joined with the no less rude Leonese and -Castilians against the Moslems, but they had become modified by contact -with the conquered people themselves and with the various foreigners who -joined them in the conquest. The indigenous people did not lose their -own individuality, however; rather they assimilated the new influences, -and paved the way for the brilliant and original manifestation of -intellectual culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The -principal characteristic of this epoch was the desire for knowledge, -leading to the incorporation into indigenous civilization of many other -elements. The conquest of Andalusia brought Castile into more intimate -contact with Moslem civilization, which reached its culminating point -in science and in art in the fourteenth century. French elements -continued to affect polite literature and didactic works. Especially -noteworthy was the great prominence of the influences coming out of -Italy, giving a new direction to Castilian literature, and substituting -for the Moslem scientific element the direct study of classical texts -and the use of observation and experiment as a means to knowledge. The -entry of western European culture into Castile was accelerated by those -Castilians who went to France and Italy at this time to study in the -great schools and universities of those lands. The two capital moments -of the era were the reigns of Alfonso X and Juan II. - -[Sidenote: University and other education.] - -The universities increased in number and influence to the point of being -a vital factor in the intellectual life of the period. In the -_Partidas_, Alfonso X distinguished between the “general studies” -founded by the pope, emperor, or king, and the “particular studies,” the -creation of an individual or town. The former combined secondary and -higher education, for the old _trivium_ and _quadrivium_ were retained, -with the addition of the Roman and canon law.[48] Gradually the higher -studies began to predominate, and associated themselves with the term -“university.” The “particular studies” were usually conducted by a -single master with a few students, and were confined to some one or two -branches of learning. Some of these subjects, when they differed from -the fundamental courses of the “general studies,” tended to be adopted -by the latter. Thus theology was added to the university curriculum in -the fifteenth century. Other subjects were also studied in the -universities, even though not common to all, such as medicine and -surgery at Salamanca. Primary education was neglected, although the -church schools still continued and some towns or individuals founded -such schools. The universities received considerable government aid, but -were autonomous, and depended in part on other sources of income, such -as their own fees and the gifts by individuals or corporations other -than the state. The students and teachers together formed a _cofradía_, -or fraternity, which elected its own rector, or president. A bishop, -dean, or abbot was usually constituted a kind of guardian by royal -mandate. This official was gradually replaced by the “schoolmaster of -the cathedral,” who came to be judge in cases affecting university -students, and even arrogated to himself the right to confer degrees, -rivalling the president of the university in authority. All members of -the university were granted special legal privileges (approximately -those of the clergy) with respect to their persons and goods. The method -of teaching employed was the reading of a text by the teacher, who -commented upon and explained it. Examinations were held for the granting -of the bachelor’s and doctor’s degrees. Not only did each university -possess a library, but there were also many other public and private -libraries, and the trade of the copyist and the manufacture of books -were markedly more prominent than before. In the universities texts were -loaned (not sold) to students to enable them to correct their -notes,--which shows that books were still comparatively scarce. Some -time before 1475, at an uncertain date, the art of printing was -introduced into Castile,--with effects which belong to the following -eras. - -[Sidenote: Moslem, Jewish, and other influences on Castilian thought and -science.] - -The oriental influence on Castilian thought and science, or rather the -classical influences transmitted through Moslem and Jewish writers, -advanced for a time, and continued to be preponderant until the -fifteenth century, when European ideas, principally Italian, became the -more important. There was a change in direction of the Moslem influence, -however. Philosophy dropped back from the leading place, and was -substituted by juridical and moral studies, while the physical and -natural sciences, including their superstitious derivations, acquired a -remarkable vogue. Christian writers imitated Moslem philosophers and -moralists, or translated their works; many Castilian writers were of -Moslem or Jewish origin, or still continued to belong to those peoples -and faiths; many Arabic works were included in the libraries of the -time; and the oriental form of scientific exposition, the encyclopedia, -was frequently used. The oriental influence manifested itself especially -in the natural sciences. Books of mathematics, physics, chemistry, -medicine, and astronomy were almost the only ones to be translated from -the Arabic, and these branches were also the ones to which Mudéjar -scholars of the period most frequently devoted themselves. Moslems and -Jews continued to be the most famous physicians of Castile. The -deductive method and dialectic forms were still employed by them, rather -than personal observation and experiment. The most marked characteristic -of the cultivation of the natural sciences was in their extravagant -applications with a view to a knowledge of the future or to obtain vast -wealth through supernatural agencies. Thus chemistry tended toward -alchemy, with the aim of finding the philosopher’s stone, whereby base -metals might be turned into gold, or with the object of producing -mysterious elixirs endowed with wonder-working virtues. Chemists and -alchemists came to be considered as practicers of magic arts in more or -less intimate communion with the Devil, a belief in which the -individuals themselves often shared. Men of high attainments were -credulous exponents of these superstitions,--for example, Archbishop -Alonso de Carrillo and the learned Enrique de Villena; the latter -attained to a legendary fame which has endured even to the present day. -Similarly, astronomers were at the same time astrologers. Both alchemy -and astrology served a useful purpose, however, in stimulating the study -of the true sciences, with a resulting advance in knowledge. The age of -the Moslem and Jewish philosopher was past, and very little that was -original in the realm of philosophy appeared in Castile in this period; -even theological writings were not prominent, despite the study of -theology in the universities and schools. Moral and political literature -abounded, such as discussions of the wiles or virtues of women on the -one hand, and works on the relations between church and state on the -other. In the latter respect ecclesiastical writers maintained the -superior authority of the pope over the king, but were in the main -defenders of monarchy, although distinguishing the legitimate king from -the tyrant, and sustaining the ultimate dependence of the monarch on -his people. The Italian influence appeared in philosophy through -translations of classical (Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca) and -contemporary Italian (Colonna, Petrarch, Boccaccio) texts. The most -influential manifestation of Castilian thought was in the field of -jurisprudence, to which references have already been made in dealing -with the _Partidas_ and other legal volumes. The entire period abounded -in this type of literature, not only in compilations of an official -character, but also in those of private individuals, all of them greatly -influenced by the legal works of Justinian. - -[Sidenote: The triumph of Castilian in polite literature.] - -[Sidenote: External influences upon Castilian literature.] - -The same factors which affected the literary history of the preceding -period continued to exist in this, although occupying different -positions, and in addition competing with the Classical Renaissance and -Italian elements, which almost overwhelmed the others. Just as in the -scientific works, so in literature, these factors were assimilated and -made over to produce the original Castilian product of succeeding -centuries. Castilian became the language of poetry and of didactic -works, routing its Galician and Latin rivals. Latin works were -translated to Castilian, and from the middle of the thirteenth century -the latter began to be used instead of the former in public documents. -Galician-Portuguese lyric poetry, half erudite, half popular, born of -the Provençal, which it had assimilated and transformed, advanced to its -highest point, and seemed to have won a victory over Castilian. About -the middle of the fourteenth century it commenced to decline, and by the -end of that century Castilian lyric poetry was already predominant; in -the fifteenth century Galician ceased to be a literary language, and -even Portuguese writers frequently used Castilian. Besides satire and -even more sensuality than its Provençal prototype the Galician -literature often included ethical and religious sentiments in the same -poem. The Provençal influences proper also affected Castile, but did not -take root as in Catalonia, because of the difference in language. When -Galician poetry lost its place it was the Castilian which became its -successor, manifesting in one of its forms the same curious mixture of -ethics and satire. At length a satirical element of a free and sensual -type prevailed, and brought about a degeneration of this kind of -literature. With the fourteenth century the powerful Classical and -Italian Renaissance influences made themselves felt in Castile both in -poetry and in prose. Works of the classical poets (Homer, Virgil, Ovid, -Lucan) and writers of prose (Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Plutarch, and others) -were translated, and served to enrich Castilian literature both in form -and in content. The Italian influence proper (Dante, Petrarch, -Boccaccio) was by far the greatest, however, especially that of Dante, -which vanquished the former French influence in poetry, and in part the -Galician, and banished the earlier Castilian literary forms. The Italian -influence was most deeply felt in its effects on lyric poetry. Epic -poetry and prose were not altogether uncultivated, however, and in this -field French influence continued to exist. Many of the older unwritten -poems were reduced to writing, and French poems of chivalry and French -novels of adventure, telling of the fantastic deeds of King Arthur, -Charlemagne, the magician Merlin, and others, were repeated or -reconstructed in Castilian. The fabulous element became predominant, -leading to the books of _caballería_, or chivalry, based on the -extraordinary adventures of wandering knights (_caballeros andantes_), -full of the extravagant exaggeration of unbridled imagination. The first -great work of this sort in the peninsula, and the best of its kind, was -a novel by Vasco de Lobeira called _Amadés de Gaula_, written originally -in Portuguese, but already known in Castile in the later fourteenth -century. In the fifteenth century amatory novels began to appear. - -[Sidenote: Historical literature.] - -[Sidenote: The drama.] - -The advance of the preceding period in historical literature was -continued in this. One of the principal names was that of Alfonso X, who -was also a writer of note in other branches of literature and learning. -His principal work was a history of Spain, compiled probably by a number -of men under his direction, just as the _Partidas_ was. Various sources -were employed, Spanish, French, Latin, and Arabic, and a certain spirit -of criticism, superior to that of the earlier histories, was displayed. -On the other hand the work was defective from the historiographical -standpoint because of its lack of proportion, its inclusion of epic -poems in the body of the narrative, and its manifestation of an ardent -patriotism. Perhaps the best historian of the era was the many-sided -chancellor and litterateur, López de Ayala, author among other -historical works of a chronicle of the reigns of Pedro I, Henry II, Juan -I, and part of that of Henry III. López de Ayala wrote in direct -imitation of classical writers, especially Livy. Pérez de Guzmán, as -author of a collection of biographies reaching down to the fifteenth -century, made use of a psychological interpretation of human events. -Dramatic literature did not change from the religious dramas and popular -representations of jugglers of the preceding era, but progress was made -in both of these forms, and each attained to greater favor, preparing -the way for the rapidly approaching inauguration of the national -theatre. - -[Sidenote: The developed Castilian Gothic architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Mudéjar architecture.] - -Gothic architecture had its most brilliant expression in the early part -of this period, degenerating later largely through an exaggeration of -its elements. At the end of the thirteenth century Castilian Gothic may -be said to have differed from that of the other European countries in -the following respects: its maintenance of classical proportions, with -scant difference between the length and width of an edifice, reducing -the height; less development in the use of windows; greater robustness -of walls, columns, and piers, diminishing the importance of buttresses; -more nearly flat roofs; and the general use and ample size of cloisters -in convents and churches. The structural basis and sober character of -early Gothic began to be lost sight of in the fourteenth century, and, -in particular, ornamentation was used without any relation to structural -needs. The corruption of Gothic became more and more marked in the -fifteenth century, when proportions and structural ideals were -forgotten, and adornment, notably in the use of pinnacles, was employed -in excessive degree. It was at this time that the choir of Spanish -cathedrals was moved to the centre of the nave, in front of the high -altar. This was the greatest age of Gothic civil and military art, -especially of the latter. Castles were more solidly and more richly -built, with handsome towers and other exterior defences and with -embattled walls. Towers and battlements also appeared on the walls of -cities. Mudéjar architecture continued to develop, notably in Toledo and -Seville, in both religious and civil edifices, and some of the best -specimens of this art date from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. -It was especially employed in the interior decoration of palaces and -private houses,--in panelling, handsomely worked wooden roofs, painted -and sculptured friezes, and the use of tiles. On the outside it appeared -in eaves and beams of brightly colored woods. - -[Sidenote: The lesser arts.] - -Sculpture remained, as before, an adjunct of architecture, but was -employed more than formerly in the ornamentation of buildings. In form -it became more and more affected by Italian influences. The comparative -wealth and luxury of the era, as well as the needs of religion, led to -an advance in metal work and the making of jewelry and rich -embroideries. The illumination of manuscripts reached a higher level -than before, but declined before the end of the period, partly because -of the invention of printing. The painting of windows in cathedrals -attained to a greater richness and variety in scene, and wall painting -acquired an independent position. The Italian influence of Giotto was -apparent in the fifteenth century, although it did not get beyond the -point of mere copying. The Flemish influence was more important, dating -from Van Eyck’s visit to Spain in 1428, after which date paintings in -the Flemish style abounded in Castile, especially altar-pieces. Music -turned upon singing, usually of one part, although occasionally other -parts were sung. Musical instruments were employed solely for -accompaniments of songs and dances. - - -_Aragon_ - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of intellectual culture in the -kingdom of Aragon.] - -In intellectual culture Aragon proper, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca -may be considered together. The same general line of progress was in -evidence as that already described for Castile. There was the same -eagerness for learning among the upper classes, the same development of -educational institutions, an analogous penetration of foreign influences -(especially French and Italian), and an identical practice of going to -other parts of Europe to study. The landmarks in intellectual history -were the reign of Pedro IV in didactic literature, that of Juan I for -the Provençal troubadour literature, and that of Alfonso V for the -Classical Renaissance. - -[Sidenote: Education and printing.] - -The most noteworthy university founded in the period was that of -Barcelona, which evolved from an academy in the opening years of the -fourteenth century to the rank of a university in 1450, with courses in -theology, civil and canon law, philosophy, arts, and medicine. In -addition to numerous other schools similar to those of Castile there -were two more or less distinct types here: the primary school, much more -frequently met with than in other parts of the peninsula; and the Lulian -schools (due originally to the initiative of Raymond Lull, but carried -on throughout the era), which devoted themselves primarily to -philosophy, but also to foreign languages, especially Arabic. Naturally -the invention of printing at the end of the period gave a fresh impulse -to intellectual culture. The first book to be printed in this region was -published in Valencia in 1474. In 1478, or a little before, books began -to be printed in Barcelona. - -[Sidenote: Leading currents in thought and science.] - -Philosophy, medicine, nautical science, cartography, and cosmography -were the studies most cultivated. The influence of Raymond Lull -continued to be felt, both in the imitations and translations of Hebrew -and Arabic philosophers, especially Averröes, and in the reaction -against them. In the fifteenth century the Italian, and to a less extent -the French, influences began to be felt. The Neapolitan court of Alfonso -V was the great centre for the penetration of Italian and classical -thought. Theologians proper contributed little in this period, but there -were numerous writings on ecclesiastical subjects,--works of a -controversial or moral nature, translations, and histories of saints, -mystics, ascetics, and sacred orators. The extraordinary development of -the study of medicine was due primarily to Jewish and Moslem elements. -Toward the end of the fifteenth century a marked current of opinion -against the deductive method in medicine and in favor of experimental -studies became apparent. Chemistry, the companion study of medicine, was -much in favor, as also was alchemy, which counted King Juan I and Miguel -Jiménez de Urrea, bishop of Tarazona, among its devotees. The Catalans -and Majorcans were famous for their knowledge of cartography and the -related sciences. To the Catalans were due the first map of the Danish -peninsula and the correction of the maps of the Norwegian and Swedish -coasts and the lands touching the Baltic Sea. Jaime Ferrer, a Marrano of -Majorca, was the leading nautical and geographical scholar of those whom -Prince Henry attracted to Portugal to prepare the Portuguese for their -rôle in the history of maritime exploration. In addition to the kindred -sciences of mathematics and astronomy the pseudo-science of astrology -was also much pursued. Just as in Castile, so in Aragon, juridical -studies in both the civil and canon law had a great vogue. - -[Sidenote: Struggle of the Catalan, Latin, and Castilian languages for -predominance in polite literature.] - -At the close of the preceding era Catalan was already being employed in -prose works in Catalonia, while the Provençal predominated in poetry. In -this period the Catalan, which also found support in Valencia and -Majorca, invaded all types of literature. Against this current there -appeared two powerful forces which made themselves most felt in the last -century of the era,--Latin and Castilian. Latin was much more firmly -rooted in Catalonia than in Castile, and the Latin tradition was greatly -reinforced by contact with the Classical Renaissance influences -throughout the period, owing to the intimate political relations of the -kings with Sicily and Naples. These influences were at their height in -the reign of Alfonso V. Castilian had the support of Aragon proper, -since the Aragonese tongue was very similar to that of Castile, and it -was furthered by the Castilian dynasty of Ferdinand I, which began to -rule in Aragon in 1410. The same element appeared at the court of -Alfonso V, much frequented by Castilian and Aragonese poets, and even by -Catalans who chose to write in Castilian. As a result Catalan began to -decline as a literary language, although it did not disappear, but on -the contrary improved in its elements and forms. Catalan poetry of the -era never completely effaced the Provençal influence, as evidenced by -the subject-matter, which was predominantly amatory, although somewhat -erudite, artificial, conventional, mystical, allegorical, satirical, and -even moral. Catalan prose appeared principally in novels of chivalry and -in history. Castilian poetry and prose also had interesting -manifestations in the entire realm of Aragon. The history of dramatic -literature followed the same course as in Castile, although in some of -the choral representations at the court of Alfonso V an approach to the -modern theatre was made. - -[Sidenote: The fine arts.] - -With respect to architecture, sculpture, and the related arts the -general remarks about their development in Castile may be applied to the -kingdom of Aragon, subject to the observation already made[49] as to the -difference of Catalan Gothic from that of Castile. The Italian -influences were exceptionally strong in Catalonia and Valencia, and the -French were marked in regions near the Pyrenees and in Majorca. One type -of edifice peculiar to the eastern coasts was the defensive tower to -which the inhabitants resorted on the appearance of pirates or in times -of military danger. In painting, the Italian style of Giotto was more -completely assimilated than in Castile. Flemish influences were equally -prevalent. - -[Sidenote: Mutual influence of Aragonese and other European -civilizations.] - -Despite the long occupation of the duchy of Athens by Catalan rulers, -who used Catalan speech and customs, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization -had no noteworthy effect in Greece, and, similarly, neither the -Byzantine nor the Athenian civilization reacted upon the kingdom of -Aragon. In southern France, however, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization -did produce effects, just as it was in turn affected. The same mutual -exchange of influences was also observable between Aragon and Italy, if -indeed the civilization of the latter was recognized as superior by the -Spanish conquerors themselves. The principal impulse came at the time of -Alfonso V and the contemporary papal reign of the Spanish pope, Alfonso -Borgia, as Calixtus III (1455-1458). There was a great influx of -Spaniards, especially from the realm of Aragon, and as they occupied -the highest official posts in southern Italy, they could not but make -their presence felt. Many Spaniards left Italy upon the deaths of -Alfonso V and Calixtus III, but others remained, and political relations -were maintained between the two kingdoms, since the Neapolitan ruling -family proceeded from the same trunk as that of Aragon, thus preparing a -new period of Spanish rule and influence with the reign of Ferdinand of -Aragon. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -INSTITUTIONS OF OUTLYING HISPANIC STATES, 1252-1479 - - -So far as they have not already been discussed, in dealing with Castile -and Aragon, the institutions of Majorca, Navarre, the Basque provinces, -and Granada may be dealt with here, especially in their original -aspects. - - -_Majorca_ - -[Sidenote: Outline of Majorcan history.] - -By the will of Jaime I, Majorca and the Roussillon were constituted into -a kingdom apart from Aragon, but almost immediately afterward Pedro III -of Aragon compelled Jaime II of Majorca to acknowledge the overlordship -of the peninsula monarch. In 1349 Pedro IV of Aragon annexed Majorca, -but the political change was one of monarch only, for Majorca continued -to be a separate state with a history of its own. The political life of -Majorca centred about the workings of the municipal organization of -Palma, its capital city (on which the government of the island was -based), and was involved with social problems. - -[Sidenote: The peculiar social bases of Majorca.] - -After the conquest of the island by Jaime I nearly all of the great -nobles who had accompanied the king returned to the peninsula, granting -their lands to _caballeros_ of their following, or renting them to -plebeian cultivators, and Jaime I did much the same. Thus the -_caballeros_, or nobility of the second grade, were virtually the only -representatives of the feudal aristocracy in Majorca, and laws were -passed limiting the amount of land which they might hold, so as to avoid -the evil of vast estates. The _caballeros_ were reinforced by a Catalan -middle class element which constituted a majority of the Christians in -the island in the early years following the conquest. From these two -elements there emerged a new aristocracy, based on wealth, growing out -of Majorcan commerce, an aristocracy open to all, given to pomp and -luxury, and dwelling mostly in Palma. Some of the wealthy lived in the -country, where there was also a large number of free tillers of the -soil. A few of these became wealthy, but there was always a tendency for -the rich to migrate to Palma. The position of the rural classes was not -satisfactory at any time, but two causes appeared in the fourteenth -century to make it worse. One was the increase in taxation after the -reincorporation into the crown of Aragon, and the other a change in the -form of wealth with the decline of Majorcan commerce in the latter -fourteenth century, when the aristocracy of Palma began to buy lands and -rights to collect taxes. Thus the rural districts became economically -dependent on the absentee landlords at the capital, who were more -zealous over the collection of their rents and taxes than in cultivating -the land. Society divided itself largely on the lines of the country and -the city, with the inhabitants of the former bitterly hostile to the -aristocracy of the latter. - -[Sidenote: Conversion of the Mudéjares and Jews.] - -Of the despised classes the Mudéjares, as such, soon disappeared, -despite their great numbers at the time of the conquest. Upon conversion -to Christianity or emancipation from slavery they mixed with the lower -classes of the Christians, and were completely absorbed. The history of -the Jews was almost identical with that of their race in the peninsula, -but was involved with the peculiar social problems of Majorca apart from -race and religion. The kings collected heavy tributes from them, but -protected them, allowing them the free exercise of their business and -the practice of their faith, exempting them from all taxation (even -municipal) except the royal tributes, aiding them in the collection of -debts, and facilitating the entry of Jews and Marranos into Majorca. -Numerous attacks were made on them in the fourteenth century, -culminating in the sack of the Jewish quarter of the capital in 1391 -(the year which was so disastrous to the Jews in other parts of Spain), -when some three hundred men and women were killed. In addition to the -usual animosities against them because of their religion and the -incitement of debtors this attack was in part an outgrowth of the -struggle of the rural classes against the landlords, to whom the sack of -the Jewish quarter was a severe financial blow, since much of their -wealth depended on their relations with the Jews, with whom also they -were wont to deposit their jewels. The rioters were able to obtain -decrees from the royal governor-general extinguishing debts and interest -due to the Jews, confirming the title of those who had taken part in the -attack to the money and jewelry they had stolen, pardoning all offences -committed, and ordering an immediate conversion of the Jews. The general -conversion took place at once, but had to be repeated in 1435. - -[Sidenote: The municipal form of Majorcan government.] - -Since the outlying settlements were unimportant at the time of the -conquest, the government of the city of Palma was extended over the -entire island. At length the administration at the capital was organized -on the basis of a magistracy of six persons (a _caballero_, two -citizens, two merchants, and an artisan), who served for a year and -appointed their successors. The attempt to maintain this organization -after the rural population had grown to appreciable numbers was one of -the causes of the social strife between the rural and city elements. -Within Palma itself there were also the disputes of different social -classes and of rival powerful families. By a reform of 1358 the rural -population obtained some financial independence whereby their -contributions were limited to those which were to be applied for -expenses in which they had an interest in common with the city, and a -portion was assigned to them to spend on matters of their own, for which -purpose a rural organization was formed to provide for the management of -their affairs. Another reform established a council subordinate to the -six magistrates, in which the rural population had a minority -representation, thirty in ninety-three in 1398. This did not satisfy -them, for they desired a complete separation from the city government. -Still other reforms were made, but they did not get at the root of the -evil, for the city remained dominant over the affairs of the country, -oppressing the people both economically and politically. - -[Sidenote: The social wars of Majorca and Minorca.] - -Shortly after the successful issue of the attack upon the Jews in 1391 -the rural levies moved against their Christian enemies in Palma. This -time they failed, and a number of their chiefs were executed. No further -conflict of importance occurred until 1450, when a bitter civil war -broke out. Aided by the laboring classes of Palma the rural forces -besieged the capital, but were unable to take it. In 1452 the -insurrection was put down. In 1463 there was another uprising, and from -that date to the end of the era a state of affairs bordering on anarchy -prevailed, enhanced by the economic decline of Majorca, and by the -disorders on the mainland which filled the reign of Juan II. In the -island of Minorca a parallel situation existed throughout the era in the -conflicts of the capital, Ciudadela, with the rural districts. - -[Sidenote: Greatness and decline of Majorcan commerce.] - -Majorca had an excellent climate and a fertile soil which fitted it for -agricultural wealth, and the Moslems had furthered this by their use of -irrigation. They had also engaged considerably in manufacturing, and had -an already well-developed trade at the time of the conquest. Under -Christian domination Majorca soon attained to an extraordinary -commercial importance, trading in all parts of the Mediterranean and in -Flanders, and having consuls and commercial exchanges in nearly all -European countries. In the fourteenth century more than thirty thousand -sailors resided in Palma, and many foreign merchants dwelt there. The -wealthy trader was the veritable great lord in the island, with his -palaces, country estates, and his display of luxury. The decline set in -about the middle of the fourteenth century, due in part to the -annexation of Majorca to the kingdom of Aragon. Other causes hastened -the fall: disastrous plagues, earthquakes, and floods; the advance of -the Turks into Europe, cutting off a rich commercial field; the -increased importance of the Italian cities in the eastern Mediterranean -trade; the raids of pirates; the expensive wars of Aragon; and the -persistent social and political strife in Majorca itself. Nevertheless, -a considerable trade remained until the middle of the fifteenth century, -when a new series of misfortunes,--such as the fall of Constantinople in -1453, the prohibition of the entry of Majorcan cloths into Naples, the -competition of Rhodes and Portugal in the east, and hostilities with -the Moslem states of northern Africa (thus cutting off that avenue of -trade),--added to the continuing effect of some of the already-named -evils, brought about the complete downfall of the Majorcan mercantile -power. One advantage resulted, though not great enough to offset the -commercial loss: a beginning was made of a more intensive cultivation of -the agricultural wealth which the island was so well able to produce. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Backwardness of Navarre.] - -The institutions of Navarre at this time were affected by French -influences, but in the main resembled those of the rest of the peninsula -both in form and in their evolution, except that they displayed a -backwardness which was natural in a region so thinly populated. The -feudal régime persisted, although some gains were made by the servile -classes, the towns, and the kings. A corporate sense of society, as -manifested in the importance of the family as a whole and in the -associations of neighbors and citizens (especially marked in the rural -districts), still existed. The Mudéjares and Jews were comparatively -numerous, and their lot was the same as in other parts of the peninsula. -The marriage _á yuras_ was sanctioned in Navarre longer than elsewhere, -although at length it was banished. _Barraganía_ (much resorted to by -churchmen) survived, and received a measure of acceptance. The customs -of chivalry were greatly in vogue, and bull-fighting and ball-games[50] -were very popular. Agriculture, with the aid of irrigation, and -stock-raising were the principal occupations. In intellectual culture -and the fine arts Navarre was rather a continuation of France than a -part of Spain. The country was markedly backward in these respects, -however, as evidenced by the ignorance of the clergy, compared with -churchmen in other regions, and by the fact that the kings rarely had -any books other than those of prayer. Although Basque was the national -tongue, such books as were written usually appeared in Latin or in -Castilian,--one more demonstration of the intellectual predominance of -central Spain. French Gothic prevailed in architecture, sculpture, gold -work, and painting. - - -_The Basque provinces_ - -[Sidenote: Unique character of Basque institutions.] - -The three Basque provinces of Álava, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa have always -been unique in their history and institutions, and are the subject of -many popular legends more or less founded on fact, such as the one -already discussed that the Basques have never been conquered, and -another that they are all nobles. In this period they were becoming more -and more Castilian in customs, but they still retained much that was -indigenous. - -[Sidenote: The social and political system in Álava.] - -In general social organization Álava did not differ from other Spanish -regions. It was technically a _behetría de mar á mar_ (free town from -sea to sea): made up of a group of small seigniorial estates, both noble -and ecclesiastical, whose rulers were free to elect a common lord -without being restrained to a determinate family. The untitled -inhabitants were rural laborers, who were either serfs or in a state but -little removed from serfdom, and the free, popular classes of the towns, -but neither of these elements exercised great influence. After the -incorporation of Álava into Castile in 1332, the older type of -government, based primarily on the _Cofradía_ of Arriaga and the elected -lord, underwent a radical change. The overlordship became fixed in the -crown of Castile, and the _cofradía_ disappeared, although a similar -body soon developed. The king was represented at times by an -_adelantado_ as well as by lesser royal officials, and reserved high -justice to himself, besides rights to military service and a certain few -taxes. Local government was carried on by various assemblies, reaching -in a hierarchy from the lesser regional institutions to the general -assembly for the entire province. The general assembly was both a -legislative and an administrative body, but its principal function was -the inspection of royal orders to see if they conformed to the regional -charters. A juridical difference existed between the towns and the -country, for the former were ruled by Castilian law and the latter by -ancient custom, resulting in the economic dependence of the rural -laboring classes, even after serfdom had disappeared. - -[Sidenote: The social and political system in Vizcaya.] - -Until its consolidation with the Castilian crown by inheritance in 1370, -Vizcaya was a _behetría de linaje_ (free town within a family), electing -its lord from a determinate family, but both before and after that date -there was a marked lack of regional solidarity, for various groups were -to a great degree autonomous. There were two principal types of -jurisdiction: the seigniorial estates, with the usual incidents found -elsewhere; and the indigenous Basque settlements, which pretended to the -nobility of their inhabitants, even to the point of refusing to permit -foreigners to dwell among them unless they too were of noble rank. The -indigenous element was to be found in rural districts, and was ruled by -customs, which were written down for the first time in 1452. The -patriarchal form of family life continued to exist here, as evidenced by -the requirement that lands should return to the family from which they -proceeded in case of a failure of direct heirs, and by the right to -leave virtually one’s entire estate to a single descendant. Custom -recognized a right of way over the lands of others, even when -enclosed,--which would seem to indicate backwardness in the development -of means of communication. In government the king was represented -principally by a _corregidor_. The inhabitants of Vizcaya were exempt -from any taxes of Castilian origin, but paid certain other contributions -to the king, were subject to both military and naval service, and -acknowledged the right of high justice in the royal officials. The -general assembly of Vizcaya, like that of Álava, had a right to inspect -royal decrees. - -[Sidenote: The social and political system in Guipúzcoa.] - -The people of Guipúzcoa claimed to be of noble rank, and this status was -legally recognized for most of them by laws enacted before, during, and -after this period. Nevertheless the customs of the land itself amounted -to a denial of their claim, and the familiar social differences existed, -even though the majority of the people were legally nobles. There was a -seigniorial class of the usual variety, with dependents in a more or -less servile relation. A middle class nobility existed, composed of -small proprietors or the industrial laborers and merchants of the towns. -This element was very insistent on its noble rank (which indeed carried -with it special privileges, such as the exclusive right to hold public -office and certain exemptions from taxation), and enacted laws excluding -those who were not of noble blood from a right to live in the towns. -These laws were not enforced, however, and a popular class grew up, -composed of Guipuzcoans whose noble rank was not recognized and of -foreigners, many of whom settled in the land. Politically Guipúzcoa was -a _behetría_ subject alternately to the kings of Navarre and Castile, -until in 1200 the overlordship became fixed in the Castilian crown. At -first the king was represented by an _adelantado_, who was customarily -ruler at the same time of Álava or of the county of Castile; later a -_corregidor_ for Guipúzcoa alone was named, while there were a number of -royal _merinos_ as well. There was no other organization for the entire -province until the fourteenth century, but each region dealt separately -with the royal government. Gradually, through the formation of groups of -settlements, a general league and at length a general assembly -developed, with much the same powers as the assemblies of Álava and -Vizcaya. The municipalities continued to be the principal centre of -regional autonomy, however, especially the more important towns, which -protected the lesser settlements through an institution similar to the -Catalonian _carreratge_. Like the other Basque provinces Guipúzcoa -enjoyed a number of privileges, of which the most prized was the -exemption from general taxation, although certain specified tributes -were regularly collected. More than once the province rose in arms to -resist the imposition of taxes of Castilian origin. - -[Sidenote: Inter-relations of the Basque provinces.] - -Despite community of race and language the three provinces never formed -a political unit. At times Guipúzcoa and Álava had the same -_adelantado_ or held general assemblies in common, and there were some -instances where the assemblies of all three provinces met to discuss -matters of common interest. Alliances were made between towns of the -same or different provinces, perhaps including towns in France, for such -purposes as the regulation of the use of lands common. In one respect -there was a certain amount of unity (in interest at least): in the -conflict of the towns against the great lords and their allies, the -rural population, in all three provinces. The lords were so turbulent -that the kings joined with the towns in attempts to suppress them, and -the lords even fought one another, wherefore their power was -considerably reduced, though not entirely broken. - - -_Granada_ - -[Sidenote: Social and political decadence of Granada.] - -[Sidenote: Economic wealth.] - -According to modern estimates Granada had a population of three or four -millions in its last days, which bespeaks a great density, due largely -to the migrations of Mudéjares from Christian lands. In social and -political organization Granada was a miniature of the early caliphate. -The Arabs reappeared as the principal element, and furnished the ruling -family. They had the same scornful and quarrelsome aristocratic pride as -in other days, and were opposed, as before, by the Berbers, who -outnumbered them. The most numerous element was that of the Renegados, -which was also next in importance to the Arabs. There were many -thousands of Christian slaves as well. Signs of social decay were -everywhere visible, especially in the passion of the wealthy for luxury -and futile diversions at vast expense, while on the other hand there -existed the poverty-stricken proletariat.[51] Internal political history -reduced itself to a series of riots, assassinations, rebellions, acts of -vengeance, and exhibitions of partisan rancor. The influence of -Christian Spain was more and more intense, manifesting itself in general -customs and dress; even the practices of chivalry were introduced. Given -the richness of soil and favoring climate and the great population of -Granada, it was natural that there should have been a considerable -measure of economic prosperity there. This became less as the period -advanced, as a result of political weakness and social decay, but -Granada was still wealthy at the time (in the next era) it disappeared -as a kingdom. - -[Sidenote: Granadine architecture.] - -In sciences and letters Granada continued the intellectual traditions of -Moslem Spain, but it cannot be said that its influence was great. In the -arts, however, Granada introduced features of general importance, and -especially in architecture, of which the outstanding example is the -palace of the Alhambra in the city of Granada. The most salient note in -Granadine architecture was richness in ornamentation, in which it is not -surpassed by any other style in the world. The walls were adorned with -relief work in stucco, and variegated azulejos tiles were also used in -great profusion. The decorative motives were geometrical or floral, and -the _tout ensemble_ was not only brilliant in color, but also -harmoniously appealing. In structural features, too, Granadine -architecture attained to great beauty. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Transition from medieval to modern Spain.] - -The joint reign of Ferdinand (1479-1516) and Isabella (1474-1504), known -as “the Catholic Kings,” witnessed the substantial fulfilment of the -aims of medieval Hispanic royalty, and at the same time began in -striking fashion that complexity of life and action which characterizes -the modern age. On the one hand the turbulent elements which had for so -long stood for decentralization and disorder as opposed to national -unity and internal peace were done away with or rendered powerless; on -the other, life in its various institutional phases approximated itself -in a considerable degree to that of our own times, and Spain stood forth -from the domestic bickerings which had formerly absorbed her attention -to enter upon the career and status of a world power. The greatest -single event in the period was undoubtedly the discovery of America, -from which came, directly or indirectly, Spain’s principal claims to the -recognition of posterity. Important only in less degree were the -conquest of Granada, the establishment of the Inquisition and the -expulsion from Spain of the non-Catholic elements, and Spain’s entry -into the maelstrom of European politics on a greater scale than ever -before, through the medium of Ferdinand’s intervention in Italy. -Measured by the success attained in their own day the Catholic Kings -prospered in nearly everything they undertook, but the ultimate result, -which could not have been foreseen at the time, was in many respects to -prove disastrous to Spain herself, if, indeed, there were -counter-balancing advantages and a glorious memory. The wealth and -greatness proceeding from the conquest of the Americas were to be -sacrificed in a fruitless attempt to gain a predominant place in -Europe,--which, indeed, Spain might have had, much as England acquired -it, if she had not pursued it so directly and insistently, but had been -willing to devote her attention to her colonies. On the other hand, the -Americas drained Spain of some of her best resources in manhood, while -the Italian wars brought her into the current of the highest European -civilization. These consequences, whatever attitude one may take with -regard to them, did not become manifest until a much later time, but -they had the most pronounced of their impulses, if not in all cases -their origins, in the reign of the Catholic Kings. - -[Sidenote: Nature of the union of Castile and Aragon.] - -Ferdinand’s accession to the crown of Aragon and the recognition of -Isabella as queen of Castile did not at that time bring about a -political union of the two kingdoms, and resulted in no radical change -in the separate institutions of either. They did mean the establishment -of consistent policies in each (especially in international affairs) -which were to bring about a more effectual union at a later day and -produce the Spanish nation. The first problem of the Catholic Kings was -that of the pacification of their realms. Aragon and Catalonia offered -no serious difficulty, but the violence of the Castilian nobility called -for repression of a vigorous type. Galicia and Andalusia were the -regions where such action was most imperatively needed. - -[Sidenote: Overthrow of seigniorial anarchy.] - -The real weakness of the seigniorial class is well illustrated by the -case of Galicia. The lawless conduct of the nobility and even of the -high functionaries of the church was traditional, besides which Juana la -Beltraneja had counted with many partisans there. Petty war, the -oppression of individuals and towns (through the medium of illegal -tributes or the collection of those belonging to the kings), and an -almost complete disobedience of royal authority were the rule. Resolved -to do away with such an evil state of affairs the Catholic Kings sent -two delegates there in 1480, the one a soldier, Fernando de Acuña, and -the other a lawyer and member of the _Consejo Real_, Garcí López de -Chinchilla, accompanied by three hundred picked horsemen. Without loss -of time and with praiseworthy energy they proceeded to carry out the -royal will. Forty-six castles were demolished, the tributes which the -nobles had been diverting from the king were collected once more for the -royal treasury, many individuals of greater or less degree (both nobles -and ordinary bandits) were put to death, and others were dominated or -compelled to flee the country. Similar action was taken in Andalusia and -Castile proper, wherefore within a few years the pacification of the -kingdom was achieved; the seemingly hopeless anarchy of the period of -Henry IV had been overcome. - -[Sidenote: The conquest of Granada.] - -At the same time that the Catholic Kings were engaged in the -establishment of good order in the realm of Castile, they were giving -their attention to another problem which may well be considered as of -domestic import,--the long delayed conquest of Granada. The last years -of the Moslem kingdom epitomized the history of that government during -its more than two centuries of existence, with the important difference -that it was no longer to escape the bitter pill of conquest which its -own weakness and decadent life had long rendered inevitable once a -determined effort should be made. There appeared the figure of the emir, -Abul Hassan, dominated by the passion which his slave girl, Zoraya, had -inspired in him. Other members of his family, notably his brother, El -Zagal (or Al Zagal), and his son, Abu Abdullah, best known as Boabdil, -headed factions which warred with Abul Hassan or with each other. -Meanwhile, the war with Castile, which had broken forth anew in 1481, -was going on, and to the credit of the Moslem warrior as a fighting man -was being sustained, if not with success, at least without great loss of -territory. Ferdinand, to whom treachery was only a fine art of kingship, -availed himself of the internal disorder of Granada to gain advantages -to which his military victories in open combat did not entitle him. -Twice he had Boabdil in his power as a prisoner, and on each occasion -let him go, so that he might cause trouble for El Zagal, who had become -emir, at the same time making promises of peace and of abstention from -conquest which he disloyally failed to observe. Another time, El Zagal -was similarly deceived. By these means, after ten years of war, -Ferdinand was able to enter the Granadine plain and besiege the Moslem -capital, courageously defended by Boabdil and his followers. The -military camp of Santa Fe was founded, and for months the siege went on, -signalized by deeds of valor on both sides. Overcome by hunger the -defenders were at length obliged to capitulate, and on January 2, 1492, -the Castilian troops occupied the Alhambra. Some time later Boabdil and -his household departed for Africa. It is fitting to observe that many of -the legends concerning this prince, notably those which reflect on his -courage and manliness, are without foundation in fact. - -[Sidenote: Forced conversion of the Mudéjares of Castile.] - -The terms of surrender had included numerous articles providing for the -security of the Moslem population. Virtually they amounted to a promise -that the Mudéjar, or Moslem, element would not be molested in any -respect, whether in Granada or elsewhere in Castile. Such a treaty could -not long be enforced in the face of the religious ardor and intolerance -of the age. The greatest men of the kingdom, and among them the most -notable of all, the archbishop of Toledo, Ximénez de Cisneros, confessor -of the queen, joined in urging a different policy. Pressure began to be -exerted in direct contravention of the treaty to bring about an enforced -conversion of the Mudéjares to Christianity. A Moslem uprising was the -result, and this was seized upon by Ximénez as justifying a complete -disregard, henceforth, of the terms of the capitulation, on the ground -that the Moslems had nullified the treaty by their rebellion,--a -convenient argument which did not enquire into the real causes of the -outbreak. Christianization by force, not without a number of serious -uprisings, now went on at a rapid rate, and was completed by a royal -decree of 1502 which ordered that all Mudéjares in the Castilian domains -should accept Christianity or leave the country. Many took the latter -course, but the greater number remained, Christians in outward -appearance if not so at heart. Officially there were no more Mudéjares -in Castile except slaves. The newly converted element became known, -henceforth, as “Moriscos,” thus attaching them by association of ideas -to their ancient faith, and since their Christianity did not inspire -much confidence they were made subject to the dread Inquisition. - -[Sidenote: Castilian activities in northwestern Africa and the Canary -Islands.] - -The discovery of America in 1492, together with other factors, directed -Castilian attention to the Canary Islands and northwestern Africa, -bringing the Spanish kingdom into contact and rivalry with the -Portuguese, who had devoted themselves to exploration, conquest, and -colonization in that region for nearly a century. It may suffice here to -say that in successive treaties of 1480, 1494, and 1509 Portugal -recognized Castile’s claim to the Canaries and certain posts in -northwestern Africa. The security of the American route was not the -principal motive of Castilian interest at that time in northwestern -Africa. The wars with Granada and the danger of fresh invasions, coupled -with the crusading zeal which had been aroused against the Moslems, and -aggravated by the activities of North African corsairs, were perhaps the -leading factors affecting the policy of the Catholic Kings. In 1494 the -definitive conquest of the Canary Islands was made, and at the same time -a post was established on the neighboring coast of western Africa to -serve as a centre for the resistance to the Moslems. Meanwhile, private -attacks by Spaniards on North African ports were being made, but it was -not until 1497 that the Catholic Kings formally embarked on that -enterprise. Bent upon checking piracy in that region they took -possession of Melilla, which thenceforth became an important Spanish -post. - -[Sidenote: Ferdinand’s European policy.] - -While Ferdinand had much to do with the events which have thus far been -discussed, he and his subjects of Aragon and Catalonia were more -interested in other affairs. Ferdinand aimed at nothing less than a -predominant place for Spain in European affairs, to be preceded by the -establishment of Aragonese supremacy in the Mediterranean. The principal -stumbling-block was the power of the French kings. Ferdinand schemed, -therefore, to bring about the isolation and humiliation of France. The -entering wedge came through the French possession of the Catalan regions -of Cerdagne and the Roussillon which had been granted to the king of -France by Juan II. Charles VIII of France consented to restore the two -provinces, but in return exacted Ferdinand’s promise not to interfere -with the former’s designs respecting the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand -readily agreed in 1493 to aid no enemy of the French king save the pope, -and not to form matrimonial alliances between members of his family and -those of the reigning houses of Austria, England, and Naples. With -Cerdagne and the Roussillon in his possession he proceeded with -characteristic duplicity to disregard the treaty. Marriage alliances -were projected or arranged, some of them to be sure before 1493, not -only with the ruling families of Portugal and Navarre but also with -those of Austria and England. Thus Ferdinand hoped to secure -considerable accessions of territory and to avoid any interference on -the part of the Holy Roman Empire and England, the only outstanding -powers which might be able to hinder his plots against France. It is -perhaps poetic justice that these plans, so cleverly made and executed -at the time, were to have an ultimate result which was quite different -from that which Ferdinand had reason to expect. Untimely deaths rendered -the various Portuguese alliances of no effect; the authorities of -Navarre would have nothing to do with Ferdinand’s proffer; and Spanish -Catherine in England was to figure in the famous divorce from Henry -VIII, precipitating the English Reformation. One marriage was productive -of results, that of Juana, heir of Ferdinand and Isabella, to Philip the -Handsome of Burgundy. Thus the Spanish kings were brought into the line -of the Hapsburg family and of imperial succession, which was to prove -less a boon than a fatality. - -[Sidenote: The acquisition of Naples.] - -Charles VIII wished to revive the Angevin claim to the Neapolitan -territory held at the time by the illegitimate branch of Alfonso V of -Aragon, related by blood to Ferdinand the Catholic. Alleging that Naples -was a fief of the pope and therefore excepted from the treaty of 1493, -Ferdinand resisted the pretensions of Charles, and formed an alliance -with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and Milan against him. The forces of -the league proving too much for him, Charles was forced in 1497 to -suspend hostilities, whereupon Ferdinand agreed with him in secret to -divide Naples between them, renewing the agreement with Louis XII, who -ascended the French throne in 1498. The division was carried into -effect, but a quarrel sprang up over a certain portion of the territory, -and war broke out. Thanks to the military genius of the great Spanish -leader, Gonzalo de Córdoba, Ferdinand was victorious by the year 1504, -and Naples came under his authority. - -[Sidenote: Juana la Loca and Philip the Handsome.] - -In the same year, 1504, Isabella the Catholic died, leaving her throne -to her elder daughter, Juana, and in case she should prove unable to -govern to Ferdinand as regent until Juana’s heir should become twenty -years of age. Since Juana had already given evidence of that mental -instability which was to earn for her the soubriquet “La Loca” (the -Crazy), it was the intention of both Isabella and Ferdinand that the -latter should rule, but Philip the Handsome, husband of Juana, -intervened to procure the regency for himself. This was a serious -set-back to the plans of Ferdinand, but fortunately for him there -occurred the unexpected death of Philip in 1506. On the occasion of the -latter’s burial Juana gave such ample proof of her mental unfitness that -it was now clear that Ferdinand would be called in as regent. In 1507 he -was so installed, and he now had the resources of Spain at his back in -the accomplishment of his ambitious designs. Leaving Cardinal Ximénez to -effect conquests in northern Africa and to carry into execution other -Castilian projects Ferdinand once again turned his attention to the -aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy. - -[Sidenote: The aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy and the conquest of -Navarre.] - -In 1508 Ferdinand joined an alliance of the pope, the emperor, and Louis -XII of France against Venice, whereby he rounded out his Neapolitan -possessions. Seeing that the French were gaining more than he desired he -formed a new alliance, in 1511, with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and -Henry VIII of England against France. The French were defeated and -thrown out of Italy. Meanwhile, Ferdinand had taken advantage of the -French sympathies of the ruler of Navarre and the excommunication of -that king by the pope to overrun Navarre in 1512. The pope sanctioned -the conquest of that part of the kingdom lying south of the Pyrenees, -and it was definitely added to the Spanish domain. The French became -dangerous anew with the accession of the glory-loving, ambitious -Francis I in 1515. Ferdinand hastened to concert a league against him, -into which entered the pope, the emperor, Milan, Florence, the Swiss -states, and England, but war had hardly broken out when in 1516 -Ferdinand died. For good or evil he had brought Spain into a leading -place in European affairs. If his methods were questionable they were in -keeping with the practices of his age; he was only worse than his rivals -in that he was more successful. - -[Sidenote: The accession of Charles I.] - -Juana was still alive, but was utterly incompetent to act as head of the -state. The logic of events and the will of Ferdinand pointed to her -eldest son, Charles of Ghent, as the one to rule Aragon and Navarre and -to act as regent of Castile (during his mother’s life), although he had -not attained to his twentieth year, a condition which had been exacted -by the will of Isabella. Until such time as he could reach Spain, for he -was then in the Low Countries, Cardinal Ximénez served as regent. With -two acts of doubtful propriety Charles I, the later Charles V of the -Empire, began his reign in the peninsula. He sent word to Ximénez, -demanding that he be proclaimed king of Castile, despite the fact that -the queen, his mother, was living. Notwithstanding the opposition of the -_Cortes_ and his own unwillingness Ximénez did as Charles had required. -In 1517 Charles reached Spain, surrounded by a horde of Flemish -courtiers. Foreseeing the difficulties likely to result from this -invasion of foreign favorites Ximénez wrote to Charles, giving him -advice in the matter, and hastening to meet him asked for an interview. -Instead of granting this request Charles sent him a note, thanking him -for his services, and giving him leave to retire to his diocese “to rest -and await the reward of Heaven for his merits.” - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -SOCIAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Leading elements in the social history of the era.] - -The most important events in Spain of a social character during the -period of the Catholic Kings were the expulsion of the Jews and the -conversion of the Castilian Mudéjares, with the relations of the new -Inquisition to both of these elements of Spanish society. Other events -of more than ordinary note were the deprivation of the nobility of some -of their former prestige, the settlement of the dispute between the -serfs and lords of Catalonia, the purification of the Castilian clergy, -and the definitive triumph of the Roman principles in private law. -Greater than all of these were the problems which were to arise through -the Spanish subjection of new races in the colonies overseas. - -[Sidenote: Prestige of the nobility, despite their reverses.] - -Though with diminished prestige the nobility continued to be the leading -social class in Castile, sharing this honor with the higher officials of -the church. Much of the former economic preponderance of the nobles was -gone, due to the development of personalty as a form of wealth as -distinguished from land, the fruit of the commerce and industry of the -Jews, Mudéjares, and middle classes. They suffered still further through -Isabella’s revocation of the land grants they had received at times of -civil war and internal weakness in former reigns, especially in that of -Henry IV. Few nobles or great churchmen, for the decree applied equally -to the latter, escaped without loss of at least a portion of their -rents, and some forfeited all they had. Naturally, the measure caused -not a little discontent, but it was executed without any noteworthy -resistance. On the other hand, through the continuance of the -institution of primogeniture and through new acquisitions of land in -return for services in the war against Granada, the greater nobles -still possessed immense wealth. The Duke of Medina Sidonia, for example, -offered Philip the Handsome two thousand _caballeros_ and 50,000 ducats -($750,000) if he would disembark in Andalusia. Not only in political -authority but also in prestige the nobles were lowered by the measures -of the Catholic Kings. Such practices as the use of a royal crown on -their shields and the employment of royal insignia or ceremonial in any -form were forbidden. On the other hand, the ancient privileges of the -nobility, both high and low, were confirmed to them,--such, for example, -as exemption from taxation and from the application in certain cases of -the penalties of the law. At the same time, the Catholic Kings offered a -new kind of dignity, depending for its lustre on the favor of the crown. -Nobles were encouraged to appear at court and strive for the purely -ornamental honors of palace officialdom. Many came, for those who -remained on their estates consigned themselves to obscurity, being -without power to improve their fortunes by a revolt as their ancestors -had done. In Aragon and Catalonia they still displayed tendencies to -engage in private war and banditry, a condition of affairs which endured -throughout this period and into the next, though it was by no means so -serious a problem as it had been in earlier times. - -[Sidenote: Grades of nobility.] - -The grades of nobility remained much as before, but with a change in -nomenclature. The old term of _ricoshombres_ for the great nobles -disappeared (though not until 1520 officially), and was substituted by -that of _grandes_, or grandees. Among the grandees the title of duke -(_duque_) and marquis (_marqués_) now became of more frequent usage than -the formerly more general count (_conde_). In the epoch of the Catholic -Kings there were fifteen grandees in Castile, but eight of them had been -created, with the title of duke, by Isabella. For the nobility of the -second grade, the terms _hijosdalgo_ (modern _hidalgo_) and _caballero_, -used in a generic sense to denote noble lineage, were employed -indiscriminately. Nobles without fortune lived, as formerly, under the -protection of the grandees, or took service in the military orders or -even in the new royal army. - -[Sidenote: Advance of the rural masses.] - -The situation of the former servile classes of Castile, aside from the -slaves, had been rendered very nearly satisfactory from a juridical -point of view in the previous era, but their new liberty was insecure -and was not freely accorded in practice. The Catholic Kings -energetically cut short the greater part of the abuses, and definitely -decided that a man adscripted to the land (a _solariego_) could sell or -carry away his personalty, and go wherever he willed. In Aragon proper -the problem was more serious, because of the social backwardness of that -region. The first step toward freedom from serfdom was taken at this -time, consisting in the frequent uprisings of the serfs. Ferdinand made -some attempts to modify the _malos usos_, or evil customs, of the -relation of lord and serf, but found the institutions too deeply rooted -in his day for remedy. In Catalonia, Ferdinand inherited the problem of -the warfare of the serfs with the nobles and the high churchmen, against -the latter of whom, particularly the bishop of Gerona, the wrath of the -rural classes was especially directed. At the outset he attempted, as -had Alfonso V and Juan II before him, to utilize the quarrel to serve -his own political and financial ends, accepting bribes from both sides. -Finally, an agreement was reached whereby the king was to serve as -arbitrator, without appeal, between the warring elements. The Sentence -of Guadalupe, so-called because the evidence was taken and the decision -rendered at Guadalupe in Extremadura, in 1486, was the judgment -pronounced by Ferdinand. It went to the root of the matter by abolishing -the _malos usos_ and declaring the freedom of the rural serfs. -Furthermore, the lords were deprived of criminal jurisdiction over their -vassals, this right passing to the crown, and the same privileges as -that just recorded in the case of the _solariegos_ of Castile was -granted to the rural masses of Catalonia. On the other hand, the now -freed serfs were obliged to pay a heavy ransom to their lords. The -decision satisfied neither party to the issue, but was accepted, and -proved in fact the solution of the evil. A rural class of small -proprietors soon grew up, while many other persons occupied lands for -which they paid rent instead of the former irksome services. - -[Sidenote: Policy of the Catholic Kings toward the Mudéjares.] - -If a policy of benevolent assimilation had been followed by the -Christians of Spain with regard to the other great elements of the -population, the Mudéjar and the Jewish, it is possible that the two -latter might have been made use of to the advantage of the peninsula, -for they were Spanish in most of their habits, and had intermarried with -Christians, even those of high rank. For centuries, however, a different -practice, based primarily on religious intolerance, had tended to -promote the adoption of an opposite course, and it was in the reign of -the Catholic Kings that the first steps were taken to bring the matter -to an issue. The measures by which the Mudéjares were compelled to -emigrate from Castile or become converted as Moriscos have already been -chronicled, and the same procedure was taken with regard to Navarre and -the Basque provinces. Ferdinand, who was less zealous in this -undertaking than his pious consort, did not go to the same lengths in -Aragon. On the petition of the lords, who had many Moslem vassals and -feared to lose them, he confirmed the privileges of the Mudéjares, -though forbidding the erection of new mosques, and permitted of -preaching to bring about their voluntary conversion. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Jews.] - -The hatred of the Christians for the Jews was so great that the time was -ripe for the final step in the measures taken against them, and early in -the reign of the Catholic Kings it was decided to expel them from the -peninsula. While the religious motive was the principal one, Ferdinand -and Isabella were also actuated, as indeed also in the case of the -Mudéjares, by their ideal of a centralized absolutism, wherefore an -element which was not in sympathy with the religion of the state seemed -to them to constitute a political danger. Their action was hastened, no -doubt, by popular fanaticism, which expressed itself in numerous acts of -violence against the hated race. With Granada conquered the Catholic -Kings lost no time in promulgating a decree, dated March 31, 1492, -requiring conversion or expulsion, and applicable to both Castile and -Aragon. The Jews were granted four months to dispose of their affairs -and leave Spain. The blow to them financially was ruinous. Forced -sales, especially when there was so much to be sold, could not be -expected to yield a fair return, and this was aggravated by prohibitions -against carrying away any gold, silver, coin, or other kinds of -personalty, except what the laws ordinarily permitted to be exported. -The full effect of this harsh legislation was avoided by some through a -resort to the international banking agencies which the Jews had -established. A number preferred to become Christians rather than go into -exile, but thousands took the latter course. Some computations hold that -as many as 2,000,000 left the country, but a more careful estimate by a -Jewish historian gives the following figures: emigrants, 165,000; -baptized, 50,000; those who lost their lives in course of the execution -of the decree, 20,000. The exiles went to Portugal, North Africa, Italy, -and France, but were so harshly treated, especially in the two -first-named lands, that a great many preferred to return to Spain and -accept baptism. Portugal and Navarre soon followed the action of Castile -and Aragon, thus completing the cycle of anti-Jewish legislation in the -peninsula. In law there were no more Jews; they had become Marranos. - -[Sidenote: Activities of the Inquisition in Castile.] - -Not a few of the converts, both Mudéjar and Jewish, became sincere -Christians, and some of them attained to high rank in the church. -Hernando de Talavera, for example, at one time confessor of the queen -and one of the most influential men in the kingdom, had Jewish blood in -his veins. A great many, very likely the majority, remained faithful at -heart to the religion of their fathers, due partly to the lack of -Christian instruction, and even when they did not, they were suspected -of so doing, or maliciously accused of it by those who were envious of -their wealth or social position. This had led the Catholic Kings to -procure a papal bull, as early as 1478, granting the monarchs a right to -name certain men, whom they should choose, as inquisitors, with power to -exercise the usual authority of ecclesiastical judges. This was the -beginning of the modern Spanish Inquisition. Leaving aside, for the -present, its formal constitution and procedure, its activities against -converts may here be traced. The Inquisition began its work in Seville -in 1480, with the object of uprooting heresy, especially among the -Marranos. Afraid of being accused many fled, but enough remained for -scores to be apprehended. In 1481 the first _auto de fe_ (decision of -the faith) was held, and sixteen persons were burned to death. From -Seville the institution spread to other cities, and the terror became -general. There is no doubt that the inquisitors displayed an excess of -zeal, of which various papal documents themselves furnish ample proof. A -great many were put to death, especially while Juan de Torquemada was at -the head of the institution, 1485 to 1494. Some charge his inquisitorial -reign with the death of 8000 persons, but more dispassionate estimates -reduce the figures greatly, calculating the number to be 2000 for the -reign of Isabella, ending in 1504. Very many more were either burned in -effigy or put in prison, while confiscation of goods was one of the -usual concomitants of a sentence involving loss of life or liberty. -Books were also examined and burned or their publication or circulation -forbidden, and in every way efforts were made to prevent heresy as well -as to stamp it out. By far the greatest number of sufferers were the -Judaizantes, or those Marranos who practised the Jewish faith in secret. -It must be said that public opinion was not by any means on the side of -the Inquisition; in course of time it became universally hated, as also -feared, for nobody was entirely safe from accusation before the dread -tribunal. - -[Sidenote: The Inquisition in Aragon.] - -The Inquisition had existed in the kingdom of Aragon since the -thirteenth century, but Ferdinand now introduced the Castilian body. In -1485 the Inquisition became a single institution for all Spain, although -it was not until 1518 that this became definitive. The new organization -had not been welcomed in Castile, but it found even less favor in -Aragon, not only because of its excessive pretensions and rigors, but -also because it superseded the traditional Aragonese Inquisition, was in -the hands of Castilian “foreigners,” and interfered with business. The -city of Barcelona was especially resentful on this last account, because -its prosperity depended not a little on the trade in the hands of Jewish -converts, whom fear was driving away. On the first occasion of their -appearance, in 1486, the inquisitors were obliged to leave Barcelona, -and no less a personage than the bishop joined in the act of ejecting -them, but in 1487 they returned to stay. The fear of the Inquisition and -certain social and political disadvantages of being regarded as of -Jewish or Moslem descent occasioned the introduction of documents of -_limpieza de sangre_ (purity of blood), attesting the Catholic ancestry -of the possessors, although the development of this custom was more -marked in the reign of Charles I. - -[Sidenote: Reform of the Castilian church.] - -One of the most signal reforms of the period, to which the pious -Isabella, aided by Ximénez, gave her attention, was the purification of -the Castilian clergy. The church, like the great nobles, had suffered -from the revocation of land grants it had gained in times of stress, and -was obliged, furthermore, to restore the financial rights, such as the -_alcabala_ and certain rents, it had usurped from the crown. -Nevertheless, its wealth was enormous. The rents of the secular church -in all Spain are said to have amounted to some 4,000,000 ducats -($60,000,000), of which the archbishop of Toledo alone received 80,000 -($1,200,000). The regular clergy were equally wealthy. Vast as these -sums appear, even today, their real value should be considered from the -standpoint of the far greater purchasing power of money in that age than -now. Whether or not the members of the clergy were softened by this -wealth and by the favors they received as representatives of the church -at a time of great religious zeal on the part of the Spanish people, it -is certain that ignorance and immorality were prevalent among them. -Despite the centuries of conflict against it, the institution of -_barraganía_ still had its followers, among others, Alfonso de Aragón, -archbishop of Saragossa, and Cardinal Pedro de Mendoza. Laws were passed -imposing fines, banishment, and the lash,--without avail. Church -councils met to discuss the various evils within the church. Ximénez at -length applied to the church of Castile the methods Isabella had used in -suppressing seigniorial anarchy. A Franciscan himself, he proceeded to -visit the convents of the order and to administer correction with a -heavy hand, expelling the more recalcitrant. It is said that some four -hundred friars emigrated to Africa, and became Mohammedans, rather than -submit to his rulings. From the Franciscan order the reforms passed on -to others. Isabella intervened more particularly in the case of the -secular clergy, exercising great care in the choice of candidates for -the higher dignities, selecting them from the lower nobility or the -middle class instead of from the families of great nobles as had -formerly been the practice. At the same time, she took steps with -considerable success to prevent the appointment of foreigners by the -popes to Castilian benefices. In Aragon the same evils existed as in -Castile, but the reforms did not come at this time to modify them. - -[Sidenote: Triumph of Roman principles in Castilian private law.] - -In private law, especially as regards the family, the long struggle of -the Roman principles to gain a predominant place in Castilian -jurisprudence ended in triumph. The victory came with the legislation of -the _Cortes_ of Toledo in 1502, but as it was not published until the -time of the _Cortes_ of Toro in 1505 it became known as the _Leyes de -Toro_ (Laws of Toro). For example, the complete emancipation of children -after marriage, the prohibition of the gift of all one’s possessions to -other than the heirs, the increase in the formalities required in the -case of wills, and the lengthening of terms of years on which to base -claims by prescription were all recognized in the new laws. - -[Sidenote: General social customs.] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -In immorality and luxury the reign of the Catholic Kings differed little -from the preceding era; abundant evidence thereof appears in the -literary works of this period and the opening years of the next. The -most extravagant taste was exhibited both by men and women in matters of -dress. Clothing was made up of ruffs and puffs, ribbons and rings, -many-materialed and many-colored component parts, clothes which dragged -behind and clothes which were immodestly short, open-work waists and -cloaks which were not infrequently used to cover adventures, fancy -laces, daggers, purses, pouches, and a host of other accessories which -must have been considered ornamental, since they were only slightly -useful. Isabella herself, serious-minded and religious though she was, -liked to appear in public richly gowned and bejewelled. This lavish -magnificence seems only to have been on display for gala occasions; at -other times Spaniards lived and dressed soberly and modestly. As an -Italian traveller expressed it, the Spaniard was prodigal on holidays, -and lived sadly the rest of the year, for his occasional extravagances -demanded more protracted economies. This was true, even in the palace, -for, numerous as were the employes there, the annual expenditure was the -equivalent of only about $100,000. Other social customs, such as sports, -including bull-fighting, did not undergo any changes sufficient to -require comment. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -POLITICAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Tendency toward Spanish unity under Castile.] - -It has already been pointed out that the union of Castile and Aragon -under the Catholic Kings lacked a real political or institutional basis. -Both monarchs signed papers applicable to the two kingdoms and exercised -personal influence, each with the other, but although Ferdinand assisted -his consort in Castilian affairs, Isabella was clearly regarded as ruler -in Castile, as Ferdinand was in Aragon. The latter’s will advised -Charles I to maintain the separation of the kingdoms and to conduct -their affairs through native officials. Nevertheless, the long -continuance of the same royal family at the head of both was bound to -produce a greater unity eventually. Castile was drawn into European -politics through the medium of the Aragonese wars in Italy. On the other -hand, she tended to become the centre of authority and influence on -account of the greater extent of her territory (especially with the -addition of Granada, Navarre, and the Americas), her greater wealth, the -royal practice of residing in Castile, and the more advanced social and -political condition of Castile as the result of Isabella’s reforms. - -[Sidenote: Masterships of the military orders incorporated into the -crown.] - -Both sovereigns followed the policy of centralization in their -respective kingdoms. In Castile the major problem was the reduction of -the oligarchical nobility, for the middle classes had already been won -over in great part when Isabella ascended the throne. Her success in -reducing the lawless nobles has already been discussed; it only remains -to point out the significance of the act by which she completed this -task,--her incorporation of the masterships of the military orders into -the crown. The principal element in the three great orders of Santiago, -Calatrava, and Alcántara were the _segundones_ of great noble families -and members of the lesser nobility. Not only by their military power but -also by their numbers and wealth these orders constituted a potential -danger to the crown unless their action could be controlled. An estimate -of the year 1493 showed that there were 700,000 members and vassals in -the order of Santiago, and 200,000 and 100,000 respectively in those of -Calatrava and Alcántara. The first-named had annual revenues of some -60,000 ducats ($900,000), and the two last combined, some 95,000 -($1,425,000). With the masterships in royal hands the probability of -civil strife was greatly lessened. - -[Sidenote: Increase of the royal authority and tendency toward unity in -municipal life.] - -[Sidenote: Decline of the Castilian _Cortes_.] - -As regards the towns the Catholic Kings followed precisely the same -practices which had been employed with such success in the previous era. -It was rare, indeed, that they suppressed charters, but circumstances -like those already recorded[52] enabled the _corregidores_ and other -royal officers to exercise virtual control. Meanwhile, the process of -unification was going on through the ordinances of the _Cortes_ and -royal decrees, fortified by the unrecorded development of similarity in -customs in Castilian municipal life. This was furthered by the -representatives of the towns themselves, for royal and municipal -interests were usually in accord. Noteworthy extensions of royal -authority appeared in the subjection of local officials to the -_residencia_ (or trial during a number of days after the completion of a -term of office, to determine the liability of an official for the -wrongful acts of his administration) and in the sending of royal -_pesquisidores_, or enquirers (in cases of crime), and _veedores_ -(inspectors), later more often called _visitadores_ (visitors), to -investigate matters of government, such as the accounts of financial -agents and the conduct of public officers. These institutions were later -transferred to the Americas, becoming an important means of sustaining -the authority of the mother country. In some instances the Catholic -Kings resorted to force to reduce municipalities which were too -autonomous in character, notably in the case of the _hermandad_ of the -north coast towns, whose decadence dates from this reign. - -The royalist ideal was manifested strikingly in the relations of the -Catholic Kings with the Castilian _Cortes_. From 1475 to 1503 the -_Cortes_ was summoned but nine times, and during the years 1482 to 1498, -at a time when Granada was being conquered, America discovered and -occupied, the new Inquisition instituted, and the Jews expelled, it did -not meet even once. Its decline was evidenced still further in the -increasingly respectful language employed whenever it addressed the -monarch and its growing dependence on the _Consejo Real_, which body -subjected the acts of the _Cortes_ to its own revision and whose -president acted in a similar capacity for the _Cortes_. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the Aragonese _Cortes_ and of the power of -Barcelona.] - -Ferdinand followed the same policy in Aragon. The various _Cortes_ of -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia and the general _Cortes_ of all three -were infrequently called; the king acted in an arbitrary manner in his -methods of raising funds, without observing the spirit of the laws. It -was in his dealings with Barcelona that he most clearly manifested the -royalist tendency, for that city was the most powerful element in the -kingdom. Through his intervention the practice of electing the five -_concelleres_, or councillors, was suspended in favor of royal -appointment, and the _Consell_, or council of a hundred, was altered so -that it was no longer democratic but represented the will of the -monarch. The fact that these changes were made without provoking -resistance and almost without protest shows how utterly dead were the -political ideals of the past. - -[Sidenote: The new bureaucracy.] - -The concentration in royal hands of so many powers which were formerly -exercised by the lords and towns made necessary the development of a -numerous and varied officialdom to assist the monarch. As the basis of -the new bureaucracy in Castile the Catholic Kings had at hand the -_Consejo Real_, which with some changes was admirably adapted to the -purpose. The first step was to rid it of the great nobles. In 1480 the -untitled _letrados_ became a majority in this body. The counts, dukes, -and marquises were still allowed to attend, but were deprived of the -right to vote. Shortly afterward they were excluded altogether, and the -_Consejo Real_ now responded without question to the will of the king. -It served as the head of the various branches of the bureaucratic -organization, with the final decision, subject to the wishes of the -king, in all matters of government. Pressure of work led to the -formation of three additional councils, those of the Inquisition -(_Inquisición_), the military orders, (_Órdenes Militares_), and the -Americas, or Indies (_Indias_), while there were still others in the -kingdom of Aragon. Particularly important among the other officials was -the monarch’s private secretary, who came to have a very nearly decisive -influence, owing to the favor he enjoyed with the head of the state. A -horde of other officers, old and new, made up the ranks of the -bureaucracy. Among the older group it is to be noted that the -_adelantados_ were supplanted by _alcaldes mayores_, until only one of -the former was left. Among newer officials the important inquisitors and -_veedores_, or _visitadores_, should be noted. - -[Sidenote: Administration of justice.] - -A similar development to that of the executive branch was experienced in -the administration of justice. The fountain-head was the _chancillería_ -at the capital, Valladolid, to which were subordinate in a measure the -several regional _audiencias_, which were now established for the first -time, besides the hierarchy of the judiciary of lower grades. In -addition to unifying and regulating the judicial system the Catholic -Kings gave attention to the internal purification of the courts, with a -view to eliminating the unfit or undesirable and to checking abuses. The -corrupt practices of those outside the courts were also attacked, -especially powerful persons who attempted to overawe judges or procure a -miscarriage of justice. One of the principal difficulties encountered -was that of conflicts of jurisdiction, notably in the case of the church -courts. Good Catholic though she was, Isabella was determined in her -opposition to ecclesiastical invasions of royal jurisdiction, but -despite her energetic measures the issue was far from being decided in -her day. In line with the royal policy of settling disputes by law -rather than by force the use of firearms was prohibited, gambling was -persecuted, and the _riepto_ (or judicial duel, the last survival of -medieval procedure) was abolished. Good order in the present-day sense -was far from existing, and this led to a revival of the medieval idea -of the _hermandades_ for the punishment of crimes committed in -uninhabited places or small villages as well as for the pursuit and -execution generally of those guilty of felony. The _Santa Hermandad_, -with its capital at Toledo, was created as a kind of judicial body, -sustained by the groups of citizens who formed part of it, employing a -militia of mounted men, and making use of summary methods and extreme -penalties in its procedure. Its life as an effective body was brief, -although it continued to exist for many years. On the other hand the -medieval _hermandad_ of Toledo enjoyed a revival of life and -usefulness.[53] - -[Sidenote: Reforms in Aragon.] - -It is hardly necessary to trace the administrative and judicial reforms -of Ferdinand in Aragon. Suffice to say that they followed the Castilian -pattern much more closely, indeed, than in the matter of social -organization. - -[Sidenote: Procedure of the Inquisition.] - -The Castilian Inquisition, first created in 1478 for specific and -temporary objects, underwent considerable modification when retained as -a permanent body to combat heresy in general. The popes refused to allow -it to be in all respects a royal instrument, and retained the right of -appointing or dismissing inquisitors, permitting the kings to recommend -candidates. The expansion of the institution from Seville to other -cities in Spain and the creation of a supreme council of the Inquisition -have already been mentioned. Ximénez, who became head of the Inquisition -of Castile in 1507, extended its operations to Africa and the Americas. -The methods of trial were harsh, though less so if gauged by the -standards of that time. Torture was used as a means of obtaining -confessions. The accused was kept utterly apart from his family and -friends, who did not learn what had become of him until his liberation -or his appearance in an _auto de fe_. The same secrecy was employed in -dealing with the prisoner, who was informed of the general charge -against him, without the details and without knowing his accuser’s name. -He was allowed to indicate those in whom he lacked confidence, and if he -should chance to hit upon an accuser that person’s evidence was -eliminated. Two witnesses against him were sufficient to outweigh any -testimony he might give. He might have a lawyer, but could not confer -with him in private. He might also object to a judge whose impartiality -he had reason to suspect, and could appeal to the pope. Penalties varied -from the imposition of a light penance to imprisonment or burning to -death. Burning in effigy of those who escaped or burning of the remains -of those who had died was also practised. The _auto de fe_ represented, -as the words imply, merely the decision in the given case, and not the -imposition of the penalty as has often been stated. The general rule was -for the executions to take place on holidays, which in Spain are indeed -“holy days,” or days in celebration of events in church history. A -procession was held, in which the functionaries of the Inquisition took -part. A public announcement of the decisions was made, and those who -were condemned to death were turned over to the civil authorities, who -carried out the execution in the customary place. As has already been -said, the imposition of sentences was accompanied by confiscations or -the levy of fines. Since the Inquisition was supported by these -amercements there were numerous scandals in connection therewith. -Certain royal orders implied, and complaints by men of such standing as -Juan de Daza, bishop of Cordova, directly charged, that the Inquisition -displayed a too great eagerness to insure its financial standing by -confiscations. On one occasion it seems that the estate of a wealthy -victim of the Inquisition was divided between Cardinal Carvajal, the -inquisitor Lucero, the royal treasurer Morales, and Ferdinand’s private -secretary. The funds did not belong in law to the Inquisition. That body -collected them and turned them over to the king, who granted them back -again. - -[Sidenote: Financial administration.] - -The new Castilian and Aragonese states required greatly increased funds -and a royal army, and both of these matters received the careful -consideration of Ferdinand and Isabella. In financial affairs their -activities were twofold: to procure more revenues; and to bring about -greater economy in their collection and administration. The revocation -of earlier land grants was one measure productive of income, since the -taxes from them now went to the crown rather than to the lords. Two -sources of revenue of a religious character were procured by papal -grant. One of these was the _cruzada_, or sale of indulgences, based on -the crusade (_cruzada_) against the Moslems. Designed for a temporary -purpose it became an enduring element in the royal income. The other was -the _diezmo_, or tithe, presumably for the same objects as the -_cruzada_, although it too was diverted to other uses. Great attention -was paid to the administration of the remunerative _alcabala_, and to -stamp taxes and customs duties. The treasury department as a modern -institution may be said to date from this era. In addition the Catholic -Kings corrected abuses in the coinage of money. The final result is -shown in the increase in the revenues from about 900,000 _reales_[54] in -1474 to well over 26,000,000 in 1504. Expenses were so heavy, however, -that more than once a resort to loans was necessary. - -[Sidenote: Modernization of the army.] - -[Sidenote: The royal navy.] - -The army kept pace with other institutions in the advance out of -medievalism into modernity. The seigniorial levies, unequal in size and -subversive of discipline as well as a potential danger, were virtually -done away with after the Granadine war, although such bodies appeared -occasionally even in the next era. In their place were substituted a -larger royal army at state expense and the principle of universal -military service. One man in every twelve of those between twenty and -forty years of age was held liable, but did not take the field and was -not paid except when specifically called. The glory of the new -professional army attracted many who had formerly served the great -lords, including a number of the nobility and the adventurous element. -Under the leadership of Gonzalo de Ayora and especially of the “great -captain,” Gonzalo de Córdoba, noteworthy reforms in tactics were made. -The army was now an aggregation of equal groups, based on battalions and -companies, while the larger divisions were assigned a proportionate -number of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. From this period date many -current military titles: colonel, captain, and others. Arms and -equipment were much improved and military administration bettered. The -importance of firearms was just becoming recognized; cannon, firing -balls of stone, played a prominent part in the war with Granada. A -similar if less pronounced development appeared in the navy. The admiral -of Castile, who had enjoyed a semi-independent sinecure, now lost much -of his authority, for many of his powers were taken over by the crown. - -[Sidenote: The Ordinance of Montalvo and other codifications of the -laws.] - -The reforms which have been chronicled were the result of a great body -of legislation, most of which emanated directly from the crown, although -some important laws were enacted in conjunction with the _Cortes_. Taken -with the variety of legislation in preceding years it caused not a -little confusion as to the precise principle governing a specific case. -This led to the compilation by Alfonso Díaz de Montalvo of the -_Ordenanzas Reales de Castilla_ (1484?), or Royal Ordinances of Castile, -commonly called the Ordinance (_Ordenamiento_) of Doctor Montalvo, in -which were set forth various ordinances of the _Cortes_ since that of -Alcalá in 1348 and certain orders of the kings from the time of Alfonso -X, together with some provisions of earlier date. In all, 1163 laws were -included, of which 230 belonged to the era of the Catholic Kings. -Although it is not certain, the _Ordenanzas_ seems to have been -promulgated as law, and in any event was very influential, running -through thirteen editions down to the year 1513. The compilation was far -from meeting the full requirement of the times, however. Besides being -incomplete, as was only to be expected, it contained various -inaccuracies of form and substance. Furthermore, with such varying -elements still in effect as the _Partidas_ and the medieval _fueros_, -besides the unwritten transformation and unification which had been -going on for two centuries (as a result of royalist policies), there was -need for a clear and methodical revision of Castilian legislation. -Various other publications covering special phases of the laws, such as -the _Ordenanzas de Alcabalas_ (1491), or Ordinances of the _Alcabala_, -the already mentioned _Leyes de Toro_ (1505), and the privileges of the -_Mesta_ (1511), date from this era, while there was a similar tendency -toward legislative publication in the Catalonian and Valencian parts of -the kingdom of Aragon. - -[Sidenote: Relations of church and state.] - -Although the piety of Ferdinand and Isabella earned them the sobriquet -of the “Catholic Kings,” particularly merited in the case of Isabella, -they did not let their regard for the church interfere with their -conceptions of the royal authority. Something has already been said -about their resistance to the intrusions of ecclesiastical courts and -their objection to appointments of foreigners to Spanish benefices. The -same conflict with the pope was maintained with regard to papal -appointments of Spaniards. In the case of Granada and the Americas the -crown gained the _patronato real_, or royal patronage, in such degree -that the monarch became the virtual administrative head of the church, -but the concession for the rest of Spain was not so complete. -Nevertheless, the royal nominees were usually appointed. The Catholic -Kings displayed great consideration for the church when the interests of -the latter did not run counter to the monarchical ideal, and in Castile -the confessors of the queen obtained a certain ascendency which made -them among the most powerful individuals in the state. They proved to be -well deserving of their influence, however, notably cardinals Mendoza, -Talavera, and Ximénez, of whom the last-named was, after the Catholic -Kings, by far the most important figure of the times. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Economic medievalism.] - -[Sidenote: Privileges of the _Mesta_.] - -The Catholic Kings attacked the economic problems of their era with much -the same zeal they had displayed in social and political reforms, but -without equal success, for medievalism in material affairs was more -persistent than in social, political, and intellectual institutions. The -same false economic ideas of the past were still operative. Especially -was this manifest in the belief that legislation and state intervention -in business provided a panacea for all evils, when the real needs were -the development of the wealth at hand and the modification of -geographical conditions in such a way as to permit of additional -productivity. Protection and excessive regulation were the keynote of -the laws. As a result manufactures were stimulated on the one hand, and -various cities of the two kingdoms became notable industrial centres, -but on the other hand, these same industries were hindered by -inspections, by laws regulating the fashion and style of goods and -fixing prices, wages, and the hours of labor, and by a host of other -measures which killed initiative and hindered rapidity of work. In part -to promote this artificial industrial life, so that raw wool might be -readily procured, the Catholic Kings recognized and even extended the -privileges of the great corporation of the _Mesta_. Starting from La -Mancha and Extremadura in April, flocks of sheep annually ravaged -Castile, returning in September to the place whence they had come. The -_cañada real_, or royal sheepwalk, was set aside for their exclusive -use, and a prohibition was placed on clearing, working, or enclosing any -part of that strip. In fact the sheepmen ventured beyond the legal -limits, and although required by law to pay damages in such cases were -so powerful that they rarely did so. Withal, the stimulus to -manufacturing was almost purely artificial, and the Spanish cities, even -Barcelona, found competition with foreign cloths and other goods too -keen. In the main, Spain continued to be a raw material land, exporting -primary articles to foreign countries, in return for manufactures. - -[Sidenote: Lack of progress in agriculture.] - -Attempts were made to encourage agriculture, but the spirit of -legislative interference and the superior importance accorded the -grazing industry were not conducive to progress. The menace of the -_Mesta_ was responsible for the almost complete destruction of forestry -and agriculture in many regions which were suitable to development in -those respects, while the irrigation ditches of Andalusia and other -former Moslem lands were too often allowed to decay. - -[Sidenote: Vicissitudes of commerce.] - -The same royal solicitude appeared, to assist and to retard commerce. -Interior customs lines were to some extent done away with, notably on -the frontier of Castile and Aragon proper. Shipbuilding was encouraged, -but favors were shown to owners of large ships, wherefore the smaller -ship traffic was damaged, at the same time that the larger boats were -too big for the needs of the trade. A flourishing foreign commerce -developed, nevertheless, but it was in the hands of the Jews and, after -their expulsion, of foreigners of Italian, Germanic, and French -extraction. Many laws were passed subjecting foreigners to annoyances, -lest they export precious metal or in other ways act contrary to the -economic interests of the peninsula as they were then understood. It was -in this period that the commerce of the Mediterranean cities of the -kingdom of Aragon sank into a hopeless decline. Other factors than those -of the false economic principles of the day were primarily responsible, -such as the conquests of the Turks, which ended the eastern -Mediterranean trade, and the Portuguese discovery of the sea-route to -India, along with the Castilian voyages to America, which made the -Atlantic Ocean the chief centre of sea-going traffic and closed the era -of Mediterranean supremacy. - -[Sidenote: Advance in wealth.] - -Nevertheless, the net result of the period was a marked advance in -material wealth,--in part, perhaps, because the false economic ideas of -the Catholic Kings were shared by them with the other rulers of Europe, -wherefore they did not prove so great a handicap to Spain, and, in part, -because some of their measures were well calculated to prove beneficial. -At this time, too, the wealth of the Americas began to pour in, although -the future was to hold far more in store. - -[Sidenote: Extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of -Humanism.] - -Brief as was the span of years embraced by the reign of the Catholic -Kings it was as notable a period in intellectual progress as in other -respects, bringing Spain into the current of modern life. This was due -primarily to the rapid extension of printing, which had appeared in the -peninsula in the closing years of the preceding period, and which now -came into such general use that the works of Spanish and classical -writers became available to all. Through private initiative many schools -were founded which later became universities, although this activity was -limited to Castile. Most notable of these institutions was that of -Alcalá founded by Ximénez. This undertaking was due to the great -cardinal’s desire to establish a Humanist centre of learning, where -Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and philology could be studied to the best -advantage. The most learned Spanish Humanists assembled there, together -with many foreigners, and works of note were produced, such as the -famous polyglot Bible in Hebrew, Greek, Chaldean, and Latin, with -accompanying grammars and vocabularies. Not a little of the advancement -in intellectual manifestations was due to the encouragement of the -Catholic Kings, especially Isabella. Books coming into Spain were -exempted from duty; ordinances were made regulating university life, and -ridding it of much of its turbulence and abuses; and the court set an -example in showing favor to distinguished scholars, who were engaged as -teachers of the royal children. The great nobles imitated royalty, and -invited foreign savants to Spain, among whom was the Italian, Peter -Martyr of Anghiera, celebrated as the author of the first history of the -Americas, the _De orbe novo_ (Concerning the new world). The most marked -impulse to the spread of Humanist ideals came through Spaniards studying -abroad, and these men returned to give Spain her leading names in -intellectual production for the period. The greatest of them was -Antonio de Nebrija, educated in Italy, a man of such encyclopedic -attainments that he left works on theology, law, archæology, history, -natural science, geography, and geodesy, although particularly -noteworthy as a Latin scholar. Cardinal Ximénez is deserving of a high -place in the achievements of the era for his patronage of letters, for -it was through his aid that some of the most valuable work of the period -was accomplished. Education was a matter for the higher classes only; -people had not even begun to think, yet, of popular education. - -[Sidenote: Progress in the sciences.] - -Although the extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of -Humanism were outstanding facts of the period, there were notable -cultivators, too, of the sciences, moral, social, and natural, -especially the last-named. Studies in geography, cosmography, and -cartography received a great impulse through the discovery of America, -and many scientific works along these lines were due to the scholars -connected with the _Casa de Contratación_ (House of Trade), or India -House. Medical works were even more prominent, not a few of them on the -subject of venereal disease. A number of these works were mutilated or -condemned altogether by the Inquisition, in part because of their -doctrines, but also because of the anatomical details which they -contained, for they were considered immoral. - -[Sidenote: Polite literature.] - -[Sidenote: La Celestina.] - -[Sidenote: History.] - -[Sidenote: The theatre.] - -In polite literature the leading characteristics were the complete -victory of the Italian influence, the predominance of Castilian, the -popularity of the romances, and the beginning of the Castilian theatre. -The Italian influence manifested itself both in the translation of -Classical and Italian Renaissance works and in an imitation of their -models and forms. Castilian was employed, not only in Castile and Aragon -proper, but even in the literary works of Portuguese, Catalans, -Valencians, and not a few individuals (Spaniards in the main) at the -court of Naples, although Catalan and Valencian poetry still had a -vogue. The poetry of the era often exhibited tendencies of a medieval -character,--for example, in its use of allegory. It is curious to note -also the prevalence of two somewhat opposed types of subject-matter, -religious and erotic; in the latter there was a vigorous school which -often went to the extreme of license. The romances of love and chivalry -gained even greater favor than in the preceding period. The _Amadís de -Gaula_ (Amadis of Gaul) of Vasco de Lobeira was translated from the -Portuguese by Garcí Ordóñez de Montalvo, and many other novels on the -same model were written. One of these was _Las sergas de Esplandián_ -(The deeds of Esplandián) by Ordóñez de Montalvo himself, references in -which to an “island California” as a land of fabulous wealth were to -result in the naming of the present-day California, once believed to be -just such an island. Much superior to the amatory or chivalric novels -was a remarkable book which stood alone in its time, the _Tragicomedia -de Calixto y Melibea_ (The tragi-comedy of Calixtus and Melibea), better -known as _La Celestina_ (1499), from the name of one of the characters, -believed to have been the work of Fernando de Rojas. In eloquent Spanish -and with intense realism _La Celestina_ dealt with people in what might -be called “the under-world.” This was the first of the picaresque novels -(so-called because they dealt with the life of _pícaros_, or rogues), -out of which was to develop the true Spanish novel. History, too, had a -notable growth. The outstanding name was that of Hernando del Pulgar. -His _Crónica_ (Chronicle) and his _Claros varones de España_ -(Illustrious men of Spain), besides being well written, noteworthy for -their characterizations of individuals, and influenced by classical -Latin authors, showed a distinct historical sense. The already mentioned -_De orbe novo_ of Peter Martyr and the letters of Columbus were the -chief contributions to the history of the new world. As to the theatre, -while the religious mysteries continued to be played, popular -representations in dialogue, some of them religious and others profane -in subject-matter, began to be written and staged. The most notable -writer was Juan del Enzina (1468-1534), who has been called the “father -of Spanish comedy.” His compositions were not represented publicly in a -theatre, but only in private houses or on the occasions of royal or -aristocratic feasts. - -[Sidenote: Plateresque architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Sculpture and the lesser arts.] - -The transitional character of the age was nowhere more clear than in the -various forms of art. The principal architectural style was a -combination of late Gothic with early Renaissance features, which, -because of its exuberantly decorative character, was called plateresque, -for many of its forms resembled the work of _plateros_, or makers of -plate. Structurally there was a mingling of the two above-named -elements, with a superimposition of adornment marked by great profusion -and richness,--such, for example, as in the façade of the convent of San -Pablo of Valladolid. At the same time, edifices were still built which -were more properly to be called Gothic, and there were yet others -predominantly representative of the Renaissance, characterized by the -restoration of the later classical structural and decorative elements, -such as the slightly pointed arch, intersecting vaults, columns, -entablatures, pediments, and lavish ornamentation. Sculpture displayed -the same manifestations, and became in a measure independent of -architecture. Noteworthy survivals are the richly carved sepulchres of -the era. Gold and silver work had an extraordinary development not only -in articles of luxury but also in those for popular use, and as regards -luxury the same was true of work in rich embroideries and textures. - -[Sidenote: Advance in painting.] - -[Sidenote: Music.] - -The contest between the Flemish and Italian influences on Spanish -painting resolved itself decidedly in favor of the latter, although a -certain eclecticism, the germ of a national school, made itself apparent -in the works of Spanish artists. Characteristics of a medieval type -still persisted, such as faulty drawing, color lacking in energy and -richness, a sad and sober ambient, and a disregard for everything in a -painting except the human figures. Like sculpture, painting began to be -dissociated from architecture, and was encouraged by the purchases of -the wealthy. It was not yet the custom to hang paintings on the walls; -they were kept in chests or otherwise under lock and key except when -brought out for temporary display. Music, employed principally in song -as the accompaniment of verse, enjoyed a favor comparable with that of -the plastic arts. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -CHARLES I OF SPAIN, 1516-1556 - - -[Sidenote: Historical setting of the era of the House of Austria.] - -From the standpoint of European history the period of the House of -Hapsburg, or Austria, covering nearly two centuries, when Spain was one -of the great powers of the world, should be replete with the details of -Spanish intervention in European affairs. The purposes of the present -work will be served, however, by a comparatively brief treatment of this -phase of Spanish history; indeed, the central idea underlying it reduces -itself to this: Spain wasted her energies and expended her wealth in a -fruitless attempt, first to become the dominant power in Europe, and -later to maintain possessions in Italy and the Low Countries which were -productive only of trouble; what she took from the Americas with the one -hand, she squandered in Europe with the other. Internally there were -changes which were to react on the Spanish colonial dominions, wherefore -a correspondingly greater space must be accorded peninsula history than -directly to the wars in Europe. The greatest feature of the period was -the conquest of the Americas, accomplished in part by the spectacular -expeditions of the _conquistadores_, or conquerors, and in part by the -slower advance of the Spanish settlers, pushing onward the frontier of -profits. Not only was this the most notable achievement when considered -from the American angle, but it was, also, when taken from the -standpoint of Spain, and possibly, too, from that of Europe and the -world. - -[Sidenote: Vast empire of Charles I of Spain, the Emperor Charles V.] - -The Italian venture of the Aragonese kings had yielded probably more of -advantage than of harm down to the time of Ferdinand, and it may be that -even he did not overstep the bounds of prudence in his ambitious -designs. When his policies were continued, however, in the person of -Charles I, better known by his imperial title as the Emperor Charles V, -the results were to prove more disastrous to Spain than beneficial. The -circumstances were in fact different for the two monarchs, although -their aims were much the same. Some writers have supposed that Ferdinand -himself recognized the danger of a union of the Austrian, Burgundian, -and Spanish dominions under one king, and they assert that he planned to -make Charles’ younger brother, Ferdinand, ruler of Spain and the Two -Sicilies in case the former should be elected emperor. In his will, -however, he respected the principle of primogeniture, and left all to -Charles, eldest son of Philip the Handsome and Juana la Loca. Through -his mother and Ferdinand, Charles inherited Castile, Aragon, and -Navarre, the Castilian dominions in Africa and America (where the era of -great conquests was just about to begin), the Roussillon and Cerdagne -across the Pyrenees, and Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples in Italy; through -his father he had already become possessed of the territories of the -House of Burgundy, comprised of Flanders and Artois in northern France, -Franche-Comté and Charolais in the east, Luxembourg, and the Low -Countries. This was not all, for Charles was heir of the Emperor -Maximilian, and in addition to inheriting the latter’s Austrian -dominions might hope to succeed to the imperial title as ruler of the -Holy Roman Empire. To be sure, the system of electing the emperors by -the electoral princes still obtained, but the Germanic states of the -empire were almost certain to prefer a powerful Hapsburg, with such -dominions as Charles had, to any other candidate, if only to serve as a -counterpoise to the ambitions of France. Nevertheless, the electors did -not miss the opportunity to make a profit out of the situation, and -encouraged the candidacy of Henry VIII of England and especially of -Francis I of France as well as that of Charles, receiving bribes and -favors from all. In the end, following the death of Maximilian in 1519, -they decided in favor of Charles. He was now ruler, at least in name, of -one of the most vast empires in the history of the world. - -[Sidenote: Inherent weakness of his empire.] - -The mere possession of such extensive domains inevitably led to an -imperialistic policy to insure their retention. Each of the three -principal elements therein, Spain, Burgundy, and the Austrian dominions, -was ambitious in itself and especially hostile to France, and all of -these aspirations and enmities were now combined in a single monarch. -Charles himself was desirous not only of conquest but also of becoming -the most powerful prince in the world, thus assuring the Hapsburg -supremacy in Europe, and making himself the arbiter in European -political affairs and the protector of Christianity; he may even have -dreamed of a world monarchy, for if he did not aspire to such a state -for himself he believed its attainment possible of realization. In the -achievement of a less vast ideal, however, Charles was certain to -experience many difficulties, and at some point or other was bound to -encounter the hostility not only of France but also of the other states -of Europe. If this were not enough there came along the unforeseen -dilemma of the Reformation. Finally, his own dominions were none too -strongly held together, one with another or within themselves. They were -widely separated, some indeed entirely surrounded by French territory, -leading to a multiplicity of problems of a military and a political -nature. The imperial rank carried little real authority in Germany, and -the Burgundian realms were not a great source of power. It appears, -therefore, that the empire was more a matter of show than of strength, -and that Spain, who already had a surfeit of responsibility, what with -her conquests in Italy, Africa, and the Americas, must bear the burden -for all. The reign of Charles would seem to be the parting of the ways -for Spain. If she could have restricted herself to her purely Spanish -inheritance, even with the incubus of her Italian possessions, she might -have prolonged her existence as a great power indefinitely. A century -ahead of England in colonial enterprise, she had such an opportunity as -that which made the island of Britain one of the dominant factors in the -world. Even as matters were, Spain was able to stand forth as a first -rank nation for well over a century. Whatever might have happened if a -different policy had been followed, it hardly admits of doubt that -Spain’s intervention in European affairs involved too great a strain on -her resources, and proved a detriment politically and economically to -the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: Dissatisfaction over foreign favorites and increased -taxation.] - -Charles had been brought up in Flanders, and, it is said, was unable to -speak Spanish when he first entered the peninsula as king of Spain. His -official reign began in 1516, but it was not until his arrival in the -following year that the full effect of his measures began to be felt. -Even before that time there was some inkling of what was to come in the -appointments of foreigners, mostly Flemings, to political or -ecclesiastical office in Castile. At length Charles reached Spain, -surrounded by Flemish courtiers, who proceeded to supplant Spaniards not -only in the favor but also in the patronage of the king. The new -officials, more eager for personal profit than patriotic, began to sell -privileges and the posts of lower grade to the highest bidders. Such -practices could not fail to wound the feelings of Spaniards, besides -which they contravened the laws, and many protests by individuals and -towns were made, to which was joined the complaint of the _Cortes_ of -Valladolid in 1518. To make matters worse Chièvres, the favorite -minister of the king, caused taxes to be raised. The amount of the -_alcabala_ was increased, and the tax was made applicable to the -hitherto privileged nobility, much against their will. In like manner -the opposition of the clergy was roused through a bull procured from the -pope requiring ecclesiastical estates to pay a tenth of their income to -the king during a period of three years. Furthermore it was commonly -believed, no doubt with justice, that the Flemish office-holders were -sending gold and other precious metals out of the country, despite the -laws forbidding such export. Nevertheless the _Cortes_ of 1518 granted a -generous subsidy to the king, but this was followed by new increases in -royal taxation. Opposition to these practices now began to crystallize, -with the nobles of Toledo taking the lead in remonstrance against them. - -[Sidenote: Charles’ manipulation of the _Cortes_ in Galicia.] - -The situation in Castile was complicated by the question of the imperial -election. Between the death of Maximilian in January, 1519, and the -election of Charles in June of the same year it was necessary to pay -huge bribes to the electoral princes. Once chosen, Charles accepted the -imperial honor, and prepared to go to Germany to be crowned, an event -which called for yet more expenditures of a substantial nature. So, -notwithstanding the grant of 1518, it was decided to call the _Cortes_ -early in 1520 with a view to a fresh subsidy. Since all Castile was in a -state of tumult it was deemed best that the meeting should take place at -some point whence an escape from the country would be easy in case of -need. Thus Santiago de Compostela in Galicia was selected, and it was -there that the _Cortes_ eventually met, moving to the neighboring port -of Coruña after the first few days’ sessions. The call for the _Cortes_ -provoked a storm of protest not only by Toledo but also by many other -cities with which the first-named was in correspondence. Messengers were -sent to the king to beg of him not to leave Spain, or, if he must do so, -to place Spaniards in control of the affairs of state, and complaints -were made against the practices already recounted and numerous others, -such, for example, as the royal use of the title “Majesty,” an unwonted -term in Spain. From the first, Charles turned a deaf ear, refusing to -receive the messengers of the towns, or reproving them when he did give -them audience, and he even went so far as to order the arrest of the -Toledan leaders. The _Cortes_ at length met, and gave evidence of the -widespread discontent in its demands upon the king. In accordance with -their instructions most of the deputies were disinclined to take up the -matter of a supply for the king until he should accede to their -petitions. Under the royal eye, however, they gradually modified their -demands, and when Charles took it upon himself to absolve them from the -pledges they had given to their constituents they voted the subsidy -without obtaining any tangible redress of grievances. The king did -promise not to appoint any foreigners to Spanish benefices or political -holdings during his absence, but broke his word forthwith when he named -Cardinal Adrian, a foreigner, as his representative and governor during -his absence. This done, Charles set out in the same year, 1520, for -Germany. - -[Sidenote: War of the _Comunidades_ in Castile.] - -Meanwhile, a riot in Toledo, promoted by the nobles whom Charles had -ordered arrested, converted itself into a veritable revolt when the -royal _corregidor_ was expelled from the city. This action was stated -to have been taken in the name of the _Comunidad_, or community, of -Toledo, and served to give a name to the uprising which now took place -in all parts of Castile. Deputies to the _Cortes_ who had been faithless -to their trust, some of whom had accepted bribes from the king, were -roughly handled upon their return home, and city after city joined -Toledo in proclaiming the _Comunidad_. In July, 1520, delegates of the -rebellious communities met, and formed the _Junta_ of Ávila, which from -that town and later from Tordesillas and Valladolid served as the -executive body of the revolution. For a time the _Junta_ was practically -the ruling body in the state; so complete was the overturn of royal -authority that Cardinal Adrian and his advisers made no attempt to put -down the rebellion. Time worked to the advantage of the king, however. -The revolt of Toledo had begun as a protest of the nobles and clergy -against the imposition of taxes against them. The program of the _Junta_ -of Ávila went much further than that, going into the question of the -grievances of the various social classes. At length many of the -_comuneros_ began to indulge in acts of violence and revenge against -those by whom they regarded themselves as having been oppressed, and the -movement changed from one of all the classes, including the nobles, -against the royal infractions of law and privileges, to one of the -popular element against the lords. Thus the middle classes, who objected -to the disorder of the times as harmful to business, and the nobles, in -self-defence, began to take sides with the king. City after city went -over to Charles, and late in 1520 the government was strong enough to -declare war on the communities still faithful to the _Junta_. -Dissension, treason, and incompetent leadership furthered the decline of -the popular cause, and in 1521 the revolt was crushed at the battle of -Villalar. Charles promised a general pardon, but when he came to Spain -in 1522 he caused a great many to be put to death. Not until 1526 did he -show a disposition to clemency. Moreover he retained his Flemish -advisers. - -[Sidenote: Social wars in Valencia and Majorca.] - -During the period of the revolt of the _Comunidades_ in Castile even -more bitter civil wars were going on in Valencia (1520-1522) and -Majorca (1521-1523). The contest in Valencia was a social conflict from -the start, of plebeians against the lords, whereas the Castilian -conflict was fundamentally political. In Majorca the strife began over -pressure for financial reforms, but developed into an attempt to -eliminate the nobility altogether. Both uprisings were independent of -the Castilian revolt, although serving to aid the latter through the -necessary diversion of troops. As in Castile, so in Valencia and -Majorca, Charles took sides against the popular element, and put down -the insurrections, displaying great severity toward the leaders. - -[Sidenote: Charles’ difficulties in Germany and war with France.] - -While the civil wars were at their height Charles was having more than -his share of trouble in other quarters. The princes of Germany compelled -him to sign a document affirming their privileges, in which appeared -many paragraphs similar to those of the Castilian petitions to the king, -together with one requiring Charles to maintain the empire independently -of the Spanish crown. The acceptance of these principles by the emperor -is an evidence of the weakness of his authority in the subject states of -Germany, for not only was he a believer in the divine origin of the -imperial dignity, a doctrine which would have impelled him to establish -his personal and absolute rule in all of his realms if possible, but he -seems also to have intended to make Spain the political centre of his -dominions, because she was, after all, his strongest element of support. -At the same time, a fresh difficulty appeared in Germany with the -Lutheran outbreak of 1521. Charles himself favored reform in the church, -but was opposed to any change in dogma. Before he could confront either -the political or the religious problem in Germany, he found himself -attacked on another quarter. Francis I of France had seized upon -Charles’ difficulties as affording him a rich opportunity to strike to -advantage; so in 1521 he twice sent French armies into Spain through the -western Pyrenees on the pretext of restoring the crown of Navarre to the -Labrit family. With all these questions pressing for solution Charles -was in an exceedingly unsatisfactory position. Thus early in the period -lack of funds to prosecute European policies was chronic. Spain herself, -even if there had been no civil wars, was not united internally like -the compact French nation, and the other Hapsburg dominions could give -but little help. Finally, Charles could not depend on the alliance of -any other power, for his own realms were neighbors of all the others, -and his designs were therefore generally suspected. Nevertheless, -Charles brought to his many tasks an indomitable will, marked energy, a -steadfast purpose, and an all-round ability which were to do much toward -overcoming the obstacles that hindered him. - -[Sidenote: Wars with France, the pope, the Italian states, and German -princes.] - -[Sidenote: The outcome.] - -It is profitless, here, to relate the course of the wars with France and -other European states. In the years 1521 to 1529, 1536 to 1538, and 1542 -to 1544, France and Spain were at war, and at other times, down to the -death of Francis I in 1547, the two countries enjoyed what was virtually -no more than a truce. Meanwhile, Charles was usually in conflict with -the popes, whose temporal dominions in central Italy were threatened by -the growing power of Spain and the empire in the Italian peninsula. -Other states in Italy fought now on Charles’ side, now against him, -while the princes of Germany were an equally variable quantity. England -favored each side in turn, but offered little effective aid to either. -As affecting the history of religion these wars gave Protestantism a -chance to develop. Neither Charles nor Francis disdained the aid of -Protestant princes, and the former had little opportunity to proceed -against them on religious grounds. Francis even allied himself with the -Moslem power of Turkey. On the whole, Charles was the victor in the -wars, and could point to the occupation of Milan as a tangible evidence -of his success,--about the only territorial change of consequence as a -result of the many campaigns. Perhaps the most noteworthy fact as -affecting the history of Spain and Spanish America was the financial -drain occasioned by the fighting. Time and again lack of funds was -mainly responsible for defeats or failures to follow up a victory. Spain -and the Americas had to meet the bills, but, liberal as were their -contributions, more were always needed. - -[Sidenote: Wars with the Turks and the Moslems of northern Africa.] - -The wars with Turkey had a special significance because of the ever -impending peril from Moslem northern Africa. The pirates of the Berber, -or Barbary, Coast, as the lands in northwestern Africa are often -called, seemed to be more than ever audacious in the early years of the -reign of Charles. Not only did they attack Spanish ships and even -Spanish ports, but they also made numerous incursions inland in the -peninsula. Aside from the loss in captives and in economic wealth that -these visitations represented, they served to remind the authorities of -the Moslem sympathies of Spanish Moriscos and of the ease with which a -Moslem invasion might be effected. Furthermore the conquests of Isabella -and Ximénez had created Castilian interests in northern Africa, of both -a political and an economic character, which were in need of defence -against the efforts of the tributary princes to free themselves by -Turkish aid. The situation was aggravated by the achievements of a -renegade Greek adventurer and pirate, known best by the sobriquet -“Barbarossa.” This daring corsair became so powerful that he was able to -dethrone the king of Algiers and set up his own brother in his stead. On -the death of the latter at the hands of the Spaniards in 1518, -Barbarossa placed the kingdom of Algiers under the protection of the -sultan of Turkey, became himself an admiral in the Turkish navy, and -soon afterward conquered the kingdom of Tunis, whence during many years -he menaced the Spanish dominions in Italy. Charles in person led an -expedition in 1535 which was successful in dethroning Barbarossa and in -restoring the former king to the throne, but an expedition of 1541, sent -against Algiers, was a dismal failure. On yet another frontier, that of -Hungary, Spanish troops were called upon to meet the Turks, and there -they contributed to the checking of that people at a time when their -military power threatened Europe. The problem of northern Africa, -however, had been little affected by the efforts of Charles. - -[Sidenote: Charles’ failure to stamp out Protestantism.] - -Meanwhile, the religious question in Germany had all along been -considered by Charles as one of his most important problems. The first -war with France prevented any action on his part until 1529, since he -needed the support of the Protestant princes. The movement therefore had -time to gather headway, and it was evident that Charles would meet with -determined opposition whenever he should decide to face the issue. -Various factors entered in to complicate the matter, such, for example, -as the fear on the part of many princes of the growing Hapsburg power -and the belief that Charles meant to make the imperial succession -hereditary in his family. A temporary adjustment of the religious -situation was made by the imperial Diet held at Spires in 1526, when it -was agreed that every prince should decide for himself in matters of -religion. With the close of the war with France in 1529, Charles caused -the Diet to meet again at Spires, on which occasion the previous -decision was revoked. The princes devoted to the reform ideas protested, -giving rise to the name “Protestant,” but without avail. The Diet was -called for the next year at Augsburg, when Charles sat in judgment -between the two parties. The Protestants presented their side in a -document which became known as the confession of Augsburg. The Catholic -theologians replied, and Charles accepted their view, ordering the -Protestant leaders to submit, and threatening to employ force unless -they should do so. The international situation again operated to protect -the reform movement, for the Turks became threatening, and, indeed, what -with the wars with France and his numerous other difficulties Charles -was unable to proceed resolutely to a solution of the religious problem -until the year 1545. At last he was ready to declare war. In 1547 he won -what seemed to be a decisive victory in the Battle of Mühlberg, -resulting in the subjection of the Protestant princes to the Roman -Church. They protested anew, and, aided by the opposition to Charles on -other grounds,--for example, because of his introduction of Italian and -Spanish soldiery into what was regarded as a domestic quarrel,--were -able to present a warlike front again. This time they were joined by -Charles’ former powerful ally, Maurice of Saxony, through whose -assistance they successfully defended themselves. Peace was made at -Passau in 1552, ratified by the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, whereby the -Protestant princes obtained equal rights with the Catholic lords as to -their freedom in religious beliefs. - -[Sidenote: Other failures of Charles and his abdication.] - -Great as were to be the results of Charles’ reign on its European side, -it had nevertheless been a failure so far as Spain and Charles’ own -objects were concerned. Yet other disappointments were to fall to his -lot. He aspired to the imperial title for his son Philip. In this he was -opposed both by the Germanic nobility, who saw in it an attempt to foist -upon them a Spanish-controlled absolutism, and by his brother Ferdinand, -who held the Austrian dominions as a fief of the empire and aimed to -become emperor himself. Unable to prevail in his own policy Charles -eventually supported Ferdinand. For many years, too, he thought of -establishing an independent Burgundian kingdom as a counterpoise to -France, but changed his mind to take up a plan for uniting England and -the Low Countries, with the same object in view. For this latter purpose -he procured the hand of Queen Mary of England for his son Philip. The -marriage proved childless, and Philip was both unpopular and without -power in England. The death of Mary in 1558 ended this prospect. At last -Charles’ spirit was broken. For nearly forty years he had battled for -ideals which he was unable to bring to fulfilment; so he resolved to -retire from public life. In 1555 he renounced his title to the Low -Countries in favor of Philip. In 1556 he abdicated in Spain, and went to -live at the monastery of Yuste in Cáceres. He was unable to drop out of -political life completely, however, and was wont to intervene in the -affairs of Spain from his monastic retreat. In 1558 he gave up his -imperial crown, to which his brother Ferdinand was elected. Thus Spain -was separated from Austria, but she retained the Burgundian inheritance -and the Italian possessions of Aragon. The marriage of Philip the -Handsome and Juana la Loca was still to be productive of fatal -consequences to Spain, for together with the Burgundian domains there -remained the feeling of Hapsburg solidarity. - -[Sidenote: Greatness of Charles in the history of Spain and Spanish -America.] - -Charles had failed in Europe, but in Spain and especially in the -Americas he had done more than enough to compensate for his European -reverses. His achievements in Spain belong to the field of institutional -development rather than to that of political narrative, however. As for -the Americas his reign was characterized by such a series of remarkable -mainland conquests that it is often treated as a distinct epoch in -American history, the era of the _conquistadores_, and Spanish America -is, after all, the principal monument to the greatness of his reign. The -Emperor Charles V was a failure; but King Charles I of Spain gave the -Americas to European civilization. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE REIGN OF PHILIP II, 1556-1598 - -[Sidenote: Resemblance of the reign of Philip II to that of Charles I.] - -In underlying essentials the reign of Philip II was a reproduction of -that of Charles I. There were scattered dominions and family prestige to -maintain, the enemies of the Catholic Church to combat, the dominant -place of Spain in Europe to assure, the strain on Spanish resources, -and, as glorious offsets to general failure in Europe, the acquisition -of some European domains and the advance of the colonial conquests. Only -the details varied. Philip had a more compact nation behind him than had -fallen to the lot of Charles, although there was still much to be -desired in that respect; France was hostile, though less powerful than -formerly, but England and Philip’s rebellious Protestant Netherlands -more than made up for the weakness of France; issues in Germany no -longer called for great attention, but family politics were not -forgotten; on the other hand Philip achieved the ideal of peninsula -unity through the acquisition of Portugal, carrying with it that -country’s colonies; and, finally, his conquests in the new world, though -less spectacular than those of Charles, compared favorably with them in -actual fact. - -[Sidenote: Education and character of Philip II.] - -Historians have often gone to extremes in their judgments of Philip II. -Some have been ardently pro-Philip, while others were as bitterly -condemnatory. Recently, opinions have been more moderately expressed. In -addition to native ability and intelligence Philip had the benefit of an -unusually good education in preparation for government. Charles himself -was one of the youth’s instructors, and, long before his various -abdications, had given Philip political practice in various ways,--for -example, by making him co-regent of Spain with Cardinal Tavera during -Charles’ own absence in Germany. Philip also travelled extensively in -the lands which he one day hoped to govern,--in Italy (1548), the Low -Countries (1549), and Germany (1550). In 1543 he married a Portuguese -princess, María, his first cousin. One son, Charles, was born of this -marriage, but the mother died in childbirth. His fruitless marriage with -Mary Tudor, in 1553, has already been mentioned. He remained in England -until 1555, when he went to the Low Countries to be crowned, and thence -to Spain, of which country he became king in 1556, being at that time -twenty-nine years old. His abilities as king of Spain were offset in a -measure by certain unfortunate traits and practices. He was of a -vacillating type of mind; delays in his administration were often long -and fatal, and more than once he let slip a golden opportunity for -victory, because he could not make up his mind to strike. Of a -suspicious nature, he was too little inclined to rely upon men from -whose abilities he might have profited. A tremendous worker, he was too -much in the habit of trying to do everything himself, with the result -that greater affairs were held up, while the king of Spain worked over -details. Finally, he was extremely rigorous with heretics, from motives -of religion and of political policy. - -[Sidenote: War with the pope.] - -The principal aim of Philip’s life was the triumph of Catholicism, but -this did not hinder his distinguishing clearly between the interests of -the church and those of the popes as rulers of the Papal States. Thus it -was not strange that Philip’s reign should begin with a war against Pope -Paul IV. The latter excommunicated both Charles and Philip, and procured -alliances with France and, curious to relate, the sultan of Turkey, head -of the Moslem world. The pope was defeated, but it was not until the -accession of Pius IV, in 1559, that the bans of excommunication were -raised. - -[Sidenote: Wars with France.] - -There was a constant succession of war and peace with France throughout -the reign, with the campaigns being fought more often in northern France -from the vantage ground of Flanders than in Italy as in the time of -Charles. In 1557 Philip might have been able to take Paris, but he -hesitated, and the chance was lost. Many other times Philip’s generals -won victories, but attacks from other quarters of Europe would cause a -diversion, or funds would give out, or Philip himself would change his -plans. France was usually on the defensive, because she was weakened -during most of the period by the domestic strife between Catholics and -Protestants. When in 1589 the Protestant leader became entitled to the -throne as Henry IV, Philip and the uncompromising wing of the French -Catholic party endeavored to prevent his actual accession to power. At -one time it was planned to make Philip himself king of France, but, as -this idea did not meet with favor, various others were suggested, -including the proposal of Philip’s daughter for the crown, or the -partition of France between Philip and others. Henry IV settled the -matter in 1594 by becoming a Catholic, wherefore he received the -adhesion of the Catholic party. Philip was not dissatisfied, for it -seemed that he had rid himself of a dangerous Protestant neighbor. Had -he but known it, Henry IV was to accomplish the regeneration of a France -which was to strike the decisive blow, under Louis XIV, to remove Spain -from the ranks of the first-rate powers. - -[Sidenote: War with the Granadine Moriscos.] - -While Philip had no such widespread discontent in Spain to deal with as -had characterized the early years of the reign of Charles, there was one -problem leading to a serious civil war in southern Spain. The Moriscos -of Granada had proved to be an industrious and loyal element, supporting -Charles in the war of the communities, but there was reason to doubt the -sincerity of their conversion to Christianity. The populace generally -and the clergy in particular were very bitter against them, and procured -the passage of laws which were increasingly severe in their treatment of -the Moriscos. An edict of 1526 prohibited the use of Arabic speech or -dress, the taking of baths (a Moslem custom), the bearing of arms, the -employment of non-Christian names, and the giving of lodging in their -houses to Mohammedans whether free or slave. The Moriscos were also -subjected to oppressive inspections to prevent Mohammedan religious -practices; they were obliged to send their children to Christian -schools; and a branch of the Inquisition was established in Granada to -execute, with all the rigors of that institution, the laws against -apostasy. The full effect of the edict was avoided by means of a -financial gift to the king, but the Inquisition was not withdrawn. For -many years the situation underwent no substantial change. The clergy, -and the Christian element generally, continued to accuse the Moriscos, -and the latter complained of the confiscations and severity of the -Inquisition. In 1567, however, the edict of 1526 was renewed, but in -harsher form, amplifying the prohibitions. When attempts were made to -put the law into effect, and especially when agents came to take the -Morisco children to Christian schools, by force if necessary, an -uprising was not long in breaking out. The war lasted four years. The -Moriscos were aided by the mountainous character of the country, and -they received help from the Moslems of northern Africa and even from the -Turks. The decisive campaign was fought in 1570, when Spanish troops -under Philip’s half-brother, Juan (or Don John) of Austria, an -illegitimate son of Charles I, defeated the Moriscos, although the war -dragged on to the following year. The surviving Moriscos, including -those who had not taken up arms, were deported _en masse_ and -distributed in other parts of Castilian Spain. - -[Sidenote: Wars with the Turks.] - -[Sidenote: Juan of Austria.] - -The external peril from the Moslem peoples had not confined itself to -the period of the Morisco war. Piracy still existed in the western -Mediterranean, and the Turkish Empire continued to advance its conquests -in northern Africa. Philip gained great victories, notably when he -compelled the Turks to raise the siege of Malta in 1564, and especially -in 1571, when he won the naval battle of Lepanto, in which nearly 80,000 -Christians were engaged, most of them Spaniards. These victories were -very important in their European bearings, for they broke the Turkish -naval power, and perhaps saved Europe, but from the standpoint of Spain -alone they were of less consequence. Philip failed to follow them up, -partly because of the pressure of other affairs, and in part because of -his suspicions of the victor of Lepanto, the same Juan of Austria who -had just previously defeated the Moriscos. Juan of Austria was at the -same time a visionary and a capable man of affairs. He was ambitious to -pursue the Turks to Constantinople, capture that city, and restore the -Byzantine Empire, with himself as ruler. Philip withdrew his support, -whereupon Juan devised a new project of a great North African empire. -Juan even captured Tunis in pursuance of his plan, but Philip would give -him no help, and Juan was obliged to retire, thus permitting of a -Turkish reconquest. Philip was always able to offer the excuse of lack -of funds,--and, indeed, the expenditures in the wars with Turkey, with -all the effects they carried in their train, were the principal result -to the peninsula of these campaigns. - -[Sidenote: Wars in the Low Countries.] - -The greatest of Philip’s difficulties, and one which bulked large in its -importance in European history, was the warfare with his rebellious -provinces in the Low Countries. Its principal bearing in Spanish history -was that it caused the most continuous and very likely the heaviest -drain on the royal treasury of any of Philip’s problems. The war lasted -the entire reign, and was to be a factor for more than a half century -after Philip’s death. It got to be in essence a religious struggle -between the Protestants of what became the Netherlands and Philip, in -which the latter was supported to a certain extent by the provinces of -the Catholic Netherlands, or modern Belgium. Religion, however, was not -the initial, or at any time the sole, matter in controversy. At the -outset the causes were such practices as the Castilian communities had -objected to in the reign of Charles, namely: the appointments of -foreigners to office; the presence of foreign (Spanish) troops; measures -which were regarded as the forerunner to an extension of the Spanish -Inquisition to the Low Countries (against which the nobles and the -clergy alike, practically all of whom were Catholic at that time, made -strenuous objections); Philip’s policy of centralization and absolutism; -the popular aversion for Philip as a Spaniard (just as Spaniards had -objected to Charles as a Fleming); and the excessive rigors employed in -the suppression of heresy. The early leaders were Catholics, many of -them members of the clergy, and the hotbed of rebellion was rather in -the Catholic south than in the Protestant north. It was this situation -which gave the Protestants a chance to strike on their own behalf. The -war, or rather series of wars, was characterized by deeds of valor and -by extreme cruelty. Philip was even more harsh in his instructions for -dealing with heretics than his generals were in executing them. Alba -(noted for his severity), Requesens (an able man who followed a more -moderate policy), Juan of Austria (builder of air castles, but winner of -battles), and the able Farnese,--these were the Spanish rulers of the -period, all of them military men. The elder and the younger William of -Orange were the principal Protestant leaders. In open combat the Spanish -infantry was almost invincible, but its victories were nullified, -sometimes because it was drawn away to wage war in France, but more -often because money and supplies were lacking. On various occasions the -troops were left unpaid for so long a time that they took matters into -their own hands. Then, terrible scenes of riot and pillage were enacted, -without distinction as to the religious faith of the sufferers, for even -Catholic churches were sacked by the soldiery. The outcome for the Low -Countries was the virtual independence of the Protestant Netherlands, -although Spain did not yet acknowledge it. For Spain the result was the -same as that of her other ventures in European politics, only greater in -degree than most of them,--exhausting expenditures. - -[Sidenote: The annexation of Portugal.] - -In the middle years of Philip’s reign there was one project of great -moment in Spanish history which he pushed to a successful -conclusion,--the annexation of Portugal. While the ultimate importance -of this event was to be lessened by the later separation of the two -kingdoms, they were united long enough (sixty years) for notable effects -to be felt in Spain and more particularly in the Americas. The desire -for peninsula unity had long been an aspiration of the Castilian kings, -and its consummation from the standpoint of the acquisition of Portugal -had several times been attempted, though without success. The death of -King Sebastián in 1578 without issue left the Portuguese throne to -Cardinal Henry, who was already very old, and whom in any event the pope -refused to release from his religious vows. This caused various -claimants to the succession to announce themselves, among whom were the -Duchess of Braganza, Antonio (the prior of Crato), and Philip. The -first-named had the best hereditary claim, since she was descended from -a son (the youngest) of King Manuel, a predecessor of Sebastián. Antonio -of Crato was son of another of King Manuel’s sons, but was of -illegitimate birth; nevertheless, he was the favorite of the regular -clergy, the popular classes, some nobles, and the pope, and was the only -serious rival Philip had to consider. Philip’s mother was the eldest -daughter of the same King Manuel. With this foundation for his claim he -pushed his candidacy with great ability, aided by the skilful diplomacy -of his special ambassador, Cristóbal de Moura. One of the master strokes -was the public announcement of Philip’s proposed governmental policy in -Portugal, promising among other things to respect the autonomy of the -kingdom, recognizing it as a separate political entity from Spain. A -Portuguese _Cortes_ of 1580 voted for the succession of Philip, for the -noble and ecclesiastical branches supported him, against the opposition -of the third estate. A few days later King Henry died, and Philip -prepared to take possession. The partisans of Antonio resisted, but -Philip, who had long been in readiness for the emergency, sent an army -into Portugal under the Duke of Alba, and he easily routed the forces of -Antonio. In keeping with his desire to avoid giving offence to the -Portuguese, Philip gave Alba the strictest orders to punish any -infractions of discipline or improper acts of the soldiery against the -inhabitants, and these commands were carefully complied with,--in -striking contrast with the policy which had been followed while Alba was -governor in the Low Countries. Thus it was that a Portuguese _Cortes_ of -1581 solemnly recognized Philip as king of Portugal. Philip took oath -not to appoint any Spaniards to Portuguese offices, and he kept his word -to the end of his reign. Portugal had now come into the peninsula union -in much the same fashion that Aragon had joined with Castile. With her -came the vast area and great wealth of the Portuguese colonies of Asia, -Africa, and more particularly Brazil. If only the Spanish kings might -hold the country long enough, it appeared inevitable that a real -amalgamation of such kindred peoples would one day take place. -Furthermore, if only the kings would have, or could have, confined -themselves to a Pan-Hispanic policy, embracing Spain and Portugal and -their colonies, the opportunity for the continued greatness of the -peninsula seemed striking. The case was a different one from that of the -union of Castile and Aragon, however, for a strong feeling of Portuguese -nationality had already developed, based largely on a hatred of -Spaniards. This spirit had something to feed upon from the outset in the -defeat of the popular Antonio of Crato and in the discontent of many -nobles, who did not profit as much by Philip’s accession as they had -been led to expect. It was necessary to put strong garrisons in -Portuguese cities and to fortify strategic points. Nevertheless, Philip -experienced no serious trouble and was able to leave Portugal to his -immediate successor. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the war with England.] - -Philip’s relations with England, in which the outstanding event was the -defeat of the Spanish Armada, had elements of importance as affecting -Spanish history, especially in so far as they concerned English -depredations in the Americas. They were more important to England, -however, than to Spain, and the story from the English standpoint has -become a familiar one. From the moment of Protestant Elizabeth’s -accession to the English throne in 1558, in succession to Catholic Mary, -there was a constant atmosphere of impending conflict between Spain and -England. Greatest of the motives in Philip’s mind was that her rule -meant a Protestant England, a serious break in the authority of Catholic -Christianity, but there were other causes for war as well. English aid -of an unofficial but substantial character was helping to sustain the -Protestant Netherlands in revolt against Spain. In the Americas “beyond -the line” (of Tordesillas) the two countries were virtually at war, -although in the main it was a conflict of piratical attacks and the -sacking of cities on the part of the English, with acts of retaliation -by the Spaniards. This was the age of Drake’s and Hawkins’ exploits -along the Spanish Main (in the Caribbean area), but it was also the age -of Gilbert and Raleigh, and the first, though ineffectual, attempts of -England to despoil Spain of her American dominions through the founding -of colonies in the Spanish-claimed new world. Incidents of a special -character served to accentuate the feeling engendered by these more -permanent causes,--such, for example, as Elizabeth’s appropriation of -the treasure which Philip was sending to the Low Countries as pay for -his soldiers: the Spanish vessels took shelter in an English port to -escape from pirates, whereupon Elizabeth proceeded to “borrow,” as she -termed it, the wealth they were carrying. Hard pressed for funds as -Philip always was, this was indeed a severe blow. - -[Sidenote: Why a declaration of war was delayed.] - -Nevertheless, a declaration of war was postponed for nearly thirty -years. English historians ascribe the delay to the diplomatic skill of -their favorite queen, but, while there is no need to deny her -resourcefulness in that respect, there were reasons in plenty why Philip -himself was desirous of deferring hostilities, or better still, avoiding -them. In view of his existing troubles with France and the Low Countries -he drew back before the enormous expense that a war with England would -entail, to say nothing of the military difficulties of attacking an -island power. Though he received frequent invitations from the Catholics -of England and Scotland to effect an invasion, these projects were too -often linked with similar proposals to the kings of France, the leading -European opponents of the Spanish monarch. Philip wished to break the -power of Elizabeth and of Protestantism if possible, however, and gave -encouragement to plots against the life of the English queen or to -schemes for revolutionary uprisings in favor of Mary Stuart, a Catholic -and Elizabeth’s rival, but none of these designs met with success. Many -Spanish leaders urged a descent upon England, among them Juan of -Austria, who wished to lead the expeditionary force himself, dreaming -possibly of an English crown for his reward, but it was not until 1583 -that Philip viewed these proposals with favor. - -[Sidenote: Preparations for a descent upon England.] - -Once having decided upon an expedition Philip began to lay his plans. -Mary Stuart was persuaded to disinherit her son, who was a Protestant -(the later James I of England), and to make Philip her heir. The pope -was induced to lend both financial and moral support to the undertaking, -although it was necessary to deceive him as to Philip’s intentions to -acquire England for himself; the pope was told that Philip’s daughter -was to be made queen of England. The proposed descent upon England was -no secret to Elizabeth, who made ready to resist. With a view to -delaying Philip’s preparations, Drake made an attack upon Cádiz in 1587, -on which occasion he burned all the shipping in the bay. This only -strengthened Philip’s resolutions with regard to the undertaking, and -tended to make him impatient for its early execution. Plans were made -which proved to be in many cases ill considered. The first mistake -occurred when Philip did not entertain a proposition of the Scotch and -French Catholics that he should work in concert with them, thus -declining an opportunity to avail himself of ports and bases of supply -near the point of attack; political reasons were the foundation for his -attitude in this matter. Against advice he also decided to divide the -expedition into a naval and a military section, the troops to come from -the Low Countries after the arrival of the fleet there to transport -them. The worst error of all was that of Philip’s insistence on -directing the organization of the fleet himself. All details had to be -passed upon by the king from his palace of the Escorial near Madrid, -which necessarily involved both delay and a faulty execution of orders. -Evil practices and incompetence were manifest on every hand; quantities -of the supplies purchased proved to be useless; and the officers and men -were badly chosen, many of the former being without naval experience. A -great mistake was made in the appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia -to lead the expedition; the principal recommendation of the duke was -that of his family prestige, for he was absolutely lacking in knowledge -of maritime affairs, and said as much to the king, but the latter -insisted that he should take command. - -[Sidenote: Defeat of the Armada.] - -At length the fleet was able to leave Lisbon, and later Coruña, in the -year 1588. Because of its great size it was termed the _Armada -Invencible_ (the Invincible Fleet), a name which has been taken over -into English as the Spanish, or the Invincible, Armada. In all there -were 131 ships, with over 25,000 sailors, soldiers, and officers. The -evil effect of Philip’s management followed the Armada to sea. He had -given detailed instructions what to do, and the commander-in-chief -would not vary from them. Many officers thought it would be best to make -an attack on Plymouth, to secure that port as a base of operations, but -Philip had given orders that the fleet should first go to the Low -Countries to effect a junction with the troops held in readiness there. -The story of the battle with the English fleet is well known. The -contest was altogether one-sided, for the English ships were both -superior in speed and equipped with longer range artillery. -Nevertheless, storms contributed more than the enemy to the Spanish -defeat. The Armada was utterly dispersed, and many vessels were wrecked. -Only 65 ships and some 10,000 men were able to return to Spain. - -[Sidenote: Domestic troubles and death of Philip.] - -The decisive blow had been struck, and Spain was the loser. The English -war went on into the next reign, and there were several spectacular -military events, not all of them unfavorable to Spanish arms, but they -affected the general situation only in that they continued the strain on -the royal exchequer. In the final analysis Philip had failed in this as -in so many other enterprises. This fact was clear, even at the time, -although the eventualities of later years were to make the outcome -appear the more decisive. Philip’s evil star did not confine its effects -to his international policies. His eldest son, Charles, proved to be of -feeble body and unbalanced mind. Getting into difficulties with his -father, he was placed in prison by the latter’s orders, and was never -seen again, dying in 1568. Charges have been made that Philip caused his -death, but he was probably blameless, although he did plan to disinherit -him. Philip had no other son until 1571, when his eventual successor was -born, by his fourth wife. Certain other domestic troubles, not divorced -from scandal (although the evidence is in no case conclusive), may be -passed over, except to mention the crowning grief of all. It early -became clear that his son and heir, the later Philip III, was a weak -character. “God, who has given me so many kingdoms,” Philip is reported -to have said, “has denied me a son capable of ruling them.” In 1598 -Philip died. His last days were passed in extreme physical suffering, -which he endured with admirable resignation. Philip, like the Emperor -Charles, his father, had been indeed a great king, but he was a victim, -as Charles had been, of a mistaken policy. Nevertheless, they had ruled -Spain in her century of greatness, when Spain was not only the leading -power in Europe, but was planting her institutions, for all time, in the -vast domains of the Americas. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -A CENTURY OF DECLINE, 1598-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Spanish defeats of the sixteenth century.] - -The unfortunate policies of Charles I and Philip II were continued -during the seventeenth century in the reigns of Philip III, Philip IV, -and Charles II, but Spain was no longer able to hold her front rank -position in European affairs, especially after the buffets of fortune -which fell to her lot in the reign of Philip IV. Not only that, but a -decline also set in which affected Spanish civilization in all its -phases. The impetus of Spain’s greatness in the sixteenth century -carried her along to yet loftier heights in some manifestations of her -inner life, notably in art and literature, but even in these -characteristics the decline was rapid and almost complete by the end of -the reign of Charles II. Italy, France, and the Low Countries continued -to absorb Spanish effort, but now it was Spain’s turn to acknowledge -defeat, while France, the great power of the century, took toll for the -losses she had suffered at the hands of Charles I and Philip II. The -unsuccessful Catalan revolt and the victorious war of the Portuguese for -independence assisted to drain Spain of her resources, financial and -otherwise, while the last-named event destroyed peninsula unity, -carrying with it such of the Portuguese colonies as had not already been -lost. Spain yielded the aggressive to her strongest opponent, and -endeavored herself to maintain the defence. Nevertheless, great -achievements were still the rule in the colonies, even if of a less -showy type than formerly. Spain was still the conqueror and civilizer. -On the other hand, the efforts of other nations to found colonies in -lands claimed by Spain began to be successful, and this movement -gathered force throughout the century, together with the direct -annexation of some lands which were already Spanish. - -[Sidenote: Philip III and Spanish relations with England, the Low -Countries, and the Empire.] - -Philip III (1598-1621) was the first of three sovereigns, each of whom -was weaker than his predecessor. The fifteenth-century practice of -government by favorites was restored. Philip III turned over the -political management of his kingdom to the Duke of Lerma, while he -himself indulged in wasteful extravagances, punctuated by an equal -excess in religious devotions. He had inherited wars with England and -the Protestant Netherlands, but the first of these was brought to an end -in 1604, shortly after the accession of James I of England. The war in -the Low Countries was characterized by the same features which had -marked its progress in the previous reign. Philip II had endeavored to -solve the problem by making an independent kingdom of that region, under -his daughter and her husband as the rulers, with a proviso for a -reversion to Spain in case of a failure of the line. This measure was -practically without effect, for Spanish troops and Spanish moneys -continued to be the basis for the wars against the Dutch, or Protestant, -element. Before the end of Philip III’s reign the decision for a -reversion to Spanish authority had already been made and accepted. There -were two factors in the Dutch wars of the period worthy of mention. For -one thing the Dutch became more bold on the seas, and began a remarkable -career of maritime conquest which was to last well over half a century. -As affecting Spain this new activity manifested itself mainly in -piratical attacks on Spanish ships, or in descents upon Spanish coasts, -but a number of Philip’s Portuguese colonies were picked up by the -Dutch. The Dutch wars also produced a man who was both a great soldier -(a not uncommon type in that day of Spanish military importance) and a -great statesman, who sensed the evil course which Spain was following in -her European relations and argued against it, all to no avail. This man -was Ambrosio Spínola. Spínola won victory upon victory from the Dutch, -but was often obliged to rely on his personal estate for the funds with -which to carry on the campaigns; so when the Dutch asked for a truce he -favored the idea, and on this occasion his views were allowed to -prevail. A twelve-year truce was agreed upon in 1609, one condition of -which was the recognition of the independence of the Protestant states. -In 1618 the great conflict which has become known as the Thirty Years’ -War broke out in Germany, having its beginnings in a dispute between the -Hapsburg emperor, Ferdinand, and the Protestant elector of the -Palatinate. Spain entered the war on the side of Ferdinand, largely -because of family reasons, but also in support of Catholicism. Spínola -was sent into the Palatinate with a Spanish army, where he swept -everything before him. Thus casually did Spain enter a war which was to -be a thirty-nine years’ conflict for her (1620-1659) and productive of -her own undoing. - -[Sidenote: Relations with France, the Italian states, Turkey, and the -pirates of the Barbary Coast.] - -Affairs with France were characterized by a bit of good fortune which -postponed the evil day for Spain. Henry IV had reorganized the French -kingdom until it reached a state of preparation which would have enabled -it to take the offensive, a policy which Henry had in mind. The -assassination of the French king, in 1610, prevented an outbreak of war -between France and Spain at a time when the latter was almost certain to -be defeated. Marie de Medici became regent in France, and chose to keep -the peace. Italy was a constant source of trouble in this reign, due to -the conflict of interests between the kings of Spain and the popes and -princes of the Italian peninsula. There was a succession of petty wars -or of the prospects of war, which meant that affairs were always in a -disturbed condition. The Turks continued to be a peril to Europe, and -their co-religionists and subjects in northern Africa were the terror of -the seas. Spain rendered service to Europe by repulsing the attempts of -the former to get a foothold in Italy, but could do nothing to check -piratical ventures. The pirates of the Barbary Coast plied their trade -both in the Mediterranean and along Spain’s Atlantic coasts to their -limits in the Bay of Biscay, while English and Dutch ships were active -in the same pursuits. - -[Sidenote: Philip IV and Olivares.] - -The storm broke in the reign of Philip IV (1621-1665). Philip IV was -only sixteen at the time of his accession to the throne. He had good -intentions, and tried to interest himself in matters of government, but -was of a frivolous and dissolute nature, unable to give consideration -for any length of time to serious affairs. The result was the rule of -another favorite, the Count-Duke of Olivares. Olivares was possibly the -worst man who could have been chosen, precisely because he had -sufficient ability to attempt the execution of his mistaken ideas. He -was energetic, intelligent, and well educated, but was stubborn, proud, -irascible, boastful, and insulting. He was able to make plans on a -gigantic scale, and had real discernment as to the strength of Spain’s -enemies, but lacked the practical capacity to handle the details. The -times were such as demanded a Spínola, but the counsels of Olivares -prevailed, and their keynote was imperialism in Europe and a centralized -absolutism in the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: Spanish losses in the Thirty Years’ War.] - -The truce with the Dutch came to an end in 1621. Spínola urged that it -be continued, but Olivares gave orders for the resumption of -hostilities. No advantages of consequence were obtained by Spain, but -the Dutch were again successful in their career on the seas. The Thirty -Years’ War continued to involve Spain. France, though Catholic and -virtually ruled by a Catholic cardinal, Richelieu, was more intent on -the development of the French state than upon the religious question, -and aided the Protestants against their enemies. Richelieu did not bring -France into the war until 1635, but, in the meantime, through grants of -money and skilful diplomacy, he was able to make trouble for Spain in -Italy and in the Low Countries. When at length it seemed as if the -Catholic states might win, due largely to the effectiveness of the -Spanish infantry, France entered the war on the side of the Protestant -princes. Spanish troops continued to win battles, without profiting -greatly because of the incessant difficulties from lack of funds. In -1643 the French, under Condé, defeated the Spaniards at Rocroy. The -moral effect of this victory was tremendous, like the surrender of the -ancient Spartans at the Island of Sphacteria, for it was the first time -in some two centuries that the Spanish infantry had been defeated in -pitched battle under nearly equal conditions. Henceforth defeats were no -novelty. The tide had turned; Rocroy spelled Spain’s doom as a great -power. The treaties of Westphalia in 1648 affected Spain only so far as -concerned the war with the Protestant Netherlands. Dutch independence -was reaffirmed, and the colonies which the Dutch had won, mainly from -the Portuguese in the East Indies, were formally granted to them. The -Catholic Netherlands remained Spanish. The war with France went on until -1659. In 1652 Cromwell offered Spain an alliance against France, but the -price demanded was high; one of the conditions was that Spain should -permit Englishmen to trade with the Spanish colonies,--an entering wedge -for an English commercial supremacy which might easily be converted into -political acquisition. Spain declined and Cromwell joined France. The -English conquest of Jamaica in the ensuing war was the first great break -in the solidarity of the actually occupied Spanish domain, marking a -turning point in colonial history, as Rocroy had done in that of Europe. -By the treaty of 1659 Spain gave up the Roussillon and Cerdagne, thus -accepting the Pyrenees as the boundary between herself and France. Spain -also surrendered Sardinia and large parts both of the Catholic -Netherlands and of her former Burgundian possessions. The most fruitful -clause in the treaty was that providing for the marriage of the Spanish -princess, María Teresa, with Louis XIV of France. The former was to -renounce for herself and her heirs any rights she or they might -otherwise have to the Spanish throne, while a considerable dowry was to -be paid by Spain on her behalf. The results of this marriage will be -mentioned presently. - -[Sidenote: Catalan discontent.] - -Intimately related to the wars just referred to was the Catalan revolt. -The Catalans had long been a nation so far as separate language and -institutions go, and their traditions compared well with those of -Castile, which had now come to dominate in the Spanish state. The whole -course of the revolt is illustrative of the difficulties under which -Spain labored in this era of European wars. The Catalans had objected -for centuries, even before the union with Castile, to the policy of -centralization and absolutism of the kings, alleging their charter -rights which were thus contravened. Such acts as the failure of the -kings to call the Catalan _Cortes_, the increases in taxation, or the -levying of taxes like those paid in Castile, and the introduction of the -Castilian Inquisition had been unfavorably received in the past. Now -came the monarchical designs of Olivares, coupled with the unavoidable -exigencies of the wars, to heighten the discontent. Aside from the -increased taxation there were two matters to which the Catalans were -strenuously opposed on the ground that they were against their legal -rights,--the maintenance of foreign troops (even Castilians and -Aragonese being so regarded) in Catalonia and the enjoyment of public -office by persons who were not Catalans. Furthermore they objected to -the employment of Catalan troops in foreign countries, holding that -their obligations were limited to defending Catalonia, and similarly -they maintained that funds raised in Catalonia should not be used for -wars outside that province. Philip IV tried to procure a subsidy from -the Catalan _Cortes_ in 1626, but the grant was denied. Another attempt -was made in 1632, on which occasion Olivares imprudently followed the -methods of Charles I at the time of the _Cortes_ of Santiago-Coruña. He -got the funds, but his action caused great dissatisfaction in the -province. Meanwhile the danger of an invasion from France had led to the -sending of troops to Catalonia, and constant friction followed their -arrival. The imperfect military discipline of that age, together with -the annoyances usually inseparable from the presence of armies, resulted -in many abuses, which were resented even to the point of armed conflict; -as early as 1629, eleven years before the outbreak, there was a bloody -encounter between the citizens and the soldiery at Barcelona. The -irksome requirement calling upon the towns to lodge the troops was also -productive of ill feeling. By law the most that could be demanded was -the use of a room, a bed, a table, fire, salt, vinegar, and service, -while all else must be paid for. Lack of funds was such, however, that -more than this was exacted. In addition to this there came an order from -Madrid calling for the imposition of the _quinto_, or fifth, of the -revenues of the municipalities. France took advantage of the situation -to fan the flame of discontent and to win certain Catalan nobles of the -frontier to her side. Nevertheless, when the French invaded the -Roussillon in 1639 the Catalans rushed to arms and helped to expel them -early in 1640. - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the Catalan revolt.] - -The questions of lodging the soldiers and of procuring additional funds -continued to provoke trouble. Olivares said in an open meeting of the -_Consejo Real_ that the Catalans ought to be made to contribute in -proportion to their wealth. Later he ordered an enforced levy of Catalan -troops for use in Italy, and stated in the decree so providing that it -was necessary to proceed without paying attention to “provincial -pettiness” (_menudencias provinciales_). The impulse for the outbreak -proceeded, however, from the conflicts between the soldiers and the -peasantry of the country districts, especially on account of the -excesses of the retreating royal troops at the time of the French -invasion of the Roussillon. Curiously enough, the peasantry acted very -largely from religious motives. Many of the soldiers were utter -foreigners to the Catalans,--such, for example, as the Italians and the -Irish, both of which elements were present in considerable numbers. To -the ignorant peasants these strange-mannered people, who were Catholics -in fact, seemed most certainly heretics. Attacks on the soldiery began -in the mountain districts early in 1640, and soon extended to the cities -as well. In June a serious riot occurred in Barcelona, during which the -hated royal viceroy was killed. That act marked the triumph of the -revolution and the beginning of the war. - -[Sidenote: The war against the Catalans.] - -It is possible that a policy of moderation might still have avoided the -conflict, but such action was not taken. The war lasted nineteen years, -and was fought bitterly until 1653. In 1640 the Catalans formed a -republic, and made an alliance with France, putting themselves under the -protection of the French monarchy. The republic was short-lived; in 1641 -the monarchical form returned, with a recognition of the king of France -as ruler. French troops aided the Catalans in many expeditions, but in -this very fact lay the remedy for the grievances against Spain. The -Catalans found that French officials and French soldiers committed the -same abuses as those which they had objected to in the case of Castile. -Coupled with a statement of Philip IV that he had never intended to -interfere with the Catalan _fueros_, or charter rights (although -Olivares certainly had so intended), this proved to be the turning -point. Philip confirmed the charters in 1653, but the fighting went on -in certain regions until 1659, when Catalonia was recognized as part of -Spain in the treaty of peace with France. The war had one good result; -it occasioned the dismissal of Olivares in 1643. Nevertheless, the evil -had been done beyond repair, though the dispute had experienced a turn -for the better, dating from Olivares’ deprivation from office. - -[Sidenote: Mildness of Spanish rule in Portugal.] - -Meanwhile, Olivares had involved Spain in another direction. From the -time of the acquisition of Portugal by Philip II that region had been -exceedingly well treated by the Spanish kings: no public offices were -given to any but Portuguese; no military or naval forces and no taxes -were required for purely Spanish objects; the Portuguese colonies were -left to the Portuguese, and the route around Africa to the Far East was -closed to Spaniards; Lisbon continued to be the centre of Portuguese -colonial traffic, as Seville was for Spain; and even the members of the -House of Braganza, despite their dangerous claim to the throne, were -allowed to remain in Portugal, and were greatly favored. Furthermore, -Philip II abolished customs houses between Portugal and Castile, made -advantageous administrative improvements (among other things, reforming -colonial management, on the Spanish model), and attempted something in -the way of public works. The annexation weighed very lightly on the -country. The king was represented by a viceroy; there were a few Spanish -troops in Portugal; and some taxes were collected, though they were far -from heavy in amount. Spain has been charged with the responsibility for -the loss of many Portuguese colonies, on the ground that Portugal became -involved in the wars against the Spanish kings, and therefore open to -the attack of Spain’s enemies. There is reason for believing, however, -that the connection served rather as a pretext than a cause; this was an -age when the North European powers were engaging in colonial -enterprises, and it is worthy of note that the Dutch, who were the -principal successors to the Portuguese possessions, continued to make -conquests from Portugal after they had formed an alliance with that -country in the war of Portuguese independence from Spain. In fact, very -little passed into foreign hands prior to the Portuguese separation from -the Spanish crown as compared with what was lost afterward. - -[Sidenote: The imperialism of Olivares and the uprising in Portugal.] - -While the nobility and the wealthy classes favored the union with Spain, -there were strong elements in the country of a contrary opinion, for -whom leaders were to be found in the lower ranks of the secular clergy -and especially among the Jesuits. The masses of the people still hated -Spaniards; several generations were necessary before that traditional -feeling could be appreciably lessened. A current of opposition -manifested itself as early as the reign of Philip III, when the Duke of -Lerma, the king’s favorite minister, proposed to raise the prohibition -maintained against the Jews forbidding them to sell their goods when -emigrating, and planned to grant them civil equality with Christians. -This had coincided with a slight increase in taxation to produce -discontent. It was natural that the imperialistic Olivares should wish -to introduce a radical change in the relations of Spain and Portugal. He -early addressed the king on the advisability of bringing about a -veritable amalgamation of the two countries, and suggested that -Portuguese individuals should be given some offices in Castile, and -Castilians in like manner awarded posts in Portugal. When this purpose -became known it was used as one of the principal means of stirring up -opposition to Spain, on the ground that Portugal was to be deprived of -her autonomy. The renewal of legislation such as that proposed by the -Duke of Lerma with respect to the Jews and an increase in taxation added -to the dissatisfaction in Portugal to such an extent that there were -several riots. Spain’s financial difficulties arising from the European -wars led Olivares to turn yet more insistently to Portugal, and in the -year 1635 new and heavier taxes began to be imposed, together with the -collection of certain ecclesiastical rents which had been granted to the -king by the pope. This produced the first outbreak against the royal -authority. A revolution was started at Évora in 1637 which soon spread -to all parts of Portugal, but the nobles, the wealthy classes, and the -Duke of Braganza were not in favor of the movement, and it was soon -suppressed. The condition of affairs which had provoked it continued, -however, and was accentuated by new burdens and fresh departures from -the agreement of Philip II. Taxes became heavier still; Portuguese -troops were required to serve in the Low Countries; and the Duke of -Braganza, of whom Olivares was unreasonably suspicious, was appointed -viceroy of Milan, with a view to getting him out of Portugal. It was -this last measure which was to bring about a fresh and more determined -uprising than that of 1637. The duke refused the appointment, whereupon -Olivares completely changed front, possibly with a view to concealment -of his real suspicions, and made Braganza military governor of Portugal, -besides sending him funds with which to repair the fortifications of the -kingdom. The duke would almost certainly have been satisfied with this -arrangement, had it not been for his wife, whose ambitious character was -not duly taken into account by Olivares. This lady was a Spaniard of the -family of the dukes of Medina Sidonia, but she was desirous of being a -queen, even though it should strike a blow at her native land. She -conspired to bring about a Portuguese revolution headed by her husband, -who should thus become king of Portugal. The Catalonian outbreak of 1640 -furnished a pretext and the propitious occasion desired. The Duke of -Braganza and the nobility generally were ordered to join the royal army -in suppressing the Catalans. Instead, the nobles rebelled, and the -revolution broke out on the first of December in the same year, 1640. -Fortresses were seized, and the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed as João -(or John) IV, king of Portugal. - -[Sidenote: The war of Portuguese independence.] - -The war lasted twenty-eight years, but, although it might well have been -considered as more important than any of the problems of the time, other -than the equally momentous Catalan revolt, it was not actively -prosecuted by Spain. Spain was engaged in too many other wars, to which -she gave perhaps an undue share of her attention, and was more than ever -beset by her chronic difficulty of lack of funds. France, England, and -the Protestant Netherlands gave help to Portugal at different times, -whereby the last-named was able to maintain herself against the weak -attacks of Spain. The decisive battle was fought at Villaviciosa in -1665, but it was not until 1668, in the reign of Charles II, that peace -was made. Portugal was recognized as independent, retaining such of her -former colonies as had not already been taken by the Dutch,--with one -exception; the post of Ceuta, in northern Africa, remained Spanish,--the -only reminder of Spain’s great opportunity to establish peninsula unity -through the union with Portugal. - -[Sidenote: Other revolts and plottings.] - -Still other difficulties arose in Italy and in Spain to harass the reign -of Philip IV. There were revolts in Sicily in 1646-1647, and in Naples -in 1647-1648, both of which were put down. An Aragonese plot was -discovered, and there was no uprising. A similar plot in Andalusia was -headed by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, captain general of the province -and brother of the new queen of Portugal. This too was uncovered in time -to prevent an outbreak. In Vizcaya there was a serious revolt, growing -out of an alleged tampering with local privileges, but it was eventually -put down. In fine, the reign had been one of disaster. Olivares had been -the chief instrument to bring it about, but, after all, he only -represented the prevailing opinion and traditional policies. The moment -of reckoning had come. - -[Sidenote: Charles “the Bewitched.”] - -[Sidenote: French aggressions.] - -The reign of Charles II (1665-1700) was a period of waiting for what -seemed likely to be the end, unless fate should intervene to give a new -turn to affairs. The king himself was doubly in need of a regent, for he -was only four years old when he succeeded to the throne and was also -weak and sick in mind and body. He was subject to epileptic fits, on -which account he was termed Charles “the Bewitched” (_el Hechizado_), -and many people believed that he was indeed possessed of a Devil. This -disgusting, but pitiful, creature was expected to die at any moment, but -he lived to rule, though little more than in name, for thirty-five -years. The whole reign was one of plotting for the succession, since it -early became clear that Charles II could have no heir. There was a -pro-French party, a pro-Austrian party, and a very strong group which -favored a Spaniard, Juan of Austria, illegitimate son of a Spanish -king, as his predecessor of the same name had been. Juan of Austria -became virtual ruler in 1677, but died in 1679, thus eliminating the -only prominent claimant in Spain. France, at the height of her power -under Louis XIV, was unwilling to wait for the death of Charles II -before profiting by Spanish weakness, and therefore engaged in several -wars of aggression, directed primarily against Spain’s possessions in -the Low Countries and against the Protestant Netherlands. In many of -these wars other powers fought on the side of Spain and the Dutch, -notably the Holy Roman Emperor, many princes of Germany, and Sweden, -while England and the pope joined the allies against the French military -lord in the last war of the period. Four times Spain was forced into -conflict, in 1667-1668, 1672-1678, 1681-1684, and 1689-1697. Province -after province in northern Europe was wrested away, until, after the -last war, when Louis XIV had achieved his greatest success, little would -have remained, but for an unusual spirit of generosity on the part of -the French king. Instead of taking further lands from Spain, he restored -some which he had won in this and previous wars. The reason was that he -now hoped to procure the entire dominions of Spain for his own family. - -[Sidenote: Plottings of the Austrian and French parties for the -succession.] - -The leader of the party favoring the Hapsburg, or Austrian, succession -in Spain was the queen-mother, María Ana, herself of the House of -Austria. After many vicissitudes she at length seemed to have achieved a -victory, when she brought about the marriage of Charles II to an -Austrian princess in 1689, the same year in which the king’s former -wife, a French princess, had died. The situation was all the more -favorable in that Louis XIV declared war against Spain in that year for -the fourth time in the reign. The very necessities of the war, added to -the now chronic bad administration and the general state of misery in -Spain, operated, however, to arouse discontent and to provoke opposition -to the party in power. Thus the French succession was more popular, even -during the war, than that of the allied House of Austria. After the war -was over, the French propaganda was established on a solid basis, for it -was evident, now, that Charles II could not long survive. Louis XIV put -forward his grandson, Philip of Anjou, as a candidate, and the Holy -Roman Emperor urged the claims of his son, the Archduke Charles. Not -only did Philip have the weaker hereditary claim, but he also had the -renunciation of his grandmother, María Teresa, wife of Louis XIV, -against him. The last-named objection was easily overcome, since Spain -had never paid the promised dowry of María Teresa, wherefore Louis XIV -held that the renunciation was of no effect. - -[Sidenote: Success of the French party.] - -The fight, after all, was a political one, and not a mere determination -of legal right, and in this respect Louis XIV and his candidate, Philip, -had the advantage, through skilful diplomacy. The French party in Madrid -was headed by Cardinal Portocarrero, a man of great influence, assisted -by Harcourt, the French ambassador. The imperial ambassador, Harrach, -and Stanhope, the representative of England, worked together; the union -of France and Spain under Bourbon rulers, who would probably be -French-controlled, represented a serious upsetting of the balance of -power, wherefore England desired the succession of the Archduke Charles, -who at that time was not a probable candidate for the imperial crown. -For several years Madrid was the scene of one of the most fascinating -diplomatic battles in European history. The feeble-minded king did not -know what to do, and asked advice on all sides, but could not make up -his mind about the succession. The Austrian party had his ear, however, -through his Austrian wife, and through the king’s confessor, who was one -of their group, but by a clever strike of Portocarrero’s the king was -persuaded that his wife was plotting to kill him, and was induced to -change confessors, this time accepting a member of the French party. To -divide his opponents Louis XIV proposed the dismemberment of Spain and -her possessions among the leading claimants, assigning Spain, Flanders, -and the colonies to a third candidate, the Prince of Bavaria. The French -king did not intend that any such division should take place, and in any -event the Bavarian prince soon died, but through measures of this type -Louis XIV eventually contrived to supplant in office and in influence -nearly all who opposed the Bourbon succession. Meanwhile, the -unfortunate king was stirred up and worried, although possibly without -evil design, so that his health was more and more broken and his -mentality disordered to the point of idiocy, hastening his death. -Strange medicines and exorcisms were used in order to cast out the Devil -with which he was told he was possessed, exciting the king to the point -of frenzy. In 1700 Louis XIV abandoned his course of dissimulation to -such an extent that it became clear that he would endeavor to procure -all the Spanish dominions for Philip. Henceforth it was a struggle -between the two principal claimants for exclusive rule. The wretched -Spanish monarch was at length obliged to go to bed by what was clearly -his last illness. Even then he was not left in peace, and the plotting -continued almost to the very end. On October 3, Philip was named by the -dying king as sole heir to all his dominions. On November 1, Charles II -died, and with him passed the rule of the House of Austria. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Principal events in the social history of the era.] - -As compared with the two preceding eras there was little in this period -strikingly new in social history. In the main, society tended to become -more thoroughly modern, but along lines whose origins dated farther -back. The most marked novelty in Spain was the conversion of the -Mudéjares of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, followed less than a -century later by the expulsion of the Moriscos from every part of Spain. -The most remarkable phase of social history of the time, however, was -the subjection, conversion, and to a certain extent the civilization of -millions of Indians in the Americas. The work was thorough enough to -mark those lands permanently with the impress of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Gradual approximation of the nobility to present-day -society.] - -By a process of natural evolution from the practices current in the -reign of the Catholic Kings the nobles came to exhibit characteristics -very similar to those of present-day society. They now went to court if -they could, or else to the nearest large city, where they became a -bourgeois nobility. Those who remained on their estates were soon -forgotten. Through social prestige the nobles were still able to procure -not only the honorary palace posts but also the majority of the greater -political and military commands. Now and then, an untitled _letrado_ -would attain to a viceroyalty or other high position, but these cases -were the exception. In this way, the great body of the nobles were able -to counteract the economic losses of their class occasioned by the new -importance of mercantile and industrial wealth. Nevertheless, the -wealthiest men of the times were nobles, with whom the richest of -middle-class merchants could hardly compare in material possessions. -The more extraordinary accumulations of wealth, based on vast lands and -the institution of primogeniture, were confined to a few of the greatest -nobles of the land, however. The vast horde of the _segundones_ and -others of the lesser nobility found service as before at court, or in -the train of some great noble, in the army, and in the church. The -nobles retained most of the privileges they had previously enjoyed, but -except in Aragon proper lost much of the political jurisdiction they had -formerly exercised over their own lands. The sentiment in favor of the -royal authority was now so strong that any limitation on the power of -the sovereign was viewed with disapproval. The jurisdiction which the -lords retained was limited by many royal rights of intervention, such as -the superior authority of the king’s law, or the royal institution of -the _pesquisa_. Some remnants of the lords’ former political and social -power over their vassals existed, but in general the relation was the -purely civil one of landlord and tenant. In Aragon, despite attempts to -effect reforms, the lords still possessed seigniorial authority, -accompanied by the irksome incidents of serfdom; required personal -services of their vassals; collected tributes of a medieval character; -exercised a paternal authority (such as that of permitting or refusing -their vassals a right to marry); and had the power of life and death. - -[Sidenote: Hierarchy of the nobility.] - -[Sidenote: Social vanity.] - -[Sidenote: Survivals of medievalism among the nobles.] - -The hierarchy of the nobility was definitely established in this period. -At the top, representing the medieval _ricoshombres_, were the grandees -(_Grandes_) and the “titles” (_Títulos_). The principal difference -between the two was that the former were privileged to remain covered in -the presence of the king and to be called “cousins” of the monarch, -while those of the second grade might only be called “relatives,”--empty -honors, which were much esteemed, however, as symbolic of rank. These -groups monopolized all titles such as marquis, duke, count, and prince. -Below them were the _caballeros_ and the _hidalgos_. The word _hidalgos_ -was employed to designate those nobles of inferior rank without fortune, -lands, jurisdiction, or high public office. The desire for the noble -rank of _hidalgo_ and the vanity marked by the devising of family -shields became a national disease, and resulted in fact in the increase -of the _hidalgo_ class. The people of Guipúzcoa claimed that they were -all _hidalgos_, and received the royal recognition of their pretension. -Measures were taken to check this dangerous exemplification of social -pride, but on the other hand the treasury found the sale of rights of -_hidalguía_ a profitable source of income. In 1541 there were less than -800,000 taxpayers in Castile, but over 100,000 _hidalgos_. The nobles -did not at once forget their medieval practices of duelling, private -war, plotting, and violence. There were instances of these throughout -the era, and in Aragon and Majorca they were almost continuous. -Nevertheless, the situation did not become so serious as it had been in -the past; it merely represented the deeply rooted force of noble -tradition, which objected to any submission to discipline. Both the -hierarchy of the nobility, with all its incidents of broad estates, -jurisdictions, class pride, and vanity, and the irresponsible practices -of the nobles passed over into the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Advance of the plebeian classes through the rise of the -merchants and the _letrados_.] - -While there were many different categories of free Christian society the -essential grades were those of nobles (or members of the clergy) and -plebeians. There were many rich merchants of the middle class who aped -the nobility in entailing their estates and in luxurious display, and -there were learned men who received distinguished honors or exemptions -from duties to the state, but in social prestige they could not compare -with the lowest _hidalgo_. Many of them became noble by royal favor, and -especially was this way open to the learned class of the _letrados_. -These men provided lawyers and administrative officers for the state, -and, as such, occupied positions which put them on a level, at least in -authority, with the nobles. The advance of the merchants and the -_letrados_ represented a gain for the plebeian class as a whole, for any -free Christian might get to be one or the other and even become -ennobled. The economic decline of Spain in the seventeenth century was a -severe blow to the merchants, while the _letrados_ were unpopular with -nobles and plebeians alike; nevertheless, thoughtful men agreed that -the regeneration of the country must come from these two elements. - -[Sidenote: Improvement in the legal condition of the masses.] - -The masses were poor, as always, but their legal condition, except in -Aragon, had been improved. There were many social wars in Aragon -throughout the period, but the serfs, unable to act together, could not -overcome their oppressors. Something was done by the kings through the -incorporation into the crown of seigniorial estates where abuses were -most pronounced. The same state of chronic warfare existed in Catalonia, -where the rural population, though now freed from serfdom, was still -subject to certain seigniorial rights. By the end of the period the -victory of the plebeians was clear, and the ties which bound them to the -lords were loosened. The social aspects of the civil wars in Castile, -Valencia, and Majorca at the outset of the reign of Charles I have -already been referred to. These revolts failed, and there were no -similar great uprisings of the Christian masses in these regions, but -the tendency of the nobility to go to court and the expulsion of the -Moriscos were to operate to break down the survivals of seigniorial -authority. - -[Sidenote: Slavery.] - -[Sidenote: The gypsies.] - -Although objections were raised to the enslavement of the Indians in the -Americas, the institution of slavery itself was generally recognized; -even charitable and religious establishments possessed slaves. Moslem -prisoners and negroes (acquired through war or purchase), together with -their children, made up the bulk of this class, although there were some -slaves of white race. Conversion to Christianity did not procure -emancipation, but the slaves were allowed to earn something for -themselves with which to purchase their freedom. Certain -restrictions--such, for example, as the prohibition against their living -in quarters inhabited by newly converted Christians, or against their -entering the guilds--were placed upon them once they had become free. -Only a little higher in status than the slaves were the Egipcianos, or -gypsies. About the middle of the fifteenth century they had entered -Spain for the first time by way of Catalonia, and, thenceforth, groups -of them wandered about the peninsula, stealing and telling fortunes for -a living, and having a government of their own. A law of 1499 required -them to settle down in towns and ply honest trades on pain of expulsion -from Spain or of enslavement, but the gypsies neither left Spain nor -abandoned their nomadic ways, and they were a continual problem to the -kings of the House of Austria. Various royal orders provided that they -must take up an occupation, although their choice was virtually limited -by law to the cultivation of the soil; they were not to live in the -smaller villages, were forbidden to use their native language, dress, or -names, or to employ their customs in marriage and other matters, and -were prohibited from dwelling in a separate quarter of their own. Fear -lest the Christian population become contaminated by gypsy superstitions -and a regard for public security were the guiding motives for this -legislation. Severe penalties were attached, but the evil was not -eradicated; similar laws had to be enacted as late as the eighteenth -century. - -[Sidenote: Forced conversion of the Mudéjares of the kingdom of Aragon.] - -After the time of the Catholic Kings there were no free Mudéjares in -Castile, although there were many Moriscos, but in Aragon, Catalonia, -and especially in Valencia the Mudéjares were numerous. Many elements, -including the majority of the clergy (the officers of the Inquisition in -particular), the king, and the Christian masses were in favor of their -forcible conversion with a view to the establishment of religious unity -in the country, although other reasons were alleged as well. The nobles -were warmly opposed, mainly on economic grounds because the Mudéjares -formed the principal element among their agricultural workers. Many of -the higher clergy joined with them for the same reason, although some of -them voiced their objections on the ground that compulsory baptism would -only result in apostasy. During the social war in Valencia early in the -reign of Charles I the popular faction had forcibly converted a number -of the Mudéjares who had fought against them on the side of the lords. -The question arose whether these baptisms were valid. Charles decided -that they were, and ordered the children of the Mudéjares, who had thus -unwillingly become Moriscos, to be baptized also. This provoked a storm -of protest on the part of the lords, for the continuance of such a -policy might result in emigrations or uprisings, much to their -detriment. They cited the royal oath of Ferdinand and of Charles himself -to the _Cortes_ of Aragon not to compel the Mudéjares to abjure their -faith, but this difficulty was easily overcome. The pope was persuaded -to absolve Charles from his oath, and gave his consent to the forcible -conversion of the free Mudéjares, on pain of perpetual enslavement or -expulsion from Spain. In 1525 Charles published a decree in accordance -with the terms of the papal license. The objections of the nobles and -the _Cortes_ were overruled, and several isolated rebellions were put -down. While many Mudéjares went to Africa, thousands accepted -conversion, and, although it was clear that they did not do so of their -own free will, were at once made subject to the usual rules applying to -converts, including the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Soon afterward, -however, Charles consented to exempt them from religious persecution for -a number of years. - -[Sidenote: Failure of the attempts to Christianize the Moriscos.] - -The problem of religious unity was now officially solved; all Spain -legally had become Christian. The Moriscos were the subject of grave -suspicions, however, as regards their orthodoxy, and with reason, since -most of them continued to be Mohammedans in fact. The harsh legislation -of other days was resurrected, and was applied with even greater -severity. Prohibitions extended to the use of anything reminiscent of -their former religion or customs, such as amulets, the Arabic language, -Arabic names, their special form of dress, their characteristic songs -and dances, and their habit of taking baths. The laws applying to -Granada were particularly harsh, provoking the already mentioned war of -1568-1571. After the suppression of that rebellion and the deportation -of the Granadine Moriscos to other parts of Castile, steps were taken to -prevent their return and to keep them under surveillance. The Moriscos -were not allowed to dwell together in a district of their own; they -might not stay out overnight, or change their residence without -permission; and their children were ordered to be brought up in the -homes of Christians of long standing, or at any rate to be sent to -Christian schools. Prohibitions against carrying arms and other -measures designed to prevent the Moriscos from endangering the peace -were general throughout Spain. Gradually the idea arose that the best -thing to do would be to get rid of the Moriscos in some way. In the -first place the attempt to convert them had been a failure. The Moriscos -were not altogether to blame, for no adequate steps had been taken to -instruct them in the Christian religion. Orders to do so had been -issued, but for many reasons they were difficult to execute. Such a task -would have been enormously expensive, and the funds were not at hand; -few Christian priests were competent to serve as instructors, since not -many of them knew Arabic; there existed the serious obstacle of the -hatred of the Moriscos for the Christian religion, due to the bad -treatment they had received and their fear of the Inquisition; and the -nobles threw the weight of their influence against molesting the -Moriscos in this way as in others. In the second place, the very hatred -of the Christian masses for the Moriscos had rendered their conversion -difficult. Some of the charges made against them would seem to indicate -that prejudice was the real foundation of this animosity. It was said -that the Moriscos ate so little meat and drank so little wine that -Christians had to pay nearly all of the _alcabala_, or the tax on their -sale; they were denounced because they monopolized the industrial arts -and trades, to the disadvantage of Christians; complaints were made that -they always married, never becoming monks, wherefore their numbers -increased more rapidly than those of the Christian population. Thus -their frugality, industry, and domesticity were made the subject of -accusations. Naturally there were more serious grounds of complaint than -these, such as the inevitable private conflicts of old Christians and -Moriscos, but differences in race, religion, and general customs were -enough to cause popular hatred in that day, when intolerance was the -rule. In the third place, it must be said in measurable justification of -Spanish policy that the Moriscos did represent a danger to the state. -They were numerous, and, naturally enough, hostile to the government; -time and again they were proved to have fostered or taken part in -uprisings and to have worked in conjunction with Moslem pirates; -finally, the likelihood of a fresh Moslem descent from Africa, assisted -by Spanish Moriscos, was not to be disregarded. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Moriscos.] - -The failure of the attempts to convert the Moriscos had long been -recognized, and the question arose what to do with them. Some men -proposed a general massacre, or sending them to sea and scuttling the -ships. Others suggested that they be sent to the Americas to work in the -mines,--a solution which might have had interesting consequences. From -about 1582, however, the idea of expelling them from Spain became more -and more general, and was favored by men of the highest character,--for -example, by Juan de Ribera, archbishop of Valencia (canonized in the -eighteenth century). The expulsion was virtually decided upon as early -as 1602, but the decrees were postponed for several years. In September, -1609, the expulsion from Valencia was ordered. All Moriscos except -certain specified groups were required to be at various designated ports -within three days; they were allowed to carry such movable property as -they could, while the rest of their possessions was to go to their -lords,--a sop to the nobles, for whom the expulsion meant great economic -loss; they were informed that they would be taken to Africa free of -charge, but were told to carry as much food as they could. Six per cent -of the Morisco men and their families were excepted by the decree, so -that they might instruct the laborers who should take the place of the -expelled Moriscos. Various other groups, such as slaves, small children -(under certain specified conditions), and those whose conversion was -regarded as unquestionably sincere, were also exempted. The Moriscos -were unwilling to avail themselves of the exceptions in their favor, and -a general exodus began. The decree was cruelly executed, despite the -government’s attempt to prevent it. Murder, robbery, and outrages -against women went unpunished; even the soldiers sent to protect the -Moriscos were guilty of these abuses. Many Moriscos were sold into -slavery, especially children, who were taken from their parents. When -news came that the peoples of northern Africa had given a harsh -reception to the first of the Moriscos to disembark there, many -preferred to take the chances of revolt rather than submit to expulsion, -but these uprisings were easily put down. Decrees for the other parts of -Spain soon followed; the decree for Castile proper, Extremadura, and La -Mancha came in the same year, 1609; for Granada, Andalusia, and Aragon -in 1610; and for Catalonia and Murcia in 1611, although the execution of -the decree for Murcia was postponed until 1614. The terms of all, while -varying in details, resembled that of Valencia. More time was given, -usually a month; the permission to carry away personalty was accompanied -by a prohibition against the taking of money or precious metals; and in -some cases all children under seven were required to remain in Spain -when their parents elected to go to Africa. On this account many -Moriscos made the voyage to Africa by way of France, on the pretence -that they were going to the latter country, thus retaining their -children. - -[Sidenote: Failure of the expulsions to stamp out the Morisco and Jewish -elements in Spanish blood.] - -Various estimates have been made as to the number of the expelled -Moriscos. It is probable that some half a million were obliged to -emigrate. Many remained in Spain, forming outlaw bands in the mountains, -or hiding under the protection of their lords, while thousands had long -since merged with the Christian population. Almost from the start a -current of re-immigration set in, for, after all, the Moriscos had in -many respects become Spaniards, and they found that conditions in the -lands to which they had gone were far from agreeable. Throughout the -seventeenth century laws were enacted against returning Moriscos, but -were of such little effect that the government virtually admitted its -powerlessness in the matter. Southern Spain and the east coast below -Catalonia remained strongly Moslem in blood, and the other provinces of -the peninsula were not a little affected as well, but as regards -religion the Morisco element was gradually merged, and this matter never -became a serious problem again. Similar questions arose over returning -Jews, who came back to Spain for much the same reasons the Moriscos did. -They were not nearly so numerous, however, wherefore their return did -not represent such a political danger as did that of the Moriscos. - -[Sidenote: Influence of Roman principles on the institutions of the -family and private property.] - -The legal status of the family underwent no striking change in this -period, except that the victory of Roman principles was more and more -confirmed. The decisions of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), a famous -general council of the Catholic Church, prohibited divorce, clandestine -marriage, and in general any kind of marital union not made according to -the solemnities and forms of the church, and these principles became law -in Spain, but they represented tendencies which had long before appeared -in the _Partidas_ and the _Leyes de Toro_. Unions lacking the sanction -of the law did not disappear; rather they were one of the prominent -features of the immorality of the times. It was in its economic aspects -that the family experienced its most marked change, and this was due to -the exceptional favor with which the institution of primogeniture had -come to be viewed, keeping pace with the vanity and the furor for -ennoblement of the age. The very extension of the practice was its -saving grace, for not only the great nobles but also persons of lesser -note, including plebeians with not too vast estates, were wont to leave -their properties to the eldest son; thus accumulation in the hands of a -very few was avoided. For the same reason the crown often favored the -custom for the smaller holdings, but restricted it in the case of the -_latifundia_,--for example, in the prohibition issued against the -combining of two such great estates. The individualism and capitalism of -the Roman law was most marked of all in matters of property. One -interesting attempt was made to get around the laws against usury -through the purchase of annuities, the _censo consignativo_. Popular -opinion, reinforced by the ideas of the moralists and jurisconsults and -even by a bull of the pope, opposed the practice, and it did not -survive. Despite the supremacy of the Roman ideas there were many -writings of a socialistic character citing the collectivism of the -Peruvian Incas or other such states of society as desirable of adoption -in Spain. The philosopher Luis Vives, for example, favored a -redistribution of natural resources and their equal enjoyment by all. - -[Sidenote: Evolution of the guilds.] - -While the law frowned upon the spirit of association, even prohibiting -the founding of new _cofradías_, the guilds enjoyed their greatest era -of prosperity. This was due in part to the intervention of the state, -which supplanted the municipalities in control of the institution. State -regulation, even in technical matters, went further than it had in the -fifteenth century. Despite government interest, as evidenced by the -according of numerous privileges, the germs of the decline of the guilds -were already apparent at the close of the seventeenth century. The -exclusive spirit of the guilds whereby they endeavored to keep trade in -the hands of their own members and their families, without admitting -others who were competent to belong, was one cause of this decline, -while their loss of liberty (due to government intervention) and the -strife within and without the guild were contributing factors. One -novelty of the era was the growing distinction between the manual arts -and the liberal professions, the latter of which rose to a higher -consideration. Thus lawyers, notaries, and doctors were rated above -those engaged in manual labors, while there was also a recognized -hierarchy among the last-named, from the workers in gold, silver, -jewelry, and rich cloths down to the drivers of mules. The great -association of the _Mesta_ still enjoyed wide powers, as did also that -of the carriers. - -[Sidenote: Low moral tone of the era.] - -In laxness of morals and in luxury this period was much like the two -preceding. It seems worse, but this may be due to the greater variety of -materials at hand for study, such as books of travel, novels, plays, -satires, letters, laws, and the frequently appearing “relations of -events,” which in that day took the place occupied by the modern -newspaper. A Spanish writer has characterized the practices of the time -in the following language: “The ideal of an exaggerated sense of honor, -chivalric quixotism, religious fanaticism, and the exalted predominance -of form over the essence of things ruled Spanish society of the -seventeenth century, absolutely and tyrannically. Duels and stabbings at -every moment to sustain the least question of etiquette or courtesy; -scandalous conflicts of jurisdiction between the highest tribunals of -state; absurd and ridiculous projects to make silver without silver, -fomented by the leading ministers; extremely costly and showy feasts to -solemnize ordinary events, while cities, islands, provinces, and even -kingdoms were being lost through bad government and worse -administration; frequent and pompous public processions; blind belief in -the miraculous virtue of some medal, stamp, or old rag of Mother Luisa -or some other impostor; politico-religious sermons within and without -the royal palace; the most abominable and nefarious sins scattered to an -almost unbelievable extent among all classes of Madrid society; the vice -of gambling converted into a profession by many persons; and, in fine, -the censure of our court, by those who formed part of it and by those -who did not, for its astonishing abundance and its depraved life of -strumpets and wenches.... It is true that there were men of high degree -who preferred the coarse sackcloth of the religious to the rich clothing -of brocade and gold, and military leaders who exchanged the sword for -the monkish girdle, but these were exceptions, which by the very fewness -of their numbers stand out the more strongly from the general stock of -that society, so accustomed to laziness, hypocrisy, routine, and -external practices as it was, removed from the true paths of virtue, -wisdom, and progress.” If to these characteristics there are added those -of the misery and ignorance of the common people, and if an exception is -made of the men devoted to intellectual pursuits, the above is fairly -representative of Spanish society in this period. Loose practices were -prevalent in excessive degree at Madrid, which had become the capital in -the time of Philip II. While such a state of affairs is not unusual in -all great capitals, immorality infected all classes of society in -Madrid, and little if any stigma attached in the matter. Philip IV had -thirty-two illegitimate children, and Charles I and even the somewhat -sombre Philip II were not without reproach. Much that is unspeakable was -prevalent, and gambling was generally indulged in. Lack of discipline -also manifested itself in frequent duelling, despite prohibitive laws, -and in the turbulence of the people on different occasions; university -students were somewhat notorious in this respect, indulging in riots -which were not free from incidents of an unsavory character. Other -cities were little better than Madrid, and those of the south and east, -where Moslem blood had been most plentiful, especially Seville and -Valencia, had a yet worse reputation; Valencia had even a European -notoriety for its licentious customs. These practices passed over into -the Americas in an exaggerated form. The Andalusian blood of the -conquerors and their adventurous life amidst subject races were not -conducive to self-restraint. These evils were not to be without effect -in the moulding of the Spanish American peoples. In the smaller Spanish -towns and villages there was probably less vice, but there was more -ignorance and greater lack of public security. Bands of robbers infested -the country. - -[Sidenote: Royal extravagance.] - -In luxury as in immorality the example was set by the kings themselves. -Some of its manifestations were meritorious (except that expenditures -were out of proportion to the resources and needs of the state), -especially the encouragement of art through the purchase of paintings -and the construction of palaces. But if Charles I and Philip II were -lavish, Philip III and Philip IV were extravagant. Both of these kings, -in addition to their fondness for the theatre, bull-fighting, dancing, -and hunting, were responsible for the most ostentatious display on -occasions of court celebrations. When Philip III went to San Sebastián -in 1615 to attend the double wedding which was to bind together the -houses of Austria and Bourbon, he was accompanied by a train of 74 -carriages, 174 litters, 190 state coaches, 2750 saddle mules, 374 beasts -of burden (of which 128 had coverings embroidered with the royal coat of -arms), 1750 mules with silver bells, and 6500 persons, besides an escort -of 4000 Guipuzcoans. Equal pomp and extravagance marked the reception to -the Archduchess María Ana of Austria when she came to Spain as the -fiancée of Philip IV; similarly, the entertainment accorded the Prince -of Wales (the later Charles I of England) and the Duke of Buckingham -when they visited Spain early in the reign of Philip IV; and likewise -the various masquerades during the period of Olivares, one of which is -said to have cost over 300,000 ducats (nearly $5,000,000). It would seem -that war was not alone responsible for the drains on the Spanish -treasury. There was a decline in expenditures in the reign of Charles -II, due principally to the fact that there was little left to spend. - -[Sidenote: Luxury in general.] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -Private individuals could not equal the kings in extravagance, but they -did the best they could. Houses often lacked comforts in the way of -furniture, but made a brave showing in tapestries and paintings. -Naturally, great attention was paid to dress. Under Charles I, just as -in art, so also in dress, clothing was in a stage which may be called -the transition from the “plateresque” to the “Spanish Renaissance.” For -example, influenced by German and Swiss fashions, men wore puffs on -their forearm or between the waist and hips, variegated oblong pieces in -their jackets, bright colors generally, and a tall conical hat. In -keeping with the greater sobriety of Philip II, styles became “Herreran” -in that the puffs were abandoned, obscure colors replaced gay, and a cap -superseded its more pretentious predecessor. Philip III inaugurated the -“baroque” in dress with a return to the styles of Charles I, but in an -exaggerated form. - -[Sidenote: Sports and amusements.] - -[Sidenote: General social customs.] - -Men were much given to sports and outings. The duel as a sport passed -out at the beginning of the era, and jousts and tourneys lost their -vogue by the end of the sixteenth century, but a host of new games took -their place, such as equestrian contests of skill in the use of reed -spears, lances, or pikes, but, more than all, the game which has ever -since gripped Spanish interest, the bull-fight. Dances, parties, -excursions, picnics, and masquerades were also in high favor. Dancing on -the stage had a tendency to be indecent,--so much so, that it had to be -prohibited. Tobacco was introduced from America at this time. Bathing -was unpopular, partly because of the stigma attaching to that hygienic -practice as a result of Moslem indulgence therein, but it was also the -subject of attacks by writers on ethics, who complained of the immoral -uses to which bath-houses were put. Public celebrations of feast days -and carnivals were characterized by exhibitions of rough horse-play -which were far removed from modern refinement. People considered it -amusing to empty tiny baskets of ashes on one another, to trip up -passers-by with a rope across the street, to put a lighted rag or a -piece of punk in a horse’s ear, to pin an animal’s tail or some other -unseemly object on a woman’s dress, to loose harmless snakes or rats in -a crowd, to drop filthy waters on passers-by in the streets below, and -to hurl egg-shells full of odorous essences at one another, varying the -last-named missile with what the present-day American school-boy knows -as the “spitball.” These were not the acts of children, but of ladies -and gentlemen! Nevertheless, there was a beginning of refinement in -table manners. Napkins were introduced, first as an unnecessary luxury, -and later more generally,--replacing the use of the table cloth! It also -became a polite custom to wash one’s hands before eating. The same -progress is to be noted in another respect; Charles I indulged in the -somewhat “plateresque” custom of kissing all ladies who were presented -to him at court; Philip II in true “Herreran” style gave it up. - -[Sidenote: Bad care of cities.] - -Cities were badly cared for. Barcelona, Madrid, and Seville were alone -in being paved. Uncleanly human practices, despite efforts to check -them, led to the accumulation of filth and odors in the streets, and -this condition was not remedied, although there were officials charged -with the duty of street-cleaning. No city had a lighting system worthy -of the name; in Madrid the only street lights were the faintly -glimmering candles or lamps which were placed before sacred images. All -Europe exhibited the same social defects as those which have just been -detailed, but Spain seemed reduced more than other countries to a state -of poverty and misery, displaying every manifestation of mortal decay. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: The establishment of absolutism.] - -Two outstanding features marked the history of Spanish political -institutions in the era of the House of Hapsburg, or Austria: the -absolutism of the kings; and the development of a modern bureaucratic -machinery. The Hapsburgs did not introduce absolutism into Spain, but, -rather, succeeded to a system which the efforts of their predecessors, -especially the Catholic Kings, had made possible. Nevertheless, it was -in this period that the kings, aided by greater resources than former -Spanish monarchs had possessed, by the prestige of ruling the most -extensive and powerful dominions in the world, and by the predominantly -royalist ideas of the age, including the theory of divine right, were -able for the first time to direct the affairs of state much as they -chose. To be sure, they were still supposed to respect the laws and to -rule for the good of their subjects, but in practice it was left to them -to interpret their own conduct. Instances have already been given of -Charles I’s infringements of the law,--for example, in his employment of -Flemish favorites. He also introduced a system of personal rule, making -himself the head and centre of all governmental action. It was Philip -II, however, who carried the ideal of personal rule to the greatest -extreme. Suspicion and direct intervention in state affairs were the -basic principles of his government, wherefore he gave no man his full -confidence, but tried to do as much as he could himself. If the methods -of Philip II, the most bureaucratic king in history, often had -unfortunate results,--for example, in the case of preparing the famous -Armada,--those of his successors were far more disastrous. Under Philip -III and Philip IV the royal authority was granted to favorites, while -the power of Charles II had necessarily to be exercised most of the time -by some other than the feeble-minded king himself. Thus these reigns -were a period of continual intriguing by different factions for the -king’s confidence, in order that the victors might rule Spain for their -own enrichment. - -[Sidenote: Tendencies toward centralization.] - -At first sight it would seem that the kings were not successful in their -policy of centralization. It was hardly to be expected that the -dominions outside the peninsula could be brought under the same system -of law and custom as governed in Castile, and the case was much the same -as regards Portugal when that kingdom was added to the monarchy. With -respect to the rest of the peninsula, however, Olivares expressed what -was at least a desirable ideal, when he wished to bring about an -amalgamation on the Castilian pattern, both in law and in common -sentiment, of the dominions of the crown. Some changes were in fact made -which tended to promote legal unification, but in essentials the ancient -customs of Navarre, Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque -provinces were left undisturbed. It is possible that the merger might -have been attempted with safety at almost any time before 1640, when -Olivares tried it,--quite probably so in the sixteenth century. That it -was not undertaken may have been due to the attention given to foreign -wars, but in any event the autonomy of the non-Castilian kingdoms of the -monarchy was more apparent than real. The nobility and many of the -people were intensely royalist, and even when they were not so in -principle they supported the kings because, like them, they were -profoundly Catholic. Furthermore, the organization representing the old -régime had declined internally to such an extent that it was a mere -shadow of its former self. Centralization had in fact been going on -without process of law, and for that very reason it was easy in the next -period to make it legally effective. - -[Sidenote: Submissiveness of the Castilian _Cortes_.] - -[Sidenote: Comparative independence of the other _Cortes_.] - -Nowhere was the absolutism of the kings more manifest than in their -dealings with the Castilian _Cortes_. The principal functions of this -body had always been to grant or withhold subsidies and to make -petitions, which the kings might, or might not, enact into law. In this -period the deputies were so submissive that they never failed to grant -the required subsidy, despite the exhaustion of the country, while their -petitions received scant attention. Under the circumstances, since the -grant of a subsidy by the representatives of the towns was now the only -reason for calling a _Cortes_, the nobles and the clergy were not always -summoned. Charles I encountered some resistance of the _Cortes_ in the -early part of his reign, but in later years the kings experienced no -serious difficulty. The deputies themselves lost interest, and not -infrequently sold their privilege of attendance to some individual who -might even be a non-resident of the town he was to represent. The kings -procured the right to appoint many of the deputies, or else issued -orders to the towns, directing them how to instruct their delegates, and -also gave pensions to the deputies, thus insuring the expression of -their own will in the meetings of the _Cortes_. It is not strange that -the _Cortes_ was called frequently,--forty-four times down to 1665. In -1665 the function of granting subsidies was given directly to the -towns,--with the result that no _Cortes_ was held in the entire reign of -Charles II. The various other _Cortes_ of the peninsula were more -fortunate than that of Castile. Those of the kingdom of Aragon (Aragon -proper, Catalonia, and Valencia) had always participated more than that -of Castile in legislation, and had been more prone to voice their -grievances. The calling of a _Cortes_ in these regions involved -difficulties, especially in Valencia, where the king was obliged to be -present, in order to constitute a legal meeting. The need for funds was -such, however, that a number of _Cortes_ were summoned,--seventeen in -Aragon, thirteen in Catalonia, fourteen in Valencia, and seventy-three -in Navarre,--but the kings did not obtain a great deal from them. Often -the delegates refused to make a grant, or else gave so little that it -hardly covered the expenses of the king’s journey to the place of -meeting. No effort was made to join these bodies with that of Castile to -form a national _Cortes_; the force of particularism was as yet too -strong to attempt it. - -[Sidenote: Subservience of the towns to the royal will.] - -Just as in the case of the Castilian _Cortes_, so also in that of the -towns, the absolutism of the kings made itself felt to a marked degree, -for the way had been prepared in previous reigns, and in this instance -the royal authority was equally as noteworthy in Aragon, Catalonia, -Valencia, and Majorca as in Castile. This was brought about principally -through the decline of the towns in political spirit, a movement which -had been going on since the fourteenth century. As a result the -_ayuntamientos_ had usurped the powers which formerly belonged to the -general assembly of citizens, and now their functions became absorbed -more and more by the kings through their officials in the towns, such as -the _corregidores_ and others. So great was the authority of the kings -that they were able to make a profit for the treasury by the sale in -perpetuity of local offices, and when the evils which resulted became -too pronounced they gave orders abolishing all such positions acquired -before 1630. Furthermore, all local legislation of an important -character had to receive the sanction of the _Consejo Real_. Much the -same local officials as in the past administered the affairs of the -municipalities, and the methods of their acquisition of office continued -to be diverse, being in some towns by election, in others by lot, in -still others by inheritance, and in yet others by royal appointment; but -in all of the large royal towns (_realengos_) the king’s authority was -paramount. In fine, local autonomy was virtually dead, although the -forms of the period when the towns were a virile political factor still -persisted. In two classes of municipalities the royal victory was not -complete. One was that of the small villages, where the system of the -medieval _villa_, or _concejo_, obtained, but since these units were of -small consequence the retention of their earlier liberties had little or -no effect on the general situation. The other was that of the -seigniorial towns, most of them in Aragon, Catalonia, and Navarre, where -the struggles of past eras, of the citizens against the lords, were -repeated in this. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the bureaucracy.] - -With the advance both in royal authority and in the scope and extension -of government it was inevitable that the new bureaucracy, which had made -its appearance in the modern sense under the Catholic Kings, should -increase in the number of its officials and in power until it absorbed a -great part of the functions which the kings themselves had formerly -exercised in person. Aside from the royal secretaries, the -governor-generals (during the absence of the king), regents, and members -of the various administrative groups there were often individuals -without portfolios who exercised great power as private counselors of -the king. Some of the members of the _Consejo Real_ were also prominent -in this extra-official way. The importance of the royal secretaries, of -whom there were always more than one, was notably great in this period. -Whenever one of them became the favorite, the others were nevertheless -retained, grouping themselves around the one who had the ear of the -king. The office of the latter became a universal bureau and secretariat -of state (_Secretaría de Estado y del Despacho Universal_), presiding -over the others. - -[Sidenote: Power of the _Consejo Real_.] - -Meanwhile, the _Consejo Real_ advanced in power, and new councils were -added. The most notable reform in the _Consejo Real_ was its division in -1608 into four sections, or _salas_, respectively of government -(_Gobierno_), justice (_Justicia_), “fifteen hundred” (_Mil y -quinientos_), and the provinces (_Provincia_). The last three had to do -with affairs of justice, while the _Sala de Gobierno_, the most -important of the four, was supposed to concern itself mainly with -politics and administration. Nevertheless, the variety of functions -which had always characterized the _Consejo_ as a whole applied in like -manner to each of the _salas_. Thus the _Sala de Gobierno_ handled such -widely divergent matters as the extirpation of vice and sin, the -economic development of the country, the decision in cases of conflict -of laws or jurisdictions, cases of recourse of _fuerza_, the cleaning -and improvement of Madrid, questions of peace and war, together with a -great number of others. Moreover, many of its functions were judicial in -character. Important affairs, especially those on which the king -requested advice, were taken up by the _Consejo_ in full (_en -pleno_),--that is, by a joint meeting of the four _salas_. While the -_Consejo_ had been in origin a purely consultive body, it now acquired -the privilege of making suggestions to the king of its own volition and -of indicating its objections to any measures he might have taken. It -was natural that the decisions, or _autos_, of the _Consejo_ should have -great weight, both as affecting matters of justice, and as concerned -government and administration in general, since the _Consejo_ might make -new laws and annul or dispense with old ones, although of course -consulting with the king before publishing its decision. The _autos_ of -the _Consejo_ became, therefore, an important source of legislation, and -in 1552 it was decided that they should have the same force as the laws -of the king himself. Late in the sixteenth century it became customary -to call the _Consejo_ the _Consejo de Castilla_ (Council of Castile), by -which name, henceforth, it was more generally known. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Cámara.] - -In like manner other councils were formed (in addition to those dating -from the era of the Catholic Kings) which relieved the monarch of many -of his responsibilities. The most important was the _Consejo de la Real -Cámara_ (Council of the Royal Chamber), more often called the _Cámara de -Castilla_, or simply the _Cámara_. This was founded by Philip II in 1588 -to assist him in handling such matters as the kings had always retained -for themselves, apart from the _Consejo Real_, such as questions arising -in connection with the _patronato real_, or royal patronage, of the -church and appointments generally to the various councils, _audiencias_, -and other important posts in Castilian administration. Men of the -highest character were chosen to compose the _Cámara_, and secrecy as to -their discussions was imposed upon them. In 1616 the _Cámara_ advanced a -step further, in that certain affairs--such as pardons for crime, -authorizations for entailing estates in primogeniture, the -naturalization of foreigners, and the removal of civil and political -disabilities from individuals subject to them--were left for it to -resolve without consulting the king. The king still intervened in the -more important matters. Among the new councils of the era were those of -finance (_Hacienda_), war (_Guerra_), and indulgences (_Cruzada_), all -of Castilian origin. - -[Sidenote: Expansion of the royal judiciary.] - -The expansion of officialdom in the peninsula made its presence felt in -the judiciary as elsewhere. The three judicial _salas_ of the _Consejo -Real_ and in some cases the _Sala de Gobierno_ as well became the -fountain-head of justice, under the king. This was especially true of -the full _Consejo_, which met weekly. This body also named special -judges, such as _visitadores_, both to procure information for the -_Consejo_ and to inspect the tribunals of lower grade. The number of -_audiencias_ was increased until there were five in the peninsula and -one each in Majorca and the Canary Islands, besides a number in the -Americas.[55] Below these was the hierarchy of the lesser officials. -There were still various outstanding jurisdictions, such as those of the -towns, the military orders, the Inquisition, and the church, but one of -the keynotes of the era was the advance of the royal courts at the -expense of the others. The administration of justice left much to be -desired, however. As a result of the wars and civil conflicts and the -general state of misery and lack of discipline, public security was -almost non-existent. Banditry and crime went unsuppressed, and -legislation served for little in the face of the corruption of officials -and the lack of means to make the laws effective. - -[Sidenote: Vastness of the royal expenditures.] - -Frequent references have already been made to the desperate state of -Spanish finances in the era of the House of Austria and to its -importance as an ultimate factor affecting Spanish dominion in the -Americas. Vast sums were expended for political and military ends, the -only compensations for which were extensions of territory and power and -a satisfaction of the desire for glory, without reflecting themselves in -an increase of public wealth, the well-being of Spaniards, or even in -commercial advantage; on the contrary, economic development was checked -or hindered by the continual wars in which the kings engaged. -Expenditures very greatly increased over what they had been before. It -will be sufficient to explain this if some comment is made on two -noteworthy objects to which state revenues were devoted: the maintenance -of the court; and the cost of the wars. The ordinary expenses of the -royal family jumped under Charles I to about 150,000 ducats ($2,250,000) -a year,--more than ten times the amount required by the Catholic Kings. -To this should be added the vast sums granted to the princes; in 1550 -Philip (the later Philip II) received 55,000 ducats (over $800,000) in -the course of four months. The expenditures of the court constantly -increased. In 1562 the ordinary court expenses amounted to 415,000 -ducats (well over $6,000,000), and under Philip III they were 1,300,000 -(nearly $20,000,000) annually. In addition there were the _fiestas_ -(festivities) and royal marriages, on which tremendous sums were -squandered. As for military expenditures the war in Flanders alone -consumed 37,488,565 ducats (nearly $600,000,000) in the space of eleven -years, 1598 to 1609, and other campaigns were costly in proportion,--and -this in spite of the fact that supplies were often not provided and -salaries were left unpaid, leading to tumults on the part of the -soldiery. To gain an adequate idea of the vastness of these sums one -must bear in mind, not only the greater purchasing power of money in -that day and the comparatively small population of the peninsula, -especially the small number of taxpayers, but also the fact that the -resources of the Spanish state then were as little, as compared with -those of the present day, as they were great in comparison with those of -medieval Spain. - -[Sidenote: Tremendous increase in taxation in Castile.] - -It is no wonder that the people through their representatives in the -_Cortes_ began to ask for peace and the termination of military -adventures, even in the period when victories were frequent; the nobles -also favored an end of the wars,--when the kings endeavored to get them, -too, to grant a subsidy. One result of the greater financial -requirements of the state was an increase in taxation, both in the -collection of the existing taxes at a higher rate, and in the imposition -of new ones. The grants, or _servicios_, of the Castilian _Cortes_ were -frequent and large in amount. In 1538 there appeared the new tax of the -_millones_, so-called because it was calculated in millions of ducats. -This was an excise on articles of prime necessity,--meat, wine, oil, and -vinegar. It was extended soon to powder, lead, sulphur, red ochre, -vermilion, sealing-wax, and playing cards, which together were called -the _siete rentillas_ (seven little rents). Salt, gold, silver, mercury, -and many other materials were the subject of a state monopoly, and to -them were added in the reign of Philip IV the monopoly on tobacco, which -was to prove an exceptionally profitable source of revenue. The _diezmo_ -and _cruzada_ (otherwise Bula) continued to be collected from the -church, together with several new rents which were authorized by the -pope. One of these was the _subsidio de galeras_ (subsidy of the -galleys), or _galeras_, so-called because it was theoretically designed -to assist in the expenses of the galleys used in fighting the Moslem -peoples. This was granted in 1561, and consisted of an annual subsidy of -420,000 ducats (over $6,000,000). The _alcabala_ and the various customs -duties were increased. Stamp taxes were extended to new types of -documents. The nobles were required to pay a tax called _lanzas_ -(lances) in lieu of military service. Various offices and titles were -made subject to the _media anata_ (half annates), a discount of a half -year’s salary, or rents, in the first year of enjoyment. The -transmission of a title of nobility to one’s heir was also taxed. Vanity -was seized upon as likely to yield a revenue, and money was collected in -return for the privilege of using the word “_Don_” before one’s -Christian name. In like manner illegitimate children were pronounced -legitimate on payment of a specified sum. Other methods were employed to -obtain ready cash which tended ultimately to dry up certain sources of -revenue: the coinage was debased; portions of the government rents were -disposed of; public offices and royal towns were granted in perpetuity; -and the title of _hidalgo_ was sold to many persons, who thereby entered -the non-taxpaying class. Other ways of acquiring funds were made use of, -ranging from the high-handed to the shameless. Under the name of -_donativos_ (gifts) the government resorted to forced loans, or even -trickery, to exact money from the nobles and churchmen; confiscations of -goods for offences against religion and for other delinquencies were -frequently ordered; and most disgusting of all was the _limosna al rey_ -(alms for the king), which was collected by gentlemen of the court, each -accompanied by a parish priest and a friar, in a house to house canvass -of the citizens, who were asked to give what they could spare. If the -kings and their favorites thought of the most obvious way to accumulate -funds, economy in expenditures, they at least did not try to put it into -practice; the court _fiestas_ were held, even if the king’s gentlemen -had to beg the money and the nation had to starve. - -[Sidenote: Taxes in the other kingdoms.] - -The above refers to taxes collected in Castile, but the other dominions -of Spain, peninsula and otherwise, produced considerable amounts for the -state. Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia yielded much less than Castile. -The Low Countries were profitable for a time; Charles I procured 450,000 -ducats a year (nearly $7,000,000) at the outset of his reign. Under -Philip II, however, they were the scene of heavy expenditures. The -Americas have often been considered as the principal financial resort of -the Spanish kings, and although this is not certain and may even be -doubtful they did yield vast sums. Prior to the conquest of Mexico the -annual revenues were only some 70,000 ducats (about $1,000,000), but the -conquests of Cortés, followed soon by those of Pizarro in Peru, resulted -in an enormous increase. Under Philip II they amounted annually to about -1,200,000 ($18,000,000) according to some writers, and to as much as -2,000,000 ($30,000,000) in the opinion of others. Castilian taxes were -applied in the new world, together with certain others arising out of -the special circumstances of colonial affairs, such as the royal fifth -on precious metals from the mines and the poll tax collected from the -Indians. Data are not at hand for an accurate estimate of the entire -revenues of Spain, but it seems clear that they increased enormously in -the period. They may have reached their highest point under Philip III, -when it was estimated that they were some 24,000,000 ducats -($360,000,000) a year, of which not more than half reached the Spanish -treasury. An estimate made toward the close of the century gave the -revenues as about 17,750,000 ($270,000,000), of which only a third was -actually available. - -[Sidenote: Growth of the national debt.] - -Despite these relatively great sums the national debt was a constant -factor, and advanced greatly in amount under Philip II, who is said to -have left a debt of 100,000,000 ducats ($1,500,000,000). This was -reduced in later reigns, but was still 70,000,000 (well over -$1,000,000,000) in 1690,--a huge sum as national debts went then, even -though creditors were frequently scaled down or not paid at all. One of -the important elements in the debt was that of the loans made by -Flemish, German, and Italian bankers, especially those of Genoa. The -frequency with which these loans were sought and the high rate of -interest required have caused Spain to be characterized, with accuracy, -as a mere bridge over which the wealth of the Americas (and, to be sure, -that of the peninsula itself) passed to other nations as interest and -part payment of the nation’s debts. In 1539 this form of indebtedness -amounted to about 1,000,000 ducats ($15,000,000), and in 1560, some -7,000,000 (over $100,000,000). When the Spanish kings were unable to pay -a note that had become due, as much as 33-1/3 per cent might be charged -for its renewal; indeed, the ordinary rate of interest ranged from 15 to -30 per cent. The inability of Philip II to meet his obligations caused -all but the Genoese bankers to refuse him credit, and they joined with -the others when he suspended the payment of interest on their notes. -Unable to get funds in any other way, Philip surrendered to the Genoese, -who exacted as part payment for fresh loans a share in various revenues -of the Spanish state, such as in that of the salt monopoly and in -certain of the taxes collected from the church,--thus belying the -original object for which the latter had been imposed. The _Cortes_, -though it had declined in other respects, was perhaps the most important -organ of public finance. It not only voted subsidies but also collected -them, a function which it had exercised in previous eras. It had charge -of several other taxes as well, such as the productive _alcabala_ and -the _millones_. For these purposes special committees of the _Cortes_ -were formed. Nevertheless, the _Consejo de Hacienda_, founded in 1593, -grew rapidly in functions and in power, and by the close of the -seventeenth century is said to have had over 60,000 employes. This vast -number was due in part to the variety in the origin and character of the -various tributes. Without taking into consideration the inevitable -accompaniment of graft, such a horde of officials involved the state in -a heavy cost for the collection and administration of the revenues. - -[Sidenote: The Spanish army in the days of its greatness.] - -The principal element in the Spanish army was the volunteer soldiery in -the king’s pay. Foreign mercenaries were obtained for stated lengths of -time or for specific campaigns, but Spaniards enlisted for indefinite -service, and thus became the veterans of the army. Military life was -popular during the sixteenth century and the early part of the -seventeenth, and the army abounded in _hidalgos_ and others of yet -higher rank who did not disdain to serve as privates. Later the number -of Spanish recruits grew less, when the state began to fail in its -regularity of payments, and their withdrawal marked the era when defeats -became frequent. Among the noteworthy changes in tactics was the -appearance of the regiment. Firearms had now come into general use, and -cannon were greatly improved, but it was the pikemen of the Spanish -infantry who formed the principal branch of the army until near the -close of the period. Because of the inferiority of their weapons the -troops with firearms were regarded as a mere auxiliary to the pikemen. -Armies were small; 20,000 to 40,000 men was perhaps the usual rule. Even -in the century of Spain’s greatness many lands were left without -garrison, as occurred nearly always in the case of the Americas; one -report of the period of Charles I stated that there was not a port in -the colonies which could resist an attack of three hundred men. The -worst evils in connection with the army were those of bad administration -and a lack of regularity in paying the troops and in remitting funds for -munitions and other supplies. Fraud and graft accounted for a great deal -of the money which the state did apply to the army. These factors -contributed to a lack of military discipline; it was not unusual for -ragged and starving soldiers to beg from door to door, and it is not to -be wondered at that the troops occasionally took the matter of the -collection of their wages into their own hands. It was customary for -women of bad repute to accompany the armies, and it sounds strange today -that one of the military manuals of the time recommended that there -should be eight women, who should be common to all, for every hundred -soldiers. Nevertheless, the Spanish infantry, for more than a century, -enjoyed the reputation of being the most capable military unit in -Europe. - -[Sidenote: Naval warfare.] - -Despite the frequency of naval warfare and the necessity of maintaining -communications with the Americas, comparatively little attention was -paid to the marine establishment, and properly speaking there was no -official navy in the entire period. The principal method employed to -assemble a fleet was by renting ships, whether from Spaniards or -foreigners. In addition a few were built by the state, or purchased, and -in times of stress merchant vessels were pressed into service, but this -proved ruinous to commerce and ship-building alike. So long as other -powers used the same methods Spain was not greatly handicapped, but with -the development of national navies in England, France, and the -Protestant Netherlands, she was placed at a disadvantage. Nevertheless, -considerable fleets were often assembled. In 1643 a special fleet called -the _Armada de Barlovento_ (fleet of the Barlovento, modern Windward, -Islands) was organized at colonial expense for the defence of the -Americas. It was soon withdrawn,--but the tax remained. The fleet of the -Catalonian deputation was maintained for a while, but disappeared early -in the seventeenth century. There were also a number of private fleets, -engaged principally in reprisals against the Moslems, a kind of piracy. -While privateering of this sort was forbidden by law the kings -frequently granted dispensations which enabled the traffic to be carried -on almost continuously. Greater strictness was employed in the Americas -lest the privateers should fail to resist the temptation to pick up -Spanish merchantmen, but the prohibition there was at length removed, -and the Spanish boats rendered great service against pirates and -national enemies. During the sixteenth century Spanish fleets were -manned by volunteer forces, but this was changed in the seventeenth to -compulsory service of the fishermen of the coasts. The heavier work, -especially the rowing of the galleys, was done by captives in war and by -criminals, who served terms in the galleys rather than in prison. During -most of the period the galley, with three banks of oars, was the -principal type of vessel. In ocean warfare, the _nao_, or light -sailing-vessel, soon came into use, and this was gradually supplanted by -heavier ships, until late in the era there developed the _fragata_, or -frigate, of over two thousand tons, capable of carrying as many as 120 -cannon. While the artillery was the principal arm of the fleet, Spanish -tactics were at fault in depending on getting close to the enemy and -boarding him, making a military action out of the combat and paying -little attention to the use of cannon of long range. The same evils -which have been described in connection with the army--graft, -irregularity of payments, and laxity of discipline--obtained also in the -navy; in the expedition of Charles I against Tunis, room on board was -found for four thousand _enamoradas_ (sweethearts!) of the soldiers and -sailors. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of diplomacy.] - -In common with other European countries Spain developed a diplomatic -service in this period. The sending of special embassies and the making -of treaties had been customary since ancient times, but the practice of -appointing ministers to reside at foreign courts and that of receiving -those sent from abroad did not begin in Spain until the reign of Charles -I. The initiative had come earlier from the Italian republics. From this -time forward Spanish diplomacy, like that of other countries, took on a -modern form, and ambassadors sent reports about the state of the -countries to which they were accredited, strove to obtain advantages for -Spain, endeavored to check the intrigues of the ambassadors of other -nations, and made treaties. The use of spies as an auxiliary to -ambassadorial work was general. For a time Spanish diplomacy enjoyed a -high reputation for success, but in the later seventeenth century it was -quite overshadowed by the French. - -[Sidenote: The _Nueva Recopilación_ and other codes.] - -The absolutism of the monarchy, its bureaucratic character, and the -instinct of the _letrados_ for reducing everything to rules and -regulations produced an abundance of legislation, much of which was -exceedingly minute in detail and casual in subject-matter. It was -natural therefore that there should be a desire for a fresh -codification, and this at length took shape in a compilation by -Bartolomé de Arrieta in 1567 of the _Nueva Recopilación_ (New -Compendium, or Compilation), so-called with reference to the code of -Montalvo, its predecessor, of the period of the Catholic Kings. The new -collection, which was for Castile only, filled nine volumes, and -amounted to little more than an elaboration of the _Ordenanzas_ of -Montalvo, with the addition of laws enacted since 1484. It contained the -same defects, omitting many royal orders or petitions of the _Cortes_ -which had been granted, neglecting to eliminate obsolete laws, and -failing to correct others whose text contained errors. Furthermore, in -perpetuating the hierarchy of legal sources which had been established -in the _Leyes de Toro_ it failed to distinguish between laws in the -so-called supplementary codes (such as the _Partidas_) which were indeed -supplementary or obsolete and those which had in fact come to be in -force as the principal law. As a result the _Nueva Recopilación_ was -generally discredited, and the Roman law of the _Partidas_, or even of -the code of Justinian, was cited in preference. The force of government -maintained the new code, however, and it ran through four more -editions,--1581, 1592, 1598, and 1640,--and in each case added -legislation since the preceding publication. The zeal for codification -found expression also in Aragon, Catalonia, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa, -while the laws with regard to the Americas were gathered together, after -various lesser publications had been made in earlier times, in the -_Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias_, first issued in 1680. The -tendency toward the legal unity of the peninsula was not systematically -striven for by the kings, since the variety in private law did not -greatly affect their political sovereignty. Nevertheless, something was -accomplished along these lines, and within each separate unit a great -deal was effected. Thus, in Castile many of the former privileges which -made for a division into classes and for consequent differences in the -law were done away with, and the same process, though on a smaller -scale, made itself felt in the other kingdoms of the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: Underlying discontent of the people over the Spanish -political system.] - -The submissiveness of the Spanish peoples under absolute rule has often -been greatly exaggerated. In fact, neither then nor ever since were they -loth to criticise the “_mal gobierno_” (bad government). Evidences are -to be found on every hand of complaints against the bureaucratic -organization which was absorbing a great part of the national wealth -and of dissatisfaction with the system of government by favorites, the -evils of which were only too apparent. Not a few went so far as to -desire a republic. Nevertheless, as a general rule, people favored the -principle of monarchy, and did not object to the reigning house, but -they did desire a reform of the existing régime. The ideal of limited -monarchy found strong support among political thinkers, due in a measure -to the resentment of Catholics over the enforced apostasy of the -subjects of Protestant princes. On this account the _Cortes_ had -numerous defenders, some of whom urged its participation in legislation. -Many treatises also pronounced against such practices as the sale of -public offices or the grant of posts in perpetuity, and against others -which have been described as current in this era. In fine, Spaniards -were well aware of the evils of their political system and, though -patient, were keenly desirous of reform,--despite which, little -attention was paid to their wishes. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -RELIGION AND THE CHURCH, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Outstanding facts in the religious and ecclesiastical history -of the era.] - -Prior to the era of the House of Austria it is possible to deal with the -ecclesiastical institutions in Spain at the same time with other -manifestations of a social, political, economic, or intellectual -character, but the period of Hapsburg rule was so replete with interest -on the religious side and so important in that respect in its ultimate -results on the Americas that this phase of Spanish life in the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries is deserving of separate treatment. Two ideas -dominated the period: the struggle for the maintenance of the Catholic -faith against the inroads of Protestantism and other heretical beliefs; -and the efforts of the Spanish state to acquire a virtual political -supremacy over the church. Few periods of history more clearly -illustrate the distinction maintained in Catholic countries between -Catholicism as a religious faith and the Catholic Church as an -institution, a difference which people of the United States do not -readily grasp. Thus it was entirely consistent that the kings of Spain -should have been almost the most ardent champions in Europe of Catholic -Christianity, officers of the church not excepted, and also most -persistent in their endeavors to limit the ecclesiastical authority in -Spanish domains. The greatest exponent of the latter policy as well as -of the former was Philip II, one of the most devout monarchs who ever -occupied the Spanish throne. In both of these controversies the kings -were successful. Heresy made no headway in Spain or in the colonies, and -the king gained the upper hand in the management of the Spanish and -American church. Meanwhile Spanish missionaries were carrying on one of -the greatest campaigns of proselytism ever waged. The thoroughness of -the conversion of the natives in Spain’s colonial possessions has been -questioned, but there is no doubt that something of the external forms -and the glamour--so much, at least--of the Catholic religion was -implanted in the Americas in such a way that it has withstood the -experiences of centuries. Spanish American peoples, like Spaniards, were -to have their conflicts with the church,--very bitter ones in recent -years,--but never, since the Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit Fathers -first preached their doctrine, has favor been shown for any great length -of time to the other exotic faiths, or has any noteworthy success been -met with in the attempts, usually short-lived, at a reversion to the -earlier native creeds. The work of the Spanish missionary was indeed a -permanent factor of indisputable importance in the new world. - -[Sidenote: Religious exaltation and the increase in the prestige and -wealth of the clergy.] - -One of the effects of the attainment of religious unity by the -conversion or expulsion from Spain of the Jews, Mudéjares and Moriscos -was to exalt the feeling of religious sentiment in the peninsula. The -Protestant Reformation and the religious wars which accompanied it -tended to keep alive these emotions among Spaniards, partly because of -the spirit of controversy they excited, and partly because of the blows -and suffering they involved, and this spirit of religious exaltation was -sustained by the increasing vigor of the Inquisition and by the -activities of the Jesuit order, founded in this period. In consequence -the power and social influence of the clergy were materially enhanced. -The regular clergy was looked upon with especial favor, with the result -that both in riches and in membership they far surpassed the secular -branch. Many new orders were founded, while the older ones received -fresh stimulus. At the beginning of the seventeenth century there were -some 200,000 members of the regular clergy and over 9000 convents for -men, and in both cases the numbers increased thereafter, while the -population of the peninsula declined,--a factor which caused political -and economic writers, many of whom were churchmen, not a little -concern.[56] Despite this fact the clergy enjoyed the highest social -consideration, and intervened in all phases of Spanish life. This was -due not only to the religious sentiment of the people but also in great -measure to the superior intellectual attainments of some of the clergy. -Thus they distinguished themselves on the one hand as theologians, -students of the canon law, jurisconsults, men of letters, historians, -and university professors, and on the other as members of state -councils, or in high political positions in the Americas. The increase -in the landed wealth of the church, while it was the subject of numerous -unsuccessful petitions of the _Cortes_ to forbid the giving of lands in -mortmain, was largely responsible for the imposition of taxes on the -clergy, thus diminishing the immunities they had formerly enjoyed. The -church could well afford to pay, for if not the richest proprietor in -Spain it was certainly among the first; toward the middle of the -sixteenth century the combined rents of the clergy amounted to some -5,000,000 ducats ($75,000,000) a year, or half the total for the -kingdom, four-fifths of which amount was paid to the establishments of -the regular clergy. Part of the funds was expended in charities for the -benefit of the poor, such as the maintenance of asylums, hospitals, and -soup-kitchens, measures which (disinterested though they might be) -served also to augment their popularity with the masses. - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of loose practices among the clergy.] - -Despite the flourishing condition of the Spanish clergy and their high -standing in the peninsula the state of morality among them left much to -be desired. Abundant evidences on this score are at hand, not only in -the form of unsympathetic attacks and satires, but also in the works of -zealous and devout reformers. The fact that such writings were not -condemned by the Inquisition argues the need for reproof. The practice -of _barraganía_ was not unknown, even among bishops, some of whom -entailed estates to their sons. Among the lesser churchmen, more -particularly the secular clergy, the custom was more general. -Solicitation by confessors and the avarice of clerical collectors of -revenues were also frequently censured in the writings of the time. -Nevertheless, it is but fair to consider these evils from the standpoint -of that era. As compared with previous periods this age was one of -marked advance in the average of clerical rectitude, and there were even -writers who could claim that the Spanish clergy surpassed the churchmen -of other countries in moderation and chasteness of life. Meanwhile, -reforms like those instituted in the time of the Catholic Kings by -Ximénez were being pushed on vigorously and effectively, and were -reinforced by the decisions of the great church council of Trent -(1545-1563). - -[Sidenote: Prominence of Spanish kings and prelates in church reform.] - -The Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Reaction, or -Counter-Reformation, belong rather to European and church history than -peculiarly to that of Spain, although Spain played a leading part in the -events connected with them. Much in regard to them may therefore be -omitted, except in so far as they affected problems in the peninsula -itself and, by extension, the Spanish colonies. Charles I was an ardent -partisan of church reform, but was desirous that it should be effected -without change in dogma, and in this attitude he was joined by many of -the greatest Catholic churchmen of the day, including some of the popes, -who recognized the prevalence of abuses of which the Protestant leaders -were able to make capital in the furtherance of their reforms. One of -the principal policies of Charles I was the calling of a general church -council for the discussion of this matter, and despite the resistance of -several of the popes he labored to attain this end until he was at -length successful. In 1545 there began the series of congresses which -are called collectively the Council of Trent. Spanish prelates were one -of the most important elements at these meetings, and in accordance with -the ideas of Charles I and Philip II resisted the attempts made at a -suspension of the sessions and the efforts of certain popes and other -churchmen to bring about their failure. They were not only among the -most frank in their references to the need for reform, but were also -most rigid in their insistence upon disciplinary methods, even -suggesting the application of the Spanish institution of the -_residencia_ to officers of the church. The eventual success of the -council was due in no small degree to Spaniards, who also were among the -most active in executing the corrective measures which were decided -upon. - -[Sidenote: Failure of Protestantism to gain a substantial footing in -Spain.] - -The kings of Spain combated heresy within the peninsula to the fullest -extent of their ability, supported by the general opinion of Spanish -Christians, who were almost unanimously opposed to the new ideas. -Measures were taken to prevent the dissemination in Spain of the works -of Martin Luther or other heretical thinkers. In 1546 Charles I caused -the first _Index_, or list of prohibited works, to be published, and -this was reproduced, with the addition of some other volumes, by the -Inquisition. Later the Bible was included in the _Index_, except the -authorized Latin version, on the ground that the reading of the -scriptures by uncultivated persons might result in misconceptions as to -the true religion. Nevertheless, Protestantism gained devotees in the -various cities of Spain, more particularly in Seville and Valladolid. -The number of heretics was at no time great, but it was recruited from -the highest ranks of society. Churchmen, more often friars, were the -principal element, and they found converts in not a few members of noble -families. Foreigners from northern lands frequently cast in their lot -with the Protestant groups. As was natural, proselytism on a wide scale -could not be carried on; the Valladolid group numbered only about fifty -and that of Seville one hundred and thirty (although there is some -evidence to the effect that the latter body attained a membership of -eight hundred), while those of other cities were still fewer in numbers. -The greatest name in the Sevillian movement was that of Constantino -Ponce de la Fuente, whom a modern writer has ventured to compare with -Martin Luther for his high qualities, within the Protestant movement. -Ponce, who was at one time the confessor of Charles I and Philip II, was -the author of various heretical works. Discovered, at length, he was -imprisoned, and shortly afterward was found dead. In the year 1559 great -activity was displayed by the Inquisition in ferreting out and punishing -the Protestant communities. Some individuals escaped to foreign -countries, but many were condemned to die at the stake, meeting their -fate, almost without exception, with admirable fortitude. The most -celebrated case was that of Bartolomé Carranza, archbishop of Toledo. -Head of the Spanish secular church though he was, only the efforts of -Pope Pius IV saved him. After more than seven years of imprisonment he -was allowed to go to Rome. Some years later he was required to forswear -some of his writings which had figured in the original proceedings -against him in Spain, shortly after which he died. In all of this -vigorous persecution of Protestantism, Charles I and Philip II took the -lead. By the end of the sixteenth century the new faith was no longer a -problem in Spain. Under Philip IV a degree of toleration which would not -have been dreamed of in earlier years began to be allowed. By that time -Catholic France was Spain’s principal enemy, and this tended to soften -the attitude of Spaniards toward Protestants, although the restrictions -of the laws were still enforced. In 1641 a treaty was made with Denmark, -permitting Protestants of that country to enter the peninsula. From this -time forward Spain was to evolve toward a more lenient policy still. A -discussion of Spanish Protestantism would not be complete without a -reference to the numerous Spaniards who took refuge in Protestant lands, -and even for a time in Italy and France. They wrote a number of works -which were remarkable for the excellent literary qualities of the -Castilian they employed and for the scientific value of their content. -While most of their writings were of a controversial, religious type -they also made translations into Castilian or even wrote volumes of a -scientific character dissociated from religion. Juan de Valdés and Juan -Díaz were outstanding names among them. Miguel Servet and Pedro Galés, -whose heresies were equally in disfavor with Catholics and Protestants, -were also men of great distinction. - -[Sidenote: The Illuminist and Quietist heresies.] - -Protestantism was not the only heterodoxy to menace the religious unity -of the peninsula. The conversion of the Mudéjares of the eastern -provinces and the expulsion of the Moriscos have already been mentioned. -The Jews also gave occasional trouble. Of the other sects the most -noteworthy was that of the _Iluminados_ (Illuminati). The origins of -this faith are obscure. Many believe it to have been purely Spanish, a -conclusion to which the peculiar mystical character of the creed lends -color. Others hold that it was of German extraction. In any event, -though the time of its founding is not clear, it antedated the Lutheran -outbreak, for it was in existence at least as early as 1512. Many of the -doctrines sustained by Luther were a part of its creed, and indeed it -paved the way for the entry of Protestantism into Spain. In addition it -upheld the following tenets: the abdication of one’s own will in that of -the divine; and the capacity of the faithful, by means of ecstacies, to -put themselves in personal communication with the divine essence, on -which occasions it was impossible for them to commit sin. The practical -result of these beliefs was an indulgence in all manner of licentious -practices while in the sinless state. As in the case of Protestantism, -so in this, the devotees were usually members of the clergy, especially -friars and nuns. The Inquisition attacked the new faith with vigor, but -found it difficult to extirpate in entirety. A notable derivation from -Illuminism was that of _Quietismo_ (Quietism), or _Molinismo_, founded -in the seventeenth century by Miguel de Molinos, a member of the clergy. -This creed, though similar even in its licentiousness to Illuminism, was -not at first considered unorthodox, wherefore it gained many converts, -but in the end it was condemned. - -[Sidenote: Spanish Mysticism.] - -Similar in some respects to the two heretical creeds just mentioned was -a peculiarly Spanish religious philosophy, that of Catholic Mysticism. -It traces back through the ideas of Raymond Lull to those of the Arabic -philosophers, but in the main it was a product of the Spanish religious -thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The fundamental idea -was that of direct communication with God through prayer, love of God, -and the renunciation of earthly things, which enabled the purified soul -in a state of ecstasy to appear in the divine presence. The whole -process was accompanied by miracles, but without any loss to the -individual of his spiritual existence or of his intelligence for an -understanding of God. At first the ecclesiastical authorities were -suspicious of it, prohibiting the writings of the mystics and conducting -investigations into the conduct of those who professed a belief in it. -At length, however, it was accepted as orthodox, and its devotees were -not molested. They produced a rich literature, in which they set forth -not only the fundamental bases of their belief but also the experiences -they had in journeying to God. One of the mystics, María de Jesús de -Ágreda, is famous as “the Blue Lady” of the American (United States) -southwest and Pacific coast, for she is said to have visited these -regions while in a state of ecstacy and to have converted many of the -natives, recounting her travels in her published works. She is also -famous for her correspondence with Philip IV. The greatest names, -however, were those of Santa Teresa de Jesús[57] and San Juan de la -Cruz, the former notable in literature for the excellence of her prose, -and the latter equally noteworthy as a poet. The writings of these and -other mystics also displayed a profound psychological study, such, for -example, as was required by their ability to distinguish between the -processes of the soul on the way to communication with God, and as was -evidenced by their skill in differentiating between the various elements -in religious sentiment. - -[Sidenote: The Inquisition as an instrument of the kings and an agency -to suppress heresy.] - -The two principal instruments employed to combat heresy were the -Inquisition and the Jesuit order. So far as the former concerned itself -with matters of the faith, it had the support of the Spanish people, who -equally with the kings were desirous of the establishment and -maintenance of religious unity. The Inquisition had acquired various -powers and privileges, however, which were not directly connected with -its principal office. Papal bulls had been procured giving it -jurisdiction in cases of usury, crimes against nature, and improper -solicitations of confessors; it claimed exemption for its officers and -servants from the operation of the civil law courts; and its relations -with these courts, made necessary by the legal incapacity of the -Inquisition to execute its own sentences, often gave rise to conflicts -and misunderstandings. The people of Spain were perfectly able to -distinguish between the Inquisition as an instrument of the faith and -the Inquisition in these extra-jurisdictional phases, and protested -vigorously against that body in the latter sense. The various _Cortes_ -of Castile, Aragon, and Catalonia presented many a petition on this -score to the kings, and it was a prominent factor in the Catalan revolt -of 1640. Nevertheless, the kings consistently sustained the Inquisition. -When the Aragonese _Cortes_ secured a papal license reducing the -Inquisition to the same footing as the other ecclesiastical courts, -Charles I procured the withdrawal of the license. Philip II prohibited -all appeals from or complaints against the Inquisition before the -_audiencias_ or the _Consejo Real_. The decisions of the Inquisition -thus became final, although it is true that cases of appeal and the -recourse of _fuerza_ (also forbidden by Philip) were occasionally -allowed to go beyond that body. When there seemed to be a likelihood -that the Council of Trent might deprive the Inquisition of some of its -authority, Charles I used every effort to cause a failure of the -project. In fact the Inquisition was virtually an instrument of the -kings, who did not hesitate to direct its action as if it were legally -subject to them, and who were always able to procure the appointment of -members of the _Consejo Real_ to the Council of the Inquisition. As -regards heresy the period, naturally, was exceedingly fruitful in -prosecutions and was marked by an excess of suspicion, such that -individuals whose purity of faith was hardly open to question were not -infrequently brought to trial,--among others, Ignacio de Loyola (Saint -Ignatius), and Teresa de Jesús, who, like Loyola, was later canonized. -Extreme rigor was displayed in placing the ban on unorthodox books and -in expurgating those which were allowed to circulate. Charles I required -all books to have the authorization of the _Consejo Real_ before they -could be published. Foreign books were also scrutinized carefully, and -libraries were made subject to inspection. The grant of a license by the -_Consejo Real_ did not mean that a book might not be placed on the -Inquisition’s _Index_ of forbidden works. It is worthy of note, too, -that the Spanish _Index_ and that of the Inquisition of Rome often -varied from each other in their lists; thus a book condemned at Rome -might circulate in Spain, and vice versa, but this of course was not -the general rule. The Spanish Inquisition did not make its way to -Spain’s Italian possessions, but was established in the Low Countries, -where it was very active, and in the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Ignacio de Loyola and the founding of the Jesuit order.] - -The other important agency of the Spanish Counter-Reformation, the -Jesuit order, was the creation of a Spaniard, Ignacio de Loyola (1491 or -1495-1556), who became Saint Ignatius (San Ignacio) with his -canonization in 1609. As a youth Loyola led the somewhat wild life of a -soldier. Wounded in 1521 during the defence of Pamplona from an attack -of the French, he was a long time in recovering his health, devoting the -period of his convalescence to the reading of religious works. He -thereupon resolved to dedicate his life to religion, and as soon as he -was restored to health made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Upon his return -he pursued religious studies at the universities of Barcelona, Alcalá, -Salamanca, and Paris. While at Alcalá, where he and several companions -made a practice of wearing sackcloth and preaching in the streets, he -was arrested by the Inquisition, but was set free without other penalty -than an order to give up his sackcloth and his preaching. A similar fate -befell him in Salamanca. Eventually Loyola and his companions found -their way to Rome, where they continued their street preaching, despite -the opposition of the Augustinian order and some of the cardinals. They -applied to themselves the name “Company of Jesus” (hence Jesuits), and -in 1539 organized an order in military form, vowing implicit obedience -to their superiors,--especially to the pope,--prescribing the rule of a -general for life, and pledging themselves to the founding of colleges. -The new order was formally approved by the pope in 1540, and Loyola -became the first general. - -[Sidenote: Characteristics of the Jesuit order.] - -While an extended discussion of the characteristics of the Jesuit order -is not necessary, some of the respects in which it differed from the -others should be pointed out, in order to make clear the effect of the -Jesuit appearance in Spain and the Americas. Great emphasis was placed -on the military side; Loyola was wont to say that he had never ceased to -be a soldier,--he had merely become a soldier of God. Obedience to -superiors and to the pope was not a new idea, but with the Jesuits it -was as rigidly literal as in an army. They became one of the principal -supports of the popes at a time when many church leaders were advocating -the reform of the papacy with a view to limiting the powers of the head -of the church. Like soldiers, they attacked the enemies of the pope, -church, and the Catholic religion, and were charged with employing -methods which gave rise to the term “Jesuitry” in an opprobrious sense. -They did not stay in convents, but went forth among the people to fight -for the principles for which they stood. There was no election of their -leaders; the attainment of office came through appointment by the -general, who even chose his own successor. Education was their principal -weapon,--education of the high and the low. In other respects the -Jesuits were at the same time more simple and more mundane in their -exterior practices--at least in the beginning--than the other orders. -They opposed choral singing, the wearing of a distinctive habit, -participation in religious processions, the monastic life, and -asceticism. They believed in the individual poverty of their members, -but were willing that the order and its separate institutions should -prosper in a material way. In other words they were going into the -world, not away from it, and were desirous of the best equipment for the -struggle which lay before them. - -[Sidenote: Spanish opposition to the Jesuits.] - -The influence of the new order soon made itself felt throughout the -world. At first Spaniards were in the majority, and it was natural that -the Jesuits should establish themselves in Spain’s dominions. By 1547 -they had five institutions in Spain, and by 1566 sixteen. Soon afterward -they began to appear in the Americas, where they became one of the -principal agencies of the Spanish crown in the conversion and subjection -of the natives, being perhaps the most effective of the missionary -orders. Not only as missionaries but also as theologians, scientists, -and men of letters the Spanish Jesuits were among the most distinguished -men of the age. They were not welcomed by their fellow-countrymen in -Spain, however; rather, they had to contend against some of the most -powerful elements in the peninsula. Members of the clergy, both regular -and secular, were opposed to them,--notably the Dominicans, Franciscans, -Augustinians, and the officers of the Inquisition, the first named -especially,--while the universities and at the outset the kings were -also hostile. Melchor Cano, a Dominican and one of the most influential -men of his day, charged the Jesuits with heresy, claiming that their -vows savored of the doctrines of the _Iluminados_. The archbishop of -Toledo, Cardinal Siliceo, forbade them to preach, confess, say mass, or -administer sacraments, but was obliged by the pope to retract his -decrees. Arias Montano attacked them in the preface of his polyglot -Bible, asserting that the Jesuits claimed that they alone had knowledge -and that they were the nearest of all men to Jesus. These are but a few -instances out of many, showing the difficulties encountered by the -Jesuits in establishing themselves in Spain. It seems likely that -jealousy may have entered into much of the resistance to them, for they -early began to outrank and even supersede other elements in teaching and -in learning. Charles I and Philip II objected to them because they -placed the pope ahead of the king, not acknowledging the latter’s -authority over them, and this was not altogether in accordance with the -royal ideal of centralization. Furthermore, the Jesuits were such an -aggressive factor that they were hard to manage. The Inquisition took -exception among other things to the Jesuit claim of a right to absolve -their own members from the charge of heresy, and imprisoned the Jesuit -_provincial_, or commanding official, in Spain, together with other -members of the order. Philip II took sides with the Inquisition, but the -pope sustained the Jesuits. By the seventeenth century the Jesuits had -succeeded in overcoming their rivals, although they never ceased to have -enemies. Their success was due in the first place to the continued -support of the popes; in the second to the change of heart experienced -by Philip II late in life, when he began to realize that they were one -of the most effective instruments for the religious unification of his -dominions, and in so much furthered his ideal of centralization; in the -third place to the backing of the opponents of their enemies, especially -those who were hostile to the Inquisition; and, finally, and perhaps -most of all, to their own superior attainments, whereby they were able -to win a devoted following among all ranks of society. The successors of -Philip II followed the later policy of that king, with the result that -the seventeenth century was the most prosperous era in the history of -the Jesuit order. - -[Sidenote: _Limpieza de sangre_ and the fervor of Spanish Catholicism.] - -One thing Spanish kings failed to do elsewhere in Europe they achieved -in Spain,--their ideal of religious unity. At the same time that they -were suppressing heresy they were giving a welcome to Catholics fleeing -to Spain from Protestant persecution, notably to the Irish, who came to -the peninsula in great numbers. The ideal of Catholic unity was carried -to an excess which transcended unity itself through an extension of the -institution of _limpieza de sangre_. Certificates of _limpieza de -sangre_ (that is to say, sworn statements that the bearer had no Jewish, -Moslem, or heretic antecedents) now began to be required for the holding -of various church offices or for entry into religious orders and often -also for admission to the guilds. As a matter of fact there were few -families which could have withstood a close examination of their -ancestry; the upper classes would almost surely have been found to -contain Jewish blood, and the masses, certainly in the east and south, -would have had a Moslem admixture in their veins. The attainment of -religious unity and the extreme suspicion in which non-Catholics were -held did not succeed in making the Spanish people respond to the moral -code of their faith. Not only such licentious practices as have already -been alluded to were in vogue, but also a surprising lack of reverence -was displayed, as exemplified by the improper use of sacred places and -sacred objects and the mixture of the human and the divine in -masquerades. Nevertheless, it is not too much to say that the principal -preoccupation of Spaniards in the sixteenth and the seventeenth -centuries was the salvation of their souls. The worst of men would want -to confess and seek absolution before they died, and many of them no -doubt believed themselves to be good Catholics, even though their -every-day life would not have borne inspection. One notable religious -manifestation of the era was the ardent insistence of Spaniards on the -mystery of the Immaculate Conception at a time when Catholics of other -countries were not yet ready to accept that view. - -[Sidenote: Conflict of the kings with the popes in matters of temporal -import.] - -In distinguishing between the spiritual and the temporal phases of papal -authority the kings of the House of Austria followed the policy of the -Catholic Kings, but surpassed the latter in their claims of the -superiority, or independence, as the case might be, of the royal power. -Various factors contributed to this attitude in Spain. The monarchical -ideal of a centralized absolutism, now that it had triumphed over the -nobility and the towns, sought out the church in its civil aspects as -the next outstanding element to dominate; the interests of the Spanish -kings in Italy continued to bring them into opposition to the popes as -sovereigns of the Papal States; and the problems of ecclesiastical -reform often found the kings and the popes widely, even bitterly, apart. -Charles I had frequent conflicts with the papacy, but Philip II had even -more serious contests, in which he displayed yet more unyielding -resistance than his father to what he regarded as the unwarranted -intrusions of the popes into the sphere of Spanish politics. When in -1556 it seemed likely that Philip would be excommunicated and his -kingdom laid under an interdict, Philip created a special council to -exercise in Spain such functions as were customarily in the hands of the -pope. In this as in his other disputes of a political nature with the -papacy he was able to count on the support of the Spanish clergy. One -document reciting Philip’s grievances against Pope Paul IV, applying -harsh epithets to him, and expressing doubt as to the legitimacy of his -election, is believed to have been written by a member of the clergy. -Another document, the _Parecer_, or opinion, of Melchor Cano, a -Dominican, argued the lawfulness of making war on the pope, and said -that in such cases, when communication with Rome was insecure, the -bishops might decide ecclesiastical questions which were ordinarily left -to the pope. - -[Sidenote: Interference of Charles I and Philip II in papal elections.] - -To avoid such disputes and to assure Spain of an ally in Italian affairs -Charles I and Philip II bent their efforts to procure the election of -popes who would be favorable to them. Charles had much to do with the -choice in 1522 of Adrian VI, who as a cardinal had been one of his -principal administrative officers during his own absence from the -peninsula in the early years of his reign. Philip was successful in the -same way when in 1559 he was able to cause the elevation of his -candidate to the papal throne. This pope, Pius IV, proceeded to annul -the action of his predecessor, Paul IV, against Charles and Philip, and -condemned to death two members of the deceased pope’s family, one of -them a cardinal. At the election of 1590 Philip was again fortunate, but -the new pontiff, Urban VII, lived only thirteen days. A fresh conclave -was held, at which Philip went to the extreme not only of excluding the -candidates whom he opposed but also of naming seven Spanish churchmen as -the only ones from among whom the cardinals were to choose. One of the -seven was elected, taking the name Gregory XIV, and no pope of the -century was more unconditionally favorable to the wishes of a Spanish -king. This constant intrusion of Philip ended by exasperating the high -authorities of the church, who a few years later under another pope -condemned Philip’s practices and declared him _ipso facto_ -excommunicated. This proved to be a decisive blow to the influence of -the Spanish crown. - -[Sidenote: The _pase regio_ as an aid to the kings in the conflict with -the popes.] - -One of the principal struggles between the popes and the kings was the -royal claim of the _pase regio_, or the right to examine papal bulls and -pontifical letters and, if deemed advisable, to retain them, prohibiting -their publication and therefore their execution in Spanish domains. The -origin of this claim on the part of the Spanish monarchs seems to date -from the period of the Great Schism, when Urban VI (1378-1389) granted -such a privilege to the princes allied with him. It was not officially -decreed in Spain until the early years of Charles I, when provision for -the _pase regio_ in all Spanish dominions was made in a document drawn -up by Cardinal Ximénez. According to this arrangement papal -communications were to be examined in the _Consejo Real_, and if found -to be contrary to the royal prerogative or otherwise objectionable their -circulation was to be postponed and the pope asked to change or withdraw -his dispositions. Usually the retention of such documents took place -without giving official notice to the pope,--which in the case of a -hostile pontiff would have been in any event unavailing. If the popes -insisted on their point of view the royal prohibitions were nevertheless -continued. If any subjects of the king resisted his will in this matter, -even though they were churchmen, they might incur the penalty of a loss -of goods or banishment or both, and notaries or attorneys might even be -condemned to death. When Paul IV excommunicated Charles I and Philip II, -the latter put into effect the _pase regio_. Unable to procure the -publication of his bull in Spain, Paul IV summoned to Rome two Spanish -bishops who were intensely royalist in their sympathies. Philip II -protected them by retaining the papal order, so that the individuals did -not learn officially of the summons. Not only in serious contests of -this character but also in matters of comparatively little moment the -kings exercised the right of retention,--for example, in the case of a -bull of Sixtus V about the dress and maintenance of the clergy. The -above are only a few instances out of many. One of the most bitter -conflicts was waged by Philip II in opposition to a bull of Pius V -excommunicating those who retained papal dispositions. Philip II -retained this bull, and punished some bishops of Spain’s Italian domains -who had published it within their dioceses. The pope threatened to put -Spain under an interdict, but Philip declined to yield. The bull was -never published in the peninsula, and the pope did not make use of the -interdict. - -[Sidenote: The case of Cardinal Borja.] - -[Sidenote: Interference of Charles I and Philip II in matters of church -reform.] - -The successors of Philip II were equally insistent upon the royal -prerogative in their relations with the church. One of the most curious -incidents in the disputes of the kings and the popes occurred in the -reign of Philip IV. Cardinal Borja and several other Spanish cardinals -were sent to Rome to present the king’s grievances against the pontiff -arising out of matters connected with the wars against the Protestants. -Borja was roughly handled on making his protest; it is said that -Cardinal San Onofre punched him in the face by direction of the pope. -When this event was reported in Spain a general meeting of royal -councillors was held, in which it was even discussed whether it would -be lawful to challenge the pope to settle the matter by means of a duel! -In this and other matters there was talk of an appeal from the pope to a -church council. As the royalist attitude toward the popes was often -defended in books, many of them by churchmen, a practice sprang up at -Rome of placing such works in the _Index_ as writings which the faithful -were forbidden to read, but these volumes did not appear in the _Index_ -of the Spanish Inquisition. Finally the attitude of superiority on the -part of the monarchs made itself evident, as already indicated, in -questions of the reform of the church. Charles and Philip II labored to -establish their views at the Council of Trent not only in matters of -administration but also in those of doctrine. Indeed, many Catholics -believed that it was the duty of the kings to remedy the evils of the -church. With the conclusion of the Council of Trent, Philip II hesitated -for a year before publishing its decisions, because of his belief that -some of the provisions of the council diminished, or might diminish, his -royal authority. When he at length did publish them, he did so with the -reservation that they were not to be considered as introducing any -variation from the usual jurisdiction of the king. Consequently, various -canons of the council remained without effect in Spain and her -possessions. - -[Sidenote: Royal restrictions on the powers of papal nuncios and the -nunciature.] - -The same conflict of authority between the church and the monarch -manifested itself in the relations of the kings with papal nuncios, who -in the reign of Charles I began to reside at the Spanish court as -permanent ambassadors. In 1537 Charles I obtained a license from the -pope for the creation of the tribunal of the nunciature, or court of the -papal embassy in Spain. This court, composed in part at least of Spanish -officials, was to hear the numerous cases in ecclesiastical law which -had customarily been settled at Rome. At the same time, the nuncio was -empowered to grant the benefices which formerly lay within the -jurisdiction of the popes. The nuncio also collected the considerable -sums which went to the popes from ecclesiastical prebends, or livings, -from the _expolios_ of deceased bishops and archbishops (accretions in -their benefices which they had procured out of rents), and from the -income of _vacantes_, or vacant benefices (that which accrued between -the death of a bishop or archbishop and the appointment of his -successor). Once having transferred authority from the pope to the -nuncio and nunciature the kings proceeded to attack these elements near -at hand so as to reduce their power of interference with the royal -authority. In this they were aided by all classes. The churchmen were -royalist and at the same time opposed to papal intervention in -ecclesiastical administration in Spain. People generally objected to -such wide jurisdiction being in the hands of a foreigner, for the -nuncios were usually Italians. There were frequent complaints that the -nunciature was guilty of the advocacy of lawsuits and the collection of -excessive costs, with the result that the court was sustained out of -Spanish funds instead of by the popes. All of these matters were the -subject of criticism in both the _Cortes_ and the _Consejo Real_, and -the inevitable result was the employment of restrictive measures. The -_pase regio_ was applied to the directions by the popes to the nuncios, -and the intervention of the nunciature in ecclesiastical cases in first -instance was prohibited. There were times when the relations of the -kings with the nuncio were indeed strained; Philip II went to the -extreme of expelling a nuncio who had endeavored to publish a papal bull -which the king had decided to retain; the same thing happened under -Philip IV, who closed the papal embassy. Matters were arranged in 1640 -by the Fachenetti concordat, or agreement of the nuncio of that name -with the king. This document reduced the procedure of the nunciature and -the attributes of the nuncio to writing, and although it did not remove -all the causes of dispute served as the basis for diplomatic relations -with the papal embassy until the middle of the eighteenth century. - -[Sidenote: Subjection of the ecclesiastical organization in Spain to the -royal will.] - -The relations of the kings with the popes and nuncios formed only part -of the former’s royalist policy with the church. The same course was -followed with the ecclesiastical organization in Spain. The gradual -reduction of the clergy to a tributary state as regards payment of taxes -has already been referred to. Charles I procured various grants of a -financial nature from the popes, such as the right to sell certain -ecclesiastical holdings (whose proceeds were to be devoted to the war -with the Turks), the collection of various church rents yielding over -1,000,000 ducats (some $15,000,000), and finally the gift of _expolios_ -and _vacantes_. On the other hand, despite the petitions of the _Cortes_ -and the opinions of leading jurisconsults, the kings declined to prevent -the giving of lands in mortmain, or in other words the acquisition of -estates by the church. The most serious conflicts arose over questions -of immunities, growing out of the survival of ecclesiastical -jurisdictions of a seigniorial character and out of the relations of the -church courts to those of the king and to the royal authority in -general. Many of the seigniorial groups were incorporated into the -crown, especially by Philip II. As regards the legal immunity of -churchmen it came to be accepted as the rule that it could be claimed -only in cases within the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. This -was diminished still further by royal invasions of ecclesiastical -jurisdiction, as by limiting the scope of the church courts, prohibiting -(under severe penalties) the intrusions of their judges in civil -affairs, and intervening to correct abuses, real or alleged. The king -reserved a right of inspection of the ecclesiastical courts, exercised -for him by members of the _Consejo Real_ or the _audiencias_, and if -anybody were unduly aggrieved by a decision of the church courts he -might make use of the recourse of _fuerza_ to bring an appeal before the -Consejo Real, the _Cámara_, or the _audiencias_. The effect of this was -to suspend the execution of an ecclesiastical sentence, subordinating -the church courts to the royal will. Many matters of a religious -character were taken over into the exclusive jurisdiction of the -_Consejo Real_ or the _Cámara_, such as the inspections of convents of -the regular clergy and the action taken as a result thereof and the -execution of the decisions of the Council of Trent. Laws relative to the -recourse of _fuerza_ were amplified so as to prohibit ecclesiastical -judges from trying cases which were considered by any of the litigants -concerned as belonging to the civil law; other laws forbade the -summoning of Spaniards before foreign judges; and still others -diminished the number of appeals to Rome. Even churchmen took advantage -of the recourse of _fuerza_ to have their cases removed to the royal -courts when it suited their convenience, despite the attempts of the -popes to check the practice. In such instances, as in so many others, -the _pase regio_ was employed to prevent effectual action by the popes. -Even in the case of the provincial councils of the Spanish church the -king sent delegates, on the ground that no conventions or congresses of -any sort could be held without the consent of the king and the -attendance of his representatives. In 1581 Pope Gregory XIII ordered the -archbishop of Toledo not to admit anybody to a council about to be held -at that time who was not a member of the clergy. Philip II sent his -delegate, nevertheless, and his successors followed his example. In like -manner religious processions were forbidden unless authorized by the -civil authorities. - -[Sidenote: The _patronato real_ as a source of royal authority over the -clergy.] - -The royal authority over the Spanish church is largely explained by the -institution of the _patronato real_, or royal patronage. Charles I early -gained a right to make nominations to most of the bishoprics and -abbacies in Spain, although the pope had to approve before the -appointment should take effect. Even in the case of benefices still -reserved by the pope the kings insisted that the appointees should be -Spaniards. As regards the Americas the church was yet more completely -under the king’s control, thus giving still other lucrative posts into -his power to grant. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that -the Spanish clergy should favor the king, to whom they owed their rents -and dignities, rather than the pope, and should even consent to -diminutions in the privileges of Spanish churchmen. Indeed, faithful -service as a councillor might be the stepping-stone to a bishopric. -Nevertheless the kings did not allow churchmen to intrude in political -affairs without being asked, and instances of official reproof on this -score were numerous, despite which fact the clergy took a prominent part -in political intrigues, and were possibly the principal factor in the -Portuguese war of independence from Spain. Furthermore, the solicitation -of inheritances by churchmen was insistently forbidden by the king; on -one occasion when accusations of this character were made against the -Jesuits of Flanders the Duke of Alba annulled all testamentary -dispositions to that order and provided for the inheritance of the legal -heirs. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -ECONOMIC FACTORS, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Comparative backwardness of Spain in economic development.] - -While this era was marked by a brief period of prosperity, and while -there was a noteworthy advance out of medievalism in the evolution of -mercantile machinery, the keynote of the times was the failure of Spain -to keep pace in material welfare with her high standing in other aspects -of life. Spain continued to be a raw material country, although -artificial attempts were still made to create a thriving industrial -development. These efforts, when they did not fail altogether, accrued -to the advantage of foreigners or resulted in establishments which were -of slight consequence in comparison with those of other European lands. -A combination of evils at length sank Spain to such a state of economic -degradation and misery as comported ill with her political reputation in -European affairs and with the opportunities she had had and failed to -employ to advantage. Nevertheless, Spain’s decadence, overwhelming -though it was, is to be viewed from a relative standpoint. Medieval -Spain at its best, except possibly during the Moslem era, did not attain -to an equally flourishing state with the Spain of the seventeenth -century, which marks the lowest point to which she has fallen in modern -times. On the other hand, with relation to other countries in the -seventeenth century and with due regard to the needs which an expanded -civilization had by that time developed, Spain came to be economically -about the most backward land in western Europe. This occurred, in spite -of the fact that Spaniards found and developed such extraordinary wealth -in their new world possessions that their colonies were the envy of -Europe. Spain did indeed get rich returns from her overseas investment, -but these funds and others were squandered in the ways which have -already been pointed out. - -[Sidenote: Relative prosperity in the early years of the era.] - -[Sidenote: The American trade.] - -[Sidenote: Industrial wealth of Seville.] - -[Sidenote: Grazing.] - -[Sidenote: Fishing.] - -[Sidenote: Mining.] - -At the outset there was a period of undoubted prosperity, due in part to -a continuation of the favoring legislation of the era of the Catholic -Kings, but more particularly to the enormously increased demand -resulting from the rapid and extensive colonization of the Americas, -whose commerce was restricted by law to favored regions of the Spanish -kingdom. The American trade and to some extent the considerable fortunes -gained in the colonies themselves provided capital for a yet further -expansion of the industrial wealth of the peninsula. The effects were -felt principally in Castile, but were reflected also in Aragon and -Valencia. Seville, as the sole port of the American trade, became -extraordinarily rich in its industrial life, and many other cities -shared in the general prosperity. Woollen goods and silks were -manufactured on a large scale, and many other articles, such as hats, -gloves, soap, leathers, arms, and furniture were also made. Grazing and -fishing were notably productive industries. When Philip II ascended the -Spanish throne in 1556, it is said that the corporation of the _Mesta_ -possessed seven million sheep. Part of the wool which they produced was -supplied to Spanish manufacturers, though other sources were also drawn -upon by the makers of woollen goods, but vast quantities of wool were -sent abroad. In 1512 about 50,000 quintals were exported; in 1557 some -150,000; and in 1610 the amount had reached 180,000 quintals. The -whale-fisheries off the northern and northwestern coasts of Spain, at -that time a rich field for this occupation, and the catching of -tunny-fish in the Mediterranean furnished profitable employment to the -people of the coasts, who also made voyages to distant waters, even to -Newfoundland, on fishing ventures. The wars of the reign of Philip II -and the scarcity of boats soon tended to check this phase of economic -expansion. Mining produced but little, in part because the possessors of -_latifundia_--nobles and churchmen--did not care to develop their -estates in this respect and in part because private individuals -generally could not be certain that they would be allowed to enjoy any -profit they might make. Philip II, desirous of remedying this situation, -incorporated all mines into the crown, and encouraged prospecting for -mineral wealth, though exacting certain tributes from those who should -discover and work mines, but even under these circumstances little was -done. - -[Sidenote: Relative character of Spanish industrial prosperity.] - -[Sidenote: Its duration in time.] - -There has been a tendency to exaggerate the state of prosperity to which -Spain attained and to treat it as if it suddenly collapsed. In fact -Spain’s industrial wealth was only great by comparison with what it once -had been and with what it was presently to be in the period of decline. -The manufacture of cloth in the entire kingdom in the most flourishing -epoch did not equal the output of the single city of Bruges. That the -growth of manufacturing was only ephemeral and did not take root in the -peninsula is attested by the fact that it was usually necessary, even in -the era of greatest industrial expansion, to depend upon imports to -supply Spain’s needs, while the considerable exports of raw materials, -especially wool, show that the domestic demand could not have been -great. Undoubtedly a good industrial beginning was made, which might -have resulted in the economic independence of Spain. It did not -continue, however, and the question arises: How long did the era of -relative industrial prosperity endure? A precise answer is impossible, -because some industries flourished longer than others, or the same -industry prospered in one place after it had ceased to do so in another. -Conflicting accounts began to appear about the middle of the reign of -Charles I, and even in the first half of the seventeenth century there -were documents which testified to instances of prosperity. Speaking -generally, the decline may be said to have made itself felt in the reign -of Philip II and to have become clearly apparent by the middle of the -reign of Philip IV. - -[Sidenote: Handicaps on agriculture.] - -Agriculture did not advance much from its wretched state of the previous -era. The economists, giving undue importance to the accumulation of -specie, and obsessed by a desire to develop manufactures, did not -appreciate the fundamental value of agriculture; grazing was favored at -the expense of farming; agricultural labor, never plentiful, was still -more scarce after the expulsion of the Moriscos; and the evil of -_latifundia_ tended to reduce the amount of land cultivated. The laws -encouraged agriculture only when it did not interfere with what were -considered the more important industries. Legislation was frequent -forbidding the cultivation of lands which had ever been devoted to -grazing and compelling their restoration to that industry, and the old -privileges of the _Mesta_ were maintained to the detriment of the -farmers. The scarcity of agricultural labor caused an immigration from -other countries, especially from France, and this increased after the -expulsion of the Moriscos. It did not solve the problem, as the -foreigners were wont to return home, after they had accumulated savings. -Under the circumstances it is not surprising that agricultural -production did not meet the needs of the peninsula. Something was done -to protect farm laborers, and some government projects of irrigation -were undertaken, but not enough was done to offset the handicaps which -the state itself imposed. Intensive cultivation by small proprietors was -one of the needs of the time, and one attempt to bring this about in -Granada was made. Some 12,500 Castilian, Asturian, and Galician families -were sent there to replace in a measure the several hundred thousand -expelled Moriscos. The experiment was successful, and the colonization -took root, but it was not repeated. Nevertheless, eastern and southern -Spain had their period of relative prosperity, especially through the -cultivation of the vine and the olive. The Americas offered a rich field -for the export of wine, since the growing of vines was prohibited there, -and the soil, climate, irrigation canals, and Morisco labor (prior to -the expulsion) of Valencia, Granada, and Andalusia were well adapted to -provide the desired supply. Even this form of agriculture suffered a -serious decline in the seventeenth century, due largely to the loss of -the Moriscos. - -[Sidenote: Comparative prosperity of Spanish commerce.] - -[Sidenote: Prosperity of Seville and Medina del Campo.] - -Spanish commerce had its era of splendor and its period of decline, but -the former was prolonged much more than in the case of the manufacturing -industry, because of Spain’s serving as a medium for distribution -between foreign countries and the Americas, and because of the continued -exchange of raw materials for the foreign finished product after Spain -herself had ceased to be a serious competitor in manufacturing. Seville -was by far the most prosperous port in the country, since it had a -monopoly of the American trade, which also necessitated the sending to -that city of goods from the other parts of Spain and from foreign -countries for trans-shipment overseas. Mercantile transactions on a -great scale, involving the modern forms of credit and the establishment -of branch houses in all parts of the world, were a natural outgrowth of -Seville’s great volume of trade. The wealth of the city continued until -well into the seventeenth century. The transfer of the _Casa de -Contratación_ (which handled Spain’s commerce with the Americas) from -Seville to Cádiz occasioned a decline of the former and a corresponding -prosperity of the latter. Possibly next in importance to Seville in -mercantile affairs was the inland city of Medina del Campo, site of the -greatest of Spanish fairs and, except for the east coast provinces, the -contractual centre of the entire kingdom. Purchases, sales, and -exchanges of goods entering or leaving the various ports of Spain were -usually arranged there. Numerous other cities shared with Seville and -Medina del Campo in the commercial activity of the sixteenth century, -even those of the east coast, although the forces which had occasioned -their decline in preceding eras were still operative and were to renew -their effects before the sixteenth century had much more than passed the -halfway mark. The Mediterranean trade of Spain remained largely in the -hands of the Catalans, however. North European commerce, of which that -with Flanders was the most important, was shared generally by Spain’s -Atlantic ports, although those of the north coast had in this case a -natural advantage. - -[Sidenote: The _consulados_ and other mercantile machinery.] - -The inevitable result of the commercial activity of the sixteenth -century was the development of a mercantile machinery to handle the -trade. This occurred, in Spain, on the basis of institutions already in -existence, the _consulados_, merchants’ exchange buildings (_lonjas_), -and fairs. To the earlier _consulados_ of Valencia (1283), Barcelona -(1347), Saragossa (1391), Burgos (1494), and Bilbao (1511) there were -added those of Seville (1543) and Madrid (1632). Although the -_consulados_ of the ports differed in some respects from those of the -interior the same principles applied to both,--so much so, that the -ordinances of the _consulado_ of Burgos were the model for that of -Bilbao. The _consulado_ of Burgos served as the type, indeed, upon which -the ordinances of many of the later _consulados_ were founded, wherefore -its description may suffice for all. Strictly speaking, the _consulado_ -was only the tribunal of the body of merchants, who together formed the -_universidad_, or association, for purposes of trade, although the term -_consulado_ came eventually to include both. Many cities lacked the -tribunal, but did possess the _universidad_ of merchants. The tribunal, -or _consulado_, of Burgos exercised jurisdiction in mercantile cases, -and also had charge of such important matters as maritime insurance, -charter-parties, and the patronage of certain pious foundations. The -_universidad_ met annually to elect the officers of the _consulado_,--a -prior, two consuls, and a treasurer. The jurisdiction of the _consulado_ -as a court was not limited to cases arising in Burgos, but extended to -other towns and cities for many miles around it. There was an appeal in -criminal cases to the _corregidor_ of Burgos, but in civil cases the -_consulado_ was independent of both the royal and the municipal courts. -The _consulado_ of Madrid introduced some novelties, principal among -which was its close attachment to the national bureaucracy through the -intervention in its affairs of the _Consejo Real_. Various cities -founded merchants’ exchange buildings, including some which had no -_consulado_. As for the fairs, the great importance of Medina del Campo -has already been mentioned. Two fairs a year, in May and October, were -held at that city, on which occasions merchants, bankers, and brokers -from all parts of the world gathered there. By the end of the sixteenth -century the fairs of Medina del Campo were already in a state of -decline, and they received a death-blow when by royal mandate Burgos -replaced Medina del Campo as the contractual centre of Spain. Burgos -did not greatly profit, however, for the general mercantile decadence -had begun to affect all commercial institutions in the country. -Mercantile machinery survived after the period of prosperity had passed, -and thus it was only to be expected that a central institution should at -length be founded. Such was the case, for the _Junta de Comercio y -Moneda_ (Junta, or Council, of Commerce and Coinage) came into existence -in 1679. During the remainder of this era it was of slight consequence, -however. - -[Sidenote: Medieval character and inconsistencies of mercantile -legislation.] - -The legislation of the period reflected the prevailing economic ideas, -such as the exceptional importance attached to precious metals, the -insistence that the balance of trade should favor exports (lest imports -should result in specie going out of the country), the favor shown -toward the policy of protection, and in a measure the continuance of the -medieval penchant for government regulation of industry. The state was -not consistent, however, varying its laws according as the needs of the -treasury or of European diplomacy or of any passing crisis might direct. -Thus prohibitions against foreign goods were often maintained, while at -other times the greatest freedom of entry was allowed. In the treaties -of peace of the sixteenth century care to safeguard the commercial -interests of Spain was employed, but in the seventeenth century they -were often sacrificed through the indiscretions of ministers or for -political reasons. Thus Spain’s need of allies against France occasioned -the grant of a right for the free entry of goods into Spain (but not -into the colonies) to the Protestant Netherlands, England, Denmark, and -Portugal, with reductions in duties. Treaties of 1665 and 1667 with -England abolished Spain’s right to inspect English boats or to search -the houses of British subjects, amounting to a virtual invitation to -smuggling, which was in fact the result. Smuggling in connivance with -Spanish officials became so general (not altogether by Englishmen) that -it was regarded as a necessary evil. The government displayed a tendency -to facilitate internal commerce,--as by the suppression of interior -customs lines,--but the protective and regulative spirit of the Middle -Ages was too often apparent. Thus prices were fixed and exclusive -rights of sale granted. A curious instance of the latter (though not out -of keeping with the age) was the permit given to the religious orders of -Madrid to open taverns for the sale of beverages accruing from their -crops. When certain abuses and some scandal resulted the privilege was -withdrawn, but was later renewed subject to certain conditions, one of -which was that friars should not serve the wines to customers. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties over coinage.] - -Legislation with relation to money was particularly abundant. One grave -error of the past was constantly committed from the time of Philip II to -the close of the era, the debasement of the coinage with a view to -relieving the difficulties of the treasury, but the results were not -more favorable than in former years. Despite governmental care in the -matter of coinage, diversity of coins was still a problem. In addition -to the national moneys there were regional pieces and numerous foreign -coins. Attempts were made to fix the relation between them, but without -great success. One factor which was not appreciated at the time was that -of the cheapening of money through the enormous importation of precious -metals from the Americas, resulting in a corresponding advance in -prices. The high prices were ascribed to the exportation of precious -metals from Spain, and stringent laws were passed to prevent it. It was -difficult, however, to keep the gold and silver in the country. - -[Sidenote: Scant attention to public works.] - -The national record of the House of Austria in public works cannot be -said to have been good. The need for more and better roads was generally -recognized, but unless they suited military purposes or were to be made -use of in a royal progress, or journey, the state would rarely build -them. Municipalities and groups of merchants (especially the -_consulados_) did something, but were hampered by the centralizing -spirit of the government. A license from the _Consejo Real_ was -required, even though the state were not to pay. There were too few -roads, and existing highways were as a general rule in a bad state of -repair. Many bridges were constructed by the government in the sixteenth -century, but only a few in the century following. Plans were also -discussed for deepening the channels of Spain’s great rivers, but that -of the Tagus alone received attention, and the work to that end by -Philip II was destroyed by the negligence of his successors. In like -manner irrigation on a large scale was planned, but scarcely anything -was accomplished. On the other hand this period marked the beginning of -a mail service as an auxiliary of economic life; it was due to the state -only in that the government granted a monopoly of the privilege to a -private individual. Between 1580 and 1685 the extension of the service -to foreign countries was brought about. Naturally the whole system was -as yet defective from the modern standpoint. The government did expend -moneys, however, for military objects and state buildings. Forts were -built the length and breadth of the Spanish world, although many of them -were allowed to decay in the seventeenth century. Royal palaces and -houses of recreation and several splendid churches for royal use, all of -which added to the glamor of monarchy, were built at state expense. The -municipalities also erected public edifices, such as merchants’ exchange -buildings and city halls. - -[Sidenote: Foreigners in Spain and legislation concerning them.] - -One of the most controversial questions of the era was that of the entry -of foreigners into the economic life of the peninsula. This had begun to -be a factor (without referring now to the earlier arrival of Moslem and -Jewish elements) in the reign of the Catholic Kings, but it was a much -more prominent issue in the period of the House of Austria. It was -complicated by the fact that certain groups of foreigners might be -welcomed (laborers for example), while others (merchants and -manufacturers in particular) were not, but all elements would be both -wanted and opposed by some class of the Spanish people at any given -time. In general, popular opinion whether of rich or poor was adverse to -foreigners. At times the kings yielded to the complaints of the people -and passed restrictive laws, but at other times, urged on by financial -needs and political aims, they took the contrary course. Dependent as -they were upon foreign money-lenders the kings could not refuse to grant -the privileges and monopolies which their creditors exacted as security. -It would seem, however, that by far the greater number of the -foreigners were engaged in the less remunerative occupations. A writer -of the seventeenth century says that there were 120,000 foreigners in -domestic service, and goes on to say that they also engaged in such -occupations as street hawking, the keeping of retail shops of all -varieties (sellers of meat, wine, cakes, etc.), and the mechanical -trades, including even those of porter and vendor of water. In 1680 the -French ambassador estimated that there were 77,000 of his countrymen in -Spain, many of whom were farm laborers, but there were considerable -numbers in various other occupations, ranging from the wealthy merchant -down to the lowly shepherd or peddler. Other nationalities were also -prominent. Laws were passed limiting the number of trades in which -foreigners could engage, but they seem to have been without avail, for -both the complaints and the legislation were often repeated. The victory -of the foreign element began to be more apparent by the middle of the -seventeenth century. Philip IV enacted laws to encourage immigration, -because of the scarcity of labor, and permitted a foreigner who had -lived for many years in Spain and married a Spanish woman to enjoy -privileges little short of those of a native. Similar laws were made in -the reign of Charles II. - -[Sidenote: Statistics of population.] - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of vagabondage.] - -The economic status of Spain in this era could be more clearly set forth -if it were possible to have fairly reliable data as to population. In -the middle of the sixteenth century there may have been about six and -three quarter millions of people in Spain. By the end of the century -some estimates hold that the numbers had increased to perhaps eight and -a half millions, but there is ground for doubting these assertions. -Figures for the seventeenth century are even more uncertain, but there -is a general agreement that the population declined. One estimate makes -the population of Spain 5,700,000 at the end of the era. Misery, -idleness, and vagabondage were characteristic of Spanish life in the -late sixteenth and throughout the seventeenth century; it has been -estimated that there were 150,000 vagabonds at the close of the -sixteenth century whose principal occupations were begging, thieving, -and prostitution. It is true that a like state of affairs existed in -other countries, and that many foreigners were included in this element -in the peninsula, but conditions were probably worse in Spain than -elsewhere in western Europe. - -[Sidenote: Causes of vagabondage.] - -Much has been written about the causes of vagabondage in Spain. The -principal causes undoubtedly were economic. Foreign writers have charged -it to Spanish pride and scorn of manual labor as well as to a certain -native laziness. These allegations are true to some extent, flowing -naturally from the circumstances of the history of Spain. Slavery had -been perhaps more general and long-continuing in the peninsula than in -other parts of Europe, and the slaves had usually been Moslem in faith; -thus Spaniards might naturally be disinclined to do the work of slaves -and infidels, and the same spirit would be present on its religious side -to make them object to working in company with the questionably orthodox -Moriscos. The general desire of Spaniards to be regarded as of noble -blood also tended to make manual labor unpopular, since there was a -strong class prejudice that nobles should not engage in such work. -Finally, the ease of entry into religious orders had rendered escape -from toil possible for a great number, and had increased the sentiment -against laboring with one’s hands. The only way out for a great many was -the life of a vagabond. The sudden wealth acquired by individuals in the -Americas reacted psychologically to make the necessarily slow accretions -of property in Spain an irksome prospect. The exaltation of military -glory had the same general effect, but as the Spanish armies were small -this occupation was not open to everybody, and its perils and -irregularities in pay made not a few hesitate to enter it. Furthermore, -there were many contemporary writers, Cervantes among them, who pointed -out that the life of a vagabond had a certain appeal for many Spaniards; -young men of good family not infrequently joined bands of gypsies. - -[Sidenote: Inability of the government to cope with the situation.] - -The poverty of Spain was general by the middle of the seventeenth -century, and the state of the country got steadily worse thereafter. -Bread riots frequently served as a reminder to the authorities, who -indeed made many attempts to remedy the situation. Their measures to -attack the root of the evil were worse than useless, however, being -based on economic misconceptions or being discontinued (when they might -have proved beneficial) if they ran counter to governmental policies. -Direct legislation against vagabondage was frequent, but was evaded as -often as enacted. When people were forbidden to remain in the country -without working, the vagabonds made a showing of becoming porters or of -engaging in other like occupations, under the guise of which they -continued their loose practices. When these occupations were limited -they were to be found as theoretically in the service of the noble or -wealthy, whom social pride induced to have as many in their following as -possible. When this custom was attacked direct evasion of the laws was -rendered possible through charitable institutions, especially through -the free soup-kitchens of the religious orders. On the benevolent side -the problem was also approached through the founding of poor-houses, -although this method was not yet greatly developed, and through the -conversion of the former public granaries (_pósitos_), in which stores -of grain were kept to guard against the possibility of famine, into -pious institutions for the gift or loan of food supplies to the poor. - -[Sidenote: Contemporary opinions as to the causes of Spain’s economic -decline.] - -The fact of Spain’s economic decline has perhaps been pointed out with -sufficient clearness. It is now pertinent to sum up the causes which had -produced it. According to Altamira there was “a great variety of causes, -accumulated upon a country which entered the modern age with weak and -incipient economic energies, a country whose governments let themselves -be dragged into an imperialistic policy (in great part forced upon them -by problems traceable to Ferdinand the Catholic and the fatal -inheritance of Charles I), neglecting, more for lack of means than -intentionally, those measures which could best contribute to better the -productive power and well-being of the country.” This is an epitome not -only of the causes for Spain’s economic decline in this period but also -of modern Spanish history. It places the fault where it belongs, on -Spanish imperialism with its train of costly wars, a policy which Spain -might have followed so far as the Americas were concerned, but which -proved an impossible strain on her resources when carried beyond the -Spanish peninsula into Europe. This was one of the principal causes -assigned at the tune. Some others may also be enumerated. The increase -in the _alcabala_ and in other taxes was often mentioned as a principal -cause, although it is easy to see how this might have been a result of -the warfare. In like manner another group of causes set forth at that -time might well have been results of the economic decline, such as the -following: emigration to the colonies; the lack of government aid to -industries; the invasion of foreign goods and foreigners into Spain; and -the decline in population. Other causes alleged by contemporaries and -deserving of prominent mention, though less important than that of the -European wars, were these: the repugnance of Spaniards for manual labor; -bad financial administration by the government; the prodigality of the -kings in granting favors and exemptions; the governmental practice of -fixing the prices of agricultural products; the evil of absentee -landlordism, especially in the case of the _latifundia_, which were not -developed to the extent of their resources; waste of the means of -production in luxury; the great number of convents and monasteries; and -the exemptions enjoyed by a vast number of individuals. - -[Sidenote: Causes assigned by later writers.] - -Later writers have put emphasis on other matters. Some present-day -historians assign the expulsion of the Moriscos as the principal cause -of the economic decline. It did leave many trades without hands, and -temporarily depopulated whole districts, but it seems hardly accurate to -regard it as anything more than one of many contributory causes. Writers -of the seventeenth century were impressed by its religious and political -advantages, and do not seem to have regarded it as of serious economic -import. The economic effects of the conquest of the Americas have also -been set forth to account for Spain’s decline. That conquest induced the -already-mentioned get-rich-quick spirit among Spaniards, and encouraged -the false economic idea that precious metals are the basic form of -wealth, leading to the assignment of an undue importance to them. More -serious, perhaps, was the fact that the Americas drained Spain of some -of her best and most virile blood. The number of Spaniards who went to -America, however, was not excessive,--little more than the number of -Englishmen who crossed the seas in the seventeenth century. Furthermore, -Spain most certainly secured a vast financial profit out of the -Americas, not only from precious metals, but also from commerce and the -employment which thousands obtained both in Spain and in the colonies. -Spanish soil was indeed not fertile enough to support a policy of -European imperialism, and that argument has been put forward, but the -fault was less in the land itself, which in other days had produced more -richly, than in the methods (or lack of them) employed to develop its -capacities. Foreign commercial vicissitudes, which are also alleged to -account for Spain’s economic fall, did indeed help to bring it -about,--such, for example, as the disastrous consequences of the silting -in of the port of Bruges, which city had been one of the best purchasers -of Spain’s raw materials. While it is indeed impossible to assign any -single event or condition of affairs as the _sine qua non_ of Spain’s -decadence, one factor stands out from the rest, however, as the most -important,--that of the oft-mentioned policy of Spanish imperialism in -Europe. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -THE GOLDEN AGE: EDUCATION, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY, AND SCIENCE, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Causes of Spain’s intellectual greatness in this era.] - -The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries represent the highest point in -the history of Spanish intellectual achievement in science, literature, -and art. Two manifestations characterized the era: an abundant -productivity which was as high in quality as it was great in amount; and -the diffusion of Spanish learning in the other countries of the -civilized world, so that for the first time (except for the transmission -of Moslem culture) Christian Spain became a vital factor in European -thought, whereas in former years she had merely received the instruction -of others. The reasons for this intellectual outburst were various. For -one thing the natural evolution from the past seemed to render -inevitable a high degree of attainment. For another, the general effects -of the Renaissance in Europe made themselves felt in Spain. In the third -place, this seems to have been the era of the ripe maturity of the -Spanish people, when they were at the height of their capacity in every -walk of life. Finally, as has happened so many times in the history of -other nations, the very fact of the establishment of a great empire was -bound to react both materially and psychologically to produce an -unwonted expansion intellectually. Spanish imperialism in Europe -undoubtedly contributed much to the civilization of the peninsula, but -it is not too much to say that the greatest influence came from Spain’s -conquests in the new world. These operated directly to make Spain an -innovator in scientific thought, and provided the first noteworthy -material for mental stimulus in the era. If the better known -manifestations of polite literature and painting were not directly -traceable to the attainment of a colonial empire, other achievements -were, and the indirect effect of the overseas conquests should not be -left out of consideration even in the case of those factors which -acknowledged Italy as their principal source of inspiration. - -[Sidenote: Social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality and its -duration in time.] - -There were many social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality, such -as the eagerness with which men sought an education, the honors paid to -men of letters in an age when military glory might tend to absorb -attention, the encyclopedic knowledge demonstrated by scholars who were -at one and the same time proficient in widely divergent fields, the -circumstance that women won marked distinction (together with the fact -that their achievements were well received), and the fondness of the -upper classes for social functions of a literary character,--not a few -of which developed from a simple gathering at some noble’s house into -the formation of clubs or academies of an intellectual character. This -flourishing state of affairs endured a much shorter time than might have -been expected from the force of its initial momentum; in a broad sense -the intellectual decadence of the country accompanied, or perhaps -resulted from, the political and economic decline, but just as in the -case of these factors it was not equal in celerity or in completeness in -all of the many-sided aspects of Spanish intellectual life. Furthermore, -the fall was so rapid in some respects, and from such a high point in -all, that the ultimate degradation, though deep enough, seemed by -comparison to be worse than it was. At any rate, the state of -intellectuality at its best was sufficiently great to deserve the title -which has been applied to the period of its expression, that of the -_siglo de oro_ (golden century) in Spanish science, literature, and art. - -[Sidenote: Application and duration of the _siglo de oro_.] - -A question arises as to the application of the term and the duration of -the period of the _siglo de oro_. The seventeenth century has usually -been regarded as the golden age, for it was then that the greatest names -in polite literature and painting appeared. In fact, however, the era of -intellectual brilliance dates from an early point in the sixteenth -century in the reign of Charles I, lasting for about a century and a -half, past the middle of the seventeenth century. The general desire for -knowledge, which was so marked in the first half of the sixteenth -century, had already ebbed away by the end of the reign of Philip II. -The greatest achievements in didactic and scientific literature belong -to the sixteenth century, and, indeed, most of the great writers and -painters who won fame in the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV got -their start, or at least were born, in the time of Philip II. Great -results were obtained in both periods, but the stimulus came for the -most part in the sixteenth century. - -[Sidenote: The universities.] - -The aristocratic character of intellectual attainments in the _siglo de -oro_ was reflected in that of the institutions of learning which were -founded. In addition to the eight universities existing in 1516, -twenty-one were added in the sixteenth century, and five in the -seventeenth, making a total of thirty-four in all. Salamanca and Alcalá -stood forth as the leading universities, although outranked in legal -studies by Valladolid. Salamanca had the more ample curriculum, with -some sixty professorships, but Alcalá, with forty-two professorial -chairs, was distinguished for the scientific labors of its faculty. -Salamanca was more largely attended, having 6778 students in 1584, a -number which had declined to 1955 in 1682, while Alcalá had 1949 in -1547, 2061 in 1650, and 1637 in 1700. The medieval type of internal -management remained as the essential basis of university administration, -characterized by the close connection between the university and the -civil authorities (to which latter the former were in a measure -subjected), by an intimate relationship with the cathedral or other -local churches, and by the ecclesiastical origin of many of the -university rents. The universities did not become religious -establishments, however, even though churchmen founded the greater -number of them. As time went on, the kings displayed a tendency to -intervene in university life, as by the sending of _visitadores_, or by -imposing their candidates for professorships upon the universities, but -they did not go so far as to deprive the universities of their economic, -legal, and scientific independence. - -[Sidenote: Jesuit colleges.] - -[Sidenote: Other schools of higher education.] - -[Sidenote: The _Casa de Contratación_ as a maritime university.] - -There were also various other institutions of higher education. One of -them, the Estudios Reales de San Isidro of Madrid, founded early in the -reign of Philip IV for the education of the sons of the greater -nobility, ranked with the universities. Jesuit teachers were installed. -This was not the first instance of Jesuit instruction in the peninsula. -By their vows the Jesuits were obliged to found “colleges,” but this -term meant houses for study, only in that the members of the order -living in these institutions pursued investigations there. Gradually, -outside pupils began to be accepted by the Jesuits, who soon won a great -reputation for their efficiency as teachers. Their teaching was markedly -influenced by Renaissance ideals, for the study of classical authors -formed one of the principal elements in their curriculum. They devoted -themselves to the education of the wealthy classes, leaving the field of -vocational preparation to the universities. Apart from the Jesuit -colleges there were various schools, both religious and secular, -primarily for the study of Latin. They were in essence schools of -literature, at which students were given practice in the writing of -poetry and the reciting of verses, both Latin and Castilian. It is said -that there were more than four thousand of these institutions in 1619, -although their numbers declined greatly with the advance of the century. -In addition there were many schools of a purely professional character, -such as those for the study of religion, war, medicine, and nautical -science. The school of nautical science of the _Casa de Contratación_ of -Seville merits special attention. Among the manifold functions of the -_Casa_ in its relation to the Americas was that of the pursuit of -scientific studies to facilitate overseas communication, and this was -carried out to such an extent that the _Casa_ was a veritable maritime -university. Mathematics, cosmography, geography, cartography, -navigation, the construction and use of nautical instruments, and -military science (in so far as it related to artillery) were taught at -the _Casa_, and in nearly all of these respects that institution not -only outranked the others in Spain but was able also to add materially -to the sum total of world knowledge. Primary education continued to be -neglected. The current belief was that it was unnecessary unless one -intended to pursue a professional career. The education of the masses -for the sake of raising the general level of culture, or even for -technical advancement, was a problem which was not as yet comprehended. -Such primary schools as there were, were usually ecclesiastical or -private foundations. Reading, writing, arithmetic, and Christian -doctrine were the subjects taught. Taken as a whole it will be seen that -the number of teaching establishments had vastly increased over that of -the preceding eras. An understanding of the superior facilities -available for the upper classes would not be complete without a -reference to the extraordinary diffusion of printing in this era. -Although the publication of works was subject to various conditions, -printed books fairly came into their own, for the first time in the -history of the peninsula. A number of great libraries were formed. It is -worthy of mention, too, that it was at this time that care began to be -taken in the accumulation of public documents in archives. In 1558 -Philip II founded an archive at Rome, and in 1563 made a beginning of -the famous state archive at Simancas. - -[Sidenote: Neglect of primary education.] - -[Sidenote: Great age of printing.] - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of public archives.] - -[Sidenote: Luis Vives and Spanish originality in philosophical studies.] - -The revival of classical studies, which made available the writings of -many Greek philosophers whose works had been unknown to the medieval -scholars, and the complex movement of ideas engendered by the Protestant -Reformation and the Catholic Reaction were the fundamental causes of the -flourishing state of theological and philosophical studies in this -period, especially in the sixteenth century. While this was by no means -confined to Spain, the peninsula furnished its quota to the great names -of the period. The philosopher Luis Vives (1492-1540) may be mentioned -by way of illustration. Vives, who spent most of his life in Flanders -and in England,--in which latter country he was the teacher of Mary -Tudor, the later queen of England,--was regarded by contemporaries as a -philosopher of the first rank, on a plane with Erasmus. Nearly a century -before Francis Bacon (1561-1626) suggested the necessity for the -observation of nature as the basis of knowledge rather than the blind -following of classical texts, Vives had pronounced the same idea. Of -importance, too, were his pedagogical doctrines, which profoundly -influenced Comenius. The case of Vives was not unique, for the ideas -which were later to be made famous by Reid, Descartes, Montaigne, -Charron, and others had already been expressed by Spaniards of the -sixteenth century. The common note in all their works was that of great -liberty of thought in all things other than the Catholic faith, and in -particular that of a reaction against submission to consecrated -authority, which brought them into opposition to the slavish acceptance -of classical writings so much in vogue among the Humanists. In so doing, -the Spanish philosophers were only expressing their national traits, for -the Spaniards have always been able to reconcile their support of -absolutism in government and of the principle of authority in religion -with a degree of individualism that cannot be found in lands whose -political and religious ideas have been more democratic. Partly on this -account Spanish thought has not received due credit, for, though there -were Spanish philosophers, there was no school of Spanish philosophy. -Furthermore, sweeping originality of thought on a universal basis was -precluded by the necessity of subordinating all ideas to Catholic -doctrine, while the philosophers who have attained to the greatest fame -in modern times expressed themselves with independence in that respect, -or at least without the preoccupation of not departing from it. That -Spaniards were capable of originality within the field of religion -itself was proved by the development of Spanish mysticism, already -alluded to. - -[Sidenote: Important character of Spanish writings on jurisprudence, -politics, and economics.] - -In jurisprudence and politics Spanish writers gained an indisputable -title to originality of thought, of positive influence on the -civilization of other countries. This was due in part to the continuous -warfare, the grave religious problems, and the many questions arising -out of the conquest, colonization, and retention of the Americas, but it -was also a result of a natural tendency in Spanish character to occupy -itself with the practical aspects of affairs, directing philosophical -thought toward its applications in actual life,--for example, in the -case of matters to which the above-mentioned events gave rise. Spanish -jurists achieved renown in various phases of jurisprudence, such as in -international, political, penal, and canonical law, in the civil law of -Rome and of the Spanish peninsula, and in legal procedure. Not Grotius -(1583-1645), but his Spanish predecessors of the sixteenth century laid -the foundations for international law, and the great Dutch jurist more -than once acknowledged his indebtedness to Spaniards, who, like Vitoria -and Vázquez, had provided him with rich materials for the thesis he set -forth. Among the writers on political law may be mentioned Solórzano, -whose _Política indiana_, or Government of the Indies (1629-1639), was a -noteworthy exposition and defence of the Spanish colonial system. In -economics, too, the Spaniards were necessarily outstanding figures in -their day, since the Spanish empire was the greatest and for a time the -most powerful of the period. National resources, the income and -expenditures of the state, and the method of the enjoyment of landed -property were the three principal questions to engage the attention of -the Spanish economists. When Martínez de la Mata declared that labor was -the only true source of wealth, he was in so much the precursor of Adam -Smith (1723-1790). Some economists expressed ideas which sound strangely -like those set forth by Spencer, Wallace, Tolstoy, and others in the -nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as the following: that -immovable property should be taken away from the private individuals -possessing it, and be redistributed under the control of the state; and -that society should be considered as having legal title to lands, giving -only the user to individuals. Luis Vives was one of the representatives -of these ideas. The principles of these economists found little support -in practice, and cannot be said to have attained general acceptance -among the Spanish writers on these subjects. - -[Sidenote: Páez de Castro and the new sense of historical content.] - -The advance of historical studies in this period, especially in the -sixteenth century, was nothing short of remarkable. For the first time -history won a right to be considered apart from polite literature. Two -novelties marked the era, one of them relative to the content of -history, and the other concerning the methods of investigation and -composition. Formerly history had reduced itself to little more than the -external political narrative, dealing with wars, kings, and heroes, -being more rhetorical in form than scientific. The new sense of content -was represented principally by the philosopher Luis Vives and by the -historian Páez de Castro, one-time chronicler of Charles I. Vives gave -his opinion that history should deal with all the manifestations of -social life. Páez de Castro stands forth, however, as the man who most -clearly expressed the new ideas. According to him the history of a land -should include the study of its geography, of the languages of its -peoples, of the dress, laws, religions, social institutions, general -customs, literature, arts, sciences, and even the aspects of nature of -the land in so far as these things affected the actions of men. Páez de -Castro was also a follower of Pérez de Guzmán and Hernando del Pulgar in -his appreciation of the psychological element in history. The most -exacting methodologists of the present day do not require more than did -Páez de Castro nearly four centuries ago. Incidentally, it becomes clear -that the credit ordinarily assigned to Voltaire (1694-1778) and Hume -(1711-1776) as innovators in this respect belongs rather to Spaniards of -the sixteenth century. Vives and Páez de Castro were not alone in their -concept of history. On the other hand they were not able to put their -ideas into practice, and were not followed by the majority of the -writers on methodology. Nevertheless, all were agreed that the education -of the historian should be encyclopedic in character,--an ideal which -necessarily involved a measurable attainment of the plan of Páez de -Castro. - -[Sidenote: Zurita and Morales and the advance in historical -investigation and criticism.] - -If these concepts as to historical content were not fully realized, -those with regard to the methods of investigation and criticism found a -worthy representation in the majority of the historians of the era. To -be sure, some of the great writers, like Florián de Ocampo and Mariana, -displayed too much credulity or a disposition to imagine events for -which they lacked documentary proof. Furthermore, this was a thriving -period of forgeries, when writers invented classical authors, -chronicles, letters, and inscriptions with which to support their -narratives. Still, the evil brought about the remedy; the necessity for -criticism was so great that its application became customary. In -addition, men sought documents, if only to disprove the forgeries, with -the result that the employment of source material and the use of the -sciences auxiliary to history were a factor in the works of the numerous -great historians of the time. The highest representatives of the new -sense of historical analysis were the official chroniclers of Charles I -and Philip II. First in point of time was Florián de Ocampo, whose -_Crónica general_ (General chronicle) was published in 1543. While -giving too free rein to the imagination, his _Crónica_ had a fairly -complete documental basis in some of its parts. Far superior was the -_Anales de Aragón_, or Annals of Aragon (1562-1580), of Jerónimo Çurita, -or Zurita, which in its use of archive material was the greatest -historical work of the sixteenth century. Of equal rank with Zurita was -Ambrosio de Morales, the continuer of Ocampo, whose _Crónica_ was -published in 1574-1575. Morales, who was a distinguished palæographist -and archæologist, made a notable use of inscriptions, coins, -manuscripts, ancient books, and other ancient evidences. While the -influence of Gibbon (1737-1794) on historiography in these respects is -not to be denied, it is only fair to point out the merits of his -predecessors of the Spanish _siglo de oro_ in precisely those qualities -for which the great Englishman has won such signal fame. - -[Sidenote: The historian Mariana.] - -[Sidenote: The bibliographer Nicolás Antonio.] - -[Sidenote: Historians of the Americas.] - -The historian of this era who attained the greatest reputation, though -far from equalling Vives and Páez de Castro on the one hand or Zurita -and Morales on the other, was the Jesuit Mariana. In 1592-1595 he -published his history of Spain in Latin (_Historia de rebus Hispaniæ_), -which he brought out in Castilian in 1601 under the title _Historia -general de España_ (General history of Spain). This work, which is still -one of the most widely read of all Spanish histories, was remarkable for -its composition and style, in which respects it was superior to others -of the period, though otherwise inferior to the best works of the time. -It was intended to be popular, however, on which account it should not -be judged too critically from the standpoint of technique. Mariana’s -history was an external political narrative, from the Castilian point of -view, of the events which had developed the national unity of Spain. His -own bias, politically and otherwise, was only too apparent, besides -which he displayed the faults of credulity and imagination already -alluded to. Nevertheless, Mariana made use of manuscripts and the -evidence of inscriptions and coins, though not to the same degree as -Zurita, Morales, and others. His style was tinged with the Humanistic -ideals of the period, being strongly influenced by Livy. Many other -students of history or of the sciences auxiliary to history are -deserving of recognition, and at least one of them demands mention, -Nicolás Antonio, the greatest bibliographer of his time. In 1672 he -published his _Bibliotheca hispana_ (republished in 1788 as the -_Bibliotheca hispana nova_, or Catalogue of new Spanish works) of all -Spanish works since 1500, and in 1696 completed his _Bibliotheca hispana -vetus_, or Catalogue of old Spanish works (published in 1788), of -Spanish books, manuscript and printed, prior to the sixteenth century. -Deserving of special notice was a remarkable group of historians of the -Americas, such as Fernando Colón (Ferdinand Columbus), Fernández de -Oviedo, López de Gómara, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Bernabé Cobos, -Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Juan de Castellanos, Acosta, Garcilaso de la -Vega, Herrera, Cieza de León, Zárate, Jerez, Dorantes de Carranza, -Góngora, Hevía, León Pinelo, Mendieta, Pizarro, Sahagún, Suárez de -Peralta, Alvarado, Torquemada, Solís, Cortés, Las Casas, Cervantes de -Salazar, López de Velasco, the already cited Solórzano, Pérez de Ribas, -Tello, Florencia, Vetancurt, and many others. The works of some of these -men were written in Spain as official chronicles of the Indies, while -those of others were prepared independently in the Americas. Religious -history was abundantly produced, as also were books of travel, -especially those based on the expeditions and discoveries in the Indies. -In all of the historical production of the era, not merely in the work -of Mariana, the influence of classical models was marked. - -[Sidenote: The conquest of the Americas and resultant Spanish -achievements in natural science, geography, and cartography.] - -If the output of Spaniards in the domain of the natural sciences was not -so great as in the realm of philosophy, jurisprudence, and history, it -was nevertheless distinctively original in character,--necessarily so, -since the discovery of new lands and new routes, to say nothing of the -effects of continuous warring, not only invited investigation, but also -made it imperative, in order to overcome hitherto unknown difficulties. -In dealing with the Americas a practice was made of gathering -geographical data which for its completeness has scarcely ever been -surpassed. Explorers were required by law to make the most detailed -observations as to distances, general geographical features, character -of the soil, products, animals, and peoples, with a view to the -collection and the study of their reports at the _Casa de Contratación_, -for which purpose the post of cosmographical chronicler of the Indies -was created. Equal amplitude of data was also to be found in books of -travel. To enumerate the contributors to geographical knowledge it would -be necessary to name the hundreds of Spanish voyages and explorations in -the new world of which accounts were written by their leaders or by -friars accompanying the expeditions. A noteworthy compendium of these -reports has recently been published, although it was compiled in the -sixteenth century, the _Geografía y descripción universal de las Indias_ -(Geography and general description of the Indies) for the years 1571 to -1574 by Juan López de Velasco. Something of a like nature was achieved -for the peninsula itself in the reign of Philip II. As was inevitable, -Spaniards were prominent in cartography. Aside from the men who -accompanied the expeditions in the new world, the most famous -cartographers of the time were those of the _Casa de Contratación_, many -of whom made contributions to cartographical science, as well as -additions to the mapping of the world. One interesting instance was the -use of maps with equi-distant polar projections years before Mercator in -1569 first employed this method, which was henceforth to bear his name. -Spanish innovators have not received the credit they deserve, -principally because their results were in many cases deliberately kept -secret by the Spanish government, which wished to retain a monopoly of -the information, as well as of the trade, of the new world. Spanish -achievements, it will be observed, were designed to meet practical ends, -rather than to promote universal knowledge,--unfortunately for the fame -of the individuals engaged in scientific production. - -[Sidenote: Similarly, Spanish achievements in the mathematical and -physical sciences.] - -Naturally, these accomplishments in geography and cartography -necessitated a solid foundation in the mathematical and physical -sciences, and such a basis in fact existed. The leading scholars, -especially those of the _Casa_, who always stood out from the rest, -displayed a remarkable conjunction of theory and practice. At the same -time that they were writing doctrinal treatises about cosmography, -astronomy, and mathematics, they were able to make maps and nautical -instruments with their own hands, and not infrequently to invent useful -appliances. Problems in connection with the variations of the magnetic -needle, the exact calculation of longitude, the observation of eclipses, -and the perfection of the astrolabe were among those which preoccupied -students of that day. The advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the -facility with which the theory of Copernicus (that the sun, and not the -earth, is the centre of the solar system) was accepted in Spain, when it -was rejected elsewhere. It is noteworthy, too, that when Pope Gregory -XIII proposed to correct the calendar, he sought information of Spanish -scholars, whose suggestions were followed. In the same year (1582) that -the Gregorian calendar went into effect in Rome, it was adopted also in -Spain. In nautical science, as might have been expected from the -practical character of Spanish studies, Spaniards were preëminent. Among -the more important names was that of Alarcón, better known for his -voyage of 1540 in the Gulf of California and along the western coast of -the California peninsula. Advance in naval construction accompanied that -of navigation proper. The new world provided Spaniards with an -opportunity, of which they did not fail to avail themselves, for -progress in the sciences of physics and chemistry, always with practical -ideals in mind. Theories were set forth as to such matters as cyclones, -terrestrial magnetism, atmospheric pressure, and even telegraphy, while -mechanical inventions were made, because these things were related to -specific problems. The most remarkable example of the heights to which -Spaniards attained in physics and chemistry was in the application of -these sciences to metallurgy. When the mines of the Americas were first -exploited, it was necessary to resort to German methods, but it was not -long before Spaniards easily took first rank in the world. A work by -Alonso Barba, for example, published in 1640, was translated into all of -the leading European languages, and served as the principal guide of -metallurgists for more than a century. As engineers Spaniards lagged -behind other European peoples; engineering works were not greatly -involved in the colonization of the Americas. It is interesting, -however, to note the numerous studies of projects by Spaniards of the -sixteenth century,--among them, Cortés, Saavedra, Galván, López de -Gómara, Gil González Dávila, Salcedo, Esquivel, and Mercado,--with a -view to the construction of a canal at the Isthmus of Panamá to -facilitate communication with the Pacific. - -[Sidenote: Progress in medicine.] - -Finally, the science of medicine, which had already entered upon an -experimental stage in the reign of the Catholic Kings, advanced to a -point which enabled it to compare, not unfavorably, with the -achievements in other branches of precise knowledge. Medicine, too, had -the Americas to thank for much of its progress, owing to discoveries of -botanical and mineralogical specimens of a medicinal character. The -universities of Salamanca, Valencia, and Barcelona took the lead in -medical studies, and furnished most of the great names of the era. In -the seventeenth century medical science experienced a marked decline, -due among other things to a return to an imitation of classical methods. -Hippocrates and other Greek writers were regarded as incapable of -mistake, wherefore investigation and experiment ceased to hold the place -they had won in the sixteenth century. Some men endeavored to continue -the experimental tradition, but, as indeed elsewhere in Europe, they -were despised by the classical element, who arrogated to themselves the -honor of possessing the only real medical knowledge, charging their -opponents, usually with truth, with employing experimentation because -they were unable to read the accounts of classical remedies set forth in -Greek and Latin. Nevertheless, it was to experimental methods, -principally in the sixteenth century, that the discovery of many -hitherto unknown cures was due. - - - - -CHAPTER XXX - -THE GOLDEN AGE: LITERATURE AND ART, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Victory of Castilian over foreign tongues in polite -literature and remarkable outburst of productivity.] - -The general conditions affecting literature and art in the _siglo de -oro_ have already been alluded to in the preceding chapter. The -influence of Humanism and the impulse of the Renaissance were more -directly felt in polite literature than in didactic and scientific -works. Furthermore, this type of literature was more easily understood -by people at large than the more special studies, and it is not -surprising that Spain’s intellectual greatness should have been -appreciated by the majority of the educated classes in terms of poetry, -the novel, and the drama, together with the manifestations of the age in -the fine arts. The very men who contributed works of a scientific -character could not resist the appeal of _belles lettres_, and wrote -books which not infrequently demonstrated their double right to homage. -Knowledge of Latin, Greek, and various modern languages, especially -Italian and French, was more or less general among the educated classes, -giving an opportunity for the satisfaction of one’s wishes to delve into -a varied literature, and opening the way to foreign influences upon -Castilian work. The day of French influence seemed for a time to have -passed, however (although it returned with the decline in the later -seventeenth century); rather, a current against it had set in. The -effect of the other three languages was so great, however, that -Castilian temporarily lost some of its prestige, which passed over -especially to Latin and Italian. Most works of an erudite character now -appeared in Latin, and that language was the official tongue of most of -the courses in the universities. The church, too, lent its weight to -Latin. Nevertheless, Castilian was at no time in real danger. Anything -intended for popular consumption found its way into Castilian, and not a -few notable scientific works employed that language. Save for a few -inefficacious attempts of the Humanists to use Latin, the field of -polite literature was captured wholly by the native tongue. This victory -for national sentiment carried with it an exuberant outburst of -productivity which affected all classes. Prior to this time the clergy -had provided almost the only representatives to win fame in _belles -lettres_; now, they were joined and rivalled, even outdone, by laymen, -both soldiers and civilians. The noble families caught the enthusiasm -and made their houses centres for gatherings, and the kings themselves -were carried along in the current. Charles I was exceptionally fond of -the novels of chivalry, which he used to have read aloud to him; Philip -II, himself little affected, tolerated the tastes of his daughters which -led them to make poetry form a part of the palace distractions; but it -was under Philip IV that the royal love and patronage of literature -attained to its highest point. Philip IV himself wrote comedies, and -filled the palace with poets, dramatists, and writers of prose. -Meanwhile, the general public got its first real opportunity to attend -the theatre, and bought meritorious books (which printing now rendered -available), while men discussed their favorite authors with the same -ardor that they might their favorite bull-fighters. - -[Sidenote: Spanish contributions to philology.] - -One of the principal studies of the Humanists was that of grammar, Latin -and Greek chiefly. The classical authors and the patristic writings of -the medieval period occupied their attention, together with allied works -in other languages, such as ancient Hebrew or modern Italian. The -Spanish Humanists held a noteworthy place in the development of this -movement in Europe. While many individuals might be named, Arias Montano -was perhaps the greatest of Spain’s representatives. Interest in -language study carried Spaniards far afield among contemporary tongues, -and in one respect led to a remarkable contribution to knowledge. As -conquerors and as missionaries Spaniards came in contact with a variety -of peoples hitherto unknown, or little known, to the world, from the -numerous tribes of the Indians in the Americas to the Chinese and -Japanese of the Far East. Many valuable data were accumulated in Spanish -about these peoples and their customs, and their languages were studied -and in many cases written down by Spaniards, who systematized them for -the first time. Much of this material has only recently become -available, but it ranks as an achievement of the _siglo de oro_; perhaps -the more valuable parts were prepared in the sixteenth century. -Meanwhile, the process of purifying Castilian grammar was constantly -going on, and it is interesting to note the strong nationalistic -tendency in favor of a phonetic spelling as opposed to the expression of -the etymological form. Rhetoric was regarded as a part of grammar, and -it is easy to understand that in an age of Humanism the question of -style should be a favorite topic. - -[Sidenote: Lope de Rueda and the development of the national theatre.] - -It was in this period that the national theatre developed, and Spaniards -displayed such originality and forcefulness as to make a profound -impression on the dramatic literature of the world. At the outset of the -reign of Charles I, Gil Vicente and Torres Naharro were continuing the -tradition of Juan del Enzina with crude farces and allegorical religious -plays. Despite the fact that these were generally acted in convents, -they were so frequently of a licentious character that in 1548 their -publication was forbidden. Meanwhile, classical plays and compositions -written in imitation of the Latin and Greek masters were proving -difficult competitors to the weakly groping Spanish stage. The -regeneration of the national theatre was due to Lope de Rueda of -Seville, whose name first appears in 1554. The greatness of Rueda was -due primarily to his own acting, which gave him an opportunity to -re-introduce Spanish plays and make a success of them. While staging -translations of Latin and Italian works, Rueda wrote and played short -acts of a dramatic and episodical character. Others carried on the task -begun by Rueda until the machinery for the Spanish theatre was fairly -well prepared for the works of the great masters,--for example, the -three-act comedy had developed, first employed by Francisco de Avendaño. -Cervantes wrote a number of plays, between 1583 and 1587, but while -they were not without merit they were completely overshadowed by those -of the great writers of dramatic literature. - -[Sidenote: The great masters of the Spanish theatre.] - -First of the great masters, chronologically, was Lope de Vega -(1562-1635), who was also one of the most prolific writers of all time. -It is said that he wrote 1800 comedies and 400 religious, allegorical -plays (one of the leading types of the era), besides many shorter -dialogues, of which number 470 of the comedies and 50 of the plays have -survived. His writings were not less admirable than numerous, and marked -a complete break with the past. An inventive exuberance, well-sustained -agreeability and charm, skill in the management of fable and in the -depiction of character, the elevation of women to a leading place in the -dramatical plot (a feature without precedent), an instinct for -theatrical effects, intensity of emotional expression, wit, naturalness -and nobility of dialogue, and realism were the most noteworthy traits of -his compositions, together with a variety in subject-matter which -ventured into every phase of the history and contemporary customs of -Spain. His defects were traceable mainly to his facility in production, -such as a lack of plan and organization as a whole, wherefore it has -been said that he wrote scenes and not complete plays, although his best -works are not open to this charge. In the meantime, the paraphernalia of -theatrical presentation had been perfected. In 1579 the first permanent -theatre was built in Madrid, followed quickly by the erection of others -there and in the other large cities. Travelling companies staged plays -in all parts of Spain, until the theatre became popular. If Lope de Vega -profited from this situation, so also did the stage from him, for he -provided it with a vehicle which fixed it in public favor at a time when -the balance might have swung either way. The fame of Lope de Vega -eclipsed that of his contemporaries, many of whom were deserving of high -rank. In recent years one name has emerged from the crowd, that of Friar -Gabriel Téllez, better known by his pseudonym, Tirso de Molina -(1571-1658). In realism, depiction of character, profundity of ideas, -emotion, and a sense of the dramatic he was the equal and at times the -superior of Lope de Vega. The successor in fame and popularity of Lope -de Vega, however, was Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681), whose -compositions faithfully represented the devout Catholicism and chivalric -ideals (exaggerating the fact) of his contemporaries. Calderón was above -all a writer of religious, allegorical plays. In the domain of the -profane his plays were too grave and rigid to adapt themselves to the -comic, and they were characterized by a certain monotony and artifice, a -substitution of allegory for realism, and an excess of brilliance and -lyrical qualities, often tinged with rhetoric and obscure classical -allusions. Not only were these three masters and a number of others -great in Spain, but also they clearly influenced the dramatic literature -of the world; it would be necessary to include most of the famous -European playwrights of the seventeenth century and some of later times -if a list were to be made of those who drew inspiration from the Spanish -theatre of the _siglo de oro_. - -[Sidenote: The three types of the sixteenth century novel.] - -The history of the Spanish novel in this era reduces itself to a -discussion of three leading types, those of chivalry, love, and social -customs, the last-named an outgrowth from the picaresque novel, and more -often so-called. The novel of chivalry, descendant of _Amadís de Gaula_, -was by far the most popular in the sixteenth century, having almost a -monopoly of the field. Like the reprehensible “dime novel” of recent -American life its popularity became almost a disease, resulting -occasionally in a derangement of the mental faculties of some of its -more assiduous readers. The extravagant achievements of the wandering -knights ended by proving a bore to Spanish taste, and the chivalric -novel was already dead when Cervantes attacked it in _Don Quixote_. -Meanwhile, the amatory novel had been affected by the introduction from -Italy of a pastoral basis for the story, which first appeared in the -middle of the sixteenth century and endured for about a hundred years. -This novel was based on an impossible situation, that of country -shepherds and shepherdesses who talked like people of education and -refinement. Only the high qualities of the writers were able to give it -life, which was achieved by the excellence of the descriptions, the -lyrical quality of the verse, and the beauty of the prose style. The -true Spanish novel was to develop out of the picaresque type, which -looked back to the popular _La Celestina_ of 1499. About the middle of -the sixteenth century and again just at its close there appeared two -other works, frankly picaresque, for they dealt with the life of rogues -(_pícaros_) and vagabonds. The name “picaresque” was henceforth employed -for works which did not come within the exact field of these earlier -volumes, except that they were realistic portrayals of contemporary -life. Such was the state of affairs when Cervantes appeared. - -[Sidenote: Cervantes and _Don Quixote_.] - -[Sidenote: The _Novelas exemplares_.] - -Miguel de Cervantes y Saavedra (1547-1616) had a long and varied career -before his publication of the book which was to place him at a bound in -the front rank of the literary men of all time. He was a pupil of the -Humanist Hoyos in 1568; a chamberlain of Cardinal Acquaviva at Rome in -1569; a soldier from 1570 to 1575, taking part in the battle of Lepanto; -and a captive in Algiers from 1575 to 1580. A devotee of _belles -lettres_ from youth, he produced many works between 1583 and 1602 in -poetry, the drama, and the pastoral novel, in none of which did he -attain to real eminence, though a writer of note. In 1603 he wrote the -first part of the _Quixote_, and published it in 1605. The book leaped -into immediate favor, ran through a number of editions, and was almost -at once translated, at least in part, into all the languages of western -Europe. It is easy to point out the relationship of _Don Quixote_ to the -many types of literature which had preceded it. There was the influence -of Lucian in its audacious criticism, piquancy, and jovial and -independent humor, in its satire, in fine; of Rojas’ _La Celestina_ or -of Rueda in dialogue; of Boccaccio in style, variety, freedom, and -artistic devices; of the Italian story-writers and poets of the era; -even of Homer’s _Odyssey_; and especially of the novels of chivalry. -Nevertheless, Cervantes took all this and moulded it in his own way into -something new. The case of the novel of chivalry may be taken for -purposes of illustration. While pretending to annihilate that type of -work, which was already dead, Cervantes in fact caught the epic spirit -of idealism which the novelists had wished to represent but had drowned -in a flood of extravagances and impossible happenings, raising it in -the _Quixote_ to a point of sublimity which revealed the eternal -significance in human psychology of the knightly ideal,--and all in the -genial reflection of chimerical undertakings amid the real problems of -life. On this account some have said that the _Quixote_ was the last and -the best, the perfected novel of chivalry. Withal, it was set forth in -prose of inexpressible beauty, superior to any of its models in its -depth and spontaneity, its rich abundance, its irresistibly comic force, -and its handling of conversation. The surprise occasioned by this -totally unlooked for kind of book can in part be understood when one -recalls that in the domain of the real and human, the public had had -only the three picaresque novels already alluded to, before the -appearance of _Don Quixote_. In his few remaining years of life -Cervantes added yet other works in his inimitable style, of which the -two most notable were the second part of the _Quixote_ (1615), said by -many to be superior to the first, and the _Novelas exemplares_, or Model -tales (1612-1613), a series of short stories bearing a close -relationship to the picaresque novels in their dealings with the lives -of rogues, vagabonds, and profligates, but as demonstrably different -from them as the _Quixote_ was from the novels of chivalry, especially -in that Cervantes was not satirizing, or idealizing, or even drawing a -moral concerning the life he depicted, but merely telling his tale, as -an artist and a poet. Well might he say that he was the first to write -novels in Castilian. There were many writers of fiction after him in the -era, but since the novel had reached its culminating point in its first -issue, it is natural that the art did not progress,--for it could not! - -[Sidenote: Lyric and epic poetry.] - -While the Spanish theatre and the Spanish novel were of world-wide -significance, furnishing models which affected the literature of other -peoples, Spanish lyric poetry had only national importance, but it has a -special interest at this time in that it was the most noteworthy -representative of the vices which were to contribute to destroy Spain’s -literary preëminence. In the first place, lyric poetry was an -importation, for the Italian lyrics overwhelmed the native product and -even imposed their form in Castilian verse. Much excellent work was -done, however, notably by Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536). Eminent on -another account was Luis de Argote y Góngora (1561-1627), commonly -referred to by the name of his mother, Góngora. Góngora affected to -despise popularity, declaring that he wished to write only for the -cultivated classes. To attain this end he adopted the method of -complicating the expression of his ideas, making violent departures from -the usual order of employing words (hyperbaton), and indulging in -artificial symbolism. This practice, called euphuism in English, for it -was not peculiar to Spain but became general in Europe, won undying fame -of a doubtfully desirable character for Góngora, in that it has ever -since been termed _gongorismo_ in Spanish, although the word -_culteranismo_ has also been applied. Similar to it was conceptism, -which aimed to introduce subtleties, symbols, and obscurities into the -ideas themselves. It is natural that the lyric poetry of the later -seventeenth century should have reached a state of utter decline. Epic -poetry did not prosper in this era; its function was supplied by -romance. - -[Sidenote: Achievements in satire, panegyrics, and periodical -literature.] - -In addition to the various forms of prose writing already discussed, -there were many others, and great distinction was achieved in them by -the Spaniards of the _siglo de oro_. Among the many who might be -mentioned was Francisco de Quevedo, especially famous as a satirist and -humorist. One interesting type of literature was that of the panegyrics -of Spain in answer to the Hispanophobe works of foreigners, who based -their characterizations of Spaniards in no small degree, though not -wholly, on the exaggerated condemnation of Spain’s dealings with the -American Indians by Bartolomé de Las Casas, himself a Spanish Dominican. -The _Política indiana_ of Solórzano belongs in this class of literature, -as a refutation, though a reasoned one, of the indictment of Las Casas -and others. In addition to the already-mentioned “relations of events,” -forerunner of the modern newspaper, it is to be noted that the _Gaceta_ -(Gazette), the official periodical, began to be published in the -seventeenth century. With regard to the non-Castilian parts of Spain it -need only be said that Castilian triumphed as the literary language, -although works in the vernacular continued to be published in Catalonia, -Valencia, and Majorca. - -[Sidenote: Influence of Spanish intellectual achievements upon western -European thought.] - -In dealing with the various phases of the _siglo de oro_ much has -already been said about the diffusion of Spanish thought in Europe and -its influence in foreign countries. Two factors tended to bring Spanish -intellectual achievements to the notice of the world. In the first -place, Spanish professors were to be found in many foreign universities, -while Jesuit teaching, very largely Spanish, profoundly affected -Catholic Europe. In the second place, Spanish works were widely read and -translated, although not equally at all times or equally in all places. -In general, Italy was the centre for the dissemination of Spanish -thought in the sixteenth century, though often by a double translation, -from Spanish to Italian and from Italian to a third tongue, and France -was the distributing point in the seventeenth century. In addition there -were the works in Latin, which were equally available to all. Spanish -philosophical writings were comparatively little read, abroad, but those -concerning theology and religion were seized upon by friend and foe, -while the offerings of the Spanish mystics were also widely translated. -An even greater diffusion fell to the lot of the works on jurisprudence, -politics, and international law, and the essential importance of Spanish -writings in geography, cosmography, natural science, and kindred -subjects has already been pointed out. The works of the historians -crossed the frontiers, though more particularly those dealing with the -Americas, together with the narratives of American travel. The power of -Spanish arms was sufficient to induce wide reading of military writings -emanating from the peninsula. Naturally, the greatest number of -translations was in the field of polite literature. Every type of the -Spanish novel found its way to other countries, and the novel of -chivalry was almost more admired, abroad, and certainly longer-lived, -than in Spain. Cervantes became a veritable cult in Germany and England, -and in this special case England became the centre for the diffusion of -Spanish genius. In like manner the great dramatists were famous in all -of Europe. While the mere knowledge by Europeans of Spanish works would -not be a sufficient basis to predicate a vital Spanish influence beyond -the peninsula, such information was a condition precedent to its -effectuation, and important modifications of western European thought -did in fact follow. It would be possible to trace this in every branch -of literature and study which has been discussed, but a number of -indications have been given already, and the task is one which does not -fall within the field of this volume. To those who actually produced an -effect should be added the names of those who deserved to do so, but who -were prevented by fortuitous circumstances from so doing; the -achievements of many of these men are only now being brought to light by -investigations in Spanish archives, and in some cases,--for example, in -that of the anthropological group of writers about the Americas,--their -works still represent contributions to universal knowledge. Toward the -close of the seventeenth century Spain’s hegemony in the world of -letters began to be supplanted by the rising power of France. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the decline in Spanish intellectual productivity] - -All peoples who have had their period of intellectual greatness have -sooner or later fallen from their high estate, and it was inevitable -that this should occur in the case of Spain. The decline in the -peninsula was so excessive in degree, however, that historians have -enquired whether there were not certain special causes to induce it. The -baleful effect of the Inquisition, exercising a kind of religious -censorship on all works, has usually been regarded as of the first -importance in this respect. Yet the Inquisition existed during the -period of greatness as well as in that of decadence, and to assert that -the prohibitions placed upon the expression of even such important ideas -as those having a religious bearing could dry up the native independence -and freedom of Spanish thought is to confess a lack of knowledge of -Spanish character. The Inquisition was one of a great many factors -having some influence to check production, but it was not responsible to -the degree that has been charged. The same thing is true of the -government censorship independent of the Inquisition. Another factor of -some importance was that the manifestations of the _siglo de oro_ had no -solid foundation in the education of the masses, who remained as -ignorant as in preceding centuries. If any set of causes can be singled -out from the rest, it is probable that those having to do with the -political and economic decline of the country as a whole affected, also, -the intellectual output of the country. A natural aptitude in the -Spanish people, together with the national expansion in resources and -power, had enabled them in the sixteenth century to develop an all-round -intellectual productivity, more especially of a scientific order, and -when this phase of the Golden Age was already dead, private wealth, -refinement, and tradition remained to encourage expression in the realm -of polite literature. Even this prop was removed by the end of the -seventeenth century, and the final decline became inevitable. - -[Sidenote: Great era of the fine arts.] - -The general conditions affecting the history of art were the same as -those already pointed out in dealing with literature. Spain produced -painters whose works were to serve as among the greatest models of all -time, and her attainments in other phases of art, if less inspiring, -were of a distinguished order. Spanish architecture, though rarely -approved by modern critics, was to become a force in the world through -its transmission to the Americas. The so-called “Mission style” of -California is nothing more than a reminiscence of the art forms of Spain -in this period and the next. - -[Sidenote: Spanish Renaissance architecture.] - -[Sidenote: The Herreran style.] - -[Sidenote: Baroque architecture.] - -A continuation of the evolution begun in the preceding era, from Gothic -to Renaissance architecture, resulted in the banishment of the former. -The Renaissance edifices were in three principal styles, which did not -succeed one another rigorously in turn, but which were mixed together, -or passed almost imperceptibly from one to another, although roughly -representing a certain chronological order. The first of these was -characterized by the predominance of Renaissance factors over those -which were more properly plateresque. The façades of San Marcos of León -and of the _ayuntamiento_ (city hall) of Seville are good examples. By -far the most noteworthy style was that of the second of this period, -called variously “Greco-Roman,” “second Renaissance,” and “Herreran” -(after Juan de Herrera, its principal exponent), and employed most -largely in the second half of the sixteenth and the first part of the -seventeenth century. The edifices of this group were noteworthy for the -attempt made in them to imitate the Roman architecture of the later -empire through the suppression of adornment and the multiplication of -flat surfaces and straight lines, achieving expression through great -size and massiveness of structure, together with the use of rich -materials. In the matter of embellishment the classical orders were -superimposed, Doric being used in the lower story, Ionic in the next, -and finally Corinthian. The pyramid capped with a ball was the favorite -style of finial, while gigantic statues were also placed in niches high -up in the façade. The whole effect was sombrely religious, often -depressingly so. The greatest example of this type of art is the -Escorial, the famous palace of Philip II, built by Juan de Herrera, -possibly the most noteworthy single edifice of Christian Spanish -architecture in existence, and certainly the most widely known. In the -reign of Philip IV there was a pronounced reaction against the sobriety -of the Herreran style, and the pendulum swung to the other extreme. -Adornment and movement of line returned, but were expressed in a most -extravagant way, as exemplified by the excessive employment of foliage -effects and by the use of broken or twisted lines which were not -structurally necessary and were not in harmony with the rest of the -edifice. Variety and richness of materials were also a leading -characteristic. This style, usually called “baroque,” also -“churrigueresque” (from Churriguera, its leading architect), has -numerous examples, of which the façade of the palace of San Telmo in -Seville may be taken as a type. - -[Sidenote: Vigorous development of sculpture and the lesser arts.] - -Sculpture developed into a vigorous art, though still employed mainly as -auxiliary to architecture or in religious statuary. Gothic sculpture in -both the pure and the plateresque form struggled against Italian -influences until the middle of the sixteenth century, when the latter -triumphed. Berruguete, Montañés, and Alonso Cano, the first-named -largely responsible for the just-mentioned Italian victory and the two -latter flourishing in the time of Philip IV, were the leading names of -the era. A peculiarity of the Spanish sculptors was that they worked in -wood, being especially noteworthy for the images (many crucifixions -among them) which they made. The realism of the image-makers saved -Spanish sculpture from the contamination of baroque art, which took root -in other countries. The decline came, however, with the introduction -later in the seventeenth century of the practice of dressing the images, -so that only the head, hands, and feet were in fact sculptured. From -this the sculptors went on to attach false hair and other false -features, going even to the extreme of affixing human skin and finger -nails. Other factors combined with this lack of taste to bring on the -decay of the art. The excellent work in this period of the -_artesonados_, or ceilings of carved woodwork, should not pass -unnoticed. Meanwhile, work in gold, silver, iron, and bronze was -cultivated assiduously, of which the principal manifestations of a -national character were the shrines and gratings. In general, the -Renaissance influences triumphed in these arts, as also in the various -allied arts, such as the making of tapestry. The gold workers enjoyed an -expansion of output springing naturally from the surplus wealth in -secular hands, and a similar lot fell to the workers in silks and -embroideries; both industries produced materials of a high artistic -quality. In ceramic art Arabic tradition had one noteworthy survival in -the azulejos, or varnished bricks painted by hand in blue and white and -used as tiles. Renaissance factors at length appeared to change the -geometric designs, reminiscent of the Moslem past, to the more prevalent -classic forms. Aside from azulejos proper other tiles of many colors, -often gilded, were employed. - -[Sidenote: Appearance of an independent Spanish school in painting.] - -In the early years of this period the Italian influence on Spanish -painting held full sway. The leading factors were the Florentine school, -headed by Raphael, and the Venetian school, of which Titian was the most -prominent representative. The latter, notable for its brilliant coloring -and effects of light, was by all odds the more important of the two. -Spaniards went to Italy to study, and not a few Italian painters came to -Spain, while many works of the Italian masters, especially those of -Titian, were procured by Charles I and Philip II. Nevertheless, the -signs of a truly Spanish school began to appear about the middle of the -sixteenth century, and before the close of Philip II’s reign the era of -Spanish independence in painting and the day of the great masters were -at hand, to endure for over a century. With characteristic -individuality, Spaniards did not separate into well-defined local -schools, but displayed a great variety, even within the same group. -Still, in a general way the Andalusians may be said to have accentuated -the use of light and a warm ambient, while the Castilians followed a -more severe style, employing darker tones. All devoted themselves to the -depiction of religious subject-matter, but with no attempt at idealism; -rather, the mundane sphere of realism, though in a religious cloak, -preoccupied them, with attention, too, to expression and coloring more -than to drawing and purity of form. - -[Sidenote: El Greco, first of the great masters in painting.] - -[Sidenote: Ribera.] - -[Sidenote: Zurbarán.] - -[Sidenote: Velázquez, greatest of the masters.] - -[Sidenote: Murillo.] - -[Sidenote: Coello.] - -[Sidenote: Other notable painters.] - -The era of splendor began with Domenico Theotocopuli (1545?-1625), -better known as “El Greco.” As indicated by his name this artist was not -Spanish in origin, but Greek. The character of his works, however, was -so original and its influences were so powerful in the formation of the -Spanish school that he may truly be claimed for Spain, where he lived -and worked. He established himself at Toledo in 1577, which city is -still the best repository of his paintings. His early style was marked -by a strong Venetian manner, with warm tones, great richness, firm -drawing, and an intense sentiment of life. Toward 1581 he began to -change to a use of cold, gray, shadowy tones, and the employment of a -kind of caricature in his drawing, with long and narrow heads and -bodies. By this method, however, he was able to attain wonderful results -in portraiture. Aside from his own merits no painter so profoundly -influenced the greatest of the masters, Velázquez. Chronologically next -of the great painters was Ribera (1588-1656), called “Espagnoletto” in -Italy, where he did most of his work in the Spanish kingdom of Naples. -Naturalism, perfect technique, and the remarkable bodily energy of the -figures he depicted were the leading qualities of his work. The -diffusion of his paintings in Spain tended to make him influential in -the Spanish school, to which his individuality, as well as his birth, -entitled him to belong. Zurbarán (1598-1663) was the most rigorous of -the realists, including all the accessories in his paintings, even to -the minute details of a person’s dress. Less vigorous than Ribera he was -best in his portrayal of monks, in which subject-matter his sombrely -passive, exceedingly religious atmosphere found a suitable vehicle. He -was nevertheless a brilliant colorist. Next in point of time came Diego -Velázquez de Silva (1599-1660), greatest of Spanish masters and possibly -the greatest of all painters. Velázquez had various periods and various -styles, in all of which he produced admirable works. Unlike his -predecessors and those who succeeded him as well, he was as diverse in -subject-matter as it was possible to be, within the law, and was far -less notable for his religious works than for his many others. He -depicted for all time the court life of Philip III and Philip IV, -including the portraits of those kings and the other leading figures of -the court. Some of his greatest work appeared in these portraits, which -he knew how to fit into a setting of landscape, making the central -figure stand out in a way that no other painter has surpassed or perhaps -equalled. He also painted common people (as in his _Los borrachos_, or -Intoxicated men) and queer people (as in his paintings of dwarfs), and -drew upon mythology (as in his composition entitled “the forge of -Vulcan”) and upon contemporary wars (as witness the famous “surrender of -Breda”). Once only, during a lapse of the prohibitory law, did he paint -a nude,--the celebrated Venus of the mirror, now in London, one of the -greatest works of its kind. In many of his paintings he revealed himself -as a wonderful landscape painter. His landscapes were characterized by -the use of a pale, yet rich, pervading blue, and by effects of distance -and atmosphere. No painter is more inadequately set forth by -photography. To know Velázquez, one must see his works.[58] After -Velázquez came Murillo (1618-1682), an Andalusian, who well represented -the traits of southern Spain. His leading characteristics were a -precise, energetic drawing, fresh, harmonious coloring, and a religious -sentiment which was a remarkable combination of imaginative idealism, or -even supernaturalism, of conception with realism of figures and scenes. -His biblical characters were represented by the common people of the -streets of Seville. Few painters have more indelibly stamped their works -with their own individuality. Last of the masters was Coello -(1623?-1694), who maintained the traditions of the Spanish school, -though under strong Venetian influence, amidst a flood of baroque -paintings which had already begun to corrupt public taste. Other names -might well be included in the list of great Spanish painters in this -era, such as Pacheco, Roelas, Herrera, and especially Valdés Leal and -Alonso Cano. Indeed, it would be difficult to overestimate the -importance of the Spanish school. It is not unthinkable that a list of -the ten greatest painters in the history of the world would include the -names of Velázquez, El Greco, and Murillo, with a place reserved for -Goya (of the eighteenth century), and with the claims of Ribera -deserving consideration. - -[Sidenote: Noteworthy character of Spanish music.] - -Spanish music, though not so important in the history of the world as -that of Italy or Germany, had a notable development in this period, and -displayed an individuality which distinguished it from that of other -lands. For the first time it came into a place of its own, apart from -recitation or the merely technical presentation of medieval church -ceremonial, and was characterized by a certain expressiveness, -approaching sentimentality and having a flavor which has led many to -assert that its roots were to be found in the song and dance of Spanish -Moslems. To be sure, the influence of Italy was greatest at this time. -The _siglo de oro_ in Spanish music was the sixteenth century, in the -time of the four great composers of the era, Morales, Guerrero, Cabezón, -and Victoria. The greatest works were in the field of religious music, -in which various parts were sung to the accompaniment of the organ. -Music of the court occupied a half-way post between church and popular -music, displaying a combination of both elements, with song to the -accompaniment of the viola, which filled the rôle of the modern piano. -At the close of the sixteenth century the viola was replaced by the -guitar, which became the national instrument of Spain. Popular music -found its fullest expression in the theatre. It got to be the fashion -for the entire company to sing as a preliminary to the play, to the -music of the viola, the harp, or the violin. This song had no necessary -connection with the play, but song in dialogue soon began to be employed -as an integral part of one-act pieces of what might be termed a -vaudeville type. In the seventeenth century, song invaded the legitimate -stage, and some operas were sung in which the dialogue was entirely in -music or else alternated with recitation. The last-named type, the -_zarzuela_, became particularly popular. Unfortunately, none of the -examples of this music which would have been most interesting, such as -that employed in the _zarzuelas_ of Lope de Vega and the other masters, -has survived. Its true character therefore remains unknown, although its -use in theatrical representation is an important fact in the history of -the art. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -THE EARLY BOURBONS, 1700-1759 - - -[Sidenote: Basis and consequences of Spanish reforms of the eighteenth -century.] - -The eighteenth century in Spain was of intense import as affecting the -ultimate interests of the Americas. It was an era of regeneration, of a -somewhat remarkable recovery from the decadent state which Spain had -reached by the time of the reign of the last Hapsburg monarch. It was -accompanied, however, by Spain’s engaging in a series of wars, due in -some cases to unwise ambitions of an imperialistic character in European -affairs and in others to unavoidable necessity as a result of the -aggressions of foreign powers. It was a period when international -morality with its attendant diplomatic intrigue and unprovoked attacks -was in a low state, and Spain was often a sufferer thereby; indeed, many -interesting parallels might be drawn between European diplomatic -practices in the eighteenth century and those of William II of Germany -in the twentieth. England, Austria, and France were at various times the -opponents of Spain, but the first-named gradually emerged as the most -persistent, aggressive, and dangerous of her enemies. If the prospects -of wars were the principal motive force which induced the life-giving -reforms,--so that Spain might acquire wealth and efficiency which could -be converted into military strength,--the wars themselves tended to -increase the needs of the state. Thus in the case of the Americas the -very improvements which were introduced were to contribute to bring -about the eventual separation of Spain from her colonies, in the first -place because they occasioned a development in resources and capacity -which gave prospects of success when the revolts should come, and in the -second because Spain drew too heavily upon the colonies in promoting -European objects without giving an adequate return, wherefore discontent -was fostered. Nevertheless, her efforts were at least to have the merit -of saving those colonies to themselves, thus conserving the influence of -Spanish-speaking peoples in the world, with indirect effects on the -history of the United States. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the War of the Spanish Succession.] - -With the exception of Austria, whose candidate for the Spanish throne, -the Archduke Charles, was unwilling to recognize the validity of the -document which had chosen the grandson of Louis XIV, the European -nations were disposed to view the accession of Philip V (1700-1746) with -favor, especially since the French monarch consented to the conditions -imposed in the will of Charles II that the crowns of France and Spain -should be independent and never be united in a single person. This -seemed to insure a maintenance of the equilibrium in Europe almost more -certainly than the crowning of the Archduke Charles would have done, -wherefore most of the powers recognized Philip V. It was at this time -that the autocratic Louis XIV, whose many victorious wars had given him -an undue confidence, made one of the serious mistakes of his life. In -certain formal letters he recognized in Philip V such rights of -succession to the French throne as he would ordinarily have had but for -the terms of his acquisition of Spain, and caused these documents to be -recorded before the Parlement of Paris. Other events also tended to show -that Louis XIV meant to dispose of Spain as if that country belonged to -him. When he presented the Spanish ambassador at Versailles to Philip V -the Castilian envoy exclaimed: “God be praised! The Pyrenees have -disappeared! Now we are all one!” This remark was indicative of the -opinions which by that time had become current. This new element in the -situation, together with certain other impolitic acts of the French king -against the interests of England and the Protestant Netherlands, caused -the countries just named to join with Austria and the Holy Roman Empire -in 1701 in an alliance for a war against Louis XIV and Philip V. Austria -wished to acquire the crown of Spain for the archduke, while the -English and the Dutch were primarily desirous of avoiding a -Franco-Spanish union, wherefore they insisted on the dethronement of -Philip V, accepting the pretensions of Charles. England was particularly -inspired by a fear that her commerce and expansion in the new world -would be prejudiced, or even crushed, by the joint power of France and -Spain. Furthermore, the profits of contraband trade with the Spanish -colonies were likely to be cut off under the energetic rule of the king -of France, then the most powerful monarch in Europe, and direct -indications to that effect occurred in 1701, when the _asiento_ -(contract), or right to introduce negro slaves into America, was granted -to a French company and several South American ports were occupied by -French ships. - -[Sidenote: The war in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: The Catalan espousal of the archduke’s cause.] - -[Sidenote: The capture of Gibraltar by the English.] - -[Sidenote: Events leading to peace.] - -The War of the Spanish Succession, as the great conflict beginning -actively in 1702 has been called, had Spain as one of its principal -battle-grounds, since both Philip V and the archduke were there. The -struggle was one of great vicissitudes, as evidenced by the number of -times Madrid itself changed hands. Most of the people in the peninsula -favored Philip V, but the Catalans early displayed a tendency toward the -other side. Their resentment over the injuries received at the hands of -their French allies in the revolt of 1640 had not yet cooled, and they -especially objected to being governed by a king who represented the -absolutist ideals of the French Bourbons, for it was logical to expect -that it might mean a danger to their much cherished _fueros_, or -charters. Certain conflicts with royal officials seemed to indicate that -the government of Philip V intended to insist on the omnipotence of its -authority, thus increasing the discontent, to which was added the -encouragement to revolt arising from the greatness of the forces aligned -against the Bourbons, for in addition to the powers already mentioned -Savoy and Portugal had cast in their lot in 1703 and 1704. An allied -attempt of 1704 to land in Catalonia having proved a failure the Bourbon -officers employed rigorous measures to punish those Catalans who had -aided in the movement. The principal effect was to rouse indignation to -such a point that in 1705 a determined outbreak took place. Henceforth, -Catalonia could be counted on the side of the allies. In the same year -an alliance was contracted with the English, who made promises to the -Catalans which they were going to be far from fulfilling. Meanwhile, the -allied failure to get a foothold in Catalonia in 1704 had been -compensated by an incident of that campaign which was to be one of the -most important events of the war. On its way south from Catalonia in -that year the English squadron, under the command of Admiral Rooke, -seized Gibraltar, which happened to be poorly defended at the time. -Numerous attempts were made to recover it, but neither then nor since -were the Spaniards able to wrest this guardian of the strait from -English hands. In 1708 the island of Minorca was captured, to remain in -the possession of England for nearly a century. In 1711 the Holy Roman -Emperor died, as a result of which the archduke ascended the imperial -throne as the Emperor Charles VI. This event proved to be decisive as -affecting the war, for it made the candidacy of Charles for the Spanish -crown almost as unwelcome as had been the earlier prospect of a -Franco-Spanish union. Other factors contributed to make the former -archduke’s allies desirous of peace, chief of which was that Louis XIV -had been so thoroughly beaten that there was no longer any danger of his -insisting on the rights of Philip V to the crown of France. - -[Sidenote: The peace of Utrecht.] - -[Sidenote: Abandonment of the Catalans by the allies.] - -England (in which country a new government representing the mercantile -classes and the party of peace had just come into power) took the lead -among the allies in peace negotiations, and was soon followed by all the -parties engaged, except Charles VI and a few of the German princes. -Between 1711 and 1714 a series of treaties was arranged, of which the -principal one was that of Utrecht in 1713. As concerned Spain the most -noteworthy provisions were: Philip V’s renunciation for himself and his -heirs of any claim to the French throne; the cession of Gibraltar and -Minorca to England; the grant of the negro slave-trade _asiento_ in the -Americas to the English, together with accompanying rights which made -this phase of the treaties a veritable entering wedge for English -commerce in the Spanish colonies; and the surrender of the Catholic -Netherlands, Milan, Naples, and Sardinia to Austria, and of Sicily to -Savoy. In 1720 Austria and Savoy exchanged the two islands which had -fallen to their lot, and the latter took on the official title of the -kingdom of Sardinia. On the above-named conditions Philip V was allowed -to retain the Spanish dominions of the peninsula and of the Americas. If -Spain could have but known it, the treaties were altogether favorable to -her, but ambition was to undo their beneficial effects. One troublesome -point in the various peace conferences was the so-called case of the -Catalans. It had been generally believed that England in accordance with -her earlier treaty with the Catalans would insist on the preservation of -the much mooted _fueros_ and that Philip V would make the concession, as -had Philip IV before him. Philip V showed himself to be obstinate on -this point, for, not once, but several times, he positively refused to -yield. Furthermore, the English government, desirous of peace, the -prospective advantages of which for England were already clear, -repeatedly charged its ambassadors not to hold out for the Catalan -_fueros_. Some attempts to secure them were made, but when they failed -to overcome the persistent objections of Philip V provision was made for -a general amnesty to the Catalans, who were to enjoy the same rights as -the inhabitants of Castile. The rights of Castilians, however, together -with the duties which were implied, were precisely what the Catalans did -not want. The conduct of Charles VI was equally unmoral. He did, indeed, -make repeated attempts to save the _fueros_, and declared that he would -never abandon the Catalans. Yet he signed a convention withdrawing his -troops from Catalonia, and left the people of that land to their fate. -The latter were not disposed to yield without a struggle, and sustained -a war against Philip V for more than a year. The fall of Barcelona in -1714 put an end to the unequal conflict. - -[Sidenote: The French influence in Spain during the War of the Spanish -Succession.] - -[Sidenote: Madame des Ursins.] - -[Sidenote: Instances of resistance by Philip V to domination by Louis -XIV.] - -One of the interesting factors of the era of the war was that of the -French influence in Spain, which was to have a pronounced effect on the -internal development of the country, and, by extension, on that of the -colonies. Philip V was seventeen years of age when he ascended the -throne, but, though he many times proved his valor in battle, he was in -other respects a weak and irresolute character, without striking virtues -or defects, fond of hunting, and exceedingly devout,--in fine, of a type -such that he was inevitably bound to be led by others. These traits -fitted in with the policies of Louis XIV, who fully intended to direct -the affairs of Spain in his own interest. He charged Philip V never to -forget that he was a Frenchman, and, indeed, with the exceptions -presently to be noted, Philip was quite ready to submit to the will of -his grandfather. From the first, Louis XIV surrounded the Spanish king -with French councillors, some of whom occupied honorary positions only, -while others filled important posts in the government of Spain, and -still others, notably the French ambassadors and French generals, -exercised actual authority without having any official connection with -the country. One of the most important of all was Madame des Ursins, -maid of honor to the queen, sent to Spain by Louis XIV because as the -widow of the Duke of Braciano, a Spanish grandee, she was familiar with -the customs of the country. This lady won the complete confidence of the -queen, who in turn was able to dominate her husband. It may be said for -Madame des Ursins that she was faithful to the interests of the Spanish -monarchs, though promoting the entry of French influences, at that time -much to be desired in Spain. Indeed, she not infrequently sided with -Philip V against the wishes of Louis XIV, which on one occasion led to -her recall by the French monarch. Finding, however, that he could not -control Spanish affairs without her aid, Louis allowed her to return to -Spain. Despite the enormous pressure exercised against him in favor of -France, Philip V occasionally rebelled. One instance of his obstinacy -has already been cited respecting the case of the Catalan _fueros_. A -more important issue arose out of the presumptions of Louis XIV to -dispose of Philip’s crown, as an avenue of escape for himself. In every -year from 1706 to 1712 Louis XIV endeavored to sacrifice the interests -of Spain or of Philip V in order to propitiate the allies into a grant -of peace. In particular he was desirous of procuring the resignation of -Philip from the throne of Spain in favor of the House of Austria, saving -to Philip the Spanish dominions in Italy. Philip was obdurate when -suggestions were made of his abandoning Spain, and more than once, even -when the situation looked hopeless, declared his intention of dying at -the head of his troops, rather than abdicate the throne to which he felt -divinely entitled. Louis XIV was even disposed to compel him by force of -arms to acquiesce, and several times withdrew his military support, but -the Spanish king would not yield. Fortunately for Philip the allies -played into his hands by demanding too much, with the result that Louis -XIV on such occasions would renew his support of Philip. Nevertheless, -it was the urgings of Louis XIV which prevailed upon Philip to surrender -the Spanish dominions in Italy and the Low Countries as well as to -renounce his claim to the throne of France. In all of these tribulations -of the Spanish king credit should be given to María Luisa of Savoy, the -spirited young queen of Spain. Not yet fourteen at the time of her -marriage, in 1701, she at all times displayed a courage and ability -which endeared her to the Spanish people. Though her father, the Duke of -Savoy, joined the allies against France and Spain, she did not waver in -her attachment to the land of her adoption. Inspired by her the Spanish -people (except the Catalans) displayed an ardent spirit of nationalism -for the first time in history, and were loyally devoted to the king and -queen. Nevertheless, despite Spanish patriotism and Philip’s obdurate -resistance to Louis XIV’s plans concerning the peninsula, there was the -underlying truth of a profound French influence over Spain. This was -best represented by men who, like Orry and Amelot, were responsible for -far-reaching reforms, the effects of which will be discussed in the -chapters on institutions. - -[Sidenote: The popular young queen, María Luisa of Savoy.] - -[Sidenote: Isabel Farnesio and the resumption of a policy of imperialism -in Italy.] - -Unfortunately for Philip and for Spain the queen died, early in the year -1714. A young Italian abbot named Alberoni happened to be at court in -that year and he suggested to Madame des Ursins that a certain Isabel -Farnesio (Elizabeth Farnese) of Parma would make a suitable wife for -Philip V. According to him the sweet gentleness of her character would -enable Madame des Ursins to maintain her power at the Spanish court. In -December of the same year the wedding took place. Thus did the lady who -has received the sobriquet, the “Termagant of Spain,” become the wife of -Philip V. On her first meeting with Madame des Ursins she dismissed her, -and proceeded to become herself the dominant influence near the crown. -Isabel Farnesio was in fact a woman of extraordinary energy and force of -character, besides being so attractive as to be irresistible to the weak -king, who was so violently and capriciously attached to her that he even -chastised her with blows, at times, in a kind of jealous fury. -Nevertheless, she submitted to anything, provided she could retain a -hold on her husband, for she was ambitious for her children and for -Italy, and meant to utilize Spanish power in furtherance of her aims. -Early in 1715 she procured the elevation of Alberoni (soon to become a -cardinal) to the direction of affairs in the Spanish state, as the -instrument to procure her objects. The chief tenets in her policy were -the breaking of the intimate relation with France and the recovery of -the Italian possessions, based on the twofold desire of throwing the -Austrians out of Italy (a patriotic Italian wish, possibly more -attributable to Alberoni than to the queen) and of creating -principalities for the children of her own marriage with Philip. These -aims were furthered by playing upon the wishes of Philip to recover his -rights to the French throne. Philip V had not willingly renounced his -claim at the time Louis XIV had persuaded him to do so, and many of the -events for the next few years are explained by his aspirations to obtain -that crown for himself or for one of his sons. The Italian ambitions of -Isabel Farnesio, however, were the enduring keynote of Spanish policy -for some thirty years. - -[Sidenote: Diplomatic intrigue and war in the first period of the -Italian pretensions of Isabel Farnesio.] - -The break with France was not long in coming. In 1715 Louis XIV died, -and, contrary to the expectations of Philip, not Philip V, but the Duke -of Orleans, whom the Spanish king regarded as a personal opponent, was -named as regent for the sickly Louis XV, who was not expected to live -very long,--though in fact he was to reign for fifty-nine years. The -breach was widened by a series of treaties between England, the -Protestant Netherlands, and France in the next two years with a view to -the execution of the treaty of Utrecht. To assure the peace of Europe it -was necessary to procure the adhesion of Philip V and Charles VI, who -alone of the parties to the War of the Spanish Succession had not made -peace with each other, although no hostilities had taken place for some -time. Such a peace did not fit in, however, with the plans of Isabel -Farnesio, and when the emperor furnished a pretext in 1717 for the -renewal of hostilities a Spanish army was suddenly dispatched to -Sardinia which overran that island. England as guarantor of the -neutrality of Italy protested, and endeavored to effect a peace between -the two contestants by an offer to Philip of Charles’ renunciation of -his claims to the Spanish crown, together with a promise of the duchies -of Parma and Tuscany and a vague suggestion of England’s willingness to -restore Gibraltar and Minorca. The English proposal was rejected, and in -1718 an expedition was sent into Sicily (then in the possession of -Savoy, although the already mentioned exchange with Austria had been -discussed). The Spaniards were received with enthusiasm, and soon had a -mastery of the island. Meanwhile, Austria entered the triple alliance, -which thereby became quadruple, on the basis of the emperor’s offers to -renounce his pretensions to the throne of Spain and to consent to the -succession of Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio and Philip V, to the -duchies of Parma, Plasencia, and Tuscany in exchange for Philip’s return -of Sicily and Sardinia and his renunciation of all dominion in Italy and -the Low Countries. These terms were offered to Philip, who refused them, -despite the English ambassador’s insinuation of his country’s -willingness to return Gibraltar and Minorca if Philip would accept. -While the British government was thus negotiating for peace through -diplomatic channels it also took steps in another way to insure Spanish -acquiescence in the allied proposals. An English fleet under Admiral -Byng was ordered to attack the Spanish fleet without previous -announcement of a warlike intent, managing the affair, if possible, so -as to cast the blame on the Spanish commander. Byng found the Spanish -fleet in Sicilian waters, destroyed it, and landed Austrian troops in -Sicily. Several months later, in December, 1718, England declared war on -Spain, which was followed in January, 1719, by a declaration of war -against Philip V on the part of France. Hopelessly outnumbered, Spain -nevertheless displayed a surprising capacity for resistance. Defeat was -inevitable, however, and late in 1719 Alberoni, whose extraordinary web -of intrigues was deemed responsible for the existing situation, was -dismissed from power, a condition exacted by the allies, and in 1720 -peace was made on the basis of the earlier proposals of the quadruple -alliance. Philip was ready to comply with these terms, but the emperor -was now unwilling to grant what had been required of him. The result was -a new alliance in 1721 of England, France, and Spain, of which the most -noteworthy terms were England’s definite promise to restore Gibraltar to -Spain and an agreement for a double matrimonial alliance between the -French and Spanish courts; a Spanish princess aged three was betrothed -to Louis XV, then eleven years old, while a French princess was to marry -Philip’s eldest son, Luis. In addition the rights of Isabel’s son -Charles to the Italian duchies were reaffirmed. The marriage of Luis and -the French princess was duly celebrated in 1722, and the Spanish -princess was sent to the French court to be educated. - -[Sidenote: Abdication of Philip V and reasons therefor.] - -[Sidenote: Brief reign of Luis I and Philip’s resumption of the throne.] - -For several years Philip had been expressing a desire to abdicate. In -January, 1724, he carried his previously announced intention into -effect, declaring that he proposed to consecrate the remainder of his -life to the service of God and the important work of maintaining his own -health. There has been much speculation as to whether these were his -real designs,--all the more so, since the ambitious queen at no time -protested against this step. Although there is no direct evidence to -that effect, it is more than probable that Philip and Isabel wanted to -be ready to take advantage of the situation which might arise if Louis -XV should die, as was expected. At any rate Philip’s eldest son was -proclaimed king, as Luis I, but the reign was of brief duration. In the -same year 1724 Luis contracted smallpox and died. As there was a -general disinclination to the succession of Philip’s second son, -Ferdinand, then a minor, the former king was asked to accept the crown -again, and despite certain compunctions he felt in the matter he at -length agreed to do so. - -[Sidenote: Ripperdá and the Austrian alliance.] - -The second reign of Philip V was dominated as before by the Italian -ambitions of Isabel Farnesio, with the French aspirations of the king -remaining a factor. By this time the Baron of Ripperdá, an adventurer -who had previously been the Dutch representative at the Spanish court, -had become the agent through whom Isabel hoped to achieve her ends. Few -more unconscionable liars and intriguers are recorded in history than -this audacious courtier, who was able to deceive even Isabel Farnesio. -It occurred to the queen that the vexed question of the Italian duchies -might be settled through an embassy to Vienna. Accordingly, Ripperdá was -sent, with the principal object of procuring the betrothal of two -Austrian archduchesses to Isabel’s sons, Charles and Philip. Ripperdá -found Charles VI disinclined to consent to the betrothals, but lied both -to the emperor and to Philip, telling each that the other accepted his -petitions. His deceptions would certainly have been unmasked, had it not -been for an unexpected turn in events. In 1725 the French regent, -fearful lest Louis XV might die without issue, sent back the Spanish -princess who had been betrothed to him, because she was still too young -to marry. The natural consequence was a rupture between France and -Spain, facilitating a treaty between Charles VI and Philip V. The matter -of the marriage was now secondary to the political need of support. -Charles and Philip agreed to the terms proposed to the latter in 1718 by -the quadruple alliance. In addition Philip guaranteed the Pragmatic -Sanction, whereby the succession of Charles VI’s eldest daughter to his -Austrian estates was to be secured, and gave extensive commercial -privileges to Austria, particularly to the Ostend Company of the -Catholic, or Austrian, Netherlands, enabling that company to secure -trading rights in Spain and the Americas. A defensive alliance was -arranged, one feature of which was the emperor’s agreement to use his -good offices to cause England to fulfil her promised restoration of -Gibraltar and Minorca to Spain. Finally, Charles VI definitely abandoned -his oft-repeated demand for the recognition of the Catalan _fueros_. For -his triumphs of 1725 Ripperdá was made a grandee of Spain, owing his -promotion, in part at least, to his assurance that the marriage -alliances were practically secure. He became first minister at the -Spanish court, a post which he asked for, falsely asserting that Charles -VI desired it. Such a tissue of lies could not be sustained -indefinitely. His duplicity having been discovered he lost his position -in 1726, and was imprisoned when he seemed to confess guilt by taking -refuge in the English embassy. Escaping in 1728 he went to northern -Africa, where he passed the remaining nine years of his life. - -[Sidenote: The acquisition of Naples for Isabel’s son Charles.] - -The Austrian treaties of 1725 were to have important consequences. -England, France, the Protestant Netherlands, Prussia, Sweden, and -Denmark immediately formed an alliance, and war seemed imminent. Spain -desired it, but Austria declined to engage, much to the resentment of -the Spanish court. Spain made a fruitless attempt to recapture -Gibraltar, however, in 1727, but consented to peace in the same year -without attaining her ends, although the definitive treaty was not -signed until 1729. One factor in the agreement was the desire of Isabel -Farnesio to avenge herself on Charles VI, not only for his failure to -join in the recent war, but also to requite his refusal to accept the -marriage projects she had proposed. Even when the emperor consented to -the attainment in 1731 of Isabel’s ambitions for her son concerning the -three duchies of northern Italy, she did not put aside her vengeful -plans. Charles of Bourbon in fact landed in Italy in that year to take -possession of the duchies. A fresh step in the plans of Isabel was the -treaty of 1733 with France, often called by analogy with the later -treaty of 1761-1762 the “first Family Compact.” The opportunity to -strike at Austria, which both France and Spain desired, was now at hand, -for Austria was in the meshes of a war over the Polish succession. Spain -declared war on Austria late in 1733, and in the next year overran -Naples and Sicily. In 1734, too, Prince Charles was brought from his -duchies to be crowned king of Naples, or the Two Sicilies. Thus had -Isabel Farnesio restored the questionably desirable Italian inheritance -to Spain, but the duchies were lost. France was ready to make peace in -1735; so she calmly offered Charles VI the three duchies in exchange for -a recognition of Spanish Charles as king of the Two Sicilies. Spain -protested, but could do nothing more than submit. These terms were -accepted in 1735, although peace was not signed until three years later. -It is interesting to note that the Catalans had not yet given up hope of -their _fueros_. A body of Catalan patriots visited England in 1736 to -ask for the fulfilment of the earlier English promise to maintain the -_fueros_, but the British government paid no attention to the petition. - -[Sidenote: The War of Jenkins’ Ear.] - -War was not long in making its reappearance on the Spanish horizon. For -a long time there had been various causes of dispute with England, the -most important of which arose out of the English contraband trade in the -Spanish colonies. The _asiento_ treaty had been used by English -merchants as the entering wedge for British commerce, and their -violations of the law had met with reprisals at times, especially when -English smugglers were caught by the more faithful of the Spanish -officials in the colonies. One Englishman, named Jenkins, brought home -his ear preserved in alcohol, claiming that the Spaniards had cut it -off. Such acts as this, whether of actual occurrence or not, fitted in -with English conceptions of Spanish cruelty, and furnished a pretext for -war to the rising party of British imperialists, headed by William Pitt. -Indemnities were demanded by England and agreed to by Spain, but when -the latter put in a counter-claim the British government threatened war, -which was soon declared, late in 1739. This conflict, called in English -histories the War of Jenkins’ Ear, demonstrated that the internal -reforms in Spain had not been without effect. The West Indies were the -principal field of the struggle, but Spain was able to defend -herself,--as witness the successful defence of Cartagena, which Admiral -Vernon was so sure he was going to capture that he had commemorative -medals struck off in advance. In Europe the most noteworthy events were -the Spanish attempts to capture Gibraltar and Port Mahón, Minorca, both -of which ended in failure. France soon came into the war on Spain’s -side, and the conflict became European when it merged into the great War -of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748). - -[Sidenote: The War of the Austrian Succession and the acquisition of the -North Italian duchies for Isabel’s son Philip.] - -The various princes of Europe had guaranteed Charles VI’s Pragmatic -Sanction one or more times, but when the emperor died, in 1740, each of -them proceeded along the line of political interest. Urged on by Isabel -Farnesio, Philip V renewed his pretensions to the duchies in northern -Italy and to other Italian territories in Austrian hands which had -formerly belonged to Spain. France, Prussia, and other states of lesser -importance also made certain claims. England’s interest lay with the -opponent of France and Spain, wherefore she joined with Austria. In a -military way the war was very nearly indecisive, and there was a general -desire for peace by the year 1746. This attitude received a fresh -impulse by the accession of Ferdinand VI to the Spanish throne in that -year, for he was a determined partisan of peace. The treaty of 1748 was -entirely favorable to Isabel Farnesio in that she obtained the duchies -of Parma, Plasencia, and Guastalla for her son Philip; Tuscany was no -longer available, having been in other hands since the agreement of -1735. The dispute with England was settled by a recognition of -commercial advantages in favor of that country, especially those growing -out of the _asiento_; two years later the _asiento_ was annulled in -exchange for a heavy payment by Spain. Meanwhile, the voyage of Anson -around the world, 1739-1742, had in fact dealt a blow to Spain in -America, revealing the Spanish secrets of the Pacific. The peace of 1748 -marked the culminating point in the aspirations of Isabel Farnesio. -After more than thirty years of effort she had almost completely -attained her ends. Spain had paid the bills, with little to compensate -her except glory and at the cost of losses in the colonies, which though -not translated into cessions of territory were to have ultimate effects -to the disadvantage of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the peaceful reign of Ferdinand VI.] - -The reign of Ferdinand VI (1746-1759) looms little in external -narrative, because it was an era of peace, but on that very account it -was important in institutions. The achievements of Charles III were made -possible by the policies of economic regeneration which were so strongly -to the fore in the reign of Ferdinand VI. Ferdinand, who may have been -deficient enough in some respects, who took very little part himself in -affairs of government, and who displayed tendencies to melancholia and -even insanity, was firmly of the opinion that Spain needed peace, and at -a time when Europe was engaging in another great conflict, the Seven -Years’ War, he declined the overtures of both France and England, the -leading opponents in the struggle, even when accompanied by such -tempting bait as the latter’s offer of the restitution of much-desired -Gibraltar and Minorca. In 1759 he died without issue, and his -half-brother, Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio, came to the throne of -Spain, after a long experience as a ruler in Italy. Thus did the -“Termagant of Spain” achieve yet a new victory to reward her maternal -ambition,--and meanwhile the Two Sicilies were not lost to her line, for -that kingdom passed to her grandson Ferdinand, the third son of -Charles. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII - -CHARLES III AND ENGLAND, 1759-1788 - - -[Sidenote: Greatness of the reign of Charles III and principal factors -therein.] - -Under Charles III, Spain reached the highest point she has attained -since the sixteenth century. In many respects the internal situation was -better at this time than in the great days of the _siglo de oro_, but -Spain’s relative authority in Europe was less, because of the striking -advances which had been made by the other powers. One of them, England, -was particularly dangerous, and it will be found that Spain’s foreign -policy in this reign was directed primarily toward meeting the -possibility of war with that country. Other difficulties, such as those -with Portugal and Morocco, particularly with the former, were cogent -factors because of the relations which England bore, or was believed to -bear, to them. Contrary to the impression usually to be derived from the -histories of the American Revolution, Spain was intensely hostile to -England throughout this reign. To oppose that country the Family Compact -with France was formed, and continued to be the basis of Spain’s foreign -policy, although it early became manifest that France would honor the -treaty only when it suited her purposes. In the end the policies of -Charles III were crowned with success,--not so great as Spain could have -wished, but sufficiently so to make this reign the most pleasingly -satisfactory to Spaniards of any since the days of Isabella, next to -whom Charles III has some claim to rank as the greatest Spanish monarch -of modern times. This becomes the more worthy of belief when one -investigates the sweeping character of and the success attained in the -social, political, and economic reforms of the period. These were at the -basis of Spain’s victories in European councils, for they provided the -sinews of war. Nevertheless there was one drawback. The reforms in the -Americas, following the precedent of nearly three centuries, were -undertaken more with a view to the production of revenues for Spain than -for the contented development of the colonies themselves. Spain also ran -counter to a new force in world history, which she herself was obliged -by circumstances to assist in establishing itself. The spirit of world -democracy was born with the American Revolution, and appeared in France -soon afterward. This meant that the autocratic basis of Spanish -greatness was presently to be destroyed. The success of the American -Revolution was to be related in no small degree to the loss of Spain’s -colonial empire. The failure of the French Revolution was to produce a -powerful despot who was to bring Spain, under Charles IV, to the lowest -point she had reached since the days of Charles II. Nevertheless, the -reign of Charles III is to be considered as something more than a -brilliant moment in history without ultimate effect. The internal -reforms were of permanent benefit to Spain and even to the Americas, -capable of utilization under the more democratic systems of the future. -Finally, the part played by Spain in the successful issue of the -American Revolution deserves to bulk large, even though she could not -look with sympathy upon a movement which, she clearly saw, might bring -about her own ruin. - -[Sidenote: Causes of Charles III’s policy of opposition to England.] - -Many writers have ascribed Charles III’s policy of opposition to England -to his hatred of that country, growing out of certain humiliations -forced upon him by an English fleet while he was king in Naples. There -is no reason to believe, however, that this feeling, if indeed it did -exist in unusual degree, dominated his political action, and in fact -Charles was always a partisan of peace; far from plunging into war he -had rather to be convinced of its necessity. There were reasons in -plenty to induce him to such a course, irrespective of any personal -spite he might have felt. Prior to the reign of Charles, Spain had -already engaged in four wars with England (1702-1713, 1718-1720, -1727-1729, 1739-1748) in the course of half a century, and at no time in -the Bourbon era had the two countries been on nearly cordial terms. The -gist of the trouble lay in the British ambition to possess the greatest -colonial empire and the richest commerce in the world. For the -realization of these aims it seemed necessary to destroy the colonial -importance of France and Spain, and any advances in wealth or military -power on the part of either of those countries was regarded as -detrimental to the imperialistic designs of England. With respect to -Spain, British contraband trade in the Americas under the cover of the -_asiento_ treaty had tended to break down the Spanish commercial -monopoly, and the annulment of the _asiento_ had not put an end to the -smuggling. While no territories in the Americas had been wrested from -Spain under the Bourbons, the previous century had recorded many -conquests by England in the Caribbean area, principal of which was that -of Jamaica, and along the Atlantic coast strip of North America, the -southern part of which had been not only claimed but also occupied by -Spain in earlier days. Meanwhile, the losses of France and the -aggressive character of English foreign policy under Pitt made it appear -that Spain might expect to be deprived of her colonies whenever the -opportunity to secure them should seem ripe to England. - -[Sidenote: Continuance of England’s affronts to Spain.] - -[Sidenote: The Family Compact and Spain’s entry into the Seven Years’ -War.] - -From the outset of the reign of Charles III there occurred many -incidents to heighten Spain’s suspicion or anger with respect to -England. The exigencies of the war with France led the English to adopt -many arbitrary measures against the as yet neutral power of Spain. -English vessels stopped Spanish ships on the high seas, claiming a right -of search, and seized many of them, often without justification in -international law; the English government occupied a bit of Spanish -territory, and did not abandon it with a good grace; and there were -instances when Spanish merchants in England were treated badly. -Meanwhile, British acts of aggression and smuggling in the Americas -continued to take place; the English placed difficulties in the way of -Spanish fishing off the coast of Newfoundland, though beyond the -territorial waters of the British domain; they founded establishments in -Honduras without authorization from Spain, and began to cut the valuable -dyewoods there; and Gibraltar and Minorca still remained in English -hands, a standing affront to Spanish pride and a danger to the -peninsula. Nevertheless, the underlying factor which influenced Spain -was the imperialism of England, backed up as it was by her vast -resources and her almost invincible navy. Charles did not wish to bring -Spain into the war, but it was clear that an overwhelming defeat for -France would be almost equally disadvantageous to Spain, who might -expect to receive the next shock from the English arms. France had -gotten much the worst of it in the Seven Years’ War when Charles III -ascended the Spanish throne, wherefore Charles endeavored to mediate -between that power and England. The British government’s arrogant -rejection of his proffer tended only to make him the more disposed to -consider an alliance with France. When, therefore, the French -authorities approached him with the proposal for an alliance he resolved -to join with them if England should refuse to meet Spain’s demands -relative to the release of captured Spanish ships, the free use of the -Newfoundland fisheries, and the abandonment of the English settlements -in Honduras. England not only refused to give satisfaction, but also -asked for an explanation of the naval preparations Spain was making. -Thereupon, Charles prepared for war. Two treaties, called jointly the -Family Compact, were made with the Bourbon king of France. The first of -these, signed in August, 1761, was a defensive alliance against such -powers as should attack either of the two crowns. The second, dated in -February, 1762, was an offensive and defensive alliance directed -specifically against England. War, meanwhile, had already been declared -in January. - -[Sidenote: Spanish losses in the Seven Years’ War.] - -In the ensuing campaign France and Spain were badly beaten. Manila and -Havana were taken by the English, although Spain won a notable success -in the capture of Sacramento, a Portuguese colony on the Río de la -Plata,--for Portugal had entered the war on the side of England. -Twenty-seven richly laden English boats were taken at -Sacramento,--significant of the profits which the English merchants were -making in contraband trade, using Sacramento as a base. In 1763 a peace -which was in many respects humiliating to Spain was signed at Paris. -England restored Manila and Havana, but required the cession of Florida -and all other Spanish territories east of the Mississippi; Sacramento -was returned to Portugal; Spain gave up all rights of her subjects to -fish in Newfoundland waters; questions arising out of the English -captures of Spanish ships prior to Spain’s entry into the war were to be -decided by the British courts of admiralty; and the English right to cut -dyewoods in Honduras was acknowledged, although England agreed to the -demolition of all the fortifications which British subjects might have -constructed there. France, who had lost practically all her other -colonies to England, now gave the scantily settled, ill-defined region -of French influence west of the Mississippi, all that remained of French -Louisiana, to Spain. According to the terms of the grant it was to -compensate Spain for her loss of Florida, but in fact it was in order to -ensure the continued alliance of Spain with France. - -[Sidenote: Preparations for a renewal of the war.] - -[Sidenote: Pretexts for war.] - -[Sidenote: The Falkland Islands affair.] - -The peace of 1763 was looked upon by France and Spain as a truce, for if -England had been dangerous before, she was doubly so now. France wished -revenge and the restoration of her overseas domains, while Spain’s -principal motive was a desire to save her colonies from conquest by -England. Both countries therefore bent their energies to preparations -for another war; in Spain the next decade and a half was a period of -remarkable economic reforms tending to the regeneration of the peninsula -as the basis for an army and navy. Meanwhile, steps were taken to avoid -the possibility of an English descent upon the Spanish West Indies, -which were regarded as the principal danger-point, both because of the -strength of England’s position in the Caribbean area, and because that -region was the key to the Spanish mainland colonies of the two Americas. -Pretexts for trouble were not lacking. The English dyewood cutters of -Honduras did not observe the restrictions placed upon them by the treaty -of Paris, and the British government neglected to satisfy Spain’s -complaints in that regard; the French settlers of Louisiana refused to -acknowledge their transfer to the Spanish crown, wherefore it was -necessary to employ force against them, and it was believed that -English agents had instigated them to resist; on the other hand England -repeatedly demanded the payment of a ransom which the English conquerors -of Manila had exacted from that city, but Spain refused to pay the -claim. The principal diplomatic interest down to 1771, however, was the -so-called question of the Falkland Islands (called Malouines by the -French, and Maluinas by Spaniards). This group, lying some 250 miles -east of the Strait of Magellan, seems to have been discovered by Spanish -navigators of the sixteenth century, for a description of the islands -was in the possession of the Spanish authorities at an early time. The -first English voyage to this group was that of Captain Cowley, as late -as 1686, but no claim could be made on this basis, for in 1748 England -formally recognized the rights of Spain. Not much attention was paid to -the Falklands until after the Seven Years’ War, although various -navigators visited them, but in 1763 a Spanish pilot, Mathei, made the -first of a series of voyages to these islands. In 1764 a French -expedition under Bougainville landed at one of them, and formed a -settlement, and in the next year the English captain, Biron, touched at -a place called Port Egmont by him, took formal possession for England, -applying the name Falkland to the group, and proceeded on his way to the -Pacific Ocean and around the world. Not long afterward an English -settlement was made at Port Egmont, and the governor no sooner heard of -the presence of the French than he ordered their withdrawal. Meanwhile, -the Spanish government had lodged a complaint at the French court -against the occupation of the islands by France, and an agreement was -reached, whereby the French should abandon the group and a Spanish -settlement there should be formed. This was done, and the English and -Spanish governors began mutually to demand each other’s withdrawal, the -Englishman setting a time limit of six months. The Spanish government -directed the captain-general of Buenos Aires to expel the English -settlers, and accordingly, though not until June, 1770, these orders -were carried out. When the news reached England the British Parliament -voted funds in preparation for war, and made excessive demands for -reparation for what was considered an insult to England as well as for -the restitution of the colony. Spain, in reliance upon the Family -Compact, was not inclined to avoid the issue, and matters even went so -far as the retirement of the Spanish and English ambassadors, when an -unforeseen event occurred, changing the whole aspect of affairs. This -was the fall of Choiseul, the French minister who had negotiated the -Family Compact and who was believed by Spain to be ready to bring France -into the war. It was on this occasion that Louis XV is reported to have -said “My minister wanted war, but I do not,” thus calmly disregarding -the treaty with Spain. Consequently, Spain had to yield, and in 1771 the -Spanish ambassador to London signed a declaration disapproving the -removal of the English colonists and promising to restore Port Egmont, -although without prejudice to Spain’s claim to the islands.[59] - -[Sidenote: Revival of the Family Compact as a force in European -politics.] - -Spain might justly have abandoned the Family Compact after the Falkland -incident, and for a time that treaty did suffer a partial eclipse. -Charles III felt that in future he could count only on his own forces, -but he continued to increase and equip them, for the danger from England -was as great as ever. Self-interest inevitably brought Spain and France -together, and with the appearance of the warlike Aranda in France, late -in the year 1773, as Spanish ambassador to that court, plans with a view -to meeting the common enemy were again discussed. The death of Louis XV, -in May, 1774, brought matters still more to a head, for it resulted in a -change of ministry in France, whereby Vergennes, believed to be an -enthusiastic partisan of the Family Compact, became minister of foreign -affairs. Vergennes was in fact an ardent supporter of the Franco-Spanish -alliance, although his enthusiasm was tempered in moments of crisis by a -clear view of what most favored France, and he did not fail to see that -he might employ it as the basis for trade concessions from Spain, the -better to build up the resources of France. Nevertheless, the opinion -was general that Vergennes intended to adhere to the Family Compact, and -consequently England planned to occupy Spain with other affairs, so as -to separate her from France, or at least divert her from pursuing a -common policy with the last-named country against England. Two matters -were at hand, of which they might avail themselves: Spain’s disputes -with the sultan of Morocco; and her quarrels with Portugal over -boundaries in South America. - -[Sidenote: Relations with the Moslem states of the Barbary Coast.] - -The never-ending wars with the Moslems of northern Africa were inherited -from the preceding era, and continued to occupy Spanish troops and -fleets down to the reign of Charles III. In 1767 satisfactory relations -between Spain and Morocco seemed to have been reached when the latter -agreed to abandon piracy and recognized Spain’s title to her -establishments on the North African coast. Late in 1774, however, the -sultan announced that he would no longer tolerate Christian posts in his -empire, and commenced a siege of Melilla. The attack was beaten off, and -it was decided to strike what was hoped might be a decisive blow against -the dey of Algiers, the ally of the Moroccan sultan. An expedition of -some 18,000 men was prepared, and placed under the command of General -O’Reilly, reformer of the Spanish army and a man of tremendous -reputation, but in the ensuing operations before Algiers O’Reilly was -crushingly defeated with a loss of several thousand men. Rightly or -wrongly, England was believed to have instigated the Moslem rulers to -attack Spain. Years later, Charles came to an understanding with the -Moslem states of the Barbary Coast. Between 1782 and 1786 treaties were -made, whereby the rulers of those lands agreed once again to give up -piracy and also the institution of slavery, besides granting certain -religious and commercial privileges to Spaniards in their lands. This -was not the last of piracy and warfare in North Africa, however; the -former endured for another generation, and the end of the latter, even -in the restricted Spanish area, is not yet. - -[Sidenote: Disputes with Portugal over boundaries in South America.] - -There was a much stronger case against England with regard to Portugal, -whose exaggerated claims were supported by the British government. The -boundaries between the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in South America -had been an unending source of dispute, ever since the treaty of -Tordesillas in 1494, and the question was complicated by that of British -and Portuguese smuggling into Spain’s colonies. The principal scene of -conflict was the Portuguese post of Sacramento, founded in 1679 on the -eastern bank of the Río de la Plata. The Spanish-owned region of -Paraguay was also a field for Portuguese aggressions. Domestic animals -to the number of hundreds of thousands were driven off from the Spanish -settlements, while thousands of Indian families were captured and sold -into slavery. Ferdinand VI endeavored to solve these problems through a -treaty which he made with Portugal, in 1750, according to which Spain -acquired Sacramento in exchange for territories in the Paraguayan -region. The treaty met with the spirited opposition of leading Spanish -ministers, and with that of the Jesuit missionaries, the Indians, and -the Spanish settlers in the regions affected, and after many -vicissitudes, including a war in Paraguay, it was annulled in 1761, but -the troubles on the border continued. One of the underlying difficulties -was the ambition of Portugal. Under the direction of the Marquis of -Pombal, Portuguese minister of state, she was desirous of making -conquests in South America, for which purpose Pombal was willing to go -to any length in bad faith to achieve his end, relying upon the support -of England in case Spain should declare war. Pombal secretly directed -the Portuguese officials in the Sacramento region to seize desirable -Spanish territories, and when reports of these captures came to Europe -pretended that they were false, or that they were nothing more than -inconsequential affrays between the Spanish and Portuguese soldiery. He -promised to order his troops to desist from such actions, and asked -Charles III to do the same. The Spanish king complied with his wishes, -while Pombal on the contrary continued to give orders for hostilities -and to send reinforcements, hoping that the Portuguese might secure -posts from which it would be impossible to dislodge them by the time his -duplicity should be found out. Not only did he deceive Charles III for -a while, but he also misled the English ministers, pretending that -Portugal was a victim of Spanish ambition when the facts were quite the -contrary. England supported Pombal with vigorous diplomatic action. By -the close of the year 1775, however, England was so busily engaged in -the disputes with her own colonies that she was far from desiring a war -in Europe. The British Cabinet announced that it would take no part in -the quarrel between Spain and Portugal, provided Charles III should make -no attempts on the territorial integrity of Portugal and Brazil. Pombal -now made peaceful overtures to Charles III, hoping to delay the sending -of Spanish troops to South America, but the proofs of Pombal’s perfidy -were by this time so clear that the king of Spain would not trust him. -In fact, a Portuguese fleet in South America attacked the Spanish fleet, -in February, 1776, and shortly afterward the Portuguese captured the -Spanish post of Santa Tecla. In November a Spanish expedition left -Cádiz, and on arrival in South America put a check to the Portuguese -aggressions, and captured Sacramento. Fortune played into Spain’s hands -in another respect when María Victoria, sister of Charles III, became -regent of Portugal on the death of the king in 1777. This occasioned the -dismissal of Pombal, and in October of that year a treaty was arranged -between Spain and Portugal entirely favorable to the former. The -much-disputed Sacramento colony was awarded to Spain, while Paraguay was -retained. This treaty, supplemented by another in 1778, put an end, -after nearly three centuries, to the disputes between Spain and Portugal -with regard to their American boundaries. - -[Sidenote: Disputes of England with her American colonies as a factor in -Spain’s foreign policy.] - -In the midst of Spain’s preparations for a war against England there -loomed up a new factor, the troubles between England and her American -colonies. Down to 1774 Spain had proceeded without reference to these -disputes, ardently desirous of war whenever France should be ready, -although Charles III himself was conservative with regard to a -declaration. Until late in the year 1774 France and Spain, together with -most Englishmen, believed that the colonial situation was merely a Whig -device against the Tories. The first inkling of the seriousness of the -situation seems to have come in a report of the French ambassador, in -June, 1774, quoting a remark of the British minister, Lord Rochford, -that the Boston rioters were descendants of Cromwell’s Puritans, -implying that they would fight. Both France and Spain welcomed the news, -believing that it would keep England engaged until the Bourbon powers -could get ready to strike. In December, 1774, Garnier, the French -_chargé d’affaires_ in London, had become convinced that the American -dispute was the most important event in English history since the -revolution of 1688, and he suggested that France should give secret aid -to the Americans. In January, 1775, he reported that an army of 9000 men -was being sent to the colonies, and sounded a warning lest they make a -descent upon the French West Indies, whether in the flush of victory, or -in order to gain a recompense in case of defeat. The Spanish court was -informed of this opinion, and in March, 1775, received a similar message -from Escarano, the Spanish minister in London, who stated that England -had 11,736 soldiers in America (a great force as colonial armies went) -and could easily attack Spain’s possessions, both because they were -near, and because the British had so many transports at hand. He was of -the opinion that England could not defeat America with her “three -million souls, guided by the enthusiasm of liberty, and accustomed to -live in a kind of independence,” a people “who had given so many proofs -of valor.” The danger of a return to power of William Pitt, the -imperialist, now Lord Chatham, was also alluded to. Spain at once -consulted with France whether it would not be advisable to break with -England immediately, but Vergennes was not ready. So the matter was -dropped, although a remark attributed to Lord Rochford that the -Americans could be won back to allegiance by an English declaration of -war against France did not tend to allay the Bourbon feeling of -insecurity. - -[Sidenote: Disadvantages to Spain of a victory by either the United -States or England and effect on Spain’s policy.] - -At about this time the Spanish authorities began to be impressed by the -idea, first expressed by Aranda in July, 1775, that the American -outbreak would endanger Spain’s colonial empire. According to Aranda an -independent America would be a menace, as her population was increasing, -and consequently she needed lands, which she would be apt to seek in a -region with a temperate climate like New Spain, rather than by expansion -northward. Thus the Anglo-Americans might eventually dominate North -America, or help Spain’s colonies to become independent. On the other -hand, if England should defeat the colonists, the latter would join with -her in her wars as in the past, and the danger would be equally great. -Thus Spain seemed to be between two horns of the dilemma. Up to this -time she had been ready for a declaration of war whenever France should -announce her willingness. Henceforth there was a more conservative note -in Spain’s attitude, while France, who had everything to gain and -nothing to lose, threw off her former conservatism and became -increasingly enthusiastic. Up to the close of the year 1776, however, -Spain still leaned toward war, and France remained undecided as to the -moment to strike. During this period Spain was influenced largely by the -question with Portugal. In September, 1776, Vergennes informed Aranda -that in his opinion the war ought soon to be begun, before England -herself should declare it and make an attack on France and Spain. -Spain’s attitude was expressed by Grimaldi, the Spanish minister of -state, in a letter to Aranda in October. The war was inevitable, he -said, and it would be an advantage to begin it several months before -England was ready to undertake it. Spain would leave it to the decision -of France whether the declaration should be made at once. Incidentally, -Spain hoped to conquer Portugal in course of the war. This frank -statement found Vergennes less enthusiastic. Moreover, he objected to -Spain’s designs on Portugal, lest other European powers should be -unfavorable to them. Once again the matter was dropped. Some of the -higher Spanish officials were disappointed over these continued refusals -by France, but Charles III said that for his part he believed the right -moment had not come. Meanwhile, since June, 1776, Spain had been aiding -the Americans secretly with money, arms, and ammunition, much of which -was made available through shipment to New Orleans by way of Havana, -and thence to destination. Nevertheless, Vergennes’ refusal, in -November, to begin the war marked the turning point in the attitude of -both France and Spain. The disadvantages, henceforth, loomed larger and -larger in the eyes of Spain, while the successful resistance of the -Americans to England made the way more and more easy for France. - -[Sidenote: Spain’s divergence from France over the American Revolution.] - -The new attitude of Spain was represented by both Charles III and -Floridablanca, who succeeded Grimaldi early in 1777. According to -Floridablanca the most immediate advantages which Spain might hope to -gain from the war were the recovery of Florida and the expulsion of the -English from Honduras. War ought not to be declared, however, until both -France and Spain should have considerable forces in the West Indies. -Furthermore, if the rebellious English colonies should establish their -independence, Spain ought to contrive to keep them divided in interests, -so that there might not grow up a formidable power near Spanish America. -Clearly there was no enthusiasm in Spanish governmental circles on -behalf of the Americans. This appears also from the cold reception -accorded Arthur Lee, the American representative, who at about this time -arrived in Spain, but was not received by the Spanish court. The breach -between the respective courses of France and Spain was still further -widened as a result of Burgoyne’s surrender to the Americans at -Saratoga. The British government began to make offers with a view to -conciliating the colonists. France acted quickly to prevent it, for it -was believed that a reconciliation would mean a loss of the commercial -favors France hoped to get and perhaps a war with England in which the -colonies would join on the English side. In December, 1777, therefore, -France declared herself ready to enter into a treaty of commerce and -alliance with the American government, specifically stating that her -willingness was due partially to a desire to diminish the power of -England by separating her from her colonies. In February, 1778, a treaty -was signed. All of this was done, in violation of the spirit of the -Family Compact, without any official notification to Spain. Spain’s -opinion of this procedure was voiced by Floridablanca, who recommended -to Charles III that Spain should continue her preparations, as if war -were inevitable, but should avoid a declaration as long as possible, for -under existing circumstances, one of which was the inconstancy of -Spain’s allies, the war could not result favorably for Spain. -Henceforth, Spain pursued an independent policy. The English government -was informed that Spain’s attitude would depend upon England; Spain -neither wished war nor feared it. France, meanwhile, had entered the -conflict. - -[Sidenote: Failure of mediation and Spain’s entry into the war.] - -Charles III now began to attempt the part of a mediator, in hopes that -he might get Gibraltar and Minorca as the price for bringing about -peace. In May, 1778, Escarano suggested to Lord Weymouth, a member of -the British ministry, that Gibraltar would be a fair equivalent for -Spain’s services, but was told that the price was too high, and that -affairs had probably gone beyond the point where mediation would serve; -England wanted no more from Spain than that she remain neutral. In -making this reply Lord Weymouth rather brusquely thanked Charles III for -the magnanimity of his offer,--a type of answer which was not calculated -to be pleasing to the Spanish ear, as Floridablanca very plainly -intimated to the English ambassador. To add to Spain’s displeasure -England’s conduct on the sea gave cause for complaint. Nevertheless, -Charles still hoped to serve as arbitrator,--all the more so, when news -came of French naval victories over the English. He prevailed upon Louis -XVI to submit the terms upon which he would make peace. The conditions, -which included an acknowledgment of American independence and the recall -of England’s land and sea forces, were presented to Lord Weymouth, who -haughtily rejected them. Late in the same year, 1778, Spain’s proposal -of a twenty-five or thirty year truce between England and her colonies -was also rejected. Nothing could exceed the patience of Charles III, who -then offered Weymouth an indefinite armistice, to be guaranteed by a -general disarmament. Again the Spanish king’s proposals were arrogantly -rejected. To make matters worse, England had delayed her reply from -January to March, 1779, and her ships had continued to attack those of -Spain. On April 3, Charles renewed his offer of a suspension of -hostilities, this time in the form of an ultimatum. England did not -answer for nearly two months, and in the meantime, seeing that war was -inevitable, planned attacks on the Spanish colonies. On May 28 the -ultimatum was rejected, and on June 23 war was declared. - -[Sidenote: The war with England and its favorable issue.] - -Spain was well prepared for the war, besides which the favorable state -of her relations with Portugal, and indeed with other countries, was a -source of strength. France and Spain planned an invasion of England -which did not materialize, but it did cause the retention of the English -fleet in British waters and a diminution in the military forces sent to -America,--a factor in the American war not to be overlooked. The -attempts to retake Gibraltar were unsuccessful, but in 1782 Minorca fell -into Spanish hands. In America, Florida was reconquered from the -British, the establishments in Honduras were taken, and the English were -expelled from the Bahama Islands of the West Indies. Meanwhile, England -displayed great eagerness to remove Spain from the list of her enemies. -Late in 1779 she offered to restore Gibraltar for the price of Spanish -neutrality, and to add Florida and the right to fish in Newfoundland -waters if Spain would aid her against the United States. Not only this -time but also on two other occasions when England endeavored to treat -separately with Spain her offers were rejected, even though they -embodied favorable terms for withdrawal from the war. In an age when -international faith was not very sacred, Spain preferred to remain true -to France, with whom she had renewed her alliance, although to be sure -England’s promises never equalled Spain’s hopes. It is also interesting -to note, not only that the Americans had a representative in Spain (John -Jay), but also that there were agents of Spain in the United States -(Miralles and Rendón), besides which Bernardo de Gálvez, the conqueror -of Florida, had dealings with American agents at New Orleans. The -general relations of the two governments cannot be said to have been -cordial, however, and at no time was there anything approaching a -veritable alliance; Bourbon Spain could not possibly approve of the -democratic United States. By the treaty of 1783, which ended the war, -Spain got Florida and Minorca, and limited the dyewood privileges of the -English in Honduras to a term of years. On the other hand Spain restored -the Bahamas to England. An interesting period of relations between Spain -and the United States, having to do primarily with the regions of the -lower Mississippi valley, began in the closing years of the reign of -Charles III, but the story belongs rather to the colonial side of the -history of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Death of Charles III.] - -In December, 1788, Charles III died. As will be made more clear in the -chapters dealing with institutions, he had brought Spain forward to the -position of a first rank power again,--even though her enjoyment of that -high station was to be of brief duration. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII - -CHARLES IV AND FRANCE, 1788-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Dominating character of relations with France and their -effects upon Spain] - - -IF the reign of Charles III, despite the close union of the Bourbon -crowns, had been characterized mainly in its external manifestations by -the hostility of Spain to England, that of Charles IV (1788-1808) was -dominated by relations with France. Unaffected for a while by the -principles underlying the French Revolution, Spain was toppled from her -position as a first-rate power by the Emperor Napoleon, whose designs -for world power and whose methods in seeking it were not unlike those -followed over a century later by William II of Germany. Meanwhile, the -ideas of the American and the French revolutions were permeating the -Spanish colonies, and as the wars with England continued during much of -this reign, shutting off effective communication between the colonies -and Spain, a chance was offered for putting them into effect in the new -world. The way was well prepared in the reign of Charles IV, though the -outbreak was postponed until after his fall. The blow struck by Napoleon -was not without its compensations, which in the long run may be -considered to have outweighed the loss of prestige. Napoleon, quite -without intention, gave Spain an impulse to national feeling, in the -uprising against French domination, which was greater than any she had -formerly experienced, and of sufficient force to endure to the present -day. In the same roundabout way Napoleon gave the Spain of the _Dos de -Mayo_, or Second of May (the date of the revolt against Napoleon, and -the national holiday of Spain), her first opportunity to imbibe -democratic ideas. - -[Sidenote: The Nootka affair and the virtual repudiation of the Family -Compact.] - -To cope with the great forces of the French Revolution and the -Napoleonic Empire, Spain had to rely on the leadership of the weak, -timid, vacillating Charles IV. His predecessor had left him a legacy of -able ministers, but these were not long sustained by the king. At the -outset Floridablanca still ruled as first minister of state. He was -liberal-minded as concerned social and economic institutions, but was -profoundly royalist in his political ideas and an enemy of anything -which represented a diminution in the prerogatives of the crown. He was -alarmed by the ideas which were being spread broadcast in France, and -took steps to prevent their introduction into Spain, becoming recognized -as an opponent of the French Revolution. In the midst of this situation, -there occurred the Nootka affair, which obliged him for a time to change -his policy. A Spanish voyage of 1789 to the northwest coast of North -America had resulted in the discovery and capture of two English ships -at Nootka, on the western shore of Vancouver Island. Floridablanca -informed the English government of this event, in January, 1790, -complaining of the frequent usurpations of Spanish colonial territories -by British subjects, and asking for the recognition of Spain’s ownership -of Nootka, which had been discovered by a Spanish voyage of 1774. What -followed was very nearly a duplicate of the Falkland incident, twenty -years before. England claimed that the British flag had been insulted, -and demanded satisfaction, which Floridablanca refused to give, as it -involved the acknowledgment of a doubt concerning Spain’s ownership of -Nootka. War seemed imminent, and the French government was invoked to -stand by the Family Compact. The National Assembly, then in actual -control in France, acknowledged the obligation, but attached conditions -(having to do with the revolution) to their willingness to declare -war,--with the result that Charles IV and Floridablanca decided that it -was better to avoid a rupture with England. A series of three treaties, -from 1790 to 1794, arranged for the payment of an indemnity by Spain, -and among other matters agreed that the ships of both nations should -have a right to sail the waters and make landings freely in regions not -already settled by either power. In effect, therefore, the lands north -of the Spanish settlements were thrown open to the entry of England. -These treaties had a significance which was wider than that of the -matters directly involved. They marked a new spirit in the direction of -colonial affairs. In the early years of the conquest Spain had played an -aggressive part, followed soon by the adoption of what might be termed -an aggressive defensive, or a willingness to fight for the retention of -what she had, leading also to further conquests in order to ward off -foreign attack. The Nootka affair was the beginning of a spiritless, -waiting kind of defensive, the inevitable outcome of which was -disintegration. - -[Sidenote: Floridablanca and Spanish opposition to the French -Revolution.] - -The Nootka treaties left Spain free, however, to stand in opposition to -the French Revolution. Louis XVI of France had written secretly to -Charles IV, in 1789, that he had been compelled to agree to measures of -which he did not approve. Other European monarchs were also acquainted -with the perils of Louis XVI’s position, and in the general interests of -kingship, all desired to save him, although in the case of Spain there -was the strong bond of family ties as well. In 1790 Floridablanca -directed a note to the French Assembly requesting greater freedom of -action for Louis XVI, making thinly veiled threats in case of a refusal -to comply. This action only served to enrage the French government. In -1791 Floridablanca ordered the taking of a census of all foreigners in -Spain, about half of whom were Frenchmen, compelling them to swear -allegiance to the king, the laws, and the religion of the peninsula. A -subsequent order prohibited the entry of any literature of a -revolutionary bearing, even going so far as to forbid foreigners to -receive letters. When Louis XVI accepted the constitution of 1791 -Floridablanca announced that Charles IV refused to recognize that the -French king had signed the document of his own free will, and asked that -Louis XVI and his family be allowed to go to a neutral land, threatening -war if the French government should fail to accede to Charles’ wishes. -Here was a direct challenge to the revolution, but instead of accepting -the gauntlet France sent an agent to Spain who was able to persuade -Charles IV that Floridablanca’s policy was in fact contributing to the -dangerous position of Louis XVI. Floridablanca was therefore relieved -from power early in 1792, and Aranda became first minister in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Brief ministry of Aranda.] - -Aranda, who sympathized to some extent with the revolutionary ideas, -placed the relations with France on a more cordial basis, although -without relinquishing the efforts which were being made in company with -other European sovereigns to save Louis XVI. When the news came of the -revolutionary excesses of the summer of 1792 Aranda, who had not -expected such a turn of affairs, became more stern, and began to -consider the advisability of joint military action with Austria, -Prussia, and Sardinia. Meanwhile, the French government demanded the -alliance of Spain or offered the alternative of war. Induced in part by -a doubt with regard to the best policy to pursue for the sake of Louis -XVI, Spain hesitated, and suggested a treaty of neutrality. France -imposed conditions which it was impossible for Spain to accept, among -them the recognition of the French Republic, which had just been -proclaimed. Before Aranda could meet the problem in a decisive manner he -was dispossessed of his post as the result of a palace plot in favor of -Manuel Godoy. - -[Sidenote: Godoy and the significance of his relations with the queen.] - -At the time of his accession to the headship of the Spanish ministry in -1792 Godoy was a mere youth, twenty-five years of age. Formerly a -soldier of the royal guard, he had been selected by Charles IV with the -specific idea of training him to be his leading minister, for the king -believed that the plebeian Godoy would, out of necessity, be devotedly -attached to the royal interests. The queen, María Luisa, was influential -in the choice of Godoy, for there is little doubt that she was already -the mistress of this upstart youth. Godoy’s abilities have perhaps been -condemned too harshly. He was a man of ambition and some talent, and had -studied assiduously to fit himself for his eventual post. Nevertheless, -his sudden rise to high rank in the nobility (for he had been made Duke -of Alcudia) and in political office, together with the notoriety of his -relations with the queen, caused an indignation in Spain which was to -result in the forming of a party opposed to him,--a group which the -enemies of Spain were able to manipulate to advantage. - -[Sidenote: War with France and the treaty of Basle.] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties with England and alliance with France.] - -Godoy continued the efforts of his predecessors to save Louis XVI, -without more success than they, and when he declined to accede to the -conditions imposed by the French Convention, then ruling in France, that -body early in 1793 declared war on Spain. The war against France was -joined by most of the countries of western Europe. One by one, however, -the continental princes fell away, and urged Spain to do the same. The -war itself, so far as Spain was concerned, was not decisive either way, -although France had a little the better of it. In 1795 negotiations were -undertaken which resulted in the treaty of Basle. The Pyrenean boundary -was maintained, but Spain ceded that portion of the island of Hayti, or -Santo Domingo, which still belonged to her, thus acknowledging the -French title to the whole island.[60] The government of England, with -which Spain had allied for the war with France, was exceedingly annoyed -by Spain’s acceptance of peace, and very soon began to act in a -threatening manner. Even as an ally in the recent war England had not -been altogether cordial toward Spain. On one occasion a Spanish treasure -ship which had been captured by the French was retaken by the English, -and retained as a prize; Englishmen had continued to engage in -contraband trade, not only in Spanish America, but also in the peninsula -itself; they had been responsible for encouraging separatist feelings in -Spanish America, well knowing that the independence of Spain’s colonies -would result in advantages to British commerce; and England had refused -to grant Spain a subsidy for the 1795 campaign,--a factor with a bearing -on Spain’s action, whatever the merits of the case. The resentment of -the Spanish court was now provoked by insults which were offered to the -Spanish ambassador to London and by attacks on Spanish ships, just as -formerly in the reign of Charles III. The natural effect was to drive -Spain into the arms of France. An alliance was formed in 1796 which was -followed by a declaration of war against England. It is highly probable -that Charles IV was induced to form this union by a belief, fostered -perhaps by French intrigue, that the French Republic was about to -collapse, in which event it seemed likely that a Spanish Bourbon might -be called to the throne of France. - -[Sidenote: Unsatisfactory results from the French Alliance.] - -Spain’s experience as an ally of France was not more happy than her -previous union with England. France excluded her from representation at -several conferences looking to treaties of peace between France and her -enemies, and made slight efforts to secure the interests of Spain, going -so far as to refuse her sanction to many of the pretensions of her -Bourbon ally. Most annoying of all was the dispossession of the Duke of -Parma, a relative of Charles IV by descent from Isabel Farnesio. The -French government endeavored to calm Spanish feelings on this point by -offering to make Godoy the Grand Master of the Knights of Malta,--an -honor he was disposed to accept, subject to certain conditions, one of -which was that he be absolved from the vow of chastity. In fact, -however, the French authorities were suspicious of Godoy, believing that -he was secretly plotting with England, because he did not insist on -Portugal’s refusing to allow the English fleets to remain in Portuguese -ports. A French representative was sent to Spain in 1797, and the -dismissal of Godoy was procured from Charles IV. Nevertheless, Godoy -continued to be the principal force at the Spanish court, backed as he -was by the powerful influence of the queen. The policy of truculence to -France went on, however, due in part perhaps to Charles’ continued hopes -of acquiring the Bourbon crown, but even more, very likely, to his -pusillanimity in the face of the threats of the French Directory. In -1799 his hopes were dashed when Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the -Directory and became first consul of France, a title which a few years -later he converted into that of emperor. - -[Sidenote: Early relations with Napoleon and the war with Portugal.] - -The change of government in France was welcomed at the Spanish court, -for it was believed that Spain would receive more consideration at the -hands of Napoleon than she had obtained from the Directory. Events -proved that Spain was to be even more an instrument in French hands than -formerly, and that Napoleon was to be more powerful and despotic and -less courteous and faithful in international affairs than the French -rulers who had preceded him. One of his earliest acts was an attempt to -employ the Spanish fleet to conserve French ends. When the Spanish -admiral refused to carry out the wishes of Napoleon, a matter in which -he was sustained by his government, the French ruler brought about the -dismissal of Urquijo, at that time first minister of state in Spain, and -shortly afterward the offending admiral was relieved from his command. -Meanwhile, a treaty had been arranged in 1800 whereby Napoleon agreed to -enlarge the dominions of the Duke of Parma (who had regained his duchy) -in exchange for the recession of Louisiana to France and the gift of six -ships of war. By a treaty of 1801 Tuscany was granted to the family of -the Duke of Parma, whose whole domains were now called the kingdom of -Etruria. It was provided that in case of a lack of succession of the -reigning house a Spanish prince of the royal family should inherit the -Etrurian throne, and this was to be the rule forever. Another treaty of -1801 required Spain to issue an ultimatum to Portugal demanding an -abandonment of the English alliance. The name of Godoy was signed to the -later treaties in the series of which the above have been mentioned. He -had not ceased to be influential during his absence from power, but -henceforth until 1808 he was definitely in the saddle. Though his -military experience was slight he was appointed general of the Spanish -army which was to invade Portugal, and when war was presently declared -he entered that country. The campaign, although comparatively -insignificant, resulted in victory. Portugal agreed to close her ports -in return for the Spanish king’s guarantee of the territorial integrity -of Portugal. A celebration was held at Badajoz, at which the soldiers -presented the queen with branches of orange trees taken from Portuguese -groves, resulting in the application of the name “war of the -oranges,”--which fittingly described its inconsequential character. -Napoleon was furious over such a termination of the war, and went so far -as to threaten the end of the Spanish monarchy unless the campaign were -pursued. At length he decided to accept the result, after Portugal had -consented to increase the indemnity which she had originally agreed to -pay to France. This marked a beginning, however, of the French ruler’s -distrust of Godoy. Shortly afterward it suited Napoleon’s purposes to -make peace. In 1802 a treaty was signed with England, and, naturally, -Spain too made peace. Minorca, which had been occupied by the English, -was restored to Spain, but the island of Trinidad was surrendered to -England,--another bit chipped off Spain’s colonial empire. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties of neutrality and declaration of war against -England.] - -Godoy had emerged from the Portuguese campaign as general-in-chief of -the armies of the land and sea, and was again the dominating power at -court. By this time a strong opposition had grown up around Ferdinand, -the eldest son of the king, directed by an ambitious canon, named -Escoiquiz. Napoleon now had a political force at hand, to employ -whenever he should desire it, against Godoy. Early in 1803 Napoleon was -again at war with England, and proceeded to woo Spain’s support by -charges that she was favoring England and by threats of war. In the same -year, too, he sold Louisiana to the United States, although he had -promised Spain at the time of the recession that France would never -transfer that region to any country other than Spain. Spain protested, -but soon accepted the situation. Later in 1803 Napoleon compelled Spain -to consent to a so-called treaty of neutrality, which in fact amounted -to the paying of a monthly tribute to France. England objected, and -followed up her complaints by capturing three Spanish frigates and -stopping merchantmen, without a declaration of war. England announced -that she was holding the frigates as a guarantee of Spanish neutrality. -Thus courted with equal roughness by France and England, Spain was again -under the necessity of choosing which of her enemies to fight. England -was selected, and in 1804 war against that country was declared. - -[Sidenote: Napoleon and Godoy, and the project to partition Portugal.] - -In 1805 there occurred the great battle of Trafalgar, in which the -French and Spanish navies were virtually destroyed by the English under -Nelson. The immediate results of this defeat as affecting Spanish action -was the decision of Godoy, who had never enjoyed cordial relations with -Napoleon, to seek an alliance with England. Through this agency he -hoped to bolster up his own power as against the rapidly growing body of -his enemies in Spain. In the midst of his plans came Napoleon’s great -victory over Prussia at Jena in 1806, which, following that of -Austerlitz over Austria in 1805, once again made the French emperor -dangerously predominant on the continent of western Europe. Godoy, who -had already compromised himself, made haste to explain. Napoleon -pretended to be satisfied, but decided then that he would make an end of -the Bourbon monarchy. The unpopularity of Godoy and the strength of the -party of Ferdinand, who was now a popular favorite, were among the means -of which he availed himself; Ferdinand even wrote him letters in which -he alluded freely to his mother’s adulterous relations with Godoy. -Meanwhile, Napoleon profited by Godoy’s willingness to do anything to -win the favor of the emperor by arranging for the conquest of Portugal. -A partition of that territory was projected whereby the Bourbon monarch -of Etruria was to have northern Portugal, Godoy (as Prince of Algarve) -was to have the south, and the centre was to be exchanged for Gibraltar, -Trinidad, and other colonies which England had taken from Spain. The -usual ultimatum having been sent and rejected, the war began for what -seemed a brilliant objective for Spain,--if Napoleon had had any -intention of his keeping his word. - -[Sidenote: Plottings of Napoleon and the abdication of Charles IV.] - -The campaign of 1807 resulted in a rapid, almost bloodless conquest of -Portugal by the French general Junot, placing Napoleon in a position to -fulfil his treaty obligations. Nothing was further from his plans, -however, and, indeed, Godoy and the king had recently had cause to -suspect his sincerity; action had been taken against Ferdinand and his -party, resulting in the exposure of the prince’s correspondence with -Napoleon. Napoleon occupied Etruria,--and gave the queen of that country -to understand that she need not look for compensation in Portugal. -Godoy, meanwhile, remained without Algarve, although hoping against hope -that he might yet get it. All this time, French troops were pouring into -Spain, and through deceit were possessing themselves of the Spanish -strongholds in the north. To the credit of Godoy it must be said that -he divined the emperor’s intentions, and favored a demand for the -withdrawal of the French troops, with the alternative of war. Charles IV -and his other leading advisers were opposed to this idea; the king was -frightened at the very thought of fighting Napoleon. The emperor now -began to unmask himself. The Spanish ambassador to France returned to -Madrid as the bearer of a message from Napoleon, asking for the cession -of certain Spanish provinces in the north as far as the Ebro, or else -for the recognition of the emperor’s title to Portugal, together with a -military road thereto across Spanish territory; the ambassador added -that he believed Napoleon intended to possess himself of the northern -provinces and perhaps of all Spain, though possibly not until the death -of Charles IV. It was now perfectly clear to Godoy and the king what -Napoleon meant to do, but the party of Ferdinand, unaware of all the -facts, was wedded blindly to the emperor, believing that his sole desire -was to get rid of Godoy and assure the succession of Ferdinand. Charles, -Godoy, and the queen thought of escaping to the Americas, and as a -preliminary step moved the court from Madrid to Aranjuez. A riot -followed at Aranjuez in which Godoy was captured by the followers of -Ferdinand, and was with difficulty saved from death. Realizing that the -army and the people were almost wholly on the side of Ferdinand, and -unable to see any way out of his difficulties, Charles IV decided to -abdicate, and accordingly on March 19, 1808, did so. All Spain rejoiced, -for Godoy had fallen, and the idolized prince had now ascended the -throne as Ferdinand VII. - -[Sidenote: Duplicity of Napoleon and the journeys of Ferdinand VII and -Charles IV to Bayonne.] - -Napoleon was much displeased at the course of events in Spain. The -flight of Charles would have fitted in with his plans, whereas the -accession of Ferdinand placed him under the necessity of exposing his -hand. Temporarily he saved the situation by one of the most remarkable -exhibitions of successful duplicity in history. On March 23 General -Murat entered Madrid with a French army, and the next day Ferdinand made -his royal entry, and was received by the people with delirious joy. The -foreign diplomats at once recognized him as king,--except the French -ambassador. Uncertain yet what to do, Napoleon was on the one hand -giving indications of an intention to restore Charles IV, and on the -other planning to set up one of his own brothers as king of Spain. -Charles IV gave the emperor the opening he desired. In order to obtain -some material advantages from his abdication and to save Godoy, who was -still in prison, he entered into communication with Murat, and as a -result secretly retracted his abdication, placing himself entirely in -the hands of Napoleon. Meanwhile, Murat told Ferdinand that the emperor -was coming to see him, and suggested that Ferdinand should go to Burgos -to meet him. When Ferdinand decided against the journey, lest it produce -a bad effect in the minds of the people, Napoleon sent General Savary -with orders to bring Ferdinand whether he wanted to come or not. Savary -succeeded in persuading the young prince to go to Burgos, and when -Napoleon was not found there to Vitoria. Beyond this point Ferdinand was -at first not disposed to go, but, urged on both by Savary and Escoiquiz, -who still believed in the French emperor, the party proceeded across the -boundary line to Bayonne. There indeed they found Napoleon,--and -Ferdinand was informed that he must abdicate the throne. A few days -later, on April 30, Charles IV, María Luisa, and Godoy arrived; they had -been easily persuaded to go there by Murat. The reunion of the royal -family at Bayonne was accompanied by disgraceful quarrels of the parents -and the son and by the humiliating weakness of all in the presence of -Napoleon. Charles IV was again induced to abdicate, and was given a rich -pension and estates in France to which he and his family, Godoy, and the -royal servants might repair. Ferdinand was also granted rents and lands. -To Napoleon was given the right to name a king of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Uprising of the Dos de Mayo against Napoleon.] - -Meanwhile, the French troops in Madrid and elsewhere had been conducting -themselves like conquerors, and had aroused considerable hostility in -the people, who were not so easily deceived and dominated as their -rulers had been. After the departure of Ferdinand from Madrid the French -officers did not hesitate to say that Napoleon would not recognize -him,--which only increased the popular discontent. The climax came when -an order was received from Napoleon for the young Bourbon prince, -Francisco de Paula, and for the queen of Etruria with her children to be -sent to France. The departure from Madrid was set for the morning of the -second of May. A crowd gathered to see the royal party off, and heard -rumors which excited it to a feeling of frenzy,--for example, that the -young Francisco (then only thirteen) had protested in tears against -going. Insults were offered the French soldiery, and the harness of the -coaches was cut. These scenes were interrupted by the appearance of a -French battalion, which fired without warning into the crowd. The crowd -scattered, and spread the news over the city. This was the signal for a -general uprising against the French. The Spanish troops were under -strict orders from the government to stay in barracks, but a number of -them declined to obey. Prominent among those joining the people against -the French were Captains Pedro Velarde and Luis Daoiz, the heroes of the -day. When the people were driven out of the central square of the city, -the Plaza del Sol, by the French artillery, Velarde hastened to the -battery commanded by Daoiz. Convincing the latter that the interests of -the country were superior to discipline he joined with him and a certain -Lieutenant Ruiz in directing the fire against the French troops. -Superior in numbers and armament, the French were successful after a -battle lasting three hours in which Velarde and Daoiz were killed. The -dramatic events of the _Dos de Mayo_, or the second of May, were the -prelude to a national uprising against the French. Without a king or a -government Spain began the war which was to usher in a new era in -Spanish history,--for, just as Americans look back to the Fourth of July -in 1776, so the Spaniards consider the _Dos de Mayo_ of 1808 as the -beginning of modern Spain. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV - -SPANISH SOCIETY, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Social characteristics of the era.] - -FUNDAMENTALLY, there was no change in the classes of Spanish society in -this period as regards their legal and social standing, except in the -case of the rural population of Aragon. One of the characteristic notes -of the era was a certain democratic sentiment of a philanthropic kind, -exhibiting itself vaguely in a desire for the well-being of mankind, and -practically in the social, economic, and intellectual betterment of the -masses, without any attempt being made to improve their juridical -position. This ideal, which was not confined to Spain, became more and -more widespread with the increase in influence of the French -encyclopedists, and got to be a fad of high society, being encouraged by -the kings themselves. Many of its manifestations will be taken up later -in dealing with economic institutions, but the sentimental discussion of -the ideal may be remarked upon here; this at length went so far as to -result in the formulation of political doctrines of a democratic -character, but they were not yet translated into law. Such social -reforms as were made came for the most part in the last three reigns of -the era, especially in that of Charles III. - -[Sidenote: Pride, wealth, and privileges of the nobles.] - -[Sidenote: Real decline of their power.] - -The description of the nobility in the period of the House of Austria -might almost be repeated for this era. The nobles had long since lost -their political power, but the wealth of the grandees and the privileges -and the prestige of all ranks of the nobility were so great that this -class was a more important factor in Spanish life than it is today. -Pride of noble rank continued to be almost an obsession, despite the -attempts to check it; with a view to diminishing petitions for the -recognition of rights of _hidalguía_, a law was passed in 1758 calling -for the payment of a large sum of money when the petitioner’s title -dated back to the fourth or fifth grandfather. On the other hand, the -kings were responsible for acts which tended to encourage the eagerness -for noble rank. Ferdinand VI officially recognized that the people of -Vizcaya were all of _hidalgo_ rank; Charles III created the order which -bears his name, and Charles IV founded that of the “noble ladies of -María Luisa”; various societies of nobles for equestrian exercises, in -imitation of the military orders, were formed, and they were given -certain privileges in criminal jurisdiction. To be sure, the grant of -these honors was a source of revenue to the state. The recognition of -the privileged character of the nobles was manifest, even in the case of -the more degraded members of that class; a law of 1781 provided that -nobles who were arrested as vagabonds should be sent to the army with -the rank of “distinguished soldiers.” The grandees and the other nobles -possessed of seigniorial estates still controlled the appointment of -many municipal functionaries; in 1787 there were 17 cities, 2358 -_villas_, and 1818 _aldeas_ and _pueblos_ in seigniorial hands, in some -of which the king shared jurisdiction with the lords. Similarly, the -military orders had the right to appoint the clergymen of 3 cities, 402 -_villas_, 119 _pueblos_, and 261 _aldeas_. Many monopolies of a medieval -type still survived in favor of the lords, such as those of hunting, -fishing, the baking of bread, the making of flour, and the use of -streams and forests, and in some cases the lord’s vassals were subject -to medieval tributes and services. It is rather by comparison with -matters as they are today, however, that these incidents loom large; -they were but the survivals of a system which was already dead. The -worst of these seigniorial rights, the Aragonese lord’s power of life -and death over his villeins, was abolished by Philip V. The kings did -not dare to suppress all of the seigniorial privileges, but took steps -to overcome them, as by submitting the rights of certain lords to -rigorous proofs, by hindering sales of jurisdiction, by subjecting the -appointments of the lords to the approval of the _Cámara_, by naming -special royal officials for the various seigniorial holdings, and in -general by facilitating the reincorporation in the crown of such -estates. By this time the lesser nobility enjoyed few exemptions of a -financial character, but the great nobles still possessed such -privileges. The kings employed indirect methods to cause them to submit -to taxation. Thus payments were demanded in lieu of military service, -and the _media anata_ (half annates) was required for the recognition of -the title of a successor to landed estates; certainly the immensely -wealthy grandees were able to pay these tributes without serious -economic loss to themselves. Furthermore, the great nobles continued to -be a court nobility, and were jealously proud of the special privileges -of an empty character which marked them off from the classes below them. -For example, a grandee had the right to keep his hat on and to sit down -in the presence of the king; to be called “cousin” by the king; to have -a private guard; to preside over the sessions of the noble branch of the -_Cortes_; to be visited and saluted by _ayuntamientos_, viceroys, and -other authorities; to have a better place than others, both indoors and -out; and to be free from imprisonment except by a special decree of the -king. - -[Sidenote: Slight gains of the working classes.] - -There was no essential change in the composition and character of the -middle classes in this era. The working classes of the cities attained -to a little more liberty than formerly, as a result of the decline of -the guilds, while those of the country, if they had improved their -juridical position, continued nevertheless in a state of misery and -poverty. The rural wars of past reigns were missing, however. The evil -lot of the rural classes was due more to the backwardness of -agriculture, the vast extent of unworked lands common, and the -widespread practice of entailing estates, than to bonds of a social -character. An interesting attempt, at once to raise the urban laborer, -and to break down the sharp dividing line between the nobility and the -plebeian classes, was a law of 1783, which declared that the trades of -artisans--such as those of the carpenter, tailor, and shoemaker--were to -be considered honorable, and since municipal offices were usually in the -hands of the _hidalgo_ class it was also enacted that the practice of -these trades did not incapacitate a man from holding positions in the -local government or even from becoming an _hidalgo_. This well-meant -law was not able to overcome social prejudices, however, and when an -endeavor was made to interpret it in the sense that it authorized the -entry of artisans into the military orders, which had always been -composed only of nobles, it was decreed in 1803 that it had never been -intended to raise them to that degree, for the military orders were -founded on the necessity of maintaining the lustre of the nobility. - -[Sidenote: Benevolent legislation affecting gypsies, descendants of -Jews, and slaves.] - -A spirit of racial tolerance for the despised classes made its -appearance in this era. Laws placing prohibitions on the gypsies were -repeatedly enacted until the time of Charles III, but in 1783 that -monarch declared that the gypsies were not to be considered a tainted -race, and ordered that they be admitted to the towns and to occupations -on the same basis as other Spaniards, provided they would abandon their -dress, language, and special customs. Similarly, in 1782 Charles III -endeavored to free the descendants of Jews from the stigma of their -ancestry by enacting that they should not be obliged to live in a -separate quarter or wear any device indicative of their origin. A law of -1785 permitted them to serve in the army or navy,--a right which had -previously been denied them. These generous laws for the gypsies and the -descendants of Jews were as little capable as those just mentioned -concerning artisans of overcoming social prejudices, wherefore they -failed of their objects. In matters of religion the laws affecting the -despised classes were more in keeping with general sentiment. In 1712 it -was ordered that Moslem slaves who had been set free must leave the -country; in 1802 the prohibition against Jews returning to the peninsula -was reaffirmed as absolute in the case of those who retained the Jewish -faith. Slavery continued to be legal, but laws were passed that slaves -escaping to Spain from other lands, except from the Spanish colonies, -became _ipso facto_ free. The treaty of 1779 with Morocco provided that -prisoners of war should not henceforth be enslaved. The institution of -slavery existed on a great scale in the Americas, though Charles III -alleviated the rigors of the situation by his beneficent legislation. - -[Sidenote: Tightening of the bonds of family.] - -[Sidenote: Influence of the physiocratic school on legislation affecting -property.] - -Legislation affecting the family aimed to tighten the bonds between -parents and children, which had become loosened as a result of the -increasing spirit of individualism. Thus a law of 1766 ordered that the -prior consent of parents should be obtained before children could marry, -although a remedy was provided for an unreasonable withholding of -consent; in the preamble it was stated that the law was due to the -frequent occurrence of “unequal marriages.” Several later laws upheld -the same principle. Legislation concerning property was characterized by -the ideas of the physiocratic school of thinkers, who referred all -social and economic problems to the land as the fundamental basis. Among -the Spanish physiocrats (for the physiocratic ideal was widespread in -western Europe) were Campomanes, Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who were -among the greatest of Spanish reformers in the reign of Charles III and -the early years of Charles IV. In keeping with physiocratic views the -laws tended to the release of realty from incumbrances and to the -distribution of lands among many persons. The practice of entailing -estates in primogeniture was one of the institutions attacked by the -physiocrats. It was admitted that it was necessary in the case of the -great nobles, in order to maintain the prestige of the family name, but -it was held to be desirable to check the extension of the institution in -other cases and to facilitate the extinction of entails. Thus a law of -1749 permitted of the sale of entailed estates for an annuity in the -case of financially ruined houses; a law of 1789 prohibited the founding -of new entails, and facilitated the sale of realty already so held; a -law of 1795 imposed heavy taxes on existing entails; and a law of 1798 -authorized the sale of entailed estates, provided the funds should be -invested in a certain loan announced at that time. Still other laws were -passed in this period, with the result that many entails disappeared and -others were diminished in size. The nobles resisted the change, and the -greater number of the entails remained in existence, although reduced in -income. In the same way municipal and ecclesiastical holdings were -attacked. In the case of the former (_propios_), laws were passed -repeatedly--for example in 1761, 1766, 1767, 1768, and especially in -1770--for the partition of the cultivable and pastoral lands and for -their assignment to a number of individuals. Nevertheless, the majority -of this type of municipal lands continued in the possession of the -towns, for the laws were not fully executed. As concerns lands utilized -for the promotion of religious objects, pious foundations were attacked, -and either compelled or else permitted to sell their real property, but -there was considerable hesitancy about applying the same practice to -lands held in mortmain by the regular and secular clergy, although the -prevailing opinion of jurisconsults was opposed to these holdings. Some -steps were taken, however, to free these lands, as well as other -measures to hinder the giving of realty in mortmain. In the various -colonization schemes of the century it was customary to forbid the -transfer of lands to ecclesiastical institutions. A law of 1763 -prohibited further conveyances to the church, and a law of 1798 called -for the alienation of lands owned by charitable institutions, even -though they might belong to the church, and some estates accordingly -were sold. The resistance of the clergy, together with a certain -repugnance to laying hands on the property of the church except in case -of extreme necessity, operated to prevent these laws from having their -full effect. It will be noticed that all of these measures were markedly -individualistic, in accord with Roman principles as opposed to those of -medieval society, and favorable to the change in ownership of landed -estates and to their division into small holdings. This spirit was -manifested even more insistently in attacking titles of a medieval -character. Thus the right of farmers to fence lands for their own use -was sustained, serving as a check upon the abuses of the _Mesta_, and -the various methods of tribute from vassals to a lord (_censos_, -_foros_, etc.) were the subject of legislation tending to relieve the -former from their burdens. To this epoch, also, belong laws requiring -the registry of titles to land. Nevertheless, the spirit of collectivism -was still alive, as expressed in doctrines favoring the condemnation of -individual property and the establishment of communal inclosures with -the drawing of lots for land, but the followers of Roman principles -were victorious in the controversy. - -[Sidenote: Triumphs of Roman principles.] - -[Sidenote: Decline and fall of the guilds.] - -The spirit of individualism appeared, also, to give a deathblow to the -guilds, even though they actually increased in number; there were ninety -guilds in Barcelona at the close of the eighteenth century. Among the -factors contributing to the decline were the following: the continuance -of the exclusive spirit of the past, making entry into the guild a -difficult matter; the accentuation of social differences within the -guilds, such that certain elements had special privileges based on rank -in the guild,--for example, a right that their sons might enter the -institution without serving as apprentices; the failure of the guilds to -observe their own ordinances; the frequency of lawsuits between guilds, -or even between a guild and its own members; and especially the -continued intervention of the state, taking over the former municipal -control of the guilds and unifying the ordinances of each trade -throughout the country. The relation of the state to the guilds -facilitated the application of the new economic ideas which were -favorable to the freedom of labor and hostile to the guilds. Thus in -1772 foreign artisans were permitted to establish themselves, without -paying a special tax and without having to undergo examinations; in 1782 -a general law introduced reforms facilitating apprenticeship, freeing -applicants for entry into a guild from the necessity of proving the -Christian faith of their ancestry (_limpieza de sangre_), permitting of -the sale of masterships, and abolishing the distinction between the sons -of masters and those of the other members; in another law of the same -year painters, sculptors, and architects were authorized to work -independently of guilds; in 1783 the _cofradías_ attached to the guilds -were suppressed, and their place was taken by benefit societies -(_montepíos_); in 1784 women were given a general permission to engage -in any trade they wished; in 1790 it was enacted that any artisan of -recognized ability could work at his trade without the need of an -examination; and in 1793 a law dissolving the guilds of the silk -manufacturers announced that it was neither necessary nor fitting that -persons should be grouped together in guilds for carrying on such an -industry. From this point it was only a step to the death of the -institution. The great name in the legislation against the guilds was -that of Campomanes. - -[Sidenote: Dull routine of daily life.] - -If the social customs of the two preceding eras may be said to have -represented the virile youth of the Spanish peoples, followed by a -seemingly mortal sickness resulting from a too great indulgence in “wild -oats,” this period stands for the recovery of the race (just as occurred -in other aspects of peninsula life) in a conventional, outwardly -respectable, and on the whole fairly wholesome, if also somewhat -monotonous, middle age. Simplicity, regularity, and subordination to -principles of authority (as represented by king, church, and parents, -checking initiative and making long-established custom the guiding rule -in daily life) were the dominating social characteristics. Both in the -city and in the country, people arose early; the _Consejo de Castilla_ -met at seven in the morning from April to September, and at eight from -October to March. It was the custom also to go to bed early, to perform -one’s daily tasks in precisely the same way each day, to hear mass -daily, to have family prayers each day, to salute one’s parents -respectfully on the same daily recurring occasions, and to display a -like respect in the presence of official personages or of clergymen. If -people now and then indulged in gossip about their neighbors, they gave -little thought to persons or events beyond their immediate circle; they -were in no hurry to learn the news of the world, waiting tranquilly for -the arrival of the mails, which were usually infrequent and meagre. - -[Sidenote: Monotony of the life at court and among the nobles.] - -The kings themselves helped to make this monotonous type of life -fashionable. Philip V was domestically inclined, retiring, and -melancholy, and from the time of his marriage with Isabel Farnesio was -nearly always at the side of his wife, who even accompanied him when he -received his ministers before he had arisen from bed. His daily life was -passed in pious exercises and in hunting, with music to vary the -monotony. Ferdinand VI, also domestic, retiring, and God-fearing, was -very fond of music, with the result that the court was brightened by -frequent concerts, operas, and theatrical representations, on which vast -sums of money were expended. Charles III was a man of very simple -tastes, an enemy of the theatre and of music, but passionately devoted -to hunting. He was so methodical that every moment of the day within the -palace was regulated by royal ordinances, and the annual journeys and -changes of residence of the royal family took place each year on the -same day. In monotonous regularity of life Charles IV resembled his -illustrious predecessor, but passion for hunting amounted in his case -almost to a disease; after having breakfast and hearing mass he would -hunt until one o’clock, and would return to that sport after having -partaken of dinner. The sameness of court life in this period was broken -by various receptions and royal feast days, but even these were cold and -formal, following prescribed courses, although celebrated with great -pomp. In 1804 there were eight greater gala days and seventeen lesser -ones, besides those arising from unforeseen events, such as the -reception of a foreign ambassador. Furthermore, royal journeys -necessarily involved festivities and heavy expense. Balls, banquets, and -other diversions found no place at court, and the accession of Charles -III put an end to concerts and plays. The ordinary life of the nobles -followed that of the kings. Comparing it with that of France, a French -duke who came to Spain in the reign of Philip V said that it was -tiresome, almost unsociable, and lacking in comforts, despite the fact -that great sums of money were often spent for entertainments of a formal -nature. Toward the close of the century the more genial practices of -other European countries began to percolate into Spain. Godoy was one -who took pleasure in giving balls. Others followed his example, and the -austere simplicity of Spanish life began to yield to comforts, -diversions, and dissipation. Nevertheless, the old conventions still -ruled, especially in the country districts, where the poorer nobility -resided, occupying themselves in hunting and in local politics and -intrigues. The penurious nobles of the _hidalgo_ class continued to be -found at the capital in the train of the greater representatives of the -titled element. - -[Sidenote: Simplicity of domestic life.] - -Some clue to the modesty of life in general may be obtained from the -cheapness of rents and the scantiness of furniture in the houses of the -capital. The average annual rental was 1504 _reales_ ($94), and there -were many houses of an inferior type to be had for 45 _reales_ ($2.81) a -month, although, of course, money values were much greater then than -now. House decorations and furniture were poor to the point of -shabbiness. Walls did not begin to be papered until the close of the -eighteenth century. Usually they were white-washed and hung with a few -pictures of a religious character or with brass candlesticks. The floor -was of unpolished wood, covered over in winter with mats, and there was -a like simplicity in chairs. Writing-desks were often present, but were -opened only when visitors were being received. Candles were employed for -lighting, and the odorous, scantly warming brazier was the principal -resource against cold. The same sobriety manifested itself as regards -the table. The _puchero_, or _cocido_, made up primarily of chickpeas -(_garbanzos_), was the basis of the meal, and usually was the only -element. Inns were equally uninviting, and it was not until the close of -the era that the example of foreign countries prevailed upon the -Spaniards to introduce somewhat more comfortable hostelries.[61] - -[Sidenote: Struggle between the French and the native styles in dress.] - -The simplicity and severity of Spanish customs were not maintained in -matters of dress. There was a century-long conflict between the French -and the native styles, the former represented by the military cut of -clothing more in keeping with that of the present day, and the latter by -the slouched hat and long cape, as symbolic of the indigenous modes. On -grounds of morality and public safety the government opposed the native -type, which lent itself too easily to the facilitation of disguise, and -the methodical Charles III even considered the imposition of a national -dress which should omit the traditional features. A law of 1766 ordered -their abandonment and the adoption of a short cape or riding coat and -the three-cornered cocked hat. The decree was the occasion of riots -throughout Spain, and had to be recalled, while Squillace, the minister -who had proposed it, lost his post. Aranda, his successor, achieved the -desired end by indirect methods. He caused the slouched hat to be made -the official head-piece of the hangman, wherefore it began to lose -prestige, and the French styles were soon decisively victorious. It is -to be noted, however, that the three-cornered cocked hat and other -French styles of the Bourbon era were retained in Spain after they were -no longer in fashion in republican and imperial France. Women’s dress -was also reformed in a similar direction. Three outstanding features -characterized the well-dressed woman: the skirt of silk or velvet; the -_mantilla_, or veil, worn over the head instead of a hat; and the fan. -Fans of a most luxurious type were used, with ribs of shell, -mother-of-pearl, or ivory, and with ornaments of gold, while the -principal part was hand-painted, often by artists of note, to represent -scenes of a mythological, pastoral, or historical character. Even among -the common people, especially among the so-called _majos_, or low-class -dandies (both male and female) of Madrid, there were special types of -elegant dress. Ladies’ dress-combs of unusual size, not infrequently -half a foot or more in height above the hair, may be mentioned as one -phase of the _majo_ styles, which stood for a reaction against French -modes, though with scant knowledge or regard for ancient Spanish -customs. _Majismo_, both in dress and in customs, invaded the -aristocracy, and has been immortalized in some of the paintings of Goya. -The common people of the country were much more conservative in -maintaining the earlier styles of dress, which have survived to the -present day, although the uniformity of modern life has tended to make -them peculiarities, rather than the prevailing modes of the different -regions in which they are found. - -[Sidenote: Fondness of the general Spanish public for diversion and -sport.] - -The monotony of Spanish life did not prevent Spaniards from being fond -of diversions. On the contrary they seemed to welcome a chance to escape -from the narrow course of their humdrum existence. Public feast-days -were numerous and very popular; events in Christian history were the -occasion of most of them. People generally, unlike the monarchs, the -nobles, and their imitators among the wealthy bourgeoisie, were very -fond of dancing, the theatre, and bull-fighting. Dances to the -accompaniment of the guitar were held on every possible occasion; on -Sundays they took place in the public square of the city. The days of -the waltz, onestep, and other dances now in vogue in many lands (though -not in Spain) had not yet come; rather, the dances were very largely -national or regional, such as the _seguidillas_ or _boleros_, the -_fandango_, _guaracha_, _zorongo_, _arlequín_, _chacona_, _zarabanda_, -the Aragonese _jota_, the Valencian _dansetes_, and the Catalonian -_sardana_, all of which gave great play to the individual and -represented harmonious action of the entire body. Many of these dances, -or their derivatives, survive in Spain today. Professional dancing girls -were popular favorites--and not infrequently the mistresses of the great -gentlemen of the court. Charles III detested dancing, but neither he nor -his successor could check it, though they did regulate it to some -extent. In like manner the theatre continued to be a national passion, -despite the disapproval of certain great churchmen as well as of Charles -III. Three great theatres were built in Madrid in the reign of Philip V. -Governmental regulations were as unavailing in this as in the case of -dancing. The popularity of bull-fighting got to be greater than ever, -though Philip V and Charles III disliked the sport. Ferdinand VI was a -devotee, and Charles IV was not unfriendly. The repugnance felt by -Philip V had the effect of causing the withdrawal of the nobles from -taking part in the contests, with the result that a professional class -of bull-fighters developed. Charles III went so far as to prohibit the -sport in 1785, but Charles IV, in 1789, consented to its return. Godoy, -however, was opposed to bull-fighting, and procured its abolition in -1805. The period from 1789 to 1805 is a famous one in the history of -this game. Just as happens today, so then, the names of the favorite -bull-fighters were on everybody’s lips. This was a period when many of -the feats of the bull-fighters which still form a part of the contest -were invented. Possibly the most widely known name was that of Pepe -Illo, or Hillo (great bull-fighter and writer of a treatise on the -so-called art of bull-fighting), who was killed in the bull-ring at -Madrid in 1801, an event which Goya reduced to canvas in one of his -most famous paintings. Madrid, Aranjuez, Granada, and Seville were the -only cities which had bull-rings (_plazas de toros_), but fights were -held in all parts of Spain by utilizing the principal square of the -city. Certain athletic exercises were very popular, among which the -Basque game of ball, still played in Spain, is especially worthy of -mention.[62] Performances of professional acrobats, jugglers, and -magicians were frequent, as well as the playing of pantomimes. - -[Sidenote: Marked advance in the care of cities.] - -The policing of cities for the first time became worthy of commendation. -At the opening of the eighteenth century Madrid was ugly, extremely -dirty, without architectural monuments, driveways, or promenades, and -lacked a good water system. The great reforms of Aranda under Charles -III and of Godoy in the next reign transformed the city, resulting in -the opening of new streets, the organization of an efficient -street-cleaning system (despite opposition on the ancient ground that -the filthiness of the streets was a preventive of epidemics), the -completion of the work of paving begun in the previous era, the -development of a good water supply, the inauguration of a lighting -system, the building of noteworthy edifices, the bettering of old -promenades (_paseos_) and the opening of new ones, and the issue of -numerous ordinances intended to preserve the good order and public -health of the city. It was at this time, too, that the institution of -the _sereno_ (night-watchman in Spanish streets) was introduced from -abroad; contrary to the usual opinion the _sereno_ is not Spanish in -origin, but of foreign importation. The walk, or drive, along the great -_paseos_, just at evening before nightfall, became more popular among -all classes than ever, and has remained a Spanish custom to the present -day. Barcelona, Seville, and Cádiz were also much improved. - -[Sidenote: Continuance of loose practices and bad habits.] - -But the dances, masked balls, the theatre, evening parties, and -promenades furnished occasion for vicious practices. Immorality was not -so brazen and unashamed as formerly, but was very nearly as prevalent. -In vain were laws passed with a view to checking the evil. The lax -practices continued, and received a kind of sanction during the reign of -Charles IV from the example set by the queen, of which everybody except -the king seemed well aware. Gambling was also the subject of restrictive -legislation which failed of its design. In this respect the state was -morally estopped from making complaint, because it was in this period -that the national government lottery was founded. This institution, -which still exists, was established, strange to say, by Charles III, in -1763, following the example of the court of Rome. Gambling, and -especially the lottery, soon became the passion it has ever since -remained. Smoking had long before gotten to be general among the lower -classes, particularly among the already mentioned _majo_ element; but -the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie had been little inclined to the -habit. They were soon to surrender to the influence of _majismo_, -however, with the result that Spaniards and their Hispanic kinsfolk have -come to be enumerated among the most inveterate smokers in the world, so -far as the men are concerned. Drunkenness was not a very prevalent vice, -any more than it is today, although the same could not be said with -respect to the Spanish colonies. - -[Sidenote: Influence of Spanish customs on the Americas.] - -It only remains to add that these social practices were to be found in -much the same form in the Americas. Fondness for showy feast-days was -even greater there, and it is also to be noted that the improvements in -Spanish cities had their counterpart in the embellishment of several of -those overseas. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV - -POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Overwhelming success of the absolutist ideal.] - -The Bourbon kings aimed to complete the long evolution, dating from -centuries before, toward the personal authority of the monarch in a pure -absolutism. This movement had gone farther in other countries, although -the current had set the other way in England. France under Louis XIV, if -not the most extreme example of an absolute government, was certainly -the most influential, and the phrase “I am the state!” attributed to the -great French monarch, was (whether in fact uttered by him or not) -symbolic of his ideal. It was in the atmosphere of the court of -Versailles that Philip V spent his youth, wherefore it was the most -natural thing in the world for him to desire the establishment in Spain -of a system which he had always been accustomed to believe was the only -true method of rule. Even had Philip ever doubted it, Louis XIV took -care to inculcate in him the concept of absolutism. Philip showed on -various occasions that he understood the French ideal of kingship,--as -in his opposition to the calling of the Castilian _Cortes_, his denial -of the right of the _Consejo_ to share in certain governmental -functions, and his habitual employment of such phrases as “for such is -my will” in royal decrees. The same criterion was followed by his -successors. Charles IV ordered certain laws which were inconsistent with -the absolutist ideal to be stricken out of the _Novísima Recopilación_, -or Latest Compilation of the Laws (1805), before he would allow that -code to be published, stating that those acts (which had been -incorporated in the _Nueva Recopilación_ of 1567) were representative of -a time when the weakness of the monarchy had compelled the kings to make -concessions which were inconsistent with their sovereign authority. The -laws referred to concerned the intervention of the _Consejo_ in royal -donations, the obligation of the king to consult with the three estates -of the _Cortes_ in dealing with momentous affairs, and the injunction -that no new taxes should be levied without the grant of a _Cortes_. In -the statement of their ideal the kings met with little opposition, for -this view was generally supported by all classes of society. Men who -were liberal reformers in other ways were rigid in their maintenance of -the principle of absolutism, and the people themselves, not only -Castilians, but others as well, even including the Catalans, were -intensely royalist. - -[Sidenote: Democratic manner and philanthropic rule of the Bourbons.] - -Nevertheless, the Bourbons were more democratic in their manner than the -less autocratic kings of the House of Austria. It is said that Philip V -was the first to inaugurate the practice of allowing his higher -government officials to be seated while talking business with him, -whereas the Hapsburg custom had been to require them to remain on their -knees. The kings’ advisers now became veritable ministers, with a more -frank participation in government than had been the case with the -secretaries and favorites of the preceding era. Furthermore, the -Bourbons represented the “enlightened despotism,” which had so many -remarkable manifestations in eighteenth century western Europe. In -keeping with this ideal the kings showed marked interest in social, -economic, and intellectual reforms of a philanthropic character, without -yielding an iota of their political prerogative. A great revolution took -place, having a fundamental groundwork of democracy in it (which was to -find expression at a later time in the field of politics), but which was -accomplished wholly from above. The idea might have been expressed: -“Everything _for_ the people, but nothing _by_ them.” The only exception -to this rule was the royal program whereby the popular element gained an -entrance to the _ayuntamientos_, or municipal governing bodies. - -[Sidenote: Unimportance of the Cortes and the suppression of democratic -machinery.] - -Naturally, all machinery of a democratic character was viewed with -suspicion, and such was the case with the _Cortes_. Only at the -accession of Luis I was a _Cortes_ called to swear in the new king, -although that body was several times asked to acknowledge the princes of -Asturias. The _Cortes_ of Castile was summoned four times by Philip V -and once each by Charles III and Charles IV, but in two of the meetings -under Philip not all of the elements were called, and in the dismissal -of the _Cortes_ of Charles IV it was made apparent that the nobles and -clergy had no necessary inclusion in that body. Furthermore, the -_Cortes_ was called to perform some specific act,--such as the -recognition of the princes above-named, the making and later the -revocation of the so-called Salic law, and the approval of Philip’s -renunciation of his rights to the French throne,--after which it was -dismissed, without having an opportunity to discuss other matters. When -the _Cortes_ of 1789 was retained in session to treat of certain -economic questions, some of the deputies formulated petitions concerning -affairs of government,--whereupon the authorities hastened to bring the -sittings to a close. The _Cortes_ of other regions were equally lacking -in importance. The _Cortes_ of Aragon met once, and that of Valencia not -at all; both were incorporated into the Castilian _Cortes_ in 1709. The -_Cortes_ of Catalonia met twice, but after 1724 it followed the course -already taken in the case of Aragon and Valencia, and the same was true -of the representatives from Majorca. The _Cortes_ of Navarre continued -to meet separately, being called eleven times, but it took no action of -conspicuous importance. Nevertheless, the memory of the former power of -the _Cortes_ was not dead, and many persons saw in its restoration, -possibly with new functions, a means for the reform of the country. In -addition to having rendered the _Cortes_ completely innocuous the kings -took other steps to check popular intervention in national affairs. It -had been the custom for the municipalities to send special commissioners -to the capital to negotiate for them with the crown. This practice -(which reminds one of the colonial agent of American history) was -forbidden by a law of 1715 (repeated in 1804), on the alleged ground of -avoiding unnecessary expense to the towns. A law of 1777 allowed the -sending of special agents, however, for one purpose,--that of witnessing -the births of royal children! Thus did the kings contribute both to the -security and to the glamour of royalty. - -[Sidenote: Royal opposition to the entry of the encyclopedist and -revolutionary ideas from France.] - -If the Spanish kings were so careful to avoid any diminution in their -authority through the restoration of the former powers of the _Cortes_, -it may well be imagined that they were alarmed over the political ideas -of the French encyclopedists of the later eighteenth century and still -more so over those of the French revolutionaries after 1789. The works -of such French writers as Diderot, Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, and -Mirabeau, or of the Englishmen Hobbes, Locke, Hume, and others were in -many libraries of Spain, and some of them were translated. The -Encyclopedia itself found its way into the peninsula. High Spanish -officials, like Aranda, maintained correspondence with some of the -French reformers, as did also some of the great Spanish nobles,--for -example, the Duke of Alba with Rousseau, and the Marquis of Miranda with -Voltaire. It was the fashion, too, for Spaniards to get part of their -education in France, or for French professors, French laborers, and, -later, French revolutionary propagandists to cross the Pyrenees. Thus -the new ideas gained a footing in Spain, where they were taken up at -educational institutions, especially at the University of Salamanca, and -by some newspapers (for that type of periodical had begun to appear), -although expressions were naturally somewhat guarded. With the outbreak -of the French Revolution, Floridablanca sent troops to the northern -frontier to prevent the entry of political agitators. The Inquisition -issued edicts against the introduction of prohibited books, and -published a new index in 1790, followed by a supplement in 1805, for the -rationalist ideas of the French reformers were not in accord with those -of the church. The civil authorities took similar action; the -Encyclopedia was barred in 1784, and many other works at other times; in -1792 officials were placed at customs-houses to examine all writings, -whether printed or manuscript; and in 1805 a tribunal of printing -(_Juzgado de Imprenta_) was created, independent of the _Consejo_ and -the Inquisition. These measures failed to prevent the dissemination of -French literature and thought, but were successful in checking any -effective expression of democratic or republican ideals during this -period. While men of influence approved the philanthropic side of the -new ideas, very few of them accepted their political tenets. It was -quite the usual thing for men to say that the contract between monarch -and people was equally binding on both, or to express admiration for the -freedom of thought permitted in England, while they opposed the forming -of deliberative assemblies in Spain, and stood solidly behind the -principle of absolutism. Some of the younger men went completely over to -revolutionary ideas, and in 1795 some republican clubs were discovered, -while many of the inhabitants of Guipúzcoa gave substantial aid to the -French army of invasion in 1794. The reaction came quickly, as a result -of the tyrannical conduct of the French military authorities. Thus the -spirit of democracy in Spain seemed crushed, but it was not in fact -destroyed, as was amply proved a few years later in the radical outburst -of the _Cortes_ of Cádiz. - -[Sidenote: Pronounced acceleration of the tendencies toward a -centralized state.] - -Side by side with the development of absolutism there had been an effort -on the part of the kings for many centuries to promote the -centralization of political and administrative authority in the state as -represented by the crown, and to bring about uniformity in the law. -These tendencies were accelerated by the Bourbons, whose first -opportunity came as a result of the War of the Spanish Succession, when -Philip V was opposed by many of the non-Castilian parts of Spain. In -1707 the special statutes and privileges of Aragon and Valencia were -abolished and their place taken by the laws and practices of Castile. In -both regions a royally appointed _audiencia_ and captain-general were -set up. This action was not taken for Catalonia until 1716. In that year -it was provided by the so-called decree of the “new plan” (_Nueva -Planta_) that the laws and customs of Castile were to apply in -Catalonia; that the Catalan language was not to be used in the -administration of justice; that an _audiencia_ and captain-general of -royal selection were to serve as the principal governmental agencies of -the region; that Catalonia was to be divided into twelve districts, over -which _corregidores_ named by the king should rule; and that the -twenty-four _regidores_ (councilmen) of the _ayuntamiento_ of Barcelona, -which city had been deprived of its former type of government, should -also be royally appointed. The decree of 1716 did not attempt to -establish complete unification with Castile, however. Many former -Catalan rights continued to exist until the nineteenth century,--such, -for example, as the Catalan system of criminal law and the issue of -Catalan coins. Furthermore, there was no appeal from the decisions of -the _audiencia_ to the central government,--an exceptional case. -Nevertheless, the principles of centralization and unification had been -in the main attained, and later measures tended to secure these ends -still more completely. Philip’s opponents in the War of the Spanish -Succession were persecuted, and the royal ideas were furthered by the -acts of the influential partisans of the king; in 1717 the bishop of -Gerona, Taverner, summoned a provincial council with a view to -“threatening with the wrath of God and the excommunication of the -church” whoever should be unfaithful to Philip V and to ordering -confessors to treat such infidelity as a sin. In Majorca the king placed -an _audiencia_ and a commandant-general, appointing also the local -councillors of Palma and Alcudia, while the _audiencia_ named those of -the other towns. The special privileges of the Basque provinces were -respected in theory, but, without apparent change in the laws, the -central government gradually obtained control through the inspection or -the intervention of ministers of state and the _Consejos_. Much the same -course was followed with Navarre, in which the former agencies of -government were left apparently undisturbed. The policy of -centralization was also manifested in other respects than those of a -purely regional application. Thus exemptions from military service were -limited; the reversion of seigniorial rights to the king was -facilitated; and, in fine, the tendency was to reduce all forms of -jurisdiction, territorial or otherwise, to the king or his -representatives in the central administration. Many regions continued to -have at least the vestiges of their former institutions, but enough was -done so that the Spanish kingdom may fairly be said to have become -unitary for the first time in history. - -[Sidenote: Changes in administrative machinery.] - -The most notable change in the machinery of government concerned the -development of the secretariats. There got to be five of them, -corresponding to the more important of the _Consejos_ under the _Consejo -de Castilla_, as follows: state (_Estado_); grace and justice (_Gracia y -Justicia_); war and finance (_Guerra y Hacienda_); navy (_Marina_); and -the Indies (_Indias_). There were variations from this arrangement at -different times; for example, the navy and the Indies were often a -single secretariat in the first half century of the era. Gradually it -became the custom to call the secretaries ministers, and these officials -began to absorb the powers formerly confided to the _Consejos_, -presaging the disappearance of the latter and the development of modern -ministries. As already pointed out, they also acquired a greater liberty -and initiative in the performance of their duties, especially in the -reigns of Ferdinand VI and Charles III. It was customary for them to -consult with the king every morning, however. No new _Consejos_, or -councils, were added in this period, and the _Consejo de Aragón_, last -of the councils of the former crown of Aragon, was suppressed in 1707. -Essentially, the _Consejos_ continued to exercise the same functions as -formerly, although losing ground to the rapidly advancing secretaries, -or ministers. The _Consejo de Castilla_ retained its importance, -however, and its president, or governor, was the leading officer of -state. It is to be noted that both the _Consejo_ and the _Cámara_, -despite their retention of the name Castile, dealt with the affairs of -other regions of the peninsula, quite as much as did the councils with -more general names. Except for Navarre, which continued to be a -viceroyalty, the other regions of Spain apart from New Castile (Aragon, -Catalonia, Valencia, Majorca, Granada, Andalusia, Old Castile, Galicia, -Asturias, Extremadura, and the Canary Islands) were placed under -captain-generals or commandant-generals with military and administrative -powers. A number of _audiencias_ were added, until now there were eleven -such bodies (Valladolid, Granada, Galicia, Seville, the Canaries, -Majorca, Valencia, Saragossa, Barcelona, Asturias, and Extremadura), -exercising both civil and judicial functions. In 1718 the institution of -the intendancies was created to take over financial administration in -the various regions, although this reform was not put into effect -definitely until 1749. There were twenty-three intendants, of whom six -were military. Under the captain-generals there were smaller districts -ruled by _corregidores_, most of whom were civilians. The judicial -functions of the _corregidor_ were gradually taken over by _alcaldes -mayores_, who ranked under the _corregidores_, leaving the executive -power in the hands of the latter. In some cases these lesser districts -were ruled over by officials called military governors. The term -“province” was applied to districts of very unequal size. While there -were only eight in the combined realms of Aragon, Navarre, and the -Basque provinces, there were twenty-four in Castile. Charles III planned -to divide Spain into a number of provinces of about the same size, but -did not carry out his idea. - -[Sidenote: Increased royal control over the towns and the -democratization of local political machinery.] - -While municipal life as a virile factor which might withstand the king -had long since been dead, there was too much local authority still in -existence to please the autocratic Bourbons. Furthermore, abuses in -administration had developed which caused the kings to be -philanthropically desirous of a remedy. To accomplish these ends they -aimed at a more complete subjection of the towns to the royal authority -and the democratization of the _ayuntamientos_. The principal difficulty -in the way of these objectives was the fact that many municipal offices -were held as a perpetual right by specific families, especially in the -case of the _regidores_,--for which state of affairs the kings of the -House of Austria had not infrequently been responsible by their sales of -such privileges. This resulted in an aristocratic control of the -municipalities, with consequent usurpations of land by the rich and the -placing of the burdens of taxation on the poor. Unable to buy up these -hereditary rights the royal government chose to follow what was in -effect a policy of legal confiscation. This was easily accomplished for -Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca; as already pointed out, the -king took advantage of the outcome of the War of the Spanish Succession -to take all of these appointments into his own hands or into those of -the _audiencias_. As for Castile, laws were passed requiring the -approval of the central authorities before an heir to municipal office -could succeed to such an inheritance. As a result the government was -enabled to refuse its assent in a number of cases. Meanwhile, the -_alcaldes_ continued to be appointed by the king or by the lord, -according as they were royal (_realengos_) or seigniorial (_señoríos_) -towns. Even the seigniorial towns were attacked, for a law of 1802 -provided with regard to them that the servants or dependents of the lord -could not exercise jurisdiction in his place; that the royal institution -of the _residencia_ was never to be dispensed with; and that the -_alcaldes mayores_ of the large towns must be lawyers who had been -licensed to practice by the royal _consejos_ or _audiencias_. No attempt -was made to disturb the composition of the _ayuntamientos_ of Navarre -and the Basque provinces, although these regions, like the rest of -Spain, were subject to laws of a general character concerning -municipalities. One such general law, in 1751, required all -municipalities to send their accounts annually to the _Cámara de -Castilla_ for inspection, and this was supplemented by a law of 1764, -ordering them to deposit their surplus funds with the royal intendant of -the province. Another decree, dated 1760, assigned the direction of -municipal finance to the _Consejo_. Yet other laws were enacted, the -total effect of which, together with those just mentioned, was to place -the whole question of municipal income and expenditures in royal hands. -The initiative for the democratization of the _ayuntamientos_ came in -the reign of Charles III. In 1766 he created the post of deputy of the -common people (_diputado del común_), which official was empowered to -examine the financial accounts of the towns. These officers, of whom -there were to be two in the smaller towns and four in the larger, were -chosen by a body of men who had previously been elected by the people. -In like manner a popular syndic (_síndico_) was elected who represented -the masses before the _ayuntamiento_, with a right to take part in -deliberations and to propose reforms. At the same time, the office of -_regidor_ was thrown open to plebeians. This law was a blow at the -_caballero_ class of the nobility, which had monopolized the holding of -municipal office. There was much dissatisfaction over the enactment, -and the Basque provinces went so far as to protest. Nevertheless, there -was no outward resistance; the aristocracy of the towns limited itself -to opposing the election of plebeians and to hindering their action in -office. - -[Sidenote: Important ministers of the first half century of Bourbon -rule.] - -Despite the thoroughgoing nature of the Bourbon absolutism, it is -fitting for the first time to award special credit to the secretaries of -state, or ministers, although the kings were responsible for their -selection as well as for their acts. This was an age of great reformers. -The initiative came from France on the accession of Philip V, and the -first great name is that of a Frenchman, Orry. When he came to Spain, in -1701, he found that the income of the state was about 142,000,000 -_reales_ ($8,875,000) while expenditures were 247,000,000 ($15,437,500). -The outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession made the situation -still worse. Yet he displayed such ability that national receipts -actually advanced in course of the war, and were some 160,000,000 -($10,000,000) at its end. Amelot, another Frenchman, was an even more -remarkable figure. He coöperated with Orry to increase the revenues, and -reorganized and bettered the administration of the army. The Italian -Alberoni and the Dutchman Ripperdá were less notable as reformers. With -the fall of the latter in 1726 there began an era of great ministers of -Spanish birth. First of these was Patiño, who, though born in Italy, was -of a Galician family. He was especially prominent for his financial -reforms, but was also noteworthy for his measures to develop commerce -and improve the army and navy. In an age when graft was general, and in -a country which has rarely been backward in this particular, Patiño was -able to achieve the distinction of dying poor; his death occurred in -1736. The next notable financial reformer was Campillo, an Asturian who -had been born poor, though of _hidalgo_ rank. More important, however, -was Somodevilla, a Castilian of very humble birth who became Marquis of -Ensenada, by which name he is more generally known. The period of his -power was from 1743 to 1754, and his reforms covered the same matters as -those mentioned above in the case of Patiño, although he was especially -remarkable in his endeavors on behalf of the Spanish navy. His fall in -1754 (as a result of his disagreement with Ferdinand VI with regard to -the treaty with Portugal concerning Sacramento and Paraguay) was -received with rejoicing in England; the English ambassador reported -exultingly that Spain would build no more ships. Ensenada was -responsible, also, for the construction of important public works, and -once suggested the idea of single tax as worthy of trial in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Great reformers of the reigns of Charles III and IV.] - -The greatest reformers, however, belonged to the reign of Charles III -and the early years of Charles IV. Earlier ministers had increased the -national revenues and cut down expenses, but the deficit had not been -wiped out. One of the great names of both of the above-named reigns was -that of the Count of Aranda, of a distinguished Aragonese noble family. -Aranda was obstinate, brutal in speech, aggressive, and energetic, but a -man of vast information and clear foresight,--as witness his prediction, -in 1775, of the future greatness of the yet unborn United States. Aside -from his connection with Spain’s foreign policies he particularly -distinguished himself while president of the _Consejo de Castilla_ by -the reforms, already referred to, whereby Madrid became a clean and -acceptable city. Yet more famous was José Moñino, son of an -ecclesiastical notary of Murcia, who was ennobled as the Count of -Floridablanca. An honorable man in every sense of the word, just, -intelligent, and solicitous for his friends, he was hot-tempered, and -unbending in his hostility to his opponents. His action made itself felt -in the improvement of the means of communication in the peninsula and in -his economic reforms of a commercial nature, such as the great free -trade decree of 1778, which abandoned certain phases of the narrowly -monopolistic policy which Spain had always followed in her trade with -the colonies. Campomanes was an Asturian and, like Somodevilla, of very -humble birth, but he rose to be, many hold, the greatest of the men who -labored for the social and economic regeneration of Spain in the -eighteenth century. He was also the most representative of his age, for, -in addition to his measures to develop a better system of internal -communications and to foster industry, commerce, and technical popular -education, he was a determined royalist,--the embodiment, therefore, of -the ideal of the enlightened despotism. Like Aranda and Floridablanca he -served for a time under Charles IV, although his greatest work belonged -to the reign of Charles III. Three names deserve mention for the reign -of Charles IV. Jovellanos was an Asturian of an illustrious family. He -distinguished himself by his reforms in finance in conjunction with one -Saavedra, but both were early deprived of their posts, as a result of -the hostility of Godoy. The third name is that of Godoy, who introduced -notable reforms in public instruction and in the organization of the -army and navy,--whatever may be the judgment with regard to his foreign -policy. The names of some of the great ministers of the Indies are also -worthy of record. In addition to Patiño and Ensenada the most noteworthy -were Julián de Arriaga (1750 or 1751-1776) and José de Gálvez -(1776-1787), especially the former. The results, in terms of revenue, of -the activities of the great ministers may serve to give some indication -of the effectiveness of their work. In 1766, receipts exceeded -expenditures by about 133,000,000 _reales_ ($8,312,500). In 1778 -revenues amounted to 630,000,000 ($39,375,000); in 1784 to 685,000,000 -($42,812,500); and in 1787 to 616,000,000 ($38,500,000). Though annual -expenditures were much less, the government was never able to overcome -the deficit, although the national debt reached its lowest point in the -reign of Charles III. In 1791 revenues were some 800,000,000 -($50,000,000), but they fell to a general level of about 600,000,000 -($37,500,000) in the years 1793 to 1795, while expenditures, which had -reached 708,000,000 ($44,250,000) in 1793, were 1,030,000,000 -($64,375,000) in 1795. Thus the deficit began to increase again, and in -1808 it was over 7,200,000,000 _reales_ ($450,000,000), an enormous sum -as national indebtedness went then. - -[Sidenote: Opposition of vested interests to the reforms.] - -The efforts made by the great reformers appear the more commendable when -one considers the difficulties they had to overcome. Great changes -always run counter to vested interests, but this was more than usually -the case in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of graft.] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties over questions of etiquette and of -jurisdiction.] - -The nobles and the church were the most powerful elements in opposition; -even though their authority was but little, as compared with that of -earlier years, they were still able to hinder the execution of laws -which damaged their interests. Nearly everyone seemed to have an -exemption from taxation, or desired it, but the reformers set themselves -resolutely against that state of affairs. Their success against the -force of vested interests was only fair, for that element was too great -to overcome; the very bureaucracy itself displayed a weakness in this -particular, for it insisted on the maintenance of a custom which had -sprung up that government officials might buy certain articles at a -fixed price, whatever the charge to others. This calls to mind the -overwhelming evil of graft, which it seemed impossible to eliminate; -indeed, high officials were altogether too prone to regard it as a more -or less legitimate perquisite, and did not hesitate to accept large -gifts of money from foreign diplomats. Difficulties over questions of -etiquette, inherent in a centralized bureaucratic government, also stood -in the way of the proper execution of the laws. For example, a serious -dispute arose in 1745 between the bishop of Murcia and the Inquisition, -when the latter claimed that the members of that body should have a -better place in church than others. It was at length decided that they -should not. In 1782 the commandant-general of Majorca complained that -the wives of the _oidores_ of the _audiencia_ had not called on his wife -on the occasion of the king’s birthday. He was sustained, and the -_regente_ (regent, or president) of the _audiencia_ was imprisoned for a -number of months by way of punishment. Several years later the ladies of -Palma complained that the wife of the commandant-general was in the -habit of going out in the street with an armed escort and demanding a -military salute. This time the ladies were upheld, and the escort was -prohibited. These are only a few instances out of thousands, and if -there was so much stir over such trifling matters it can well be -imagined how much more serious the problem was in the case of disputes -between officials as to jurisdiction. Official etiquette is an important -matter in all countries, but Spaniards have always been insistent on -the letter of their rights and very sensitive over the omission of any -act to which their position entitles them. Furthermore, these -controversies carried in their train vast files of papers, of charges, -answers and countercharges, and the evidence of witnesses. These -questions had to be resolved, causing great expenditure in both time and -money. No country was ever more diligent than Spain in the -multiplication of state papers over affairs which ranged from those of -vital importance to the most trivial incidents. The historian may have -cause to rejoice over the existence of so much material, but the nation -suffered,--although it is difficult to see how its contemporary -accumulation could have been avoided in an absolutism like that of the -Spanish Bourbons. - -[Sidenote: Improvement of the army and ineffectual attempts at -additional reforms.] - -One of the principal objects of the reforms was the rehabilitation of -the army and navy so that Spain might be in a better position in -international affairs. In the army the volunteer system was employed for -a while, but it was effective only in procuring contingents of foreign -mercenaries and in filling the ranks of the royal guard. Gradually the -idea of the draft came into favor, and it was tried several times, -becoming a definitive law in the reign of Charles III. The law of -Charles III provided that one man in every five--hence the term _quinta_ -for this institution--should become subject to military service for a -term of eight years. This system was resisted in all parts of the -peninsula, but was allowed to stand, although it proved impossible of -enforcement. Through graft or favor, whether of the local officials -charged with administering the law or of doctors who examined the -individual drawn, practically nobody was required to serve except those -totally lacking in influence. It was customary to seize tramps and petty -criminals and send them instead of the legitimately drafted men. The -government itself adopted the principle of forced levies, or -impressment, of vagabonds and bad characters, but these men proved to be -poor soldiers and deserted frequently. Thus the number of troops was not -great, but in any event it would have been difficult to support more -numerous contingents, owing to the lack of funds; even as matters were -it was customary to grant a four months’ furlough at the season when -crops were gathered. In times of war, rigorous methods were used to get -the needed men, or else they came forward voluntarily, out of -patriotism. The reserve was formed by regional bodies of militia, which -did not draw back when their services were needed in war. At the -beginning of the era it is said that there were 20,000 poorly equipped -soldiers in the Spanish army; in 1737 the total of infantry and cavalry -was 42,920; in 1758 the total of all arms, 108,777. Numbers increased -under Charles III, but declined under Charles IV. In 1808, at the moment -of the outbreak against Napoleon, there were from 136,000 to 147,000 but -only about 100,000 effective troops, and even these were badly armed. -The situation becomes clear in the light of the expense involved; the -army of 1758, in a time of peace, cost some 205,000,000 _reales_ -($12,812,500), a saving of 34,000,000 ($2,125,000) over the expenditures -required prior to the enactment of certain reforms by Ferdinand VI. It -will be seen that a considerable portion of the annual revenue was -needed. In this period the hierarchy of officials (from the -captain-generals down through the various grades of generals, colonels, -captains, and lieutenants) and of military units (such as brigades, -regiments, battalions, and companies) was established in, broadly -speaking, the form it has retained ever since. The gun with the bayonet -had now become the principal infantry weapon, and artillery had been -developed to a high point as compared with the previous era. Flags and -uniforms varied; the latter were picturesque, but adapted more to -encouraging the soldier’s morale than to developing his freedom of -action. A number of military schools were founded for the different -branches of the service,--the infantry, cavalry, artillery, and -engineers. - -[Sidenote: Birth of a real Spanish navy, but difficulties attending its -improvement.] - -The eighteenth century marked the birth of a real Spanish navy. At the -outset, and during the great war which opened the era, there was -virtually none at all, but in 1714 Orry took steps, which were later -furthered by Alberoni, Patiño, and especially by Ensenada, to develop an -effective fleet. In 1761 there were 49 men-of-war (_navíos_), 22 -frigates, and a number of smaller ships; in 1788, 64 men-of-war, 53 -frigates, and 60 boats of other types, with 50,000 sailors, 20,000 -infantry, 3000 artillerymen, and numerous officials of the navy -department. Each war with England during the century resulted in the -destruction of a considerable portion of the fleet, and the battle of -Trafalgar, in 1805, destroyed it as a fighting unit, even though Spain -still had 42 men-of-war, 30 frigates, and 146 other ships in 1806. The -man-of-war was the principal type of vessel employed in this era, -carrying from sixty to a hundred cannon, while the faster sailing -frigate had from thirty to fifty cannon. Many auxiliary -vessels--transports and smaller fighting ships, such as brigs and sloops -of war--were used. The galley went out of service, although one was -built as late as 1794. The Spanish navy suffered from a number of -defects, however, which made it distinctly inferior to the English, or -even to the French. The wood for the masts was fragile and the material -for the sails was of bad quality, while boats were so poorly taken care -of, that they deteriorated rapidly. The provision of food supplies and -effects for the men was faulty, and the men on board, especially the -artillerymen and the infantry, were of very poor calibre. Ensenada -remarked that the Spanish navy of his day was all appearances, without -substance, but set about to the best of his ability to rectify the -situation. He improved shipyards, sent officers of talent abroad to -study the methods employed elsewhere, gave inducements to English -shipbuilders to come to Spain, built shops for the making of rigging and -other equipment needed on ships of war, endeavored to improve the -personnel of Spanish crews, and surrounded himself with the most -competent naval men he could find. Ensenada and the other reformers did -a great deal, but they could not overcome the never-ending difficulties -in the way of obtaining men in sufficient numbers and of suitable -quality for the requirements of the navy. The fishermen of the Spanish -coasts continued to be drafted as sailors, and became less unwilling to -serve than formerly when efforts were made to be punctual in payments of -wages and to protect the families of the mariners. The recruiting of -marine infantry and artillerymen, however, suffered from the same evil -as the raising of the land forces, with one important result, which was -that Spanish cannon were badly served. - -[Sidenote: Legislation of the era and the _Novísima recopilación_.] - -Naturally, a period so rich in reforms as this was bound to have a great -body of legislation. In Castile this was almost exclusively in the -various forms of royal orders, recording the directions given by the -king and his ministers, and the decisions of the _Consejos_. Thus the -work of the _Nueva Recopilación_ of 1567 got to be out of date, although -five new editions were published in the eighteenth century, with the -addition of some of the recent laws. Finally, a proposal for another -codification was approved, and the compilation was made by Juan de la -Reguera, who brought it out in twelve books, under the title of the -_Novísima recopilación de las leyes de España_ (Newest, or Latest, -Compilation of the Laws of Spain). Reguera claimed to have solved the -problem of the concentration of legal material, but in fact his work -suffered from the same defects as the earlier codes of Montalvo and -Arrieta. His distribution of the laws was faulty, and he failed to -indicate many important acts which were still in force. Furthermore, he -reproduced the ordinance of Alcalá (1348), repeated in the laws of Toro -and the _Nueva Recopilación_, according to which the laws of various -earlier codes, such as the _Fuero Real_, remained in effect in so far as -they had not been repealed by later legislation, and the _Partidas_ was -valid as supplementary law. Thus the old evils of the lack of unity of -the law and lack of clearness subsisted. Nobody could be certain whether -a law was still in effect or not, and it remained the practice to cite -textbooks and the ancient codes of Justinian on the ground that they -might have a bearing as supplementary law, unless there was something -clearly stated to the contrary in the _Novísima Recopilación_. In -Catalonia there was a new codification in 1704, and in Navarre in 1735. -In most of the formerly separate legal jurisdictions, however, the laws -of Castile applied, henceforth, as a result of the changes brought -about, as already mentioned, at the close of the War of the Spanish -Succession. - -[Sidenote: Reforms in the Americas and their results.] - -It remains to deal with the relations of the crown and the church, to -which the next chapter is devoted, and to allude to the important -reforms in the Americas. Much that was beneficial to the colonies at the -time was achieved, and much else which in fact helped them to be the -better prepared in the approaching combat with the mother country. In -the main, however, the policies of subjection and of the development of -the revenues in the supposed interests of Spain were followed, with the -result that resentments were kept alive and ultimate disaster invited. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI - -STATE AND CHURCH, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Pronounced zeal of the Bourbons in subjecting the church.] - -[Sidenote: The elements in controversy.] - -If the kings of the House of Austria had displayed zeal in diminishing -the range of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Bourbon monarchs, with -their accentuated ideal of absolutism, were even more insistent in that -respect. The kings were assisted by elements to which they themselves -were otherwise hostile, such as the Jansenists[63] and the -encyclopedists, whose partisans furnished arguments for the royal -authority, because they opposed the rule of the church. Nevertheless, -the monarchical ideal of the kings was sufficient to induce them to -attack the church, except as concerned the purely spiritual interests of -the Catholic religion, and the absolute patronage which the kings -enjoyed in the Americas became the model of what they wished to -establish in Spain. There were two principal angles to the problem, that -of overcoming the intervention of the popes in the affairs of the -Spanish church, and that of lessening the power and the privileges of -the Spanish clergy. As for the intervention of the popes, they exercised -the right of appointment to Spanish benefices which became vacant in any -of the so-called eight “apostolic months,” and also to those vacated in -the four “ordinary months” (March, June, September, and December) if the -death of the holder occurred at Rome; considerable sums of money were -also collected for papal dispensations to marry, papal pardons, and -other papal acts of an irregularly recurring character, although -government officials charged that a large part of these moneys remained -in the hands of Spanish and Italian intermediaries without reaching the -coffers of the pope; the tribunal of the nunciature, despite the -provisions of the papal brief of 1537, had come to be composed of -foreign priests, and besides exercising its judicial functions -independently of the royal courts administered the rents of vacant -benefices (_vacantes_), which gave rise to accusations of abuses in the -management of the funds; the tribunal of the _Cruzada_, for the -collection of the tax of that name, was still in papal hands, although -the income had frequently in the past been granted to the kings of -Spain; and finally, there existed the old question of the _pase regio_, -about the necessity for royal consent prior to the publication of papal -bulls and briefs, or in fact even for the delivery of pontifical -letters. As concerned the relations with the local clergy, the kings -were preoccupied with such matters as the great numbers of churchmen -(especially the regular clergy), the immunities they enjoyed, the -immensity of their landed estates held in mortmain, the extent of the -right of asylum in ecclesiastical edifices, and the power of the -Inquisition and, far more, that of the Jesuits. - -[Sidenote: Conflict of the kings with the popes in the first half -century of the era.] - -The conflict with the papacy began at the outset of the reign of Philip -V, for the popes favored the candidacy of the Archduke Charles to the -Spanish throne. Philip V expelled the nuncio, suspended the court of the -nunciature, and gave orders against the circulation of papal bulls in -Spain. These measures were only temporary, during the course of the war. -Nevertheless, Alberoni, who restored matters to their former basis, had -occasion, even though he was a cardinal himself, to banish the newly -appointed nuncio. Finally, an agreement was reached in the concordat of -1737 from which the crown obtained some advantages, such as the -suppression of the right of asylum in some cases and its restriction in -others, the limitation of the number of churchmen with rights of -personal immunity, and the giving of guarantees against false -allegations with a view to extending the immunities of church estates, -together with the derogation of this right for such properties as the -church should acquire in future. The concordat satisfied nobody, and -moreover most of its provisions were not observed. When Ferdinand VI -ascended the throne, he took steps to procure a more acceptable -arrangement, for though an exceedingly devout Catholic he was unbending -as concerned matters affecting the royal authority. The result was a -fresh concordat with the pope, dated 1753. Several important rights were -gained at this time: in return for a heavy money indemnity Ferdinand -obtained a recognition of the royal right of patronage in appointments -to all church offices, except some fifty-two dignities and the naming of -bishops to benefices vacated in the four “ordinary months”; various -kinds of papal taxes were renounced in favor of Spain; the tax of the -_cruzada_ was granted in perpetuity to the crown; and the right of -exemption from the taxation of lands held in mortmain was abolished. -Nevertheless, the partisans of royalty were not yet satisfied. - -[Sidenote: Success of Charles III in the conflict with the popes.] - -[Sidenote: Subjection of the Spanish church by Charles III.] - -Charles III was a pious Catholic, but carried the reform movement -against the church further than any of his predecessors. The first step -was taken as a result of a papal brief against a book written by -Mesenghi, a French theologian. When the Spanish Inquisition was about to -publish the condemnatory document, the king issued a decree of -prohibition. This was followed by royal orders of 1761 and 1762 making -the following enactments: that no papal bull, brief, or other pontifical -letter should be allowed to circulate or be obeyed, whatever might be -its subject-matter, unless it should previously have been presented to -the king, or in certain cases of lesser moment to the _Consejo_, so that -a decision might be reached whether it interfered with the royal -prerogative, before a license to publish would be granted; that the -Inquisition should publish only such edicts as were forwarded to it by -the king; and that it should condemn no book without giving the author a -chance to defend himself. Through the influence of his mother, Isabel -Farnesio, Charles was persuaded to suspend these decrees, but they were -put into effect in 1768 when the pope issued a bull censuring the -Bourbon Duke of Parma, a relative of Charles III, for his application -of the _pase regio_ in his domain. A further step was taken in 1771, -when the pope consented to the reform of the nunciature, whereby that -tribunal, henceforth called the _Rota_, was to be composed of six -Spanish judges nominated by the king and appointed by the pope. A great -many measures were also undertaken in this reign to subject the Spanish -clergy to the royal authority, and to better economic and religious -conditions. The following enactments were representative of this phase -of the royal policy: the recourse of _fuerza_ was frequently employed in -cases of conflict of laws between the civil and the ecclesiastical -courts, and the jurisdiction of the former was favored; a law of 1766 -required bishops to exercise vigilance to see that priests should say -nothing against the government or the members of the royal family, and -even the _alcaldes_ were given authority to assist in this regard in -conserving the good name of the state and its rulers; the rights of -asylum in churches and the personal immunities of churchmen were -limited, as by a law of 1774, according to which such rights were not to -obtain in the case of those guilty of participation in riots; in 1780 it -was ordered that the profits of vacant rural benefices should be applied -to the repair of churches of the diocese or to the repopulation of -abandoned districts; bishops were prohibited by a law of 1781 from -appointing vicars without the prior consent of the king; an attempt was -made in 1786 to do away with the custom of burying deceased persons in -churches, but the effort was unsuccessful, owing to the opposition of -the clergy; in the same year ecclesiastical judges were forbidden to -handle the temporal aspects of matrimonial cases, being restricted to -decisions affecting the canonical bonds established by marriage; and in -1787 all cases of smuggling were removed from the jurisdiction of the -ecclesiastical courts, even though a churchman were involved. In the -reign of Charles IV there were intervals when the church was less -rigorously dealt with, but the majority of the ministers followed the -tradition of their predecessors. - -[Sidenote: Royal action diminishing the power of the Inquisition.] - -There had been many complaints against the Inquisition in the period of -the Hapsburg kings, but they became more frequent in the far more -tolerant eighteenth century, and now that the monarchs no longer -regarded the danger of heresy as serious they were reinforced by the -royal policy of reducing all outstanding phases of authority. The -conflict with the Inquisition was fought out over the following issues: -questions of jurisdiction between the civil courts and that of the -Inquisition; abuse of power by the Inquisition, which was accused of -using its authority in matters of religion as a political arm; decrees -of the Inquisition inconsistent with those of the king, or failures to -observe the royal claims of a right to apply the _pase regio_; arbitrary -condemnations of books by the Inquisition; and the extraordinary -amplitude of cases falling within the purview of its tribunals, such as -those of usury, smuggling, the importation of coin into the kingdom, and -the raising of horses, all of which were far removed from the primary -objects of the institution. Not much was done until the reign of Charles -III. That monarch had already shown himself hostile to the Inquisition -while king of Naples, prior to his accession to the throne of Spain. One -of his earliest acts as king of Spain was the banishment of the -inquisitor general when the latter protested against the royal edict in -the already mentioned Mesenghi case, followed by the legislation of 1761 -and 1762 referred to above. When the inquisitor was allowed to return, -Charles warned the other officers of the Inquisition not to disobey the -king in future. In 1770 many of the cases of a secular character were -removed from inquisitorial jurisdiction, and in 1784 it was ordered that -all processes against grandees or the ministers or employes of the king -should be submitted to the monarch. The reduction of the Inquisition was -carried still further under Charles IV. Godoy, Jovellanos, and Urquijo -thought of abolishing it, but fortunate turns in the political situation -intervened to postpone such action. It was provided in 1799 that no -subject of the king should be arrested by the Inquisition without royal -authorization, and the methods of trial employed by that institution -were modified in the interests of doing away with the former secrecy and -the seclusion of the accused. In 1804 the king banished several members -of the Inquisition who had opposed the freeing of an individual whom one -of the lesser branches of that organization had pronounced guiltless. -Its decline was also evidenced by the falling off in its revenues as -compared with the yield of earlier times. Many of its buildings were in -a state of bad repair, and its employees often died in poverty. -Nevertheless, its properties were said to be worth nearly 170,000,000 -_reales_ (over $10,000,000) at the end of the era, and a state offer of -2,000,000 a year ($125,000), in exchange for its right to confiscate the -goods of persons convicted of crimes against religion, was refused. In -addition, there was the wealth of the Inquisition in the colonies; the -great German traveler and naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, estimated -that the annual income of the Inquisition in New Spain alone was 800,000 -_reales_ ($50,000). Although the Inquisition of the eighteenth century -had but a shadow of its former power, it was able to bring influential -persons to trial, including great churchmen, members of the higher -nobility, and ministers of state, but it did not always take effective -action in these cases. Godoy was accused on three occasions, being -charged with atheism, immorality, and bigamy, but the queen would not -consent to his arrest, and he was able to procure the banishment of -several of those who had intervened in this matter. - -[Sidenote: Increased hostility against the Jesuits.] - -The case of the Jesuit order was similar to that of the Inquisition, but -the result of royal action was even more decisive. The hostility to the -Jesuits in Catholic countries, already very great in the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries, was even more intense in the eighteenth. The -other religious orders and the secular clergy were almost a unit in -opposing them, for the Jesuits occupied a dominant place in church -affairs, and were charged with tyrannizing over the others both in -matters of theology and in questions of a temporal character. The ranks -of their enemies were swelled by the continued adhesion of the -universities to the Jesuit opposition and by the encyclopedists. The -former complained because the youth were attending the Jesuit colleges, -especially the nobility, from whom the leading ministers of state were -chosen, thus continuing the Jesuit influence, while those who were more -or less addicted to encyclopedist views were hostile to the order both -because of its power in the church and because of its partisanship in -favor of papal jurisdiction and authority. In defending themselves the -Jesuits had the support of many royal ministers and of the kings -themselves for over half a century; Philip V and Ferdinand VI as well as -Isabel Farnesio and the children of Charles III had Jesuit confessors. -Furthermore, the once hostile Inquisition became an instrument in Jesuit -hands when that order got control of the institution. Finally, the -Jesuits had achieved vast power as a result of their hold on the -affections of great numbers of the people, high and low, and in -consequence of the extraordinary wealth which they had accumulated. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion and suppression of the Jesuits.] - -It was not until the reign of Charles III that any effective action was -taken against them. While yet king of Naples, Charles had demonstrated -his lack of cordiality toward the Jesuit order, and had begun to feel a -suspicion, in common with other European monarchs, that the Jesuits -might prove to be a danger to the state; in view of the actual power -which the Jesuits possessed, it is not to be wondered at that the -ultra-absolutist statesmen and kings of the eighteenth century should -look upon them with disfavor. In the very year that Charles became king -of Spain they were expelled from Portugal, and in the years 1764 to 1767 -similar action was taken in France. The accession of Charles was a blow -to the Jesuits in Spain, who now lost their influential place at court. -Four events of a political character tended to increase the feeling of -hostility toward them. One of these occurred in the reign of Ferdinand, -when the Jesuits of Paraguay opposed the cession of that territory to -Portugal in exchange for Sacramento. The Indians of Paraguay rose in -rebellion against the transfer, and it was believed that the Jesuits -were in some way concerned. The second of the events was the attempted -assassination of the kings of Portugal and France, which was attributed -to the Jesuit order on account of the hostility of those monarchs to the -Jesuits. Many were of the opinion that Charles might be in danger of a -like fate. In the third place friction arose between Charles and the -Jesuits as a result of the former’s advocacy of the canonization of Juan -de Palafox, a seventeenth century bishop of Puebla de los Ángeles in -New Spain. The Jesuits opposed the king in this matter, and even -procured the removal from the palace of the works of Palafox which -Charles had given to members of his family. The fourth matter was of far -more consequence,--the riots of 1766 at the time when the proposals of -Squillace with regard to the modification of Spanish dress were enacted -into law. On that occasion there was grave disorder in Madrid, including -an attack on the king’s guards, a number of whom were cruelly put to -death. The king was obliged to yield to the demands of the mob, and a -few days later unexpectedly left Madrid for Aranjuez,--a virtual flight, -taken as a measure of precaution. Not only in Madrid, but also in -Saragossa, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Alicante, Salamanca, Daroca, Tobarra, -Mombeltrán, Murcia, San Lúcar, Huesca, Borja, San Ildefonso, Azcoytia, -Villena, Ciudad Real, Jumilla, Coruña, Alcaraz, Quero, Las Mesas, -Aranjuez, Palencia, and Navalcarnero there were similar outbreaks, and -it seemed likely that Barcelona might also give trouble. In fine, there -appeared to be an organized attempt at rebellion, and Charles and his -ministers believed, or at least pretended to believe, that the Jesuits -were behind it. Most probably the order itself did not promote the -riots, although several of its members were compromised, but late in -1766 it was formally charged with responsibility by the _Consejo_. In -January, 1767, the _Consejo_ proposed the expulsion of the Jesuits from -Spain. The matter was submitted to a special _junta_, or council, which -concurred in the recommendation of the _Consejo_, after which the -decision was presented to various ecclesiastical personages, who -likewise expressed their approval. It was decided, however, to say -nothing of the motives, and the part of the proceedings concerning them -has disappeared. Nevertheless, a document of Campomanes is at hand -summing up some of the charges made at the meeting of the _Consejo_. -They were the following: responsibility for the Squillace riots; the -diffusion of maxims contrary to the royal and the canon law; a spirit of -sedition (of which some evidence was introduced); treasonable relations -with the English in the Philippine Islands; monopolization of commerce -and excess of power in the Americas; a too great pride, leading them to -support the doctrines of Rome against the king; advocacy by many Jesuit -writers of the right of tyrannicide; political intrigues against the -king; and aspiration for universal monarchy. While the evidence in -support of these charges is no longer available, it is clear that they -were exaggerated, or even without foundation,--at least in the case of -their supposed relations with the English. On the other hand, the -intensely royalist ministers of the era of the enlightened despotism -would have felt grave concern where a more democratic age might have -found no cause for worry. Some historians claim that Charles hesitated -to sign the decree, because the Jesuit general was said to have -threatened the publication of documents purporting to show that the king -was the illegitimate son of Isabel Farnesio and Alberoni, and others -assert that Charles was given reason to believe that the Jesuits planned -to assassinate him and the members of his family if the expulsion were -promulgated. Whatever the truth may be, he delayed only a few days, -signing the decree on February 27, 1767. The Count of Aranda was charged -with its execution, and proceeded to fulfill that duty with great -secrecy and despatch, so that the blow should fall simultaneously and -without warning in all parts of Spain’s dominions. Never was a decree -more carefully carried out. On the night of March 31 in Madrid, and on -the next night in the provinces, the Jesuits were surprised in their -establishments and told that they must leave Spain. There were at this -time 2746 Spanish Jesuits in 120 institutions, scattered through 117 -towns. In the Americas the decree was carried out later in the same year -or early in 1768, and in some cases there was popular resistance to -their expulsion, although no untoward incidents of that character had -occurred in Spain. Without consulting the pope, Charles decided to send -the Jesuits to the Papal States, although on the eve of the expulsion he -informed the pope of his intention, promising also to pay the Jesuits -enough to permit them to live in a fitting manner. Despite the pope’s -entire sympathy with the Jesuits, there were reasons why he did not wish -them to land in his territory, and when the boats which were carrying -them arrived off Civita Vecchia, the port of Rome, Cardinal Torrigiani -ordered them to keep away, threatening to open fire on them if they -should not. Thereupon, they went to Corsica, where the Jesuits were -landed, being joined later by their American brethren. Finally, the pope -consented to their establishing themselves in Bologna and Ferrara, where -some ten thousand from Spain and the Americas found a haven,--much -against the will of the secular clergy of those places. Charles now set -about to procure the dissolution of the order, and in this he was aided -by the kings of Portugal, France, and Naples, from which last-named -country the Jesuits had also been expelled late in 1767. In 1773 their -efforts were at length successful, as a result, very largely, of the -skillful diplomatic achievements of Jose Moñino, Spain’s special -representative at the papal court. For his work in this matter Moñino -was rewarded with the title of Count of Floridablanca. - -[Sidenote: Royal attempts to reduce the financial immunities of the -church.] - -One of the leading preoccupations of the kings in dealing with the -Spanish clergy was to reduce the immunities of a financial character -which they enjoyed. Ever since the thirteenth century, efforts had been -made with that object in view, and considerable success had been -attained by the Hapsburg kings, while the attempts of the Bourbon -monarchs to check the acquisition of lands by the church or to render at -least a portion of them subject to taxation have already been traced in -the chapter on social institutions. A great deal remained to be done, -however, before the church would be reduced to the level of the -bourgeois class in the payment of tributes. For a proper appreciation of -this subject it is necessary to bear in mind the many sources of income -of the Spanish church. In addition to the profits from their lands, -cattle, and quit-rents (_censos_), churchmen received tithes -(_diezmos_), first-fruits (_primicias_), fees for masses, marriages, -funerals, and burials, alms for the mendicant orders, gifts, and still -other forms of contributions from persons and lands not under their -economic control. Their seigniorial rights were still extensive, for as -late as 1787 there were 3148 towns of one type or another under their -rule. To be sure, portions of these revenues were already being paid to -the crown, while many former ecclesiastical earnings had altogether -disappeared, or had been taken over by the state. In some places the -clergy were subject to certain taxes, and in others they were not; in -Castile churchmen paid part of the _alcabala_; in Catalonia they paid -all the royal tributes. The laws of the century displayed a consistent -intention on the part of the kings to reduce their financial immunities -still further. Thus in 1721 the clergy of Castile and the Canaries were -required to pay customs duties which had not previously been exacted -from them; in 1737 a tax of thirty-three per cent was levied on all new -landed possessions of the church in Valencia; in the concordat of the -same year the pope granted that all lands thenceforth coming into the -possession of ecclesiastical institutions might be taxed in the same -manner as those of lay individuals, if the king should so decide; when -Charles III was about to ascend the Spanish throne, Pope Benedict XIV -granted him the eventual subjection of the clergy to the same tributary -basis as laymen; in 1763 the clergy of the crown of Aragon were ordered -to pay the _alcabala_ from that time forth; in 1765 churchmen in general -were made subject to the military tax of the _milicias_ (militia), and -in 1780 the pope authorized the king to collect up to one third of the -income of benefices to which the king had the right of nomination. These -provisions were not carried out in full; there would no longer have been -any financial question between the kings and the church if they had -been. Aside from the royal gains of a legislative character the clergy -were often induced, or compelled, to make special grants to the state in -times of war, and occasionally they came forward of their own free will. -When the Jesuits were expelled in 1767, their properties were -confiscated, although the government announced that in applying the -proceeds it would bear in mind the objects of donors to the Jesuits, the -interests of religion, and public utility. Nothing definite is known as -to the amount of wealth this yielded to the state, although it must have -been considerable. Many writers have made fanciful estimates as to the -Jesuit properties, especially with regard to their holdings in the -Americas, some of them exaggerating their value, and others going to -the opposite extreme to make them appear inconsequential. Nevertheless, -despite the progress made by the Bourbons, the church was still -enormously wealthy at the end of the era; it is said that their annual -income reached 1,101,753,430 _reales_ (about $70,000,000). - -[Sidenote: Reduction of the number of persons in religious service.] - -The statesmen and economists of the Bourbon era gave considerable -attention to the problems arising from the great numbers of the clergy, -taking steps to prevent an increase in the membership of religious -orders and to bring about a reduction in the list of benefices and -chaplaincies. The reign of Charles III was especially notable in this -regard, and much was achieved. Still, though there were more churchmen -and religious institutions in the Hapsburg period at a time when the -population was not so great, there were 2067 convents for men and 1122 -for women in 1787, with 61,998 who had taken vows and 71,070 others who -had not (though living at the convents), besides 70,170 members of the -secular clergy. Thus there were over 200,000 persons in religious -service in a total population of about 10,400,000, or one for every -fifty-two persons.[64] By 1797 the numbers had been materially lessened. -At that time there were 93,397 men and women connected with the -institutions of the regular clergy, in 2051 convents for men and 1075 -for women, and 58,833 priests. In 1808 there were eight archbishoprics -and fifty-two bishoprics in Spain, sustaining 648 dignitaries, 1768 -canons, 216 prebends, and 200 half prebends. - -[Sidenote: Attempts at internal reform of the church.] - -The question of the numbers of the clergy was closely related to the -never-ending problem of reform in the internal life of the church. While -matters were not so bad as they had been in earlier times, and while -Spanish churchmen compared very favorably with those of some other -countries,--for example, those of France,--the necessity for correction -was nevertheless clear. Despite the fact that the church furnished many -of the most distinguished names of the era in intellectual attainments, -the mass of the lower clergy was decidedly uncultivated. There was a -marked relaxation in discipline. Many churchmen absented themselves -from their livings to become hangers-on at court,[65] with the result -that the kings seven times in less than fifty years expelled all priests -from Madrid whose parishes were not in that city. It was also deemed -necessary to pass laws forbidding clergymen to wear lay dress, for it -was claimed that they used it as a disguise, enabling them the more -easily to indulge in immoral practices. Many clergymen were punished for -improper solicitations in the confessional. Steps toward reform were -taken by the popes in 1723, 1737, and 1753,--the two latter times in -connection with the concordats of those years. The measures of the pope -provided rules for the instruction and discipline of the clergy and -sought to diminish the numbers of clergymen and of benefices and -chaplaincies. - -[Sidenote: Diminution in the rigor of religious persecutions.] - -Outwardly there was little difference between this period and the one -before it in the persecution of heresy and the effort to attain -religious unity. Both of these ideals continued to be proclaimed in the -laws, and the Inquisition made its accusations and condemnations and -published its indices of prohibited books as formerly, but in fact a -great change had come over the spirit in which the laws were -interpreted. Such a rigorous policy to stamp out heresy as that employed -by Philip II in the Low Countries was no longer thinkable, and while the -Hapsburg kings had based their international policy on the -re-establishment of Catholic unity, cost what it might, the Bourbons -completely abandoned that idea. The treaties of Westphalia in 1648 -seemed to have settled the question of religious warfare, with an -acknowledgment of the right of Protestant nations to exist apart from -the Catholic Church. Henceforth, wars were to be for various objects, -mainly political and economic in the eighteenth century, but not for -religion. - -[Sidenote: Inter-relations of the different religious elements.] - -The new spirit was manifested in, and was to some extent caused by, the -frequency of communications between Catholics and Protestants or between -Catholics and anti-church elements, such as the encyclopedists and -Jansenists. In earlier times, such a correspondence would have been a -serious religious crime which even the most prominent would have been -afraid to attempt; now, it was not generally regarded as seriously -reprehensible, though far from being looked upon with favor, and many -churchmen themselves might have been held guilty if charges on this -account had been brought. The quarrels of different factions in the -church among themselves, notably the opposition to the Jesuits, and the -intensely royalist policy of the kings tended in the same direction. -Some evidences of the new attitude toward religion were also to be found -in the laws. A treaty of 1713 with the Netherlands allowed Protestants -of that country having business in Spain to reside in the peninsula, and -a like privilege was granted to Spanish Catholics in the Netherlands. -The _asiento_ treaty with England in the same year did not, as had at -first been proposed, restrict to Catholics the privileges thereby -granted to Englishmen. A series of treaties with Morocco, Tripoli, -Tunis, and Turkey in the reign of Charles III allowed of Catholic -worship by Spaniards in those countries, and agreed that Moslems coming -to Spain should be respected in their religion. A general law of 1797 -provided that any foreign artist or artisan could establish himself in -the peninsula, and in case he were not a Catholic he was not to be -molested in his religious opinions. The Jews were excluded from the -operation of the law, however. Charles III had been favorable to a -policy of toleration toward them as well, and had issued a decree in -1741, when he was king of Naples, permitting of their entry into his -kingdom, but public opinion was still too strongly opposed to them, and -he was obliged to recall his decree. Two ministers of Charles IV, -Urquijo and Varela, made a like proposal, but he did not dare to follow -their advice; rather, he expressly declared in a decree of 1802 that the -existing laws and practices with respect to the Jews should continue to -be observed. The Inquisition directed its activities in this period to -attacking the new philosophic and religious ideas and to defending -itself as well as it could from the inroads of royalism, while there -were still numerous processes against superstitious practices, Jewish -worship, and the crimes of bigamy and notorious immorality. The number -of cases before the Inquisition was not less than formerly, and not a -few persons, especially Jews and Illuminati, were put to death. In -general, however, greater leniency was displayed, and the Inquisition -was no longer the much feared institution it once had been. - -[Sidenote: Underlying spirit of intolerance and Catholic fervor.] - -Nevertheless, both the clergy and the great majority of the people -remained as intolerant as ever. Ignorance played no small part in this -feeling; thus French priests expelled from their country at the time of -the revolution were suspected of heresy, and the general opinion of the -Spanish common people with regard to Frenchmen was that they were all -not only heretics or atheists but also cannibals. The ideal of -toleration hardly passed beyond the narrow circle of the upper classes, -but it was they who decided the policy of the state; indeed, the -attitude toward religion in this period perfectly exemplified the -workings of the benevolent despotism. The very men who expressed -tolerant views and framed legislation to that end were pious in their -private life, furnishing numerous proofs thereof, every day. Thus -Spaniards still gave a multitude of Christian names to their children, -in order to procure for them the protection of many saints; they -observed religious ceremonies, such as processions, baptisms, and -saints’ days of individuals, as the most important events of social -life; they prayed daily, and at the sound of the Angelus all work -stopped, even theatrical performances, and every one bowed his head in -prayer; phrases with a religious turn were a part of everyday speech; -sacred images and chapels were as abundant as formerly; and in a -thousand ways, from the king to the lowest peasant, men continued to -manifest their devotion to the Catholic faith. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII - -ECONOMIC REFORMS, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Bases of the economic reforms of the era.] - -[Sidenote: Economic reforms in the Americas.] - -If a review of the political and ecclesiastical institutions of this -period displays the enlightened despotism on its despotic side, a study -of the economic reforms effected, or tried, reveals the benevolent or -enlightened attitude of the autocratic state endeavoring to improve the -lot of the people. In addition to the philanthropic aspect of these -attempts, they were influenced, also: by the general current of -eighteenth century thought, giving attention to economic problems; by -the very evident necessity for reforms in Spain, which country had found -itself in a condition of utter misery at the close of the preceding era, -with the result that a multitude of pamphlets had been written to -explain the decline and suggest remedies; and by the desire to attain -other ends, such as that of defence against the aggressions of England, -which had to be based in the final analysis on the economic recovery of -Spain. Not only in Spain but also in the Americas, and almost more -strikingly, this was an age of economic reform, based primarily on -Spain’s need of the colonial markets as a factor in her own -regeneration. Nevertheless, this was the period when the old monopoly -utterly fell, in part because of the entry of foreigners into the -colonies or their establishment in Spanish ports to take over the goods -coming from the Americas, and in part as a result of a deliberate -policy, throwing open the commerce of the new world, if not directly to -all nations, at least indirectly through the intervention of the many -Spanish cities which came to enjoy the privilege of the overseas trade. -The American situation cannot be dealt with here, but it must be held in -mind as one of the vital elements in Spain’s economic progress. - -[Sidenote: The reformers and their achievements.] - -[Sidenote: Statistics of population.] - -The most genuine representative of the century’s political economists in -Spain was Campomanes. Although a follower of the French physiocratic -school, which maintained that agriculture was the principal sustain of a -nation’s wealth, he did not fail to recognize the importance of -manufacturing, and endeavored to foster that industry through the -dissemination of works of an educative character, the enactment of -protective laws, and the founding of model establishments. Of equal rank -with Campomanes, though not as effective in achieving reforms, was -Jovellanos, while there was hardly a minister of prominence in the -entire period who did not attain to some distinction as an economist. -The general effect of the reforms was beneficial, making itself felt in -all branches of the production, exchange, and consumption of goods, as -well as in an increase in population. Thus the 5,700,000 inhabitants of -Spain at the beginning of the era had nearly doubled by 1787, when the -total was 10,409,879 (or 10,286,150 by another estimate), and had still -further increased to 10,541,221 in 1797. The following table of -occupations for these two years is interesting both as showing the -economic distribution of the population and as indicating the direction -of the reforms. - - -------------------------------+------------+----------- - | 1787 | 1797 - -------------------------------+------------+----------- - Ecclesiastics | 182,425 | 168,248 - Nobles | 480,589 | 402,059 - Employees (of the government?) | 41,014 | 31,981 - Soldiery | 77,884 | 149,340 - Students | 50,994 | 29,812 - Farmers and (farm?) laborers | 1,871,768 | 1,677,172 - Manufacturers and artisans | 310,739 | 533,769 - Servants | 280,092 | 174,095 - Merchants | No figures | 25,685 - -------------------------------+------------+----------- - -The discrepancies between the two columns are in part accounted for by -the fact that Spain was at peace in 1787, and at war with England in -1797. In a total of some 3,000,000 workers it is notable that the -majority were devoted to agricultural pursuits (including about 100,000 -engaged in pastoral labors), showing that the cultivation of the soil -was the principal basis of the national life. The vast number of -ecclesiastics, nobles, and servants, nearly a third of the total, is -eloquent of the social problem which the government had to face. In the -course of ten years they had fallen away to less than a fourth of the -whole. Statistics as to density of population showed Guipúzcoa, -Valencia, Asturias, Navarre, and Vizcaya in the lead, with respectively -eighty, forty-eight, forty-seven, forty-three, and forty-two inhabitants -to the square kilometer. Andalusia had thirty-nine, Granada and -Catalonia thirty-four each, Aragon only twenty-one, while Extremadura -with fourteen and La Mancha and Cuenca with thirteen each brought up the -rear. In total population Galicia led with 1,345,000. Catalonia had -814,412, Valencia 783,084, Andalusia 754,293, Granada 661,661, and -Aragon 623,308. Large urban groups were rare; there were fewer than -forty cities with a population of 10,000, and seventeen of them were in -Andalusia. The four largest cities were Madrid (156,000), Barcelona -(115,000), Seville (96,000), and Valencia (80,000). Economic prosperity -did not correspond exactly with these figures, for the factors of -climate, soil, irrigation, and nearness to the sea entered into the -situation. - -[Sidenote: Wretched state of domestic life.] - -[Sidenote: Obstacles in the way of economic reforms.] - -Despite the great body of reforms carried out, the problem was -overwhelming, and much of the country was still in a backward state at -the end of the era. Aragon and Old Castile were in a miserable -condition, not nearly equalling their agricultural possibilities, and La -Mancha was in a far worse plight. The number of large-sized towns in -Andalusia gave that land an appearance of wealth and prosperity which -was not borne out by the facts, if the situation of the country -districts were taken into account. The character of Spanish houses at -this time was also expressive of the national economic shortcomings. -Cave houses and adobe huts with roofs of straw abounded in Castile. The -houses of Galicia were described as having walls of unpolished stone, -often without cement, reaching scarcely higher than a man’s head, with -great slabs of rock for a roof; the doorway and a hole in the roof -served as the only means for the penetration of light and for the escape -of smoke; and the domestic animals and the family made common use of the -wretched house. In the Basque provinces, Navarre, and Valencia the homes -were much better, besides being cleaner, although a lack of glass -windows, chimneys, and furniture was quite general in all parts of -Spain. Through French influences these defects were beginning to be -overcome as the era approached a close. If to this miserable state of -the domestic life there is added the ignorance of the people (who -resisted innovations designed to benefit them), the economic inequality -resulting from the concentration of vast landed estates in a few hands, -the difficulty of communications, the burdens of taxation, the -mismanagement of the administration (despite the efforts of enlightened -ministers), the frequency of wars, and the persistence of a spirit of -repugnance to labor (leading to a resort to mendicancy or vagabondage or -to a reliance upon a somewhat questionably desirable charity) it becomes -clear why the economic situation should have been considered perhaps the -most urgent problem which the Spanish ministers had to solve, and their -failure to overcome all of the difficulties can be understood. According -to Campomanes there was an army of 140,000 beggars and vagabonds in -Spain in his day, most of whom were able to work and might have found -something to do. He and the other ministers of Charles III endeavored to -solve the matter by putting the physically able women in workhouses, the -men in the army and navy, and the old and infirm in homes for the aged -and in hospitals, but owing to the lack of funds these projects could -not be carried out in entirety. - -[Sidenote: Constructive attempts of the state and private individuals to -overcome economic evils.] - -The evils of the economic situation being clear, efforts were made, -especially in the reign of Charles III, to correct them at their -sources. To combat the ignorance, indifference, and in some cases the -laziness and prejudice of the masses with regard to labor technical and -primary schools were founded and model shops and factories established; -prizes were awarded for debates and papers on various industrial -subjects; printed manuals, including many translated from foreign -languages, were scattered broadcast; teachers and skilled laborers from -foreign lands were induced to come to Spain, and Spaniards were -pensioned to go abroad to study; privileges, exemptions, and monopolies -were granted to persons distinguishing themselves by their initiative -and zeal in industry; and laws were passed to raise the dignity of -manual labor. In this campaign the government received substantial aid -from private individuals. In 1746 the first of the _Sociedades -Económicas de los Amigos del País_ (economic societies of the friends of -the country) was founded. In 1766 its statutes were published, serving -thenceforth as the model for other like institutions in Spain, all of -them devoted philanthropically to the encouragement of agriculture and -other phases of the economic life of their particular district. Nobles, -churchmen, and members of the wealthy middle class formed the backbone -of these societies, of which there were sixty-two in 1804. Many of them -published periodicals, or founded schools for the study of such subjects -as agriculture, botany, chemistry, the various trades, stenography, and -economics. To promote the cultivation of the soil the state itself -assisted in schemes for the colonization of waste lands. The most famous -instance was that of the government colonies in the Sierra Morena -country of northern Andalusia. In 1766 a certain Bavarian adventurer -offered to bring six thousand German and Flemish laborers to settle that -district. Charles III favored the project, and it was at once -undertaken. For a time it was successful; a number of settlements were -made,--there were forty-one in 1775,--and considerable crops were -raised. In the end the project failed, due to bad administration, lack -of funds, the imposition of heavy taxes, the opposition of the clergy to -the predominantly lay spirit of the undertaking, the jealousies arising -between the Spanish and foreign elements (for many of the colonists were -Spaniards), and the failure to provide adequate means of communication -whereby the colonists could export their surplus products. Some of the -towns continued to exist, however, and the project was influential in -causing private individuals to attempt colonizations, several of which -were successful. Among other constructive governmental measures were -the removal of the legal obstacles to the sale or division of waste -lands or lands common, the restriction of the privileges of the _Mesta_, -the betterment of the conditions surrounding leases (favoring the -prolongation of the period of the lease, and aiming to assist the -individual who actually cultivated the soil), and the reduction of -customs duties or a grant of complete freedom of entry in the case of -certain raw materials used in Spanish manufacturing establishments. -Public works were also undertaken, such as the construction of -irrigation canals, though many were not completed or were made so -imperfectly that they soon went to ruin; great highways to open up the -peninsula were planned, and under Charles III much work upon them was -done, though not enough to meet the needs of the country; an efficient -mail service was developed by Floridablanca; shipbuilding was -encouraged; banditry and piracy were to a great extent suppressed; -government support was given to commercial companies; and a national -bank was established by Charles III,--which failed in the reign of -Charles IV. The government also intervened in problems of local -subsistence, with a view to maintaining articles of prime necessity at a -low price and in sufficient quantity, but its action in this particular -did not always produce the desired result. Finally, the government -interested itself in charity. Benevolent institutions were founded, not -only with a view to checking mendicancy and vagabondage, but also to -provide homes for unfortunate women, insane persons, and orphans. -Private individuals gave liberally for these purposes, or founded -charitable organizations, which rendered service of a somewhat -remarkable character in succoring the poor, building hospitals, and -rescuing children. Mutual benefit societies were formed, reaching into -every walk of life, and some of these, termed _montepíos_ or _montes de -piedad_, were made compulsory for the employes of the government; thus -the _montepío_ for soldiers, dating from 1761, served as a pension -system whereby some provision was made for the widows and orphans of the -deceased. All of these reforms encountered the difficulties arising from -ignorance, conservatism, the resistance of vested interests, graft, and -bureaucratic cumbersomeness which have already been discussed. The very -immensity of the reforms projected was against their satisfactory -execution, for more was tried than could be done well. Other obstacles -already mentioned, such as bad administration, insufficiency of funds, -and lack of persistence, contributed to the same result. Nevertheless, -though plans outran accomplishment, a vast amount was done, especially -in the reign of Charles III, when the spirit of the era reached its -culminating point. - -[Sidenote: Obstacles to agricultural development and attempts to -overcome them.] - -To form a correct idea of the state of agriculture in this period it is -necessary to note how the lands of the peninsula were distributed. At -the beginning of the nineteenth century, after a hundred years of effort -directed to the release of realty, the church possessed 9,093,400 -_fanegas_[66] of land, the nobles 28,306,700, and the plebeian class -17,599,000, but the greater part of the estates of both the nobles and -the plebeians was entailed, and therefore impossible of alienation, -closing the door to the growth of a class of small proprietors. The -proportion of proprietors to population was only one in forty. In Ávila, -for example, the church owned 239,591 _fanegas_, 157,092 were entailed, -and only 8160 were cultivated by owners who resided in the neighborhood. -The small proprietor was to be found principally in the north and east, -but he was far outnumbered, even in those regions, by the lessees of -lands, who were also the overwhelmingly strongest element numerically in -Castile. The forms of renting were various, both as to the type of -payment required and as to the length of term. Where the term was -practically hereditary, conditions were much better, approximating those -of the small proprietor. In Andalusia _latifundia_ were the rule, -cultivated in only a portion of the estate by day laborers, who were -employed at certain seasons of the year, living in a state of great -misery at other times. This evil was tempered in Extremadura by the -utilization of lands common. Despite the sincere attempts of the -government to encourage agriculture, that industry was still in an -extremely backward state at the close of the era, with only a little of -the cultivable ground planted, an insufficient development of -irrigation, and a lack of fencing. Valencia and the Basque provinces -were the most nearly prosperous regions; the others were in a wretched -state. In addition to the governmental reforms already referred to, the -following may be mentioned: several laws of Charles III forbade owners -to dispossess tenants arbitrarily, and even went so far as to prohibit -ejectments unless the owner should consent to reside on his lands and -cultivate them; attempts were made to procure reforestation, partly with -a view to conserving the water supply, but the national repugnance to -trees was so great that the laws were not carried out; and the abusive -privileges of the _Mesta_ were attacked by Charles III, and in the next -reign, in 1795, the separate jurisdiction of that organization was taken -away, but as the laws did not clearly authorize the enclosure of -cultivable lands the relief to agriculture was slight. Wheat was the -principal crop, supplying more than enough, in normal years, for the -needs of the peninsula. Grapes were also raised in large quantities, and -were made into excellent wines, many of which were exported. For the -rest there were fruits, vegetables, the silkworm, and other things of -the sort which had always been cultivated in the peninsula. Various -kinds of beans, and especially chickpeas (_garbanzos_), were grown in -large quantities, and furnished an important element in the nation’s -food. An estimate made in 1812 calculated the total value of farm -products as 72,476,189,159 _reales_ (about $4,500,000,000) yielding -annually some 3,600,000,000 _reales_ (about $225,000,000). - -[Sidenote: Revival of manufacturing.] - -[Sidenote: Mining.] - -[Sidenote: Fishing.] - -[Sidenote: Unsatisfactory state of the laboring classes.] - -In their efforts to revive manufacturing the kings continued during most -of the period to follow the old ideal of state protection and state -initiative in placing industries upon a firm foundation, intervening, -also, to regulate the work on its technical side. In the second half of -the century, especially in the reign of Charles III, the liberal ideas -of the physiocratic school, hostile to all forms of government -regulation, brought about the employment of a new system, leaving -matters to the decision of the individuals concerned. Laws were now -passed removing the prohibitions of earlier years. Joined with the -educative measures already referred to, such as the establishment of -model factories and the importation of foreign workmen, the new methods -brought about a revived intensity of industrial life. Much the same -things as formerly were made; the textile factories of Catalonia and -Andalusia were the most prosperous. The chemical industries and those -having to do with the preparation of foods did not develop equally with -others. The Americas continued to be one of the principal supports of -Spanish manufacturing, as a purchaser of the goods made in the -peninsula. After centuries of scant productivity in mining, Spain began -again to yield more nearly in accord with her natural wealth. A great -variety of mineral products was mined, although very little of precious -metals. On the other hand the formerly prosperous fishing industry was -in a state of decline. In 1803 it was estimated that the total -industrial yield for that year was 1,152,660,707 _reales_ (about -$72,000,000). The revival, however, was of an ephemeral character, for -the social factors affecting labor were too grave a handicap. -Thoroughgoing popular instruction was necessary before there could be -any permanent advance; the Spanish laborer was able enough, but needed -to be rescued from his abysmal ignorance. Wages were low. In 1786 the -ordinary laborer of Seville earned four and a half _reales_ (about $.28) -a day; in Barcelona the average was eight _reales_ ($.50). Agricultural -laborers in Andalusia made from three and a half to five _reales_ ($.22 -to $.33) a day; shepherds got two pounds of bread daily and 160 _reales_ -($10) a year. To be sure, money was worth more than now. Work was not -always steady, with the result that famine and beggary were frequent. -There was no such thing as organized labor; to go on strike was a crime. -The only remedy of the laborer against his employer was an appeal to the -_corregidor_, but this was so ineffectual that it was rarely tried. - -[Sidenote: Obstacles to Spanish commerce and efforts to overcome them.] - -Attempts were made to combat the obstacles which hindered Spanish -commerce. Unable to compete with other European countries in the export -trade, except as concerned small quantities of certain raw materials, -Spain was hard pressed to maintain an advantage in her own domestic and -American field. At the beginning of the century many of the laws tended -in fact to discriminate against Spaniards, as witness the heavy export -duties, which were collected according to bulk, thus operating against -the type of products which Spain most frequently sent abroad. Charles -III changed this system, collecting duties according to the nature of -the goods as well as paying regard to weight, and charging a higher rate -against foreign cargoes. Taxes were numerous in kind and heavy in -amount, wherefore smuggling and graft overcame some of the beneficial -effects which might have been expected from this legislation. Protective -tariffs and prohibitions were also employed to encourage Spanish -manufactures and trade, but particular exigencies often caused a -reversal of this policy in the case of certain items of foreign make. -Thus the importation of foreign muslins was forbidden in 1770, but in -1789 the prohibition was removed when it was found that local -manufacture did not suffice for the country’s needs. A series of decrees -by Charles III endeavored also to reduce the coinage to systematic -order, but the multiplicity of coins and the retention of provincial -moneys militated against complete success. The prohibition against the -export of coin was maintained, but licenses to take out certain -quantities were granted on payment of a three per cent duty. -Practically, the prohibition was a dead letter, owing to the prevalence -of smuggling, and it served as a hindrance to commerce. An ineffectual -attempt was made in 1801 to unify the system of weights and measures. -Lack of an adequate merchant marine and an insufficiency of good ports, -despite the efforts to remedy the situation in both cases, were still -further obstacles to Spanish trade, whereas such an excellent port as -Vigo had no suitable highway to connect it with the interior. Bands of -mules continued to be used as the principal carrying agency in land -commerce. Improper methods of keeping books were a handicap, but the -paternalistic nature of the government made itself felt, requiring -business men to employ a good method of accounting, and specifying the -precise way in which they should do it. Finally, trading had usually -been considered incompatible with nobility. The stigma was in a measure -removed, although only in the case of business on a large scale, and -some of the nobles became merchants. - -[Sidenote: Mercantile machinery of the era.] - -Mercantile machinery found its highest official expression in the _Junta -de Comercio y Moneda_. This was reorganized in 1705, at which time it -was provided that the Councils of Castile, the Indies and Finance -(_Hacienda_) should be represented respectively by three, five, and two -members, the _Casa de Contratación_ by one, and the French nation by -two, besides one of the royal secretaries. The importance of the -American and French trades was clearly manifested in this arrangement. -This body served as a court with jurisdiction in all matters concerning -trade. In 1730 it was succeeded by the _Junta de Moneda_ (_Junta_, or -Council, of Coinage), to which was added jurisdiction in matters -concerning mines (1747), foreigners (1748), and the “five greater guilds -of Madrid” (1767 and 1783). Regional _juntas_ were also created. The -_consulados_, though of private origin, occupied an intermediate -position between the other private and the official bodies, owing to the -intervention of the state and to the reorganization of the _consulados_ -in the middle and later eighteenth century. In addition to their -functions as a mercantile court they acquired a vast number of duties of -a public character, such as the care of ports and the creation of -schools of navigation. Certain _consulados_ had special functions,--for -example, the _consulado_ of Cádiz attended to supplying the province -with grain and flour, and had charge of the establishment of tariffs and -lotteries. The _consulados_ were repaid for these services by a grant of -a portion of the customs duties, a right worth 6,000,000 _reales_ -($375,000) a year in Cádiz and one third of that amount in Alicante. -They compromised their wealth by making loans to the crown, which -brought about their ruin. At the end of the eighteenth century there -were fourteen _consulados_ in Spain, each differing from the others but -all following rather closely the new ordinances (1737) for the -_consulado_ of Bilbao as a type. In the smaller cities and towns local -officials were wont to appoint two men as _diputados de comercio_ -(commercial deputies) to act for that neighborhood in the capacity of a -_consulado_. There were various other mercantile groups of a more -clearly private character, and their associations were encouraged by the -government. The so-called “five greater guilds of Madrid,” including -dealers in jewelry, silks, gold and silver ware, cloths, linens, spices -(and groceries?), and drugs, was the most important of these -organizations. Its business was so enormous that it extended beyond -Madrid to other cities, and put up factories for the manufacture of the -goods it sold. In 1777 there were 375 merchants in this corporation, -with a capital of some 210,000,000 _reales_ ($13,125,000). Other -associations were formed for special objects, such as to buy goods in -great quantities and therefore more cheaply, or to carry merchandise in -their own ships. Many companies were organized specifically for trading -with the Americas. In the fluctuations of commerce one fact stood out -consistently: the balance of trade was heavily against Spain. In 1789 -exports were valued at 289,973,980 _reales_ (about $18,000,000) as -against imports of 717,397,388 (nearly $45,000,000). Internal commerce -amounted to an estimated 2,498,429,552 _reales_ (about $156,000,000). -The wars of the reign of Charles IV almost destroyed Spanish commerce. -Cádiz in particular was a heavy loser. - -[Sidenote: Important place of foreigners in Spanish commerce.] - -The intervention of foreigners in the commerce of Spain, which had given -so much concern in the previous era, was an even greater problem under -the Bourbons. Many factors contributed to make this the case: the -industrial decline of the seventeenth century, which favored the -importation of foreign goods; the eighteenth century efforts for an -economic revival, which led to the seeking out of foreign models and -foreign teachers or workmen; the encouragement given to Frenchmen as a -result of the Bourbon entry into Spain; and defeats in war, which -necessitated Spain’s submission to the exactions of her opponents (many -of whom insisted upon commercial privileges) or the legalization of -trade usurpations which they had indulged in without right. In the -Americas the English were the most prominent element, but in Spain the -French were. The leading French merchants established themselves in -Cádiz, the gateway of the Americas, whence they proceeded to absorb a -great part of Spain’s profits from the new world. In 1772 there were -seventy-nine French wholesale houses in Cádiz, making an estimated -annual profit of 4,600,000 _reales_ (nearly $300,000). In 1791 there -were 2701 Frenchmen in that city out of a total foreign population of -8734. Numerically, the Italians were more in evidence, for there were -5018 of them, mostly Genoese. There were some Englishmen, too, whose -aggregate capital made up for their small number. In general the -legislation of the era was favorable to foreigners. Their knowledge and -labor were so greatly desired that they were even granted special -privileges or exemptions to take up their residence in Spain, and the -religious bar was ameliorated or utterly withdrawn. Popular opinion was -against them, however, and the laws were not wholly free from this -influence. Men complained, as formerly, that the foreigners were making -immense profits and stifling Spanish competition, while the hatreds -engendered by the wars with England and France and by the scant respect -and haughty manners which some foreigners displayed for the laws and -customs of Spain tended to increase the feeling of opposition. -Foreigners were often ill-treated, although the acts were rarely -official. Even the government did not recognize consuls as having any -special rights or immunities differentiating them from others of their -nation. A further accusation against foreigners was that they engaged in -contraband trade. This was true, although as a rule it was done in -complicity with corrupt Spanish officials. Foreigners justified -themselves on the ground that unless they were willing to make gifts to -Spaniards in authority they were obliged to suffer a thousand petty -annoyances. “Money and gifts,” said the French ambassador, Vaulgrenant, -“have always been the most efficacious means of removing the -difficulties which can be raised, on the slightest pretext, against -foreign merchants. That has been the recourse to which the English have -always applied themselves, with good results.” The fact remains, -however, that the French, English, and others had entered the commercial -field in Spain and Spanish America to stay. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII - -INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITIES, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of intellectual life in Spain and the -Americas.] - -In intellectual expression, as well as in other phases of Spain’s -national life, the eighteenth century was a period of recovery from the -degradation which marked the close of the preceding era. Spain placed -herself abreast of the times, but not as formerly in a leading position; -among the many who distinguished themselves by their achievements there -were few who attained to a European reputation, and perhaps only one, -the painter Goya, may be reckoned with the immortals. On the other hand -Spain entered more definitely into the general current of western -European thought than at any previous time in her history; intellectual -activities in France reacted almost at once in Spain, and the influences -springing out of Italy and England were potent. The Americas began to -take over the intellectual side of their Spanish heritage much more -completely than before, and while not nearly approximating the mother -country in the amount or excellence of their contributions furnished -illustrious names in almost every branch worthy to stand beside those of -their contemporaries in Spain. Education there became more general, more -secular, and more highly regarded than ever before. Two obstacles, -however, were a serious check upon the development of a broad culture in -the colonies: the problems of race, reducing the number of those able to -participate, and lessening the desirability of a propaganda for the -ideal involved; and the suspicions of the Spanish-controlled government, -lest ideas convert themselves into thoughts of revolution. - -[Sidenote: Progress in education.] - -Cultivated Spaniards of the eighteenth century had a clear understanding -of the national problem of education, realizing (just as they did with -regard to matters having an economic bearing) the profound ignorance of -the masses and the decadent state of the institutions upon which they -had to rely to combat it. The mass of the people were not only -illiterate but also full of almost ineradicable superstitions and the -conservatism of the undeveloped mind. In 1766 Queen Amalia, the wife of -Charles III, wrote to Tanucci (one of Charles’ leading ministers while -he was king of Naples), “In everything (in Spain) there is something of -barbarism, together with great pride.” As for the women, she said, “One -does not know what to talk about with them; their ignorance is beyond -belief.” This pessimistic view finds ample corroboration in the writings -of the Benedictine Feyjóo, or Feijóo (1676-1764), and Jovellanos, both -of whom devoted themselves to the struggle against the defects in -Spanish mentality and its expression, leaving published works which -touched upon virtually every phase of the intellectual life, or its -lack, in the Iberian Peninsula. The endeavors of these men and numerous -others to regenerate the country were not wholly in obedience to the -national necessity or to patriotism, but responded also to the general -current of humanitarianism and philanthropy characteristic of the -eighteenth century. The close relationship of Spain with France during -most of the era and the conditions of peace imposed by Protestant -countries as a result of their military successes had favored the -penetration of these ideas into Spain, where they were taken up by the -well-to-do elements of the nobility, the clergy, and the wealthy middle -class. The great nobles furnished few of the illustrious names of the -period, although there were some exceptions (for example, the Count of -Fernán-Núñez and the Count of Aranda), but they gave both financial and -moral support to the efforts for intellectual reform. Some of those who -held high office, notably Godoy, aided authors in the publication of -their works or the continuation of their studies, giving them official -employment, or subsidies, or bringing out their volumes through the -royal printing establishment. Despite the characterization of them by -Queen Amalia, the women shared in the intellectual activities of the -age. Thus there was a revival of interest in education, but with a -difference from the spirit which had dominated the works of Vives and -others of the Hapsburg era; now the ideal was that of secular education -without the intervention of the clergy. Encyclopedism and monarchism -worked together to this end, while the expulsion of the Jesuits helped -greatly to make its attainment possible, although the new attitude did -not go so far as to oppose religion; indeed, that remained the basis of -primary education. All this manifested itself with especial force -beginning with the reign of Charles III, but precedents were not lacking -in earlier years. It made itself felt chiefly in the sphere of -professional training, in instruction in the humanities, and in -university education, but it did not fail to produce effects of -undoubted value on the primary schools. - -[Sidenote: Efforts for the betterment of primary and secondary -education.] - -Primary education, which had always received scant attention, was the -subject of some legislation under Charles III, both to expand and to -better it. To make certain of the capacity of the teachers examinations -were required of them in reading, writing, and arithmetic. In 1768 -orders were given for the establishment of primary schools for girls in -the principal towns of Spain, and some of the confiscated Jesuit funds -were applied to this object. An important law of 1780 went into the -whole matter of primary education in the city of Madrid. In the early -years of the reign of Charles IV the _corregidores_ and _alcaldes_ of -all towns were ordered to inspect schools, and were requested to inquire -what towns, including those of the lords, the church, and the military -orders, lacked them or were failing to provide sufficiently for those -which they had. In 1795 the _Cortes_ of Navarre voted in favor of -compulsory education. Furthermore, private individuals followed the -example of the public authorities, and founded schools. Nevertheless, -the census of 1787 showed only about a fourth of the children between -the ages of seven and sixteen attending school. Conditions were still -very bad for the teachers, whose salaries were so small that they could -not live on them, while vexatious regulations were also a handicap to -the free development of the schools. The teachers were imbued with the -pedagogical ideas of Rousseau, while Godoy attempted to bring about the -introduction of the methods of Pestalozzi. Both Godoy and Jovellanos had -extensive plans for the spread of primary education, but political -exigencies interrupted the projects of the former, while the latter’s -brief period of rule gave hardly time enough for the execution of his -ideas. The interest of the government, of individuals, and of the -_Amigos del País_ societies in popular technical education has already -been discussed. The institutions for the study of the humanities, -roughly corresponding with the modern secondary schools (at least in -that they were a grade below the universities), were also reformed by -the government, following the expulsion of the Jesuits. In the same year -(1767) it was provided that the places of the former Jesuit teachers in -the Jesuit-taught schools of nobles and in the nineteen Jesuit colleges -should be filled by competitive examinations. In 1768 similar -institutions were ordered to be founded in such _villas_ and cities as -had no university. Meanwhile, the municipal, conventual, and private -schools continued to exist, as in earlier times; Ferdinand VI and -Charles III enacted legislation with a view to limiting their numbers -and alleviating the bad condition of some of them. - -[Sidenote: Royal attempts at reform in university education.] - -The twenty-four Spanish universities of this period were leading a life -of languor and scant utility down to the reign of Charles III, -struggling against the handicaps of a diminution in rents and students -and the competition of the Jesuits, More serious still was the decline -of university instruction. Studies were reduced to little more than the -memorizing of books, without any attempt at scientific investigation; -such little effort was made to keep abreast of the times that the great -University of Alcalá had in a library of seventeen thousand volumes only -some five hundred setting forth the current doctrines of other -countries; and many professorships had become sinecures for indigent -nobles. The reformers were eager to overcome these evils, and took the -course which seemed most natural in their day, that of bringing the -universities under royal control so that the benevolent state might -introduce the desired changes. In 1769 Charles III appointed a director -for each university, to whom the life of the particular institution was -to be subject; later in the same year he gave orders for a new and -better plan of studies; in 1770 a censor was added to each university by -royal appointment, with the duty of watching over the program of studies -and assuring himself of the correctness of the religious and political -views (favoring absolutism) of prospective graduates, and at the same -time the universities were asked to suggest further reforms. Most of -them delayed their replies as long as possible, for the greater number -of the university officers were opposed to change, but the king -proceeded to make reforms, nevertheless. Between 1771 and 1787 the -greater universities were subjected to such revisions of their former -methods as the following: the presentation of new courses and the -amplification of old ones; the provision of a better opportunity to win -professorships by merit; the introduction of new texts; changes in the -methods of obtaining degrees; and the virtual appointment of the rector, -or president, by the _Consejo_. Godoy and Jovellanos in the next reign -carried on the reforming spirit of the ministers of Charles III. In all -of these reforms attempts were made to better the methods of teaching as -well as the programs of study. Thus, in 1774 professors were invited to -reduce their lectures to writing and make a gift of them to their -university, and prizes were offered for the publication of new texts or -the translation of foreign volumes. Nevertheless, the majority of the -reforms produced but a slender result, for the men charged with putting -them into effect were already trained in the old ideas, finding it -impossible to enter into the spirit of the new. - -[Sidenote: Special institutions of learning and scientific production.] - -Possibly because they realized that the universities could not be -depended upon to solve the problem of higher education and scientific -output, the reformers created a long series of institutions of a special -character to attain these ends. Thus, schools of medicine, surgery, the -physical sciences, mathematics, jurisprudence, military art, astronomy, -engineering of various types, botany, mineralogy, natural history, -machinery, and others were founded, while a number of royal academies, -or learned societies, were established, among which may be mentioned -those of the Spanish tongue (1713), history (1738), and the fine arts -(1752). Many foreign teachers and scientists were brought to Spain, but -since any permanent advantage had to come from the efforts of Spaniards -a number of students from the peninsula were sent abroad. Similarly, the -government paid the expenses of numerous expeditions, which were largely -or often wholly for objects of a scientific character. As examples of -this phase of the state’s activity may be mentioned the visit of Juan -and Ulloa to South America in 1735 with several French academicians, to -measure various degrees of the meridian at the equator in order to -determine the shape of the earth; that of the astronomers Doz and Medina -to Baja California in 1769 in company with the Frenchman Chappe -d’Autereche, to observe the transit of Venus; and the numerous Spanish -voyages to the northwest coast of North America in the last quarter of -the eighteenth century, of which the best known, perhaps, is that of -Malaspina, who set out in 1791 to prove the existence or non-existence -of the alleged Strait of Anian through the continent of North America. -This was an age, too, of official accumulation of libraries; the royal -library, forerunner of the present-day Biblioteca Nacional, was thrown -open to the public in 1714. Archives, also, were reorganized and their -contents put in order. Such was the case with those of Simancas and the -crown of Aragon, while many documents relating to the Americas were -taken from the former in 1785 to make a beginning of the great Archivo -General de Indias at Seville. Manuscripts were utilized, as well as -merely arranged, resulting both in documented volumes and in printed -collections of papers,--such, for example, as the _España sagrada_, or -Sacred Spain (1747-1773), a collection of diplomas, chronicles, -charters, and other old manuscripts in ecclesiastical archives, with a -view to making accessible the more important materials for the history -of the church; this great work, begun by Father Flórez, eventually -reached fifty-one volumes. This period also marked the beginning of -scientific periodical literature in Spain, occasionally as the result of -private initiative, but often as a government enterprise, or at least at -state expense wholly or in part. The outbreak of the French Revolution -caused the royal authorities to suspend most of these periodicals, but -there was a return to a more liberal policy under Godoy. - -[Sidenote: Slight effect of educational reforms.] - -All of these efforts to rouse the nation from its intellectual lethargy -encountered such obstacles as have already been mentioned in dealing -with other phases of Spanish life in this period. Principal among them -was the ignorance of the people. Great as were the endeavors of the -reformers, they were unable to make the masses respond as quickly as -could have been wished, while even on the bourgeois and upper classes -the effect of the reforms was slight. Many interests directly opposed -the new ideas, finding danger in them for the institutions which they -represented. This was particularly true of the clergy as regards -innovations in the intellectual life of the country. The state itself, -prime mover in so many of the reforms, drew back when anything was -suggested which seemed to impinge upon the royal prerogative. In the -reign of Charles IV a distinct note of reaction began to make itself -felt, coming to its full fruition at a later time under the autocratic -Ferdinand VII. - -[Sidenote: Spanish contributions to experimental science.] - -One of the principal characteristics of the intellectual movement of the -eighteenth century was the reawakened interest in the experimental -sciences, representing a return to the Spanish traditions of the -sixteenth century. If Spain furnished fewer great names and achievements -at this time than formerly, nevertheless she made a notable recovery -from the low position she held at the close of the seventeenth century, -and in some respects, especially in natural science, produced men able -to rank with their contemporaries in other lands. In keeping with the -practical bent of Spanish character Spaniards were more famous for their -applications of scientific discoveries than for their contributions to -pure science. Just as in the previous era, the Americas furnished a -prominent field for scientific investigations. In the realm of botany, -perhaps more than in anything else, Spaniards distinguished themselves. -A list of the greatest names of the period would include Mutis, Mociño, -Sessé, Ruiz, Pavón, and Molina, whose works dealt with the _flora_ of -Bogotá, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Chile, especially in their -practical applications in medicine and otherwise. To their names should -be added those of Cavanilles and Sarmiento, whose writings had to do -with the _flora_ of Valencia and Galicia. Under Philip V a botanical -garden was projected, and it was founded at Madrid in the reign of -Ferdinand VI. Other cities soon followed this example. Zoology and -mineralogy were less prominently studied, and in the latter field Spain -began to make more use of foreign specialists than in the Golden Age. A -considerable impulse to the natural sciences was given by the founding, -by Charles III, of the important museum at Madrid, in which existing -collections were brought together and to which various specimens from -the Americas were added. Another factor was the sending out of -scientific expeditions, mostly in or to the Americas, in which respect, -according to the testimony of Humboldt, Spain expended more than any -other European government. Meritorious work in physics and chemistry was -also done by Spaniards,--for example, the discoveries of Ruiz de -Luzuriaga and Salvá in the realm of magnetic fluids and electricity, the -discovery of tungsten by the Elhuyar brothers, and the demonstration by -Antonio de Ulloa of the existence of platinum,--even though foreigners -were to carry these findings still further. Medicine advanced out of the -stagnation which had characterized it in the later seventeenth century, -although it continued to be in a backward state in the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Mathematics and geography.] - -The scientific movement of the eighteenth century reached the field of -mathematics and kindred branches, producing much valuable work, though -usually in the field of their practical applications. In the case of -mathematics the decline had even reached the point of the negation of -that science as a field for study. The Jesuits reintroduced it in their -colleges, but it remained for the ministers of Charles III to restore it -to its earlier strong footing by creating professorships of mathematics -in the universities and in the schools of higher learning devoted to -special fields. Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, better known for their -expedition to South America and their authorship of the _Noticias -secretas_, or Secret notices (not published until 1826), about -conditions there, were among those who distinguished themselves in this -subject. Geographical productivity was not so great as in the preceding -era, since colonial conquests were less far-reaching than before, but -for the single reign of Charles III there was almost as much in the way -of geographical accounts and maps as at any time in the past. The names -of Pérez, Heceta, Bodega, Ayala, Arteaga, López de Haro, Elisa, and -Fidalgo are only a few of the many who commanded expeditions in the new -world designed in part for the acquisition of geographical information, -though with political motives involved as well. In 1797 the Depósito -Hidrográfico was founded in Madrid to serve as a centre for the -preparation and storing of maps. This institution published many notable -maps of the various parts of Spain’s colonies. - -[Sidenote: Philosophy.] - -[Sidenote: Jurisprudence.] - -[Sidenote: Economics and politics.] - -Philosophical studies were influenced by the current ideas of the age. -At the outset educational institutions maintained what they termed the -traditional doctrine, which was in fact no more than the dry bones of -the past, serving only as a hindrance to the entry of anything new, even -in the field which the philosophers pretended to represent. Men -ambitious of knowledge resorted to the theories which then enjoyed high -repute in countries considered as leaders in the world of thought, and -even churchmen, who were usually among the more conservative elements, -were influenced by such of the philosophic systems as seemed least -dangerous to orthodox beliefs,--such as a certain sensationalism and -experimentation in philosophy,--and they were even affected by an -infiltration of encyclopedic ideas. This roused orthodox thinkers to an -active reaction which produced many writings of a polemic character, -although there may hardly be said to have been a veritable philosophic -renaissance. It is interesting to note, however, that even those who -combated the new ideas showed by their works that their own views were -modified by them. Only one name stands out from the rest as worthy to be -ranked with the great thinkers of other lands, that of the logician -Andrés Piquer. In jurisprudence this was a particularly flourishing -period, for juridical studies were more in keeping with the thought and -propaganda in Europe at that time. The writings of Spaniards were -directed to propagating or resisting the new juridical ideas, to the -jurisdictional struggle between state and church, to the questions -arising concerning the government of Spain and the reforms needed, and -to the preparation of manuals for the teaching of law which the -introduction of fresh materials required. The same activity was -displayed in the fields of economics and politics, as has already been -pointed out. The greatest names in these branches were those of -ministers of state like Campillo, Ward, Ensenada, Campomanes, -Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who distinguished themselves by their -writings as well as by their acts in office. In the field of economics -Spanish thinkers, while strongly influenced by the current physiocratic -ideas, were not so completely given over to them as the economists of -other countries; they inclined toward giving an equal consideration to -industrial development, thus foreshadowing the ideas which were soon to -become supreme. - -[Sidenote: Advanced state of historical studies.] - -Many factors contributed to make this a brilliant period in Spanish -historical literature. Indeed, in this field of studies more than in any -other Spaniards attained to renown, even though they fell short of the -glorious achievements of the historians of the preceding era. The -disputes arising from the various aspects of eighteenth century thought -led men to look up precedents and to cite their authorities, while the -frequency with which certain writers set forth false documents -necessarily sharpened the instinct for criticism. A school of critics -sprang up which attacked errors and false statements wherever they found -them, although the intensity of religious life and the power of the -church caused most of the historians to abstain from overthrowing such -legends of a sacred character as had become firmly rooted in the popular -mind. Gregorio Mayáns and the Jesuit Masdeu were among the leading -exponents of this school. Books or articles on historical method were -frequent, and most authors of histories were wont to express their -views in the preface to their volumes. These writers, in addition to -their exposition of the rules for criticism and style, displayed a broad -concept as to the content of history, holding that it should be -expressive of the civilizations of peoples. Thus, Masdeu entitled his -history _Historia crítica de España y de la cultura española_ (Critical -history of Spain and of Spanish culture). While these ideas had been set -forth by the great writers of the sixteenth century they were now -predominantly held, both in Spain and in Europe generally. This was a -great age for the collection and publication of documents. The already -mentioned _España sagrada_ was a noteworthy example. The new Academy of -History began to perform noteworthy service in this regard. Numerous -copies were made and abundant notes taken by writers like Burriel (real -author of the _Noticia de la California_, or Account about California, -ascribed to Venegas, though a prolific writer also on subjects having -nothing to do with the Americas) and Muñoz (first archivist of the -Archivo General de las Indias and author of an _Historia del nuevo -mundo_, or History of the new world) whose materials still remain in -great part unpublished. Reprints of old editions were brought out and -foreign works translated, while vast gatherings of bibliographical data -(in the shape of catalogues, dictionaries of various types of -subject-matter, and regional or subject bibliographies) were made. Many -works of original investigation were written, like those of Masdeu and -Muñoz already cited, or the _Vida de Carlos III_ (Life of Charles III) -of Fernán-Núñez. A special group of legal and economic historians whose -writings were very important in their bearings on the times might be -made up. Martínez Marina was the principal historian of this class, -although Burriel, Asso, Capmany, Jovellanos, Llorente, Cornejo, and -Campomanes are worthy of mention. Literary history attracted the -erudite. Among the works of this group were studies concerning the -origin and history of the Castilian tongue, including the first -dictionary of the language, published by the Academy (1726-1739), with a -statement of the authorities for the sources of each word. Many of the -writings of the historians already named, besides those of numerous -others, had some reference to the Americas, but the colonies themselves -were the source of a prolific historical literature. Kino, Arlegui, Mota -Padilla, Espinosa, Villa-Señor, Ortega, Burriel, Alegre, Baegert, -Beaumont, Palou, Clavigero, Arricivita, Revilla Gigedo, and Cavo (all -dealing with New Spain, or provinces of that viceroyalty) are only a few -of the writers (most of them colonials) who left volumes which serve -today as a rich source of materials and as an enduring monument to the -names of their authors. - -[Sidenote: Neo-classic influences upon polite literature.] - -The regeneration of Spain made itself felt to a certain extent in the -realm of polite literature, as well as in other forms of Spanish -intellectual life. Cultivated men of letters were desirous of rescuing -Spanish literature from the vices which had fastened upon it at the -close of the seventeenth century, and they turned to the so-called -neo-classic influences then dominant in western Europe, but represented -more particularly by France. Ronsard, Montaigne, Corneille, and others -had already begun to affect Spanish writers of the seventeenth century, -and in the period of the Spanish Bourbons the works of Corneille, -Racine, Marmontel, and Voltaire were offered to Spaniards in -translation. The writings of other foreigners were in like manner made -accessible, such as those of Alfieri, Young, and Milton. So devoted were -the Spanish neo-classicists to their trans-Pyrenean models that they -were unable to see any value in the great Spanish works of the _siglo de -oro_, especially those of the dramatists. They went so far as to propose -the expulsion of the national drama from the Spanish stage (except such -works as could be arranged according to neo-classic tastes) and the -substitution of plays from the French and Italian. Among their tenets -were that of the three unities (of time, place, and action) and one -which required that the action should be reduced to the amount of time -it took to represent it. The greatest of the neo-classicists was Ignacio -de Luzán, whose _Poética_, or Poetics (1737), was the highest and most -creditable example of the doctrine of his school. Naturally, if only -from motives of patriotism, a group of nationalistic authors sprang up -in opposition to the neo-classicists and in defence of the Spanish -literature of the preceding era, but the French influence was so strong -that even this group was much affected by the precepts of the new -school. The public remained faithful to the national writers of the -_siglo de oro_, whose plays formed the principal element in theatrical -representations. Abroad, Spanish writers of the golden age still enjoyed -a repute which their countrymen were seeking to deny them. English and -German writers continued to translate or avail themselves of the works -of Cervantes and the picaresque novels, while the _Gil Blas_ of the -Frenchman Lesage was a clear-cut, if brilliant, imitation of Spanish -models. The expulsion of the Jesuits, who took up their residence in -Italy, helped to convert Italy from the Hispanophobe attitude which in -company with France she had maintained with regard to Spanish -literature, for the more learned Jesuits were able to demonstrate the -false basis of this feeling, both by their own works, and by their -exposition of the merits of the Spanish writers of the past. The German -Humboldt and the Frenchman Beaumarchais, both of them men of wide -reputation, also took up cudgels in defence of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Achievements of the era in polite literature.] - -Despite the vigorous conflict of the two schools of literature, Spain -was unable to produce writers who could rank with those of the _siglo de -oro_. Epic poetry practically did not exist; oratorical literature, -whether secular or religious, was of slight account; and only one -notable novel appeared in the century, the _Fray Gerundio_ (Brother -Gerund) of the Jesuit Isla. This work, which aimed to ridicule the -sacred oratory of the times, was nevertheless defective in that it -introduced much material foreign to the narrative, but it was in -excellent Spanish and teeming with witty passages. Both in this work, -and in his translation of Lesage’s _Gil Blas_, Isla won a place along -with Feyjóo as one of the best writers of the day in the handling of -Spanish prose. There were several notable lyric poets, such as Meléndez -Valdés, Nicolás Fernández de Moratín (usually termed Moratín rather than -Fernández), the latter’s son Leandro, and Quintana. Except for the -younger Moratín all belonged to the patriotic Spanish school. Quintana, -with his philanthropic and liberal note, his solemn, brilliant, and -pompous style, and the rigidity and coldness of his classical rhetoric, -was perhaps the most typical representative of the age. The most marked -achievements in the field of _belles lettres_ were in the drama. At the -beginning of the century Spanish theatres had been closed as the result -of a moral wave which left only the great cities, like Madrid, -Barcelona, Cádiz, and Valencia, with an opportunity to attend dramatical -representations. The entry of French influences and the polemics to -which they gave rise led to a revival of the drama, until it became the -favorite form of literature with both the public and the writers. Only -four dramatists may be said to have displayed unquestioned merits: -García de la Huerta, who employed a mixture of the old Spanish methods -with the newer French; the younger Moratín, the most distinguished -representative of the French school; Ramón de la Cruz, who depicted the -life of the Spanish people, and for the first time placed the customs of -the Madrid proletariat on the Spanish stage; and González del Castillo, -a worthy rival of the last-named in the same field. This was an era of -great actors, both men and women. - -[Sidenote: Conflict between the baroque and neo-classic styles in -architecture and sculpture.] - -The fine arts experienced the same influences and were the subject of -the same conflicts as occurred in the field of polite literature. At the -outset the baroque style in an even more exaggerated form than in the -preceding era was the principal basis of architecture. This was -vanquished by the classical reaction, born in Italy, and coming to Spain -by way of France. The new art, called neo-classic, or pseudo-classic, -endeavored to return to Roman and what were considered Greek elements, -interpreting them with an artificial and academic correctness which was -entirely lacking in sentiment and warmth. The Academy of Fine Arts -(_Bellas Artes de San Fernando_), established in the reign of Ferdinand -VI, became the stronghold of the neo-classic school, and was able to -make its views prevail, since it was the arbiter as to the style of -public buildings and the dispenser of licenses to engage in the -profession of architecture. The museum of the Prado, Madrid, the work of -Juan Villanueva, may be taken as an example of the neo-classic -edifices. In sculpture the traditional use of painted wood remained a -dominant factor throughout most of the century, although there were -evidences presaging its abandonment. While some small figures -representing popular types were made, the majority of the works of -statuary were for the church, which was by far the most important -customer of the sculptors. Some of the most notable results were those -obtained in the groups for use in the _pasos_, or floats, carried in the -processions of Holy Week. Especially meritorious were those of Salcillo, -greatest of the baroque sculptors. The profuse ornamentation of baroque -art helped to cause a continuance of the use of stone in sculpture, -since it was difficult, with wood, to procure the effects of foliage. -The baroque was soon swept away, however, in favor of the neo-classic -style, of which Álvarez was the most distinguished exponent. The same -influences, in both architecture and sculpture, operated in the Americas -as in Spain. Both arts prospered more than they had in the past. - -[Sidenote: Mediocrity of Spanish painting in this era.] - -[Sidenote: Greatness of Goya.] - -At the close of the seventeenth century Spanish painting had fallen -away, until nothing of consequence was being done. A revival commenced -with the accession of Philip V, but the results were not great. The -entire era was filled with the dispute between French and Italian -influences. In the reign of Charles III the German painter Mengs, who -represented a kind of eclecticism which endeavored to combine the -virtues of the masters in the various Italian schools of the great era, -became the idol of Spanish artists and the arbiter of the Academy. No -Spaniard, unless possibly Bayeu and Menéndez, is even worthy of -mention,--with one glorious exception. Into an age of painting which had -sunk to mediocrity, when artists were endeavoring to treat their themes -only according to prescribed rules and manners, came Francisco José Goya -(1746-1828), the greatest painter of his time and one of the greatest of -all history, deserving of a place with Velázquez, El Greco, and Murillo, -perhaps ranking ahead of the two last-named in the list of superb -exponents of the pictorial art whom Spain has given to the world. The -keynote of his work was the free expression of his own personality, -unhampered by convention. A thorough-going realism, both in -subject-matter and in manner of treatment, was a distinctive feature of -his painting, which sought to represent character, movement, and life. -Even his religious pictures set forth matters as his own eyes saw them, -resulting in the anachronism of scenes from sacred history in which the -figures and the atmosphere were Spanish of Goya’s day. He was a most -prolific painter, leaving a vast number of portraits, ranging from those -of members or groups of the royal family from Charles III to Ferdinand -VII (notably the family of Charles IV) to persons of lesser note, some -religious paintings (which are not so convincing as his other works), an -exceptionally large number of scenes depicting popular customs (an -invaluable collection, in which respect Goya was at his best), the -stirringly patriotic pictures of the _Dos de Mayo_ in 1808 and the -executions of the following day, and the two remarkable _majas_ (the one -dressed and the other nude, each being the same person in the same -attitude). Hundreds of his cartoons are still in existence, many of them -exhibiting such freedom from convention and such unrestraint as to have -shocked his contemporaries and many others ever since. Withal he was a -most brilliant, clear, and harmonious colorist, able to get audacious -effects which were extraordinary in his day, a forerunner of the modern -schools. It is worthy of note that the Americas stepped forth in this -period to supply several notable artists comparable with those of the -age in Spain, Goya excepted. - -[Sidenote: The industrial arts.] - -As for the various lesser arts of an industrial character, such as the -making of furniture, articles of gold and silver, rich fabrics, and -vases, the same succession of baroque and neo-classic styles is to be -noted. Thus the furniture of the earlier years affected twisted and -grotesque forms, while it was later shaped upon stiltedly correct lines. -The azulejos industry remained in existence, making use of blue, yellow, -green, and occasionally rose. Gold work was of scant importance, but the -making of tapestries was rather notable; they were combined with the -paintings of leading artists, many of which were supplied by Goya. - -[Sidenote: Spanish music.] - -In the realm of music the realistic and popular indigenous type had to -contend against the Italian school. The latter found favor at court and -among the erudite, but the national product held its own with the -people, appearing especially in the plays of dramatists of the Spanish -school, such as Ramón de la Cruz. Some of the native songs were -mythological or idyllic in character, but usually they were satirical or -funny, interwoven with popular melodies and even with the musical cries -with which street vendors called out their wares, admirably adapted to -the realistic plays in which they were sung. It was to the national -Spanish music that the great foreign masters looked, and this, -therefore, was able to contribute notably to the progress of the art; -Mozart and Rossini were among the composers affected by Spanish -influences. Despite the construction at this time of magnificent organs, -religious music in Spain remained in a state of corruption and decay. -The guitar continued to be the favorite musical instrument. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX - -THE GROWTH OF LIBERALISM, 1808-1898 - - -[Sidenote: The Spanish American wars of independence and the virtual -completion of Spain’s gift to the Americas.] - -With the outbreak of the Spanish “War of Independence” against Napoleon -the interest of Spain proper as affecting the Americas almost if not -wholly ceased. Her gift to the new world was by this time complete -except as regards the island dependencies of the West Indies and the -Philippines in the Far East. She was still to have important relations -with the Americas, such as her vain endeavor to suppress the revolutions -of her colonies and her relations with the United States concerning -Florida and Cuba, but those matters belong to the field of Hispanic -American history rather than to that of Spain as conceived in the -present work. In 1808 the news of the accession of Joseph Bonaparte to -the throne of Spain, after Napoleon had wrested the abdication of their -rights from Charles IV and Ferdinand VII, was received in the colonies -with hostile demonstrations, for the majority of Spanish Americans were -loyal to Ferdinand. When in 1809 all the peninsula seemed lost, many -began to hold to the view that relations with Spain, which had always -been rather with the king than with the nation, were severed, and in the -next year certain regions set up governments of their own, thus starting -the movement for independence which ended only with the battle of -Ayacucho in 1824.[67] Circumstances, skilfully directed by separatist -leaders, had led the Americas to proceed out of what was at first a -feeling of patriotism to the royal government to what eventually -resulted in embittered wars against it. The wars were fought largely, -though not wholly, by the colonists themselves, one faction supporting -the newly constituted governmental machinery in the Americas, and the -other following the lead of the changing national régimes in -Spain,--just as if the war of the American Revolution had been a -conflict of Whigs and Tories. It becomes pertinent, then, to enquire why -Spain did not make a more strenuous effort to overcome the rebellions in -her colonies, which she had always regarded as vital to her, and why she -did not seriously attempt to reconquer them in the course of the -nineteenth century. The answer lies in a statement of the internal -affairs of Spain, who went through one of the most trying periods in the -annals of the peninsula, characterized by an incessant recurrence of -disturbances and even civil war. For Spain herself, however, it was a -period of advance along Liberal lines. Spain gained, though it cost her -an empire. - -[Sidenote: Patriotic Spanish uprising against Napoleon.] - -The years 1808 to 1814 are almost the only time in the century to which -Spaniards may look back with satisfaction and pride, but the glory of -their war against Napoleon may well be regarded by them as compensation -for their losses and degradation in other respects. It took several -weeks for the news of the treachery of Bayonne, followed by the events -of the _Dos de Mayo_, to circulate throughout Spain. When at last the -people comprehended what had happened, a wild outburst of rage against -the French swept the peninsula. Between May 24 and June 10 every region -in the country rose in arms against the invaders, each district acting -independently, but all actuated by the same motives. As an English -writer (Oman) has expressed it: “The movement was spontaneous, -unselfish, and reckless; in its wounded pride, the nation challenged -Napoleon to combat, without any thought of the consequences, without -counting up its own resources or those of the enemy.” _Juntas_, or -governing groups, for the various provinces hastily constituted -themselves and prepared for the conflict. There were some 100,000 widely -scattered Spanish troops, between men of the regular army and the -militia, but they were almost wholly unfit to take the field, and as -events proved were badly officered. Against them were about 117,000 -French soldiers in the peninsula (including 28,000 in Portugal), and -though these were far from equalling Napoleon’s best military units they -were vastly superior in every technical respect to the Spaniards. If it -had been a mere question of armies in the field there could have been no -doubt as to the outcome in the shape of a decisive French victory, but -something was going on in Spain which Napoleon had never dreamed of and -seemed unable to understand; in a land stirred by the furor of -patriotism such as had permeated all Spain the ordinary rules of -military science had to be left in abeyance. Napoleon thought that all -was over, when things were just about to begin; flying patrols here and -there, a species of mounted police, would be enough, he believed, in -addition to the existing garrisons, to keep the peninsula under control. -It was of a piece with this estimate that he should send General Dupont -with a column of 13,000 men, later reinforced up to 22,000, to effect -the conquest of Andalusia. Dupont found, what other French commanders -were to learn after him, that the only land he could conquer was that -actually occupied at a given time by his soldiers; the country in his -rear rose behind him as surely as the armies before him stood ready at -the first opportunity to oppose his advance. Getting into a difficult -position at Baylén, he surrendered to the Spanish general, Castaños, on -June 23, with 18,000 men. In less than two months the disorganized -Spanish forces had been able to strike a blow such as French arms had -not received for nine years. Meanwhile, Joseph Bonaparte, who had been -designated by Napoleon for the crown of Spain as early as in the month -of March, had been offered the throne on May 13 by the French-dominated -_Junta_ of the Regency, of Madrid, and on June 15 at Bayonne by a -deputation of Spanish nobles who had been ordered to go there for -precisely that purpose. Joseph had entered Madrid in July, but the -capitulation of Baylén caused him to leave that city and retire with -most of his forces behind the Ebro. Thus had the patriots won in their -first trial of arms, and the moral effect of the victory made it -certain, henceforth, that the Spaniards would fight to the end. - -[Sidenote: The Spanish War of Independence.] - -It is not necessary to go into the details of the six year conflict, -which ended only with the fall of Napoleon in 1814, although the French -had been expelled from Spain by the close of the preceding year. English -historians, with a pardonable pride, have been wont to make it appear -that this achievement was primarily a British feat of arms under the -leadership of Sir Arthur Wellesley, the later Duke of Wellington, and, -to be sure, English history does not record a more brilliant series of -campaigns than that of the so-called Peninsula War. It is unlikely that -the Spaniards, unaided, could have driven the French from Spain, for -their armies almost invariably proved unable to defeat the enemy in the -open field, even though they displayed fanatical courage in the defence -of their homes,--as witness the two sieges of Saragossa, desperately -resisted by General Palafox, and the stubborn opposition of General -Álvarez in Gerona to the French, who had to waste 20,000 men to take -that post. On the other hand Wellington’s victories would have been -impossible but for the indirect aid of the Spanish soldiery. Speaking of -the situation at the close of the year 1810 Oman says: “Enormous as was -the force--over 300,000 men--which the Emperor had thrown into Spain, it -was still not strong enough to hold down the conquered provinces and at -the same time to attack Portugal [where the British army was stationed]. -For this fact the Spaniards must receive due credit; it was their -indomitable spirit of resistance which enabled Wellington, with his -small Anglo-Portuguese army, to keep the field against such largely -superior numbers. No sooner had the French concentrated, and abandoned a -district, than there sprang up in it a local Junta and a ragged apology -for an army. Even where the invaders lay thickest, along the route from -Bayonne to Madrid, guerilla bands maintained themselves in the -mountains, cut off couriers and escorts, and often isolated one French -army from another for weeks at a time. The great partisan chiefs, such -as Mina in Navarre, Julian Sanchez in Leon, and Porlier in the -Cantabrian hills, kept whole brigades of the French in constant -employment. Often beaten, they were never destroyed, and always -reappeared to strike some daring blow at the point where they were least -expected. Half the French army was always employed in the fruitless -task of guerilla-hunting. This was the secret which explains the fact -that, with 300,000 men under arms, the invaders could never concentrate -more than 70,000 to deal with Wellington.” This is a fair statement of -the general situation throughout the war. It would seem that the -Spaniards accounted for rather more than half of the French troops, even -when practically every province of the kingdom was theoretically -occupied by the enemy. In so doing they rendered a service not only to -themselves but also to Europe, for they detached enough troops from the -main body of Napoleon’s armies to enable the allies to swing the balance -against the emperor in his northern European campaigns. Incidentally it -was quite evident that Spain could give scant attention to her American -colonies while fighting for her very existence as an independent nation; -indeed, it was not until 1815 that Spain turned to a consideration of -the American wars. - -[Sidenote: Spanish government in the early years of the war and the -calling of the Cortes.] - -Meanwhile, events of a political nature had been going on in Spain which -were to determine the whole course of Spanish history in the nineteenth -century. It was several months after the original outbreak before the -various local _juntas_ were able to agree upon a supreme authority -during the enforced absence of Ferdinand VII, who was regarded as the -legitimate king. Late in September the somewhat unwieldy _Junta Central_ -of at first twenty-four, afterward thirty-five, members was created, -sitting at Aranjuez. Two months later when Napoleon himself advanced -upon the capital the _Junta_ fled to Seville, and joining with the -_junta_ of that city remained in session there for over a year. It was -there that the _Junta_ declared, in January, 1809, that the overseas -possessions of Spain were an integral part of the kingdom, refuting the -colonial claim of a connection merely through the crown. Driven out -again by the French the _Junta_ took refuge in Cádiz, where, in January, -1810, it appointed a Regency of five men to arrange for the calling of a -_Cortes_ representative of Spain and the Americas. The _Junta_ thereupon -resigned. Fearful of the radical tone that a _Cortes_ might adopt, the -Regency postponed its summons as long as it could, but at last issued -the call, and the _Cortes_ met in September, 1810. Very little was known -at the time as to the exact status and powers of the various _Cortes_ of -earlier centuries, but nothing was more certain than that the _Cortes_ -of 1810 was like no other which had ever met in the peninsula. It was a -single chamber body, designed to consist of elected deputies from the -towns with a traditional right of representation, from the provincial -_juntas_, from groups of 50,000 population, and from the Americas. Since -the American deputies could not arrive in time, and since a still -greater number of Spanish deputies could not be chosen by the -complicated elective machinery provided, with the land mostly in the -possession of the French, their places were supplied by persons from -those regions happening to be resident in Cádiz. Thus the _Cortes_ came -to be made up of men who did not in fact reflect the conservative -temperament of the interior districts, but, rather, stood for the -radical views of the people of the coast. Most of them dreamed of -founding a representative body which should combine the supposed virtues -of the French Revolutionary Assembly with those of the British House of -Commons and the earlier _Cortes_ of the peninsula kingdoms. - -[Sidenote: The Liberal _Cortes_ of 1810 and the constitution of 1812.] - -One of the earliest acts of the _Cortes_ was to accept the resignation -of the conservative Regency and to appoint a new body of three of that -name responsible and subservient to the _Cortes_. Soon the _Cortes_ -declared itself to be the legislative power, and turned over the -executive and judicial authority to the Regency, following this up by -declaring itself to have sovereign power in the absence of the king. -When it became clear that these measures, which were bitterly opposed by -the church and the other conservative elements, were also distasteful to -Ferdinand, the _Cortes_ decided that all acts or agreements of the king -during his captivity were to be regarded as invalid. The greatest -innovation of all, however, was the famous constitution of 1812. Under a -belief that they were returning to the system of the past the members of -the _Cortes_ broke sharply from all the precedents of Spanish history, -enthroning the people through their representatives, and relegating the -crown and the church to a secondary place in the state. Among the -several hundred items of this ultra-democratic document were the -following: sovereignty was declared to rest with the people, to whom, -therefore, was reserved the right of legislation; the laws were to be -made through the popularly elected _Cortes_; the king was to be the -executive, but was prevented from doing much on his own initiative by -the requirement that his decrees should be countersigned by the -ministers of state, who were responsible to the _Cortes_; all Spaniards -in both hemispheres were declared a part of the Spanish nation; all -Spanish men over twenty-five years of age were entitled to vote for -members of the _Cortes_, of whom there was to be one for each group of -60,000 people; various paragraphs included a Bill of Rights, a -complicated elective machinery, and the abolition of exemptions from -taxation. In only one respect did a conservative tone appear in the -document,--the Catholic faith was declared to be the religion of Spain, -and the exercise of any other was forbidden. Nevertheless, both before -and after the adoption of the constitution, the _Cortes_ had shown -itself to be distinctly anti-clerical, as witness its overthrow of the -Inquisition, its restriction of the number of religious communities, and -the expulsion of the papal nuncio when he protested against some of -these laws. It was not by their workings in practice, however, that the -constitution and the laws of the _Cortes_ became important; rather it -was that they constituted a program which became the war-cry of the -democratic faction in Spain for years to come. The constitution of 1812 -eventually got to be regarded as if it would be the panacea for all the -ills of mankind, and was fervently proclaimed by glib orators, who could -not have stated the exact nature of its provisions. - -[Sidenote: Despotic rule of Ferdinand VII and the revolution of 1820.] - -Early in 1814 Ferdinand VII was freed by Napoleon, and allowed to return -to Spain. It was inevitable that he should adopt a reactionary policy, -toward which his own inclinations, the attitude of other continental -monarchs, and the overwhelming majority of the clergy, nobles, and the -people themselves of Spain impelled him. He had hardly reached the -peninsula when he declared the constitution of 1812 and the decrees of -the _Cortes_ of no effect. This was followed by the arrest of the -Liberal deputies and by the beginning of a series of persecutions. All -might have been well, but the personal character of the rancorous, -cruel, disloyal, ungrateful, and unscrupulous king and the blindness of -the absolutists drove the reaction to extremes. Ferdinand not only -restored absolutism, but also attempted to undo the enlightened work of -Charles III for the economic and intellectual betterment of the people. -Liberalism in every form was crushed, and in accomplishing it such -ferocious severity was displayed that the government of Ferdinand was -discredited both at home and abroad, even in countries where the -reactionary spirit was strongest. Back of the established forms of the -restored absolutism stood the unofficial _camarilla_ (small room), or -“kitchen cabinet,” of the king’s intimate friends, but back of all was -the king. So suspicious was Ferdinand that more than thirty royal -secretaries, or ministers, were dismissed from office between 1814 and -1820, and dismissal was usually accompanied by a sentence of exile or -imprisonment. Periodical literature of a political character was -suppressed, although the bars began to be let down for magazines of a -scientific or literary type. Despite the rigors of the administration--in -a measure because of them--there were insurrections each year from 1814 -to 1817, all led by military chieftains of Liberal ideas. They were put -down, for in no case was there a popular uprising; the people were as -yet little affected by the new doctrines. Meanwhile, secret plots -against the government were fostered, in part as the result of Spanish -American influences which desired to prevent the sending of troops to -suppress the revolutions of the new world, but more largely related to -the Liberal ideal in Spain. This activity seems mainly to have been the -work of societies of Freemasons, in which military men were strongly -represented. Many other elements had also become pro-Liberal by this -time, including prominent representatives of the middle class, almost -all of the patriots who had organized the resistance to the French in -1808, and the young men of education. The storm broke when orders were -given in 1819 for the assembling of an army at Cádiz for the extremely -unpopular service of the wars in the Americas. Colonel Riego raised the -standard of revolt on January 1, 1820, proclaiming the constitution of -1812. The government seemed paralyzed by the outbreak. Uncertain what to -do it waited. Then late in February the example set by Riego was -followed in the larger cities of northern Spain. The king at once -yielded, and caused an announcement to be made that he would summon a -_Cortes_ immediately and would swear his adhesion to the constitution of -1812. Thus, without a battle, it seemed as if the revolution had -triumphed. - -[Sidenote: The Liberal _Cortes_ of 1820 and the triumph of the -reaction.] - -In July, 1820, the _Cortes_ met. Its earliest measures aimed to restore -the legislation of the _Cortes_ of 1810, together with other laws of a -similar character. The _Cortes_ of 1820 has been charged with being -anti-clerical, as indeed it was, for the church was the most serious -opponent of Liberalism, still able to dominate the opinions of the -masses. Notwithstanding all it accomplished, the _Cortes_ of 1820 -satisfied nobody. Like most new-born democracies Spain found herself -splitting on the rock of divergent opinions. The Liberals broke up into -various well-defined groups: the Radicals felt that the _Cortes_ had -been too moderate and cautious; the Moderates found the new laws -dangerously radical; still others wished for a reform of the -constitution in the direction of yet greater moderation than most of the -Moderates desired. These were only a few of the groups to spring up. -Meanwhile, the king and the absolutists, who had never intended to abide -by the revolution, began to turn these divisions to account. Armed bands -favorable to the king were formed, while others representing other -factions also came into existence, and a state of anarchy ensued. The -crisis was settled from abroad, however. From the first, Ferdinand had -sent appeals to the reactionary kings of Europe, representing himself to -be a prisoner, much as Louis XVI had been at the outbreak of the French -Revolution. At length his appeals were listened to, and France, Russia, -Austria, and Prussia joined together to restore matters to the situation -they were in prior to 1820. It was as a result of this decision that a -French army invaded the peninsula in the spring of 1823. No effective -resistance was offered; indeed, the country seemed rather to second the -French efforts and to facilitate their advance. No better proof could be -furnished that the revolution of 1820 did not represent the sentiment of -the people; the masses were yet steeped in ignorance and weighed down by -traditional influences, so that they rejected a system intended for -their benefit in favor of one which had lost even the benevolent -disposition of the eighteenth-century Bourbons; the intellectual -elements which had promoted the revolution had shown an incapacity to -face realities or to compromise with the full meed of their ideals. Thus -had the revolution of 1810 been re-enacted. The example was to be many -times repeated in the course of the next two generations. The -constitution and the laws of the _Cortes_ were abolished, and savage -persecution of Liberalism began. From 1823 to 1829 the political history -of Spain was a series of alternations between terrorism and a relaxation -of coercive measures, according as one group or another prevailed with -the king, but the dominant note was at all times that of absolutism. It -is to be noted that Spain had scarcely had a moment’s respite from -domestic difficulties since the invasion of Napoleon in 1808. In the -meantime, between 1810 and 1824, the American colonies of the mainland -had seized their opportunity to separate from the mother country -forever. - -[Sidenote: María Cristina and the Carlist wars.] - -[Sidenote: Progress of Liberalism.] - -[Sidenote: Rule of Espartero.] - -Reactionary as Ferdinand had shown himself to be, he did not go far -enough to suit the extremists in the absolutist faction headed by the -king’s brother Don Carlos (Charles). This group soon formed a party, -which believed that its principles could be secured only through the -accession of Don Carlos to the throne, wherefore its members came to be -known as Carlists. The king was childless and in feeble health, but the -hopes of the Carlists received a setback when in 1829 he married again. -The new queen, María Cristina of Naples, was reactionary by instinct, -but was forced by Carlist opposition to lean toward the Liberal faction -in order to find some element on which she could depend for support. As -it soon became clear that she was about to give birth to a child, the -chances of Don Carlos’ succession were gone in case the infant should -prove to be a boy, but the Carlists relied upon the so-called Spanish -Salic Law of Philip V to exclude the enthronement of a girl. The -exigencies of the political situation in 1713 had led Philip V to -declare that the male line should always succeed to the Spanish throne. -In 1789 Charles IV in agreement with the _Cortes_ abrogated the law, but -the decision seems not to have been published. To meet every contingency -Cristina persuaded Ferdinand in 1830 to publish the law of 1789. -Henceforth the struggle turned on the question of the validity of the -law of 1789. In October, 1830, Cristina gave birth to a daughter, María -Isabel, who was crowned as Queen Isabel, or Isabella II, with her mother -as regent, on the death of the king in 1833. This was the signal for the -outbreak of the Carlist wars, fought principally in the north and east -of Spain, where the party of Don Carlos had a strong following. -Meanwhile, a Liberal policy had been inaugurated, but in the main it was -of a half-hearted type, for Cristina was both illiberal by temperament -and unreliable in government; she would promise reforms, only to -withdraw them, and would perhaps re-enact them in the very next breath. -Nevertheless, the period of her regency was one of distinct gain for the -principle of limited monarchy. A wider and wider circle of the people -came to believe in that ideal, the _Cortes_ met frequently, Liberal -legislation was passed which was not to be so lightly tossed aside as -formerly, and the constitutional principle was definitely established. -To be sure, the same divisions as before tore the Liberal element -asunder, and even led to insurrections at the very time that the Carlist -wars were in their most dangerous stage; Spain still had a long road to -travel to achieve democracy. The most important piece of legislation was -the constitution of 1837, overthrowing the impossible instrument of -1812, though agreeing with it in many respects, including its -recognition of the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a -_Cortes_ of two houses, with an absolute veto by the crown, and a -restricted suffrage,--a compromise between the position of the -Moderates, or conservative element of the Liberals, and that of the -Progressives, or radicals. Neither party was satisfied, and as a -working instrument the constitution was not long-lived, but henceforth -this, and not the idolized 1812 document, was to serve as a basis in -constitution making. The year 1837 marked the first appearance in power -of Espartero, who had distinguished himself as a general in the war -against the Carlists, thus beginning an era in which successful military -men were to be the virtual rulers of Spain, more or less under -constitutional forms, but in reality depending upon the army as the only -force which all elements would recognize. Espartero’s credit reached -still higher when he was able to bring the Carlist war to a close in -1840, following his negotiations with the leading enemy generals. In the -same year, Cristina, who had long maintained a precarious hold on the -regency as a result of her insincerity and her affiliations with the -Moderates, was at length compelled to abdicate. Espartero stepped into -the breach, becoming regent in 1841, and for another two years -maintained himself as a veritable dictator, but proclaiming Liberal -principles, fighting the Moderates, defending himself against the -intrigues of Cristina, and resisting the Progressives, who were -dissatisfied with his policy or jealous of his preponderance. In 1843 -the storm broke, and Espartero fled to England. - -[Sidenote: Isabella II and the rule of the generals.] - -[Sidenote: Narváez and O’Donnell.] - -[Sidenote: Rise of General Prim.] - -[Sidenote: Character of the queen.] - -The overthrow of Espartero had been accomplished by a combination of the -extreme conservative and the radical elements, which aimed to prevent -the recurrence of a regency by illegally proclaiming the -thirteen-year-old Isabella II to be of age. Such widely divergent groups -could not long remain harmonious, and the conservatives were soon in the -saddle. The twenty-five year period of Isabella’s active reign, from -1843 to 1868, was one in which reactionary forces were almost constantly -in control under constitutional forms. Except for the discredited -Carlists, who engaged in several minor outbreaks during these years, no -party stood frankly for absolutism, although that form of government was -in fact the wish of many and the virtual type of rule employed. The real -master was, not the queen, but the army through its generals. The saving -factor in the situation was that the latter were not united; while -certain of them were ultra-reactionary, others were Liberal, though -none of those who attained to power went the lengths of the radicals. In -the numerous ministries of the era an occasional non-military individual -was at the head of the state,--such as the reactionary González Bravo, -or the clerically backed Bravo Murillo, but the terms of these and other -civilian ministers were brief. The two principal rulers of the times -were General Narváez and General O’Donnell. Narváez, who had won -notoriety for his severity against the Carlists, was six times in office -(1844-1846, 1846 again, 1847-1851, 1856-1857, 1864-1865, and 1866-1868). -It became the habit of the queen to send for him whenever the monarchy -was in danger, not only because he could control the army, but also -because he invariably struck hard and successfully against Liberalism at -the same time that he upheld constitutional government, though -disregarding its mandates as suited his pleasure. Execution or exile -followed swiftly where Narváez was displeased with an individual. -Meanwhile, he made meritorious reforms which tended to restore good -order and check anarchy, such as his success in stamping out brigandage -and revolution. The ability of this despotic veteran was well displayed -when he saved Spain from the storm which shook other European thrones in -1848. O’Donnell, who came into prominence in the temporarily successful -Liberal revolution of 1854, was three times in office (1856, 1858-1863, -1865-1866), once holding power for five years. While far more liberal -than Narváez he was a staunch supporter of the Bourbons. He sought to -divert public attention from domestic affairs by laying stress upon -foreign policy, as witness his well-advertised refusal to sell Cuba to -the United States, his plans to join France in the latter’s intervention -in Mexico, and especially his engaging in a war with Morocco -(1859-1860). The chief political result of the war was to make a popular -hero of General Prim, a man of Liberal tendencies and of less resolute -devotion than O’Donnell to the Bourbons. Prim was the third of the great -military figures who, together, explain this era. Beside them must be -considered the queen. The former regent, María Cristina, had not been -free from charges of immorality, but her daughter Isabella was notorious -for her bad conduct. Furthermore, she was perfidious, selfish, -superstitious, and lacking in principle. Withal she was devoutly -religious. The result was that her opinions were swayed by her numerous -transitory lovers or by her confessors, and ministries rose and fell -according to the dictates of the _camarilla_. Even O’Donnell declared it -was impossible to govern under her, for no dependence could be placed -upon her word. - -[Sidenote: Constitutional changes in the reign of Isabella II.] - -The character of the period was reflected in the new constitutions which -were drawn up. The constitution of 1845 included the following -provisions: the introduction of a property qualification, narrowing the -franchise of those electing deputies to the _Cortes_; the nomination of -senators by the crown; life tenure of senators; the packing of the -senate with grandees, ecclesiastics, successful soldiers, and financial -magnates,--reactionary elements; emphasis on the recognition of the -Catholic Church as the established religion; an assent to the theory of -the sovereignty of the people, but in such an attenuated form as to -deprive the right of its vitality; restrictions on the freedom of the -press; and the reduction of the national militia--the hope of -Liberalism--to an innocuous state by making it subject to the central -executive. The church was strengthened still further upon the fall of -Narváez in 1851, for, reactionary though he was, he did not go far -enough in ecclesiastical matters to suit the clergy. The brief term in -office of their candidate, Bravo Murillo, resulted in the restoration of -part of their former endowment as a result of the concordat of 1851, but -their acceptance of this document was denounced by the Carlists and -absolutists in general, including the pseudo-constitutional -reactionaries, as a betrayal of the cause for which the churchmen had -stood. Bravo Murillo proposed a constitution in 1852 which amounted to a -virtual abrogation of parliamentary government, granting the crown the -right to enact the budget by royal decree and to propose legislation -which must be accepted or rejected by the _Cortes_ without amendment, -together with other provisions of a like character. It was Narváez who -pointed out to the queen that the Bravo constitution would result in -disaster to the government, and the instrument was only productive of -its proposer’s fall. During the period of Liberal control, from 1854 to -1856, at which time Espartero returned to head the ministry, a fresh -constitution was presented to the _Cortes_ in 1855. The former provision -for life senators was abolished; financial control was vested in the -_Cortes_, which was to meet at least once a year; liberty of the press -was granted; and it was decided that nobody should be persecuted for his -religious views contrary to the Catholic faith, provided he should not -manifest them publicly. The constitution of 1855 remained an ideal only, -for the _Cortes_ separated without promulgating it. In the next year -O’Donnell brought about a restoration of the constitution of 1845, with -added enactments providing for the control of national finances by the -_Cortes_ and for an elected senate. When Narváez returned to power late -in the same year, he caused such reform measures of the Liberals as had -not already been done away with to be rescinded, and reinforced the -constitution of 1845. - -[Sidenote: Revolution of General Prim and dethronement of Isabella II.] - -Nevertheless, very important gains were made for democracy in this -period, in addition to the recognition of the constitutional principle. -Most vital of all was that a large proportion of the people had now -joined with the intellectual class among the civilian element in a -desire for a more liberal government. The reaction had at first been -welcomed as assuring the country of peace, but the promise was not -fulfilled. Insurrections soon began to occur on behalf of Liberalism, -and people got to believe that there would be no security from anarchy -until the policies of that party triumphed. The Liberal opposition more -and more directed its attacks against the queen, whose instability of -character seemed to preclude the attainment, or at least the continued -practice, of any political ideal. Prim at length became convinced that -the dynasty must be swept away, and headed an unsuccessful revolution in -1866. The queen’s position was steadily weakened, however. Radical -newspapers had been founded which exposed her immorality, and the -government was unable to suppress these publications. The deaths of -O’Donnell in 1867 and of Narváez in 1868 were also fatal to her. The -last-named was succeeded by González Bravo, who had held the leadership -of the ministry from 1843 to 1844, only to lose it because he was not a -soldier, and could not control the army. This time he proposed to defeat -the generals, and sought to do so by banishing all of them known to hold -Liberal views. But the generals returned with Prim at their head, though -Serrano was the nominal leader. At last the blow had fallen, and as the -year 1868 drew toward a close the long, corrupt reign of Isabella II -came to an end with the dethronement of the queen. The first question -now to resolve was that of the type of government to be established. -This was left to the _Cortes_, which voted for a continuance of -monarchy; it is significant of the advance of democratic ideas that 71 -votes in a total of 285 favored the establishment of a republic. The -next problem was to find a monarch. Prince after prince was approached, -but it seemed as if nobody cared to be king of Spain. Leopold of -Hohenzollern consented to become king, but later withdrew his candidacy, -and it was this trifling incident which served as the occasion, hardly -the cause, for the outbreak of war in 1870 between France and Prussia. -Finally, after a search which had lasted two years, the Duke of Aosta, -Amadeo of Savoy, gave a reluctant consent. On the very day when Amadeo -touched Spanish soil, December 30, 1870, General Prim died of wounds -received a few days before from a band of assassins. It meant that the -new king (who was crowned a few days later, in January, 1871) was to -lack the support of the only individual who might have saved him from -the difficulties of his position. - -[Sidenote: Troubled reign of Amadeo of Savoy.] - -Amadeo found himself king in a country where he had no party. At his -accession there were three well-defined groups, the Alfonsists, the -Republicans, and the Carlists. The first-named favored the principle of -limited monarchy, under Alfonso of Bourbon, son of Isabella II. This -party as yet had a meagre following, owing to the hatred of her family -which Isabella had inspired among Spaniards. Republicanism was loudly -proclaimed, but was untried and not trusted. The Carlist faction, -standing for absolutism as well as for the accession of the heir of the -earlier Don Carlos, was by all odds the strongest group of the day. Its -backbone was the clergy, who were especially influential in the country -districts of the north and east. They were deeply offended by the choice -of a monarch from the House of Savoy, which had just occupied the last -remnant of the Papal States and made the pope a “prisoner of the -Vatican.” They also feared that the new government might withdraw its -financial support of the church, leaving them to the uncertain -contributions of the faithful. Carlism was aided by the disintegration -of the regular army, growing out of Prim’s promise to abolish compulsory -service, a policy which the Republicans included in their program, -although no definite enactment to this effect was made. The morale of -the army was thus destroyed, depriving the state of its only sure -resort, disgusting the officers, and leading to a renewal of brigandage, -anarchy, and an aggressive type of socialism. Altogether there was a -recrudescence of grave disorder. There were six changes in ministry and -three general elections in two years. At last Amadeo was told that he -must suspend the constitution and rule with an iron hand. This he -refused to do, seizing the first opportunity which offered to resign his -crown, leaving the country once more without a king, in February, 1873. - -[Sidenote: The Spanish republic.] - -The Republicans now had their innings, but the time could hardly have -been worse for the trial of their ideas. The Carlists had under arms a -force of 45,000 men in 1873, which swelled to 75,000 by the close of -1875. The south received the proclamation of the republic with a resort -to self-governing, jealous particularism, as if the day of democratic -_taifa_ states had dawned, for they were able to agree on one thing -alone,--that of refusing to pay taxes to the central government. One -Figueras had been proclaimed _ad interim_ president until a _Cortes_ -could be elected, but he became terrified by the republic when he saw -it, and fled before the _Cortes_ could meet. There were three more -presidents in 1873. Pi y Margall was a federalist who believed that the -newly won freedom would provide a remedy for the prevailing -disorder,--but it did not. He was therefore put aside, and Salmerón, a -unitary Republican, took the helm. Salmerón initiated vigorous measures -to crush the forces of disintegration, but, as he was about to succeed, -drew back before the fear of militarism. Castelar was put in his place, -and he revived the army. This measure strengthened the central -authority, but it killed Republicanism, which had made the abolition of -enforced military service one of the cardinal tenets of its creed. It -was now only a question of time before the Alfonsists would take -control. Carlists of constitutional leanings went over to that side as -did many Republicans, since it now seemed clear that the accession of -Alfonso was the only alternative to the enthronement of the Carlist -representative. In December, 1874, Alfonso issued a proclamation, -promising an amnesty and constitutional government. With hardly a -struggle the republic fell. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso XII and the establishment of a conservative -monarchy.] - -The reign of Alfonso XII (1874-1885) marked the beginning of a new era, -based upon the acceptance of pseudo-democracy under constitutional -forms, and accompanied by a growing tendency toward internal peace. -Minor outbreaks in Spain, now of Carlists, now of Republicans, continued -to require military attention down to 1886, but no such disorder as had -so long been the rule again prevailed. A new constitution was -promulgated in 1876 which had the effect of conciliating the clergy, -since it provided for state support of the church, although that -institution did not receive all it had been promised; indeed, it -protested bitterly against the grant of toleration to other faiths. The -constitution of 1876, which with some modifications is still operative, -was patterned after that of 1845, with the addition of certain of the -more recent reforms. Some of its provisions were the following: the -_Cortes_ was to be composed of two houses, respectively the senate and -the congress; the senate was to contain eighty members in their own -right, such as princes of the royal family, grandees, presidents of the -great councils, archbishops, and captain-generals, one hundred more by -royal appointment, and one hundred and eighty elected for a term of five -years by municipal and provincial assemblies, universities, and -taxpayers of the highest class; congress was to be made up of 431 -deputies, representing districts of 50,000 people each, chosen by an -electorate which was limited by the imposition of a property -qualification,--changed in 1889 by the restoration of universal manhood -suffrage; legislative power was vested in the _Cortes_ with the king; -the king was made irresponsible, but his decrees had to be countersigned -by a responsible minister; and the jury system was abolished,--although -it was restored early in the next reign. The net result was a -centralized monarchy in the control of the conservative elements. Many -principles of the Liberal program, taken especially from the -constitution of 1869 when Prim was in power, have since been added. The -death of the king, who had ruined his health as the result of excesses -which recalled the scandals of his mother’s reign, seemed likely to -raise fresh difficulties at the close of the year 1885. The queen was -then pregnant, and it was not until 1886 that her son, the present -Alfonso XIII, was born. The ex-queen, Isabella II, attempted to -intervene, but only succeeded in strengthening the position of the -queen-mother, María Cristina of Austria, who ruled henceforth as regent -until Alfonso attained his majority in 1902. - -[Sidenote: The war of 1898 and disappearance of Spain as a colonial -power.] - -It was primarily in Spain’s colonial policy that the evils of the old -era continued. The lesson of the Spanish American wars of independence -had not taught Spain how to govern her few remaining colonies. Indeed, -corrupt methods were if anything worse than before, as the opportunities -for engaging in them became fewer. Spanish civilians in Cuba preyed upon -the island, and political office there was reserved for those seeking -reward for party service at home. A revolution broke out in 1868 which -lasted ten years. The government then made promises which were not -fulfilled, and a second uprising occurred, but it was severely put down. -Once again there was a revolution, in 1895. This time the United States -intervened, and in the brief war of 1898 Cuba became independent, and -Porto Rico and the Philippines passed over to the United States. Thus -was the last vestige of Spain’s trans-Atlantic dominion swept away. This -was the final stroke in a century of disasters. And yet the total result -was one of internal progress for Spain. She had paid a heavy price in -her gropings for liberty, but she had reached a stage which, while not -yet satisfactory, was incomparably ahead of that with which she had -begun the century. - - - - -CHAPTER XL - -THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917 - - -[Sidenote: Revival of economic prosperity.] - -Spaniards are in the habit of discussing their recent national -development with reference to the year 1898, which is recognized as a -turning-point in Spanish life, a change held by them to have been -decidedly for the better. Nevertheless, the way had begun to be prepared -with the accession of Alfonso XII to the throne; the splendid monument -to that king in the Retiro at Madrid can be explained only on the ground -that he symbolizes the re-establishment of good order in the peninsula, -with a government based on what the Spanish people will stand, rather -than on the full meed of an unworkable ideal. The country was tired of -domestic strife, and asked only to be left in peace, with an opportunity -to give attention to its material resources. This wish the government -granted, and all Spain profited. Roads, railways, and irrigation ditches -were built, and mining and the wine trade developed, while more recent -times have witnessed a notable industrial growth in some of the northern -cities. These matters were left very largely in the hands of foreigners, -with Spaniards either wasting their blood and treasure in the colonies, -or merely failing to participate in the economic enterprises of the -peninsula. After 1898, however, Spaniards began to join with Englishmen, -Germans, and Frenchmen in investing their capital in Spain. Many evils -remained to be overcome, but the country recuperated to such an extent -that its present wealth would compare favorably with that of the past at -almost any stage of Spanish history, although the rate of economic -progress has probably not equalled that of other countries. - -[Sidenote: Conservative rule in a pseudo-Liberal state.] - -On the surface the old politico-social ideas of Liberalism seemed for a -while to have died, and the country came to be ruled by parties which -supported the conservative constitution of 1876, although there was a -widespread opposition in opinions it not in power. At the present time -there is a Liberal and a Conservative party, but the difference between -the two is recognized, even by many Spaniards, as being very slight. In -1911 there was a strike on the government-owned railways, whereupon the -authorities suspended the constitutional guarantees, on the ground that -the nation was in danger. One result was that bodies of men could not -congregate,--and the strikers were helpless. In 1912 a general railway -strike was threatened. The premier, Canalejas, called out the military -reserves, and put them on the trains not only as guards but also as -train operatives,--for, since all Spaniards who have served their term -in the active army are in the reserves, the strikers were employed as -military trainmen to put down their own strike,--a thing which they -could not refuse to do, as they were under martial law. An early -_Cortes_ was promised, at which the questions of increase in wages and -decrease in the hours of labor would be taken up. The _Cortes_ was -called,--and the matter of the strike was dropped. The interesting thing -is that all of this took place while a Liberal government was in power! -It is also said that the Liberals and Conservatives agreed, a few years -ago, to alternate in office, thus showing their contempt for the spirit -of representative institutions, but the Liberals did not retire from -their control of the government in 1913, wherefore not a little -ill-concealed resentment was displayed by the organs of the Conservative -party. In fact, parties are divided on lines of the allegiance of -individuals to the chieftain (_cacique_) of their group. National -policies and projects of reform on the part of those in power get little -beyond the stage of rhetoric, while government is too largely given over -to the interplay of personal ambitions. To many the young king, Alfonso -XIII, has seemed the most liberal-minded of the higher officers of the -Spanish state, and in both word and deed he has appeared, until recently -at least, to merit the characterization. Attaining to his majority at -the age of sixteen, in 1902, he married the granddaughter of the -English Queen Victoria in 1906,--an augury in itself of liberal views. A -savage attempt was made, without success, to murder the young couple on -their wedding day; on that occasion and two others when later -assassinations were tried, Alfonso displayed such courage and coolness -as to win for himself an immense popularity; “the valiant king” (_El rey -valiente_) he is often called. - -[Sidenote: Underlying resentment against the government and growth of -elements in opposition.] - -The political views of the Spanish people have been undergoing a change -in recent years. Whereas the mass of the people were totally unready for -the democratic constitution of 1812, or even for that of 1837, they are -today becoming more and more radical in feeling. Everywhere there is -discontent with the present management of state affairs, and it is -customary to charge even the untoward incidents of daily life to the -fault of “the bad government” (_el mal gobierno_), --for example, when a -train is late, or over-crowded, both of which eventualities are of -frequent occurrence. Many factors have combined to bring about this -state of mind: much is traceable to social causes, to which allusion -will be made presently; the very material progress of the country, -resulting in a betterment of the condition of the poor, though their lot -is still far from being an enviable one, has awakened desires among the -masses of which their ancestors never dreamed; and the relative -prosperity of many of the _indianos_ (nabobs of the Indies), as returned -Spanish emigrants are called, has led to a widespread belief that men -can do better anywhere than under the “_mal gobierno_” of Spain. The -average Spaniard of the working classes takes little interest in his -right of suffrage (although this is more particularly true of the -country districts than it is of the cities), for he is convinced that it -makes no difference; he is helpless and hopeless in the face of a -government which seems quite apart from him. Many believe, however, that -there is a panacea for existing conditions, and groups have sprung up -representing a variety of social, economic, and political ideas, such as -single tax (_georgismo_,--from Henry George), socialism, and -republicanism. The desire for a republic has grown steadily since its -first public expression in 1854, and has now swept across the northern -provinces of Spain, from Galicia to Catalonia, cutting through the -formerly Carlist, or absolutist, country, although manifesting itself -more in the cities than elsewhere. If no serious outbreak for the -establishment of a republic has taken place, it is in large degree a -tribute to the king. Alfonso has frequently declared himself ready to -accept the wishes of the Spanish people in this matter, saying only a -few years ago that if Spain should so decide he “would be the first to -draw his sword in defence of the republic.” Too much weight should not -be given to these political gropings of the Spanish people, for the -forces of conservatism,--such as the nobles and the wealthy, the clergy, -and the devoutly faithful (notably in the rural districts),--are still -very powerful. Even the king has recently been charged with a tendency -to become reactionary. In 1917 serious internal disturbances occurred, -and it is said that Alfonso did not rise to the situation in the same -liberal spirit as formerly. Whether this is the mere unfounded -expression of party feeling, or whether the king has in truth -experienced a change of heart, it is as yet too early to say. Whatever -may be the exact composition of the elements against them, there is no -doubt that the majority of the people feel a deep resentment against the -prevailing government. In one respect this has led to consequences of a -serious character. The old regional spirit of the Catalans has -reasserted itself, and a distinct Catalan national feeling, sustained by -a revival of Catalan as a literary tongue, has manifested itself. One -event stands out from the rest in recent times, with regard to which all -elements in Spanish life have had occasion to express their political -views. That is the celebrated Ferrer case. - -[Sidenote: The Ferrer case and the “Maura, si!” and “Maura, no!”] - -In June, 1909, when a Conservative government was in power, with Antonio -Maura at its head, credits were voted for a campaign in Morocco against -some tribesmen who had attacked a railway leading to mines in the -control of Spanish capitalists. There was an immediate outbreak of -hostile public opinion in Spain, which in Catalonia resulted in serious -riots. The strange thing about the Catalonian manifestations, which -were most pronounced in Barcelona, was that they developed into what -seemed to be an organized assault, not on the government or on -capitalists, but on the Catholic Church. Churches, monasteries, -convents, and shrines were attacked--and nothing else. The government -soon had the situation in hand, and a number of arrests were made, -followed in some cases by sentences of death or imprisonment. Public -attention focused itself on the case of one Ferrer. Francisco Ferrer was -born in 1859, the son of a poor Catalan farmer. As a youth he was an -anarchist, pronouncing bitterly against the ideal of patriotism and -against the church. Having participated in a Catalonian rebellion of -1885, he fled to Paris, where he entered into relations with a Parisian -spinster, who soon died and left him a fortune. Later, he returned to -Barcelona, and increased his possessions as the result of successful -stock speculation. He founded a number of schools, which represented his -ideas,--still uncompromisingly against the church. Ferrer was also a -high official of the Freemasons and other secret societies. It is not to -be wondered at, either, in view of his rebellious attitude toward -society, that his regard for the marriage bond and for sexual morality -was clearly not in accord with prevailing views. At the time of the -Catalonian outbreak of 1909 he was charged with being one of the -ring-leaders. A military court-martial was held, at which he was -confronted with scores of witnesses, and it would seem that the -prosecution established its case. Ferrer was convicted, and on October -13, 1909, was shot.[68] The case of Ferrer has been taken up -internationally by various secret societies, but it has had a special -significance in Spain. There, opinion has divided, not about Ferrer or -the merits of his case, but with regard to the Conservative chieftain, -Maura, whose government was responsible for his death. Maura is taken as -the personification of the existing régime. “Maura, sí!” and “Maura, -no!” (“Maura, yes!” and “Maura, no!”) have come to be popular -watchwords, indicating whether one approves of things as they are, or -whether one stands for a new and liberalized, truly democratic Spain. - -[Sidenote: Foreign policy of Spain since 1898 and attitude toward the -Great War.] - -Spain’s foreign policy since 1898 has very nearly reduced itself to -three factors. First of these is the policing of a small strip of the -Moroccan coast, where Ceuta and other posts are still held by Spain. -This has involved the country in wars of a minor character with the -traditional enemy in Moslem Northwest Africa. Of greater interest is the -conscious policy of cultivating the friendship of the American countries -which were once colonies of Spain, based largely on a wish to develop a -market for Spanish goods, but not devoid of a sentiment which makes -Spain desire to associate herself with the growing lands to which she -gave the first impulse to civilization. Finally, Spain’s relations with -the two groups of European powers which entered upon the Great War in -1914 have occupied the attention of the country continuously in recent -years, and have been an issue which has divided Spaniards. Many of the -conservative elements of Spain have long been, not so much pro-German, -as anti-French, and they have been supported by those parts of the -masses which follow the lead of the church or else take no great -interest in politics. The causes of this Francophobe feeling are -numerous. The _Dos de Mayo_, Spain’s national holiday, stands for an -uprising against the French, followed by the glorious War of -Independence, although, to be sure, this has of late exercised but -little influence; many French writers have written disparagingly or in a -patronizing manner of Spain, causing a natural feeling of resentment; -Spanish American countries have asserted that France is their -intellectual mother, not Spain, and this may have had an effect, though -comparatively little, on the minds of some; mere propinquity with -France, which is the only great power bordering upon the peninsula, has -brought about a certain hostility which neighboring peoples so often -feel with regard to each other; the affronts which Spain claims to have -received at French hands in Morocco have had great weight; and the -already hostile attitude of the clergy against republican France was -enhanced when that country broke with the Catholic Church a few years -ago. As regards England, Spain has never forgotten Gibraltar. With -Germany, on the other hand, there has been little occasion for friction, -and German commercial competition with England for Spanish markets has -been welcomed as beneficial to the country. The radical and liberal -elements, which include the intellectuals, and, generally speaking, the -Liberal party have favored the _Entente_ as against the Central Powers, -and their position has been very greatly strengthened by the evident -support of the king. In part, pro-_Entente_ feeling has been a matter of -political principle, because of the liberal types of government in -France and England, the only two countries of the _Entente_ allies -(prior to American entry in the Great War) to whom Spaniards have paid -attention. In large measure, however, the Spanish point of view has been -the result of a certain practical, materialistic trait which is -ingrained in Spanish character. Thus Spaniards have pointed out that it -would be fatal for Spain to side with Germany, since her wide separation -from the latter, coupled with British naval supremacy, would make it -unlikely that German arms could be of any assistance to Spain. -Commercial and other reasons have also been adduced to show that Spain -could _gain_ nothing by an alliance with Germany. These views have -developed in the course of the Great War until Spain has become rather -more inclined to the allies than to the Germans. It is not improbable, -however, that an allied disaster might be seized upon by the pro-German -military element to swing Spain the other way, for the army is still a -factor to be reckoned with in Spanish politics. On the other hand, many -leading Spaniards have argued that there would be no advantage for Spain -if she should enter the war, whereas there has thus far been a distinct -benefit for certain elements in the population, in the shape of abnormal -war profits, through remaining neutral. Lately, however, great misery -has been occasioned as a result of Spain’s inability to procure needed -supplies from the allies and the danger from the German submarines. - -[Sidenote: Spain’s intellectual renaissance.] - -In no element of the national life has the well-being of Spain since -1898 been more clearly demonstrated than in the realm of things -intellectual. On the educational and scientific side (with one -exception, presently to be noted), the achievement has not been great -enough to attract attention, but in those branches of human knowledge -which are akin to the emotions Spain has embarked upon a new _siglo de -oro_ which has already placed her in the forefront of the nations in the -wealth and beauty of her contemporary literature and art. Many writers -or artists of note did their work before 1898, while others stand -athwart that year, but the most remarkable development has come in the -more recent period--a growing force which is far from having run its -course. Thus, before 1898, there were such poets as Becquer, Campoamor, -Núñez de Arce, Rosalía de Castro, and Salvador Rueda; novelists like -Alarcón, Pereda, Valera, “Clarín,” Picón, Palacio Valdés, Pardo Bazán, -and Pérez Galdós; dramatists including Ayala, Tamayo, Echegaray, Pérez -Galdós, Guimerá, and Dicenta; critics and philologists like Milá -Fontanals, Valera, “Clarín,” and Menéndez y Pelayo; essayists such as -Alfredo Calderón, Morote, Picavea, Ganivet, and Unamuno; painters like -Pradilla, Ferrán, and Muñoz Degrain; and composers of music including -Arrieta, Gastambide, Chueca, Chapí, Bretón, and Fernández Caballero. -Some of the more notable of these belong also in the post-1898 group, -and to them should be added, among others, the following: poets--Rubén -Darío (who is included in this list, though he is a Nicaraguan, because -of his influence on Spanish poetry), Villaespesa, Marquina, Ramón D. -Perés, the two Machados, Mesa, Diez Canedo, Muñoz San Román, and -Maragall; novelists--Blasco Ibáñez, Pío Baroja, “Azorín,” Silverio -Lanza, Valle Inclán, Ricardo León, Alberto Insúa, Pérez de Ayala, -Martínez Sierra, Miró, and Felipe Trigo; dramatists--Benavente, Martínez -Sierra, the brothers Álvarez Quintero, Carlos Arniches, Linares Rivas, -Marquina, Rusiñol, and Iglesias; critics and philologists--Menéndez -Pidal, Bonilla, Rodríguez Marín, Said Armesto, Américo Castro, Cejador, -Alomar, Tenreiro, and González Blanco; essayists--Ortega Gasset, Maeztu, -“Azorín,” Gómez de Baquero, Manuel Bueno, Maragall, and Zulueta; -painters--Zuloaga, Sorolla, the brothers Zubiaurre, Benedito, Chicharro, -Villegas, Nieto, Beruete, Moreno Carbonero, Bilbao, Sotomayor, Anglada, -de la Gándara, Juan Lafita, and Rusiñol; sculptors--Blay, Benlliure, -Marinas, Clará, and Julio Antonio; architects--Gaudí, Puig, Velázquez, -and Palacios; composers--Albéniz, Pedrell, Turina, Granados, Falla, -Vives, Serrano, and Quinito Valverde; and educators--Giner de los Ríos -and Cossío. Spain has also produced historians and historical scholars -of note in recent years (though several of them belong in the pre-1898 -group), among whom should be reckoned Cánovas del Castillo, Danvila y -Collado, Hinojosa, Rafael Altamira, Colmeiro, Fidel Fita, Fernández -Duro, Menéndez y Pelayo, Torres Lanzas, and Fernández Guerra. Special -mention should be made of the novelists Pérez Galdós (author of the -famous _Episodios nacionales_, or National episodes,--a series of -historical novels from the Liberal point of view, covering the history -of Spain from the time of Godoy to the present,--and esteemed by many as -one of the most remarkable literary geniuses of modern times) and Blasco -Ibáñez (who has used the novel as a vehicle for an attack on the old -order of Spanish life); of the dramatists Jacinto Benavente (a man whom -many regard as deserving to rank with the greatest names of all time in -Spanish literature), Pérez Galdós (who is almost equally notable in the -drama as in the novel), the brothers Álvarez Quintero (who have so -clearly depicted modern Andalusian life), and Martínez Sierra (whose -comedies reach to the very roots of truth and beauty); of Menéndez y -Pelayo, most famous as a critic, said to have been the dominant figure -of recent years in Spanish literature; of the painters Zuloaga -(successor of El Greco, Velázquez, and Goya, whose works embrace both -the mysticism and the austerity of the Spanish national spirit) and -Sorolla (a symbolist, who has done with the brush what Blasco Ibáñez did -with the pen, and whose paintings, mainly of Valencian scenes, are full -of realism and naturalism, brilliant in expression and color); and of -Giner de los Ríos, opponent of the church, but a man of tremendous -influence on the thought of modern Spain. It is to be noted that the -leading names in the realm of art are all in the post-1898 period; -indeed, this form of intellectual manifestation was not in a flourishing -state before that time. And in the midst of all these names one must not -forget that of Santiago Ramón y Cajal, whose discoveries in histology -have made him famous throughout the world. Many characterize him as the -greatest Spaniard of the present day. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Things which Spaniards are _not_.] - -Spain clearly has entered upon a new era of her history. No man can -predict, with safety, toward what goal she is tending, although there is -some ground for a feeling of optimism. With the leading facts of Spanish -history already before the reader, it is perhaps well at this point to -give a summary account of contemporary Spanish traits and social -problems, thus providing a further basis for estimates with regard to -the possibilities of the future. It is best to begin with a statement of -some of the things which Spaniards are not,--with a view to -controverting certain widely circulated notions. Spaniards are _not_ -unusually cruel or vindictive. The notion that they _are_ has arisen in -various ways. Spaniards are emotional, and under the stress of -excitement are capable of acts of great violence, but on the other hand -they very rarely plan a crime in cold blood. The bull-fight has been -charged to an innate cruelty of Spaniards, but whatever one may think of -the game, the _aficionado_, or bull-fight “fan,” is appealed to by the -skill of the bull-fighter and the courage of the bull, rather than by -the flow of blood. As regards treatment of animals, the evidence is -somewhat against the Spaniard. The superficial tourist is apt to think -that the majority of Spaniards in third class of the railway coaches are -double-dyed brigands, for they wear wretched clothing and carry huge -knives,--but the former is the result of economic necessity, and the -latter is to cut bread with--and not each others’ throats. The -historians, however, are very largely to blame, especially those who -maligned the dominant and hated Spaniards of the sixteenth century. -Spaniards themselves, with their fierce party spirit and rhetorical -gifts, products of their emotional make-up, have provided the arguments -which have been used against them,--notably in the case of Las Casas’ -condemnation of the Spanish treatment of the Indians. In the second -place, they are _not_ lazy; rather, they make excellent laborers, and -work long hours without complaint. The idea that they are indolent -arises in part from the fact that the titled classes still retain some -of the traditional aversion to manual labor; in part from a certain lack -of ambition, such that many Spaniards, notably those of the south, do -not work, after they have gained enough to live on for perhaps only a -little while; partly because of a lack of responsibility which many of -them display, with the result that they do not do well when not under -supervision; and partly, again, because histories have so described -Spaniards of the past, and this time with some truth. Many of the -factors which once made manual labor unpopular are not any longer -operative, such as the prevalence of slaves, serfs, and Moslems in -industry or agriculture, wherefore the earlier stigma attaching to those -occupations has been removed. In the third place, Spaniards are not -proud and arrogant to the extent of being haughty, although they do have -a sense of personal pride which is rather to be commended than -condemned. In the fourth place, to call a man a “Spaniard” is not a -sufficient definition, for there are wide differences in blood and -language as well as in feelings in the various regions of Spain; the -serious-minded, progressive, European-blooded Catalan is certainly -farther apart from the easy-going, pleasure-loving, improvident, part -Moslem-blooded Andalusian than is the Englishman from the American, or -perhaps the southern Frenchman from the North Italian. In addition to -Castilian, or Spanish, there are the distinct languages of the Catalans -and Basques, with a great many variants, or dialects, from the Castilian -and Catalan. Nevertheless, it is true that all are “Spaniards.” -Castilian is generally understood, and, until the recent reappearance of -Catalan, was the only literary language; the people are patriotic to the -country, even though the fire of local attachments is still uncommonly -strong in them; the bull-fight and the national lottery are popular in -all parts of Spain; Spaniards read the same books, have the same -government, and, in fine, have been brought together, though widely -divergent in traits, by the circumstances of history. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual and emotional traits of Spaniards.] - -The keynote to an understanding of Spanish character lies in an -appreciation of the fact that Spaniards generally combine an intense -individualism and marked practicality with an emotional temperament. -Enough has already been intimated with regard to the two first-named -traits. As for that of emotionalism it becomes more operative the -farther south one goes. Some Spaniards say that the English, who are -taken as representative of the northern peoples, are in the forefront of -the nations as concerns matters of the _head_, but that the Spaniards -lead in _heart_, and they are well content to have it that way. Yet it -is far from true that Spaniards are lacking in _head_; rather, they are -brilliantly intellectual, and even the man in the street often seems to -have a faculty for seeing and expressing things clearly, with little or -no study; their logical-mindedness is displayed in the rhetorical skill -with which they set forth their opinions. It is true, however, that -there is a certain lack of intellectual stamina in Spaniards; they will -not use the brains with which nature has abundantly endowed them. Thus, -big business and scientific discoveries (except in the practical realm -of their applications) have been left to the foreigners. On the -emotional, or _heart_, side one encounters numerous evidences. Spaniards -are devotedly fond of children,--almost too much so, for they seem -unable to refuse them anything. Thus, a child gets milk by crying, toys -galore, and stays up at night until he wants to go to bed; the effects -on national discipline are possibly not of the best, but the error, if -such it is, springs from the heart. Spaniards, past and present, have -been great in emotional expression, in the fields of literature and art. -It is a novelty for Americans to find that the educated young men of -Spain talk quite as easily about literature and art as they do about -women,--and they move from one subject to the other without any marked -change in the tenor of the conversation. Spanish crimes are usually the -result of an emotional impulse. Similarly, the emotions play rather too -prominent a part in the Spaniard’s associations with women! Courtesy is -almost universal among Spaniards, who will go to considerable personal -inconvenience in order to assist a stranger; to be sure, one is not safe -in reckoning on the promises to render favors later,--for by that time -the impulse may have passed. The Spanish fondness for the bull-fight and -the lottery also springs from the emotional stir which goes with them. - -[Sidenote: Spanish women.] - -The above applies principally to the men. The women should be considered -apart, and this is much more necessary in dealing with Spain than it -would be in treating of the United States, where women come nearer to -having an equal liberty with men. Opinions differ as to the personal -appearance of Spanish women, and first impressions of the foreigner are -apt to be against them. This is largely because the people of the -wealthy or moderately well-to-do classes do not appear in the street -nearly so frequently as in the United States or in northern Europe. The -women of the working classes toil harder, on the average, than do -ours,--for more of them have to help earn the family living as well as -bring up and take care of the children,--and they are not able to dress -well, with the natural result that they are rarely prepossessing. This -in part accounts also for the belief of foreigners that Spanish beauty -fades,--which is not the case with those who are able to live in fairly -easy circumstances any more than it is in other countries. Among -Spaniards it is often said that the Valencian women are the handsomest, -closely followed by the Andalusians, who rank as the most witty. It is -to be noted that the Moslem element in Spanish blood is very strong in -these sections. Another popular misconception as to Spanish _señoritas_ -(young ladies) is that they are so dainty that they would almost melt in -one’s hand. In fact they are unusually self-contained in manner, and if -they have any pronounced defect it is one which does not go with -daintiness,--that of a loud, often metallic voice. On the other hand -there is most decidedly an all-pervading, unconscious grace in Spanish -women. Women other than those of the working classes find very little to -do. Servants are extraordinarily cheap,--one can get a nurse-girl in -Seville for about ten cents a day; so there is little occasion to do -housework. Spanish women are not assiduous readers, do not even sew or -knit to any marked degree, and comparatively few of them sing or play -the piano. They are fond of a walk or ride in the afternoon, accompanied -by the children and the nurse-girls, and enjoy social gatherings at -night. In fine, their life is passed largely in pleasant conversation, -with very little variety; indeed, they require little that is novel, for -they are simple in their tastes, and are easily entertained. The Spanish -husband is not nearly so domesticated as the American species. Instead -of remaining at home at night he quite regularly goes out,--and even may -occupy a different place at the theatre from the group of seats where -his wife and daughter are found. This is the expected thing, and Spanish -women do not appear to wish it otherwise. They seem to consider that the -men have done them a great favor by marrying them, and take the attitude -of desiring to repay them for the rest of their lives. The husband is -devoted to his wife and the children, but he would commit suicide before -he would carry a baby in the street. Despite the fact that the brains of -most Spanish women may be said to lie fallow, they are often brilliant -talkers, sharing with the men the intellectual potentialities of the -race. They rarely travel, and know very little beyond the bounds of -their home town or city and the nearest watering-place. They are usually -very religious, but not in an aggressive way; in a country where there -is virtually no competition with the Catholic Church there is no -stimulus to make their religion anything but a purely personal matter -for the individual. This helps to account for the almost complete lack -of religious discussion in the Spanish circles one meets with. Young -ladies rarely go into the street unless accompanied by their mother or -some older person. Whenever they do appear they are stared at by the -men, but the practice seems to be regarded as proper and in a measure -complimentary. They are hedged around with safeguards which prevent -their seeing the young man of their choice alone, except perhaps as -separated by the narrow grating of a window, until the day of their -marriage. According to all reports these measures fulfill their intended -purpose, for the material bars are supplemented by the inherited -instincts of the women themselves. Aside from prostitutes Spanish women -have a nation-wide reputation for good moral conduct. Once married the -size of the family depends, as many put it, “As God wills!” A family of -from five to seven children is not considered large, and there are many -families which are very much larger. - -[Sidenote: The aristocracy and the _latifundia_.] - -Assuming that it would be desirable, can Spain advance any farther along -the highway of democracy? If she would do so, she must contend with the -aristocracy, which in fact rules the country. The modern Spanish -aristocracy is composed of the nobility, their relatives, rich -merchants, the clergy, and the military. The richer members of the -aristocracy, especially those of central and southern Spain, control the -greater part of the best Spanish lands, which they cultivate just enough -to ensure wealth to themselves. Thousands of acres are given over to the -raising of bulls for the bull-fights, and even the late Duke of Veragua, -a descendant of Columbus, was engaged in this industry. One often -wonders why Spanish towns are so far away from the railway station, -especially in level tracts where it would be normal to expect a growth -toward the railroad. The usual answer is that the land belongs to a -personage of the realm, who would not think of selling it, and does not -care to develop it himself. The agrarian problem is particularly acute -in Andalusia, where the evil of _latifundia_, springing out of the later -reconquests from the Moslems, is more in evidence than elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: Life of men of the better classes.] - -The life of the men of the better classes is singularly free from care. -They arise late, and go to their favorite café or club to read the -newspaper. In the afternoon they frequent their club, passing the time -in discussion or in general conversation. Late in the afternoon they go -for a drive along the _paseo_, or driveway, the same place every day, -where the principal object is to see, or be seen by, the others who are -doing the same thing. In the evening they return to the club. Perhaps at -9:30 or 10 o’clock they go to a play, for the theatre begins late, -following this by a visit to their favorite café and a late departure -for home. The program varies little from day to day. In the summer they -go to a watering-place, but it usually amounts only to a change of -cafés. These men rarely drink to excess, and they are the most charming -people in the world to talk to, but they never study and, if possible to -avoid it, never do any work. Unknowingly perhaps, for they are bred to -this type of life by centuries of training, they are a drain on the -land, the most serious element in the vested interests which stand in -the way of effective reform. Those of this class who have to work are -provided with sinecures at state expense. The social, economic, and -political betterment of Spain cannot proceed very far while the -aristocracy is in control. On the other hand the experience of the past -has not demonstrated that democracy could maintain order, and this the -present régime does. Furthermore, the aristocracy is by no means an -exclusive caste, but is open to the entry of all. - -[Sidenote: Social problems of contemporary Spain.] - -In addition to the wealth and political influence of the aristocracy -other factors in Spanish life abound to aid and abet in their -maintenance of control. One of these is emigration. Spaniards do not -expect to rise from poverty to great wealth, as men do in America, for -so few of them rarely can, under the existing system, that there is not -the stimulus of other men’s successes to spur them on. The more -ambitious of the poor and moderately well-to-do, therefore, make their -way to the Americas, especially to Argentina, and, prior to the recent -era of civil war, to Mexico. The poorest and the least ambitious, who -are less likely than the others to give trouble, remain behind. A second -aid is the lottery. The lottery, which has its agencies in every hamlet -and city of Spain, is government owned and operated, paying some of the -highest prizes offered in the world at the present time. Few human -passions are so strong as that of gambling, and Spain has surrendered to -the lottery. The poor people welcome this insidious system, believing -it to be almost the only avenue of advance to the envied ease of the -wealthy, and invest their spare savings in a ticket. Hope and even -expectation of getting a lucky number have come to be a national -disease. A third abettor of the aristocracy is the bull-fight. It is not -the cruelty, but rather the corrupting influence of this sport which -should occupy those who protest against it. The game is so emotional, so -wildly exciting, that it grips the people to the exclusion of almost -every other interest; in Seville, one can almost be certain, if he hears -men quarreling at the top of their voices, that they are disputing the -merits of this bull-fighter or that, for that is the absorbing factor in -life, every hour in the day, in every day of the year. Men who have -caught the fever of the bull-fight rarely have interest in national -reform; they do not want it, as it might sweep away the sport which is -the major part of their life. A fourth factor would seem to be the -extensive character of charitable enterprises. Thousands depend upon the -unused food of the army, and line up each day to receive it. Enormous -sums are also provided by the church or by charitable organizations to -enable the poor to get meals free or at slight cost. The object, no -doubt, is benevolent, but the result is that many men will not work. -Especially is this true in the mild climate of southern Spain, where not -a few contrive to exist without homes to sleep in and on the -dispensations of charity. A fifth factor is the extreme poverty of the -masses. Wages are unthinkably low. Men who can barely keep body and soul -together are not the ones who agitate reform. A sixth aid in the -maintenance of things as they are is the lack of a good public school -system. Schools are inadequate and teachers poorly paid. Few Spaniards -get beyond the primary grade, and many do not even go that far. The need -of education is undoubtedly the _sine qua non_ of any effective Spanish -advancement. To change the form of government, without an accompanying -or a preliminary instruction of the masses, would be, as a French writer -puts it, “to change the label of a bottle, without transforming the -contents.” It is also necessary if any appreciable reform is to be made -in the social and economic system of the country. None realizes this -better than the men who, like Altamira, Azcárate, Costa, Giner de los -Ríos, Posada, and Unamuno, stand for the new Spain, as distinct from the -old,--for a country which shall break with the past to the extent which -may be required in order to place itself in the current of modern world -progress. Their ideal is not impossible of achievement, despite the -forces which are against them, for the Spanish people, at bottom, are -admirable material, still virile and altogether sane. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES - - -[Sidenote: Writers on the history of Spain whose works are in Spanish, -French, and German.] - -The principal aim of this volume is to be of service to the general -reader in English-speaking America. On this account the entries which -appear below have been restricted rigidly to works in English. It was a -temptation to include some of the more notable foreign works, such for -example as those by Altamira, Bonilla, Cánovas del Castillo, Colmeiro, -Danvila, Desdevises du Dézert, Diercks, Dozy (the _Recherches_), -Fernández de Navarrete, Fernández Duro, Fernán-Núñez, Ferrer del Río, -Fita, Foulché-Delbosc, Haebler, Hinojosa, Lafuente, Lembke, Mariéjol, -Marvaud, Menéndez Pidal, Menéndez y Pelayo, Mignet, Morel-Fatio, -Oliveira Martins, Ranke, Romey, Rosseeuw St. Hilaire, Rousseau, Salcedo, -and Tapia, but the reader will be able to go to their works and to many -others by using the aids which are provided here. - -[Sidenote: Bases for selection and exclusion of works in English.] - -[Sidenote: Relation of the works cited to the field of Spanish history.] - -A complete bibliography of the works in English on the history of Spain -would reach enormous proportions. It has therefore been deemed advisable -to narrow the field by excluding the following classes of material: -catalogues of books and manuscripts; volumes of source material; -periodicals about Spain not devoted primarily to history; articles in -periodicals; works on other subjects (such for example as the writings -of Mommsen and other historians of the Roman Empire) which, however, -contain much material on the history of Spain; works (such as those of -Motley or Helps) on the activities of Spain outside the peninsula, -whether in Europe or the Americas; and books which may be regarded as -out of date. Works published many years ago are not omitted, however, if -they are translations of important foreign works, the writings of -notable historians, or volumes which are unique in their field. No -attempt has been made to give an exhaustive list of all the items coming -within the classes eligible for entry. Thus there might be additions to -the lives of notable persons, to the histories of art and literature, or -to the already long list of recent descriptive works. The plan has been -rather to be representative, giving some of the works which will serve -to introduce the reader to the subject. No claim is made that the works -cited cover the subject of Spanish history adequately; indeed, if the -most broadly inclusive basis for entry of works in English had been -chosen they would not do so. They are particularly disappointing to the -American reader, in that they represent the point of view of England or -continental Europe rather than that of the Spanish gift to America. -Furthermore, many periods are but scantily covered from any standpoint, -while others, such as those of the Catholic Kings and the House of -Austria, have an over-supply of writings upon them. It is to be noted, -however, that books of a given period have a number of preliminary -chapters on the years immediately preceding it. Thus, Coppée has some -two hundred pages on the Visigothic era, Plunket nearly a hundred pages -on the reign of Henry IV, and most of the histories of the nineteenth -century begin with the accession of Charles IV. Concluding chapters, -too, will often reach over into the next succeeding period,--as in the -case of Scott, who devotes sixty-nine pages to the Moriscos under the -kings of the House of Austria. Moreover, many of the volumes in the -section devoted to works of travel and description, especially those -dealing with particular localities, give much of their space to the -record of the past, thus supplementing the writings which are more -properly historical in character. - -[Sidenote: Methods of entry.] - -In the works selected for entry an indication is given of the dates of -the first and the latest editions. In the case of translations the date -of the original publication in the foreign tongue is also stated. The -place of publication is not given for the latest edition if it is the -same as that of the first. No attempt has been made to record minor -variations in title in different editions, such for example as “Philip -the Second” for “Philip II,” but striking changes have been noted. The -presence of bibliographical apparatus in the works cited is indicated by -the abbreviation “Bib,” thus enabling the reader to know what are the -volumes which may take him to materials not mentioned here. Not only are -the books with formal bibliographies or lists of works so characterized, -but also those which have fairly ample bibliographical data in the -preface. The practice has not been followed, however, where the -information as to sources is confined to footnotes, although many -writers, Lea for example, have valuable references scattered through -their volumes. - - -I. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS - -Aside from the partial bibliographies in the books listed below and the -single periodical mentioned in this section there is no work in English -on the bibliography of Spanish history. The bibliographical sections of -the _Cambridge medieval history_ and the _Cambridge modern history_ -(items 10 and 29 below) will be found particularly helpful. Three works -in foreign tongues are worth noting. The bibliography in Altamira’s -_Historia de España_ is perhaps the best general list in Spanish. The -two-volume _Catalogue de l’histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal_ (Paris. -1883-85) of the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, based on the works at -the disposition of readers in the great national library at the French -capital, is valuable for the older books. The sections on Spain in the -German annual bibliography of historical writings, the _Jahresberichte -der Geschichtswissenschaft_ (published at Berlin since 1880) cover -publications since 1878. The only item in English follows: - -1. _Hispanic American historical review._ Baltimore. 1918. Quarterly. - - This periodical begins publication in February, 1918. Will contain - material on Spain and Portugal, including bibliographical notices, - though primarily devoted to Hispanic America. - - -II. GENERAL HISTORIES OF SPAIN - -In addition to the items of this paragraph, attention is directed to the -works on special subjects, in section IX, many of which range over -several or all of the various periods of Spanish history. - - 2. Dunham, Samuel Astley.... _Spain and Portugal._ 5v. London. - 1832[-33]. Takes to the close of the eighteenth century. - - 3. Hale, Edward Everett, and Susan Hale.... _Spain._ New York, [c - 1886]. - - 4. Harrison, James Albert. _Spain._ Boston. [c 1881]. Republished - under title _Spain in history_. New York and Akron, O. [1898]. - - 5. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _The Spanish people, their origin, - growth and influence._ London and New York. 1901. 1914. Bib. - - 6. Mariana, Juan de. _The general history of Spain. From the first - peopling of it by Tubal, till the death of King Ferdinand, who - united the crowns of Castile and Aragon. With a continuation to the - death of King Philip III._ Tr. [fr. the Sp. ed. of 1669 or 1670] - ed. by Capt. John Stevens. London. 1699. Orig. ed. in Latin. - Toledo. 1592. First Sp. ed. Toledo. 1601. Later editions have - continuations, all except the first by other writers, bringing the - history to the date of publication. Latest Sp. ed. Madrid. 1854. - - 7. Perkins, Clara Crawford. _Builders of Spain._ 2v. in 1. New - York. 1911. - - -III. ANCIENT SPAIN, TO 711 - - 8. Bouchier, Edmund Spencer. _Spain under the Roman Empire._ - Oxford. 1914. Bib. - - 9. Burke, Ulick Ralph. _A history of Spain, from the earliest times - to the death of Ferdinand the Catholic._ 2v. London. [1894-] 1895. - 1900. - - 10. _Cambridge medieval history._ 3v. New York. 1911-18. Bib. - - 11. Van Nostrand, John James. _The reorganization of Spain by - Augustus._ (University of California, _Publications in history_, v. - IV, no. 2). Berkeley. 1916. Bib. - - -IV. MEDIEVAL SPAIN, 711-1479 - -Items 9 and 10 belong also in this section. - - 12. Beasley, Charles Raymond. _James the First of Aragon._ Oxford. - 1890. - - 13. Clarke, Henry Butler. _The Cid Campeador, and the waning of the - crescent in the west._ New York and London. 1902. - - 14. Condé, José Antonio. _History of the dominion of the Arabs in - Spain._ Tr. ed. by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. 3v. London. 1854-55. Orig. - Sp. ed. Madrid. 1820-21. Usually regarded as untrustworthy. - - 15. Coppée, Henry. _History of the conquest of Spain by the - Arab-Moors._ 2v. Boston. 1881. - - 16. Dozy, Reinhart Pieter Anne. _Spanish Islam: a history of the - Moslems in Spain._ Tr. ed. by Francis Griffin Stokes. London. 1913. - Bib. Orig. Fr. ed. Leyde. 1861. - - 17. Drane, Augusta Theodosia. _The history of St. Dominic, founder - of the Friars Preachers._ London and New York. 1891. - - 18. Guiraud, Jean. _Saint Dominic._ Tr. ed. by Katharine de Mattos. - London. 1901. New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago. 1913. Bib. Orig. - Fr. ed. Paris. 1899. - - 19. Ibn’Abd al-Hakām. _Ibn Abd-el-Hakem’s History of the - conquest of Spain._ Tr. (fr. the Arabic) ed. by John Harris Jones. - Göttingen. 1858. Orig. ms. written in ninth century. - - 20. Lane-Poole, Stanley.... _The Moors in Spain._ New York and - London. [1886]. New York. 1911. - - 21. Makkari, Ahmed ibn Mohammed al. _The history of the Mohammedan - dynasties in Spain._ Ext. and tr. [fr. ms. copies in the British - Museum] ed. by Pascual de Gayangos. 2v. London. 1840-43. Orig. ms. - in Arabic written early in the seventeenth century. - - 22. Merriman, Roger Bigelow. _The rise of the Spanish empire in the - old world and the new._ 4v. New York and London. 1918-. Bib. Two - volumes are announced for publication in 1918 (_The middle ages_ - and _The Catholic Kings_). Two more will follow (_The Emperor_ and - _Philip the Prudent_). - - 23. Miron, E. L. _The queens of Aragon, their lives and times._ - London. 1913. Bib. - - 24. Scott, Samuel Parsons. _History of the Moorish empire in - Europe._ 3v. Philadelphia and London. 1904. Bib. - - 25. Swift, Francis Darwin. _Life and times of James I., the - conqueror, king of Aragon, Valencia, and Majorca._ Oxford. 1894. - - 26. Watts, Henry Edward.... _The Christian recovery of Spain, being - the story of Spain from the Moorish conquest to the fall of Granada - (711-1492 A.D.)._ New York. 1901. - - 27. Whishaw, Bernhard and Ellen M. _Arabic Spain, sidelights on her - history and art._ London. 1912. Bib. - - 28. Yonge, Charlotte Mary. _The story of the Christians and Moors - of Spain._ London and New York. 1903. - - -V. ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517 - -Items 9, 14, 15, 20-22, 24, 26, and 28 belong also in this section. Many -of the items of section IX are applicable here. - - 29. _Cambridge modern history._ 14v. New York and London. 1902-12. - Bib. - - 30. Hare, Christopher. _A queen of queens_ [Isabella (1474-1504)] - _& the making of Spain._ New York. 1906. - - 31. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Queens of old Spain._ New York. - 1906. London. 1911. - - 32. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Spain, its greatness and decay - (1479-1788)._ Cambridge. 1898. 1913. Bib. - - 33. Irving, Washington. _Conquest of Granada._ New York. 1829. - 1910. Bib. Orig. ed. entitled _A chronicle of the conquest of - Granada_. - - 34. Lea, Henry Charles. _The Moriscos of Spain; their conversion - and expulsion._ Philadelphia. 1901. - - 35. Plunket, Ierne L. _Isabel of Castile and the making of the - Spanish nation, 1451-1504._ New York and London. 1915. Bib. - - 36. Prescott, William Hickling. _History of the reign of Ferdinand - and Isabella the Catholic._ 2v. in 1. New York. 1838. 3v. - Philadelphia. [1902]. - - 37. Sabatini, Rafael. _Torquemada and the Spanish inquisition._ - London. [1913]. Bib. - - -VI. THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA, 1516-1700 - -Items 22, 29, 31, 32, and 34 belong also in this section. All of the -items in section IX have a bearing here. - - 38. Armstrong, Edward. _The Emperor Charles V._ 2v. London and New - York. 1902. London. 1910. Bib. - - 39. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _The life of Cervantes._ London and - New York. 1905. Bib. - - 40. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Murillo, a biography and - appreciation._ London and New York. 1907. - - 41. Calvert, Albert Frederick, _and Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine - (Hartley) Gallichan. _El Greco; an account of his life and works._ - London and New York. 1909. - - 42. Calvert, Albert Frederick, _and Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine - (Hartley) Gallichan. _Velazquez; an account of his life and works._ - London and New York. 1908. - - 43. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. _The Spanish Protestants and their - persecution by Philip II; a historical work._ Tr. ed. by T. Parker. - London and Edinburgh. 1851. (_History of religious intolerance in - Spain_). 1853. Orig. Sp. ed. Cádiz. 1851. - - 44. Coloma, Luis. _The story of Don John of Austria._ Tr. ed. by - Lady Moreton. London and New York. 1912. - - 45. Colvill, Helen Hester. _Saint Teresa of Spain._ New York and - London. 1909. Bib. - - 46. Dunlop, John Colin. _Memoirs of Spain during the reigns of - Philip IV and Charles II, from 1621 to 1700._ 2v. 1834. - - 47. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _The life of Miguel de Cervantes de - Saavedra._ London. 1892. Bib. - - 48. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra: a - memoir._ Oxford. 1913. Bib. - - 49. Froude, James Anthony. _The Spanish story of the Armada and - other essays._ New York. 1892. London. 1901. - - 50. Gardiner, Samuel Rawson. _Prince Charles and the Spanish - marriage._ 2v. London. 1869. - - 51. Gayarré, Charles Etienne Arthur. _Philip II of Spain._ New - York. 1866. - - 52. Gómara, Francisco López de. _Annals of the Emperor Charles V._ - Tr. [fr. an unpublished ms. of, probably, 1557-58] and Sp. orig. - ed. by Roger Bigelow Merriman. Oxford. 1912. - - 53. Graham, _Mrs._ Gabriela (de La Balmondière) Cunninghame. _Santa - Teresa, being some account of her life and times._ 2v. London. - 1894. 1907. - - 54. Hughes, Thomas Aloysius. _Loyola and the educational system of - the Jesuits._ New York. 1892. Bib. - - 55. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _The court of Philip IV. Spain in - decadence._ New York. 1907. - - 56. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Philip II. of Spain._ London. 1897. - 1911. Bib. - - 57. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Two English queens and Philip._ - London. [1898]. - - 58. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _The year after the Armada, and - other historical studies._ London and New York. 1896. - - 59. Joly, Henri. _Saint Ignatius of Loyola._ Tr. ed. by Mildred - Partridge. London. 1899. 1906. Orig. Fr. ed. Paris. 1898. - - 60. Justi, Karl. _Diego Velasquez and his times._ Tr. ed. by A. H. - Keane. London. 1889. Orig. Ger. ed. Bonn. 1889. - - 61. Lovat, Alice Mary (Weld-Blundell) Fraser, _baroness_. _The life - of Saint Teresa, taken from the French of “A Carmelite nun.”_ - London. 1912. - - 62. Loyola, _Saint_ Ignacio de. _The autobiography of St. - Ignatius._ Tr. ed. by J. F. X. O’Conor. New York. 1900. Original - completed in 1555. - - 63. Lyon, F. H. _Diego de Sarmiento de Acuña, conde de Gondomar._ - Oxford. 1910. - - 64. McCrie, Thomas. _History of the progress and suppression of the - Reformation in Spain in the sixteenth century._ Edinburgh. 1829. - - 65. Prescott, William Hickling. _History of the reign of Philip the - Second._ 3v. Boston. 1855-58. Philadelphia. 1916. - - 66. Rennert, Hugo Albert. _The life of Lope de Vega (1562-1635)._ - Glasgow and Philadelphia. 1904. Bib. - - 67. Robertson, William. _The history of the reign of the Emperor - Charles the Fifth._ 3v. [Philadelphia]. 1770. Philadelphia. [1902]. - - 68. Rose, Stewart. _Ignatius Loyola and the early Jesuits._ London. - 1870. 1891. Bib. - - 69. Sandoval, Prudencio de. _The history of Charles the vth, - emperor and king of Spain, the great hero of the House of Austria: - containing the most remarkable occurrences that happen’d in the - world for the space of 56 years._ Tr. ed. by Capt. John Stevens. - London. 1703. Orig. Sp. ed. Antwerp. 1681. - - 70. Stevenson, Robert Alan Mowbray. _Velasquez._ London and New - York. 1899. Bib. - - 71. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _The cloister life of the - Emperor Charles the Fifth._ London. 1852. 1891. - - 72. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Don John of Austria; or - Passages from the history of the 16th century, 1547-1578._ 2v. - London. 1883. - - 73. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Velazquez and his works._ - London. 1855. - - 74. Teresa, _Saint_. _Saint Theresa. The history of her - foundations._ Tr. [fr. the Sp.] ed. by Sister Agnes Mason. - Cambridge. 1909. Orig. Sp. ed. Antwerp. 1630. - - 75. Teresa, _Saint_. _The life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order - of Our Lady of Carmel._ Tr. ed. by David Lewis. London. 1870. 1904. - Orig. Sp. ed. Salamanca. 1588. - - 76. Teresa, _Saint_. _St. Teresa of Jesus of the Order of Our Lady - of Carmel, embracing the life, relations, maxims and foundations - written by the saint, also, a history of St. Teresa’s journeys and - foundations._ Tr. ed. by John J. Burke. New York. 1911. Orig. Sp. - ed. (except the _Foundations_). Salamanca. 1588. Orig. Sp. ed. of - the _Foundations_. Antwerp. 1630. - - 77. Thompson, Francis. _Saint Ignatius Loyola._ London. 1909. 1910. - - 78. Watson, Robert, and William Thomson. _The history of the reign - of Philip the Third, king of Spain._ 2v. London. 1783. 1808. - -VII. THE HOUSE OF BOURBON, 1700-1808 - -Items 29 and 32 belong also in this section. Many of the items in -section IX are applicable here. - - 79. Addison, Joseph. _Charles the Third of Spain._ Oxford. 1900. - - 80. Armstrong, Edward. _Elizabeth Farnese, “the Termagant of - Spain.”_ London. 1892. Bib. - - 81. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Goya, an account of his life and - works._ London and New York. 1908. - - 82. Coxe, William. _Memoirs of the kings of Spain of the House of - Bourbon, from the accession of Philip the Fifth to the death of - Charles the Third._ 3v. London. 1813. 5v. 1815. - - 83. D’Auvergne, Edmund B. _Godoy; the queen’s favorite._ Boston. - [1913]. - - 84. Hill, Constance. _Story of the Princess des Ursins in Spain._ - New York. 1899. - - 85. Parnell, Arthur. _The war of the succession in Spain during the - reign of Queen Anne, 1702-1711._ London. 1888. Bib. - - 86. Ripperdá, Joan Willem van. _Memoirs of the Duke de Ripperdá: - 1st. embassador from the states-general to his most catholick - majesty, then duke and grandee of Spain; afterwards bashaw and - prime minister to Muly Abdalla, emperor of Fez and Morocco, etc. - containing account of the remarkable events ... between 1715 and - 1736._ London. 1740. - - 87. Stokes, Hugh. _Francisco Goya; a study of the work and - personality of the eighteenth century Spanish painter and - satirist._ New York. 1914. Bib. - - -VIII. THE DAWN OF LIBERALISM, 1808 TO DATE - -Item 29 belongs also in this section. - - 88. Bollaert, William. _Wars of succession of Portugal and Spain, - from 1826 to 1840: with résumé of the political history ... to the - present time._ 2v. London. 1870. - - 89. Challice, Rachel. _The secret history of the court of Spain - during the last century._ London. 1909. Bib. - - 90. Clarke, Henry Butler. _Modern Spain, 1815-1898._ Cambridge. - 1906. Bib. - - 91. D’Auvergne, Edmund B. _A queen at bay; the story of Christina - and Don Carlos._ London. 1910. Bib. - - 92. Hannay, David. _Don Emilio Castelar._ London. 1896. - - 93. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp.... _Modern Spain, 1788-1898._ New - York and London. 1900. - - 94. Latimer, _Mrs._ Elizabeth (Wormeley). _Spain in the nineteenth - century._ Chicago. 1897. 1898. - - 95. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. _A history of the peninsular - war._ 5v. Oxford. 1902-14. Bib. - - 96. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. _Wellington’s army, 1809-1814._ - London. 1912. Bib. - - 97. Strobel, Edward Henry. _Spanish revolution, 1868-1876._ Boston. - 1898. - - 98. White, George F. _A century of Spain and Portugal (1788-1898)._ - London. [1909]. Bib. - - 99. Whitehouse, Henry Remsen. _The sacrifice of a throne, being an - account of the life of Amadeus, duke of Aosta, sometime king of - Spain._ New York. 1897. - - -IX. HISTORICAL WORKS ON SPECIAL SUBJECTS - -Many of the items in sections III to VIII might appropriately be entered -here. Conversely, as already indicated, the items of this section have a -bearing on various or all of the periods of Spanish history, but it has -been deemed best to give them separate entry, because of the obviously -restricted character of the subject-matter of these volumes. - - 100. Caffin, Charles Henry. _The story of Spanish painting._ New - York. 1910. - - 101. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. _The history of the Jews in Spain, - from the time of their settlement in that country till the - commencement of the present century._ Tr. ed. by Edward D. G. M. - Kirwan. Cambridge and London. 1851. Orig. Sp. ed. Cádiz. 1847. - - 102. Clarke, Henry Butler. _Spanish literature; an elementary - handbook._ London. 1893. 1909. Bib. - - 103. Dieulafoy, Marcel Auguste.... _Art in Spain and Portugal._ New - York. 1913. - - 104. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _Chapters on Spanish literature._ - London. 1908. - - 105. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _A history of Spanish literature._ - New York. 1898. New York and London. 1915. Bib. - - 106. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Spanish influence on English - literature._ London. 1905. - - 107. Lea, Henry Charles. _Chapters from the religious history of - Spain connected with the Inquisition._ Philadelphia. 1890. - - 108. Lea, Henry Charles. _A history of the Inquisition of Spain._ - 4v. New York and London. 1906-7. - - 109. Lindo, Elias Hiam. _The history of the Jews of Spain and - Portugal, from the earliest times to their final expulsion from - those kingdoms, and their subsequent dispersion._ London. 1848. - - 110. Markham, Sir Clements Robert. _The story of Majorca and - Minorca._ London. 1908. - - 111. Sayer, Capt. Frederick. _The history of Gibraltar and of its - political relation to events in Europe._ London. 1862. - - 112. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Stories of the Spanish - painters until Goya._ London. 1910. - - 113. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Annals of the artists of - Spain._ 3v. London. 1848. Bib. - - 114. Ticknor, George. _History of Spanish literature._ 3v. New - York. 1849. Boston. [1891]. - - 115. Webster, Wentworth. _Gleanings in church history, chiefly in - Spain and France._ London. 1903. Bib. - - 116. Williams, Leonard. _The arts and crafts of older Spain._ 3v. - London. 1907. Bib. - - -X. WORKS OF TRAVEL AND DESCRIPTION - -Of works published prior to 1900, only those of unusual reputation, -whether because of the high station of the men who wrote them or the -remarkable character of the books themselves, have been included. No -attempt has been made to enter all works published in English since -1900, but the list is long enough and the scope of the material covered -sufficiently broad, it is believed, for the purposes of the general -reader who wishes to know something about contemporary Spain. - - 117. Amicis, Edmondo de. _Spain and the Spaniards._ Tr. [fr. 10th - It. ed.] ed. by Stanley Rhoads Yarnall. 2v. Philadelphia. 1895. - Orig. It. ed. Florence. 1873. - - 118. Andújar, Manuel. _Spain of to-day from within._ New York and - Chicago. [1909]. - - 119. Baedeker, Karl. _Spain and Portugal._ Leipsic. 1898. 1913. - Bib. - - 120. Bates, Katharine Lee. _Spanish highways and byways._ New York - and London. 1912. - - 121. Bell, Aubrey F. G. _The magic of Spain._ London and New York. - 1912 [1911]. - - 122. Bensusan, Samuel Levy. _Home life in Spain._ New York and - London. 1910. - - 123. Borrow, George Henry. _The Bible in Spain._ London. 1843. New - York. 1908. - - 124. Borrow, George Henry. _Zincali; or, An account of the gypsies - of Spain._ 2v. London. 1841. 1v. London and New York. [1914]. - - 125. Boyd, _Mrs._ Mary Stuart. _The fortunate isles; life and - travel in Majorca, Minorca and Iviza._ New York. 1911. - - 126. Browne, Edith A.... _Spain._ London. 1910. - - 127. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _The Alhambra, being a brief record - of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a particular account - of the Mohammedan architecture and decoration._ London and New - York. 1907. - - 128. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Catalonia & the Balearic Isles; an - historical and descriptive account. London and New York. 1910. - - 129. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _The Escorial; a historical and - descriptive account of the Spanish royal palace, monastery and - mausoleum._ London and New York. 1907. - - 130. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Granada, present and bygone._ - London. 1908. - - 131. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Impressions of Spain._ London. - 1903. - - 132. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Leon, Burgos and Salamanca; a - historical and descriptive account._ London and New York, 1908. - - 133. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Madrid; an historical description - and handbook of the Spanish capital._ London and New York. 1909. - - 134. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Moorish remains in Spain; being a - brief record of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a - particular account of the Mohammedan architecture and decoration in - Cordova, Seville & Toledo._ London and New York. 1906. - - 135. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Royal palaces of Spain; a - historical & descriptive account of the seven principal palaces of - the Spanish kings._ London and New York. 1909. - - 136. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Sculpture in Spain._ London and - New York. 1912. - - 137. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Seville; an historical and - descriptive account of “the Pearl of Andalusia.”_ London and New - York. 1907. - - 138. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Southern Spain._ London. 1908. - - 139. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Spanish arms and armour, being a - historical and descriptive account of the royal armoury of Madrid._ - London and New York. 1907. - - 140. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Toledo, an historical and - descriptive account of the “City of generations.”_ London and New - York. 1907. - - 141. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Valencia and Murcia, a glance at - African Spain._ London and New York. 1911. - - 142. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Valladolid, Oviedo, Segovia, - Zamora, Ávila, & Zaragoza; an historical & descriptive account._ - London and New York. 1908. - - 143. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine - (Hartley) Gallichan. _The Prado; a description of the principal - pictures in the Madrid gallery._ London and New York. 1907. - - 144. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Walter M. Gallichan. _Cordova, - a city of the Moors._ London and New York. 1907. - - 145. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. _Unexplored Spain._ London. - 1910. - - 146. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. _Wild Spain ... Records of - sport with rifle, rod, and gun; natural history and exploration._ - London. 1893. - - 147. Chatfield-Taylor, Hobart Chatfield. _The land of the - castanet._ Chicago. 1896. New York. 1906. - - 148. Clark, Keith. _The spell of Spain._ Boston. 1914. Bib. - - 149. Collier, William Miller. _At the court of His Catholic - Majesty._ Chicago. 1912. - - 150. Collins, W. W. _Cathedral cities of Spain._ London and New - York. 1909. - - 151. Crockett, Samuel Rutherford. _The adventurer in Spain._ - London. 1903. - - 152. D’Este, Margaret. _With a camera in Majorca._ New York. 1907. - - 153. Dickinson, Duncan. _Through Spain._ London. [1914]. - - 154. Elliott, _Mrs._ Maud (Howe). _Sun and shadow in Spain._ - Boston. 1908. 1911. - - 155. Ellis, Henry Havelock. _The soul of Spain._ Boston and New - York. [1908]. - - 156. Fitz-Gerald, John Driscoll. _Rambles in Spain._ New York. - [1910]. - - 157. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. _A little journey in Spain; - notes of a Goya pilgrimage._ London. 1914. - - 158. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. _Mediterranean moods, footnotes - of travel in the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza, and - Sardinia._ London. 1911. - - 159. Ford, Richard. _Gatherings from Spain._ London. 1846. London - and New York. [1906]. Bib. Also issued under the title _The - Spaniards and their country_. - - 160. Ford, Richard. _Handbook for travellers in Spain._ 2v. London. - 1845. 1898. - - 161. Franck, Harry Alverson. _Four months afoot in Spain._ New - York. 1911. - - 162. Gade, John Allyne. _Cathedrals of Spain._ Boston and New York. - 1911. Bib. - - 163. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _The - cathedrals of southern Spain._ London [n.d. Not earlier than 1912]. - - 164. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _Moorish - cities in Spain._ London. 1906. - - 165. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _Spain - revisited, a summer holiday in Galicia._ London. [1911?]. - - 166. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _The story of - Santiago de Compostela._ London and New York. 1912. - - 167. Gallichan, Walter M. _The story of Seville._ London. 1903. - - 168. Gautier, Théophile. _Wanderings in Spain._ London. 1853. Orig. - Fr. ed. (Tra los montes) Paris. 1843. 2d. Fr. ed. (_Voyage en - Espagne_) Paris. 1845. - - 169. Hart, Jerome A. _Two Argonauts in Spain._ San Francisco. 1904 - [1903]. - - 170. Hay, John. _Castilian days._ Boston. 1871. Cambridge. 1903. - - 171. Higgin, L. _Spanish life in town and country._ London. 1902. - New York and London. [1911]. - - 172. Howells, William Dean. _Familiar Spanish travels._ New York - and London. 1913. - - 173. Irving, Washington. _The Alhambra._ 2v. Philadelphia. 1832. - 1v. Boston and New York, [c 1915]. - - 174. Kennedy, Bart. _A tramp in Spain, from Andalusia to Andorra._ - London. 1892. 1904. - - 175. Llewellyn, Owen, _and_ L. R. Hill. _The south-bound car._ - London. 1907. - - 176. Lomas, John. _In Spain._ London. 1908. - - 177. Lowell, James Russell. _Impressions of Spain._ Boston and New - York. 1899. - - 178. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. _Quiet days in Spain._ London. 1910. - - 179. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. _A vagabond in Spain._ London and New - York. 1895. - - 180. Lynch, Hannah. _Toledo, the story of an old Spanish capital._ - London. 1898. 1910. - - 181. Marden, Philip Sanford. _Travels in Spain._ Boston and New - York. 1910. - - 182. Marriott, Charles. _A Spanish holiday._ New York. 1908. - - 183. Meakin, Annette M. B. _Galicia, the Switzerland of Spain._ - London. [1909]. Bib. - - 184. Nixon-Roulet, Mary F. _The Spaniard at home._ Chicago. 1910. - - 185. O’Connor, Vincent Clarence Scott. _Travels in the Pyrenees, - including Andorra and the coast from Barcelona to Carcassone._ - London. 1913. - - 186. O’Reilly, Eliza Boyle. _Heroic Spain._ New York. 1910. - - 187. Penfield, Edward. _Spanish sketches._ New York. 1911. - - 188. Rudy, Charles. _The cathedrals of northern Spain, their - history and their architecture._ Boston. 1906. - - 189. Seymour, Frederick H. A. _Saunterings in Spain; Barcelona, - Madrid, Toledo, Cordova, Seville, Granada._ London. 1906. - - 190. Shaw, Rafael. _Spain from within._ New York. 1910. - - 191. Slater, Ernest, _pseud._ Paul Gwynne. _The Guadalquivir, its - personality, its people and its associations._ London. 1912. - - 192. Street, George Edmund.... _Some account of Gothic architecture - in Spain._ 2v. London. 1865. 1914. - - 193. Tyler, Royall. _Spain, a study of her life and arts._ New - York. 1909. Bib. - - 194. Villiers-Wardell, _Mrs._ Janie. _Spain of the Spanish._ New - York. 1909. 1914. - - 195. Ward, G. H. B. _The truth about Spain._ London, New York, - Toronto, and Melbourne. 1911. - - 196. Wigram, Edgar T. A. _Northern Spain, painted and described._ - London. 1906. - - 197. Williams, Leonard. _Granada, memories, adventures, studies and - impressions._ Philadelphia. 1906. - - 198. Williams, Leonard. _The land of the Dons._ London. 1902. - - 199. Williams, Leonard. _Toledo and Madrid, their records and - romances._ London. 1903. - - 200. Wood, Charles William. _Glories of Spain._ London and New - York. 1901. - - 201. Wood, Ruth Kedzie. _The tourist’s Spain and Portugal._ New - York. 1913. - - 202. Wood, Walter. _A corner of Spain._ New York and London. 1910. - - 203. Zimmerman, Jeremiah. _Spain and her people._ Philadelphia. - 1902. London. 1906. - - - - -INDEX - - -Abbasside family, 42, 43. - -Abdallah, 45. - -Abd-er-Rahman I, 42, 43, 49, 50. - -Abd-er-Rahman II, 44. - -Abd-er-Rahman III, 45, 47, 49, 50, 54, 57. - -Abdul Malik, 46, 58. - -Aben-Hayyán, 103. - -Abu Abdallah. _See_ Boabdil. - -Abul Cassim Mohammed, 69. - -Abul Hassan, 204. - -Academy, the. _See Real Academia Española._ - -Academy of Fine Arts. _See Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San -Fernando._ - -Academy of History. _See Real Academia de la Historia._ - -Achila, 32. - -Acosta, 347. - -Acquaviva, 356. - -Acuña, Fernando de, 203. - -_Adelantados_, 90, 93, 154-156, 197, 199, 200, 222. - -Adrian, Cardinal. _See_ Adrian VI. - -Adrian VI, Pope, 238, 239, 317. - -Affonso Enríquez of Portugal, 75, 76. - -Africa, 6, 8, 10, 17, 19, 28, 32, 39, 40, 42-45, 69-71, 77, 121, 136, -172, 196, 205, 206, 208, 214, 217, 223, 235, 236, 241, 242, 249, 250, -252, 260, 265, 268, 277, 279, 280, 379, 390, 513. _See_ Algiers, -Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis. - -Ágreda, María de Jesús, 310. - -Agrippa, 18. - -Alans, 26-28. - -Alarcón, the navigator, 349. - -Alarcón, the novelist, 515. - -Alarcos, battle of, 71, 76. - -Alaric, 27. - -Álava, 117, 134, 135, 197-200. - -Alba, dukes of, 251, 252, 323, 428. - -Albéniz, 516. - -Alberoni, 374, 375, 377, 434, 439, 444, 451. - -Albigenses, 79, 80. - -Alburquerque, 118, 119. - -_Alcabala_, the, 157, 175, 216, 225, 227, 237, 278, 295, 297, 336, 453. - -Alcalá, ordinance of, 142, 160, 163, 226, 441; university of, 230, 312, -340, 474. - -_Alcaldes_, 92, 93, 154, 159, 174, 222, 432, 433, 446, 473. - -Alcántara, order of, 94, 219, 220. - -Alcaraz, 450. - -Alcudia, 430; Duke of: _See_ Godoy. - -Alegre, 482. - -Alexander III, Pope, 76. - -Alexandrian school, 102, 103. - -Alfieri, 482. - -Alfonso, Prince, 115. - -Alfonso (another), Prince, 123, 124. - -Alfonso I of Aragon, 74, 75, 78, 79. - -Alfonso II of Aragon, 79, 110. - -Alfonso III of Aragon, 127, 128. - -Alfonso IV of Aragon, 129. - -Alfonso V of Aragon, 132, 148, 167, 170, 188-191, 207, 212. - -Alfonso I of Asturias and León, 54, 55. - -Alfonso II of Asturias and León, 55, 56. - -Alfonso III of Asturias and León, 57. - -Alfonso IV of Asturias and León (925-930). Omitted. - -Alfonso V of Asturias and León, 58. - -Alfonso VI of León and Castile, 70-74, 95. - -Alfonso VII of León and Castile, 74-76. - -Alfonso VIII of Castile, 71, 75-77, 79, 106, 112, 135. - -Alfonso IX of León, 76, 77, 106. - -Alfonso X of Castile (and León), 112-116, 142, 144, 146, 152, 153, 155, -156, 160-164, 174, 181, 185, 226. - -Alfonso XI of Castile (and León), 116-119, 129-131, 135, 138, 153, 156, -157, 159, 162, 163, 165, 174. - -Alfonso XII of Spain, 503, 505, 506, 508. - -Alfonso XIII of Spain, 506, 509-511. - -Algarve, 113, 407; Prince of: _See_ Godoy. - -Algeciras, 10, 32. - -Algiers, 242, 356, 390. - -Alhambra, the, 201, 205. - -Alicante, 450, 468. - -Aljubarrota, battle of, 121. - -Almansor, 45, 46, 48, 51, 54, 57, 58. - -Almería, city and province of, 2, 69, 71. - -Almohades, ix, 70, 71, 75-77, 84, 85, 87, 102, 104, 113. _See_ Moslems. - -Almoravides, 69, 70, 72, 73, 84, 87, 102, 104. _See_ Moslems. - -Alomar, 515. - -Altamira, Rafael, 335, 516, 525. - -Alvarado, 347. - -Álvarez, General, 491. - -Álvarez, the sculptor, 485. - -Álvarez Quintero, the brothers, 515, 516. - -Amadeo, King, of Spain, 503, 504. - -_Amadís de Gaula_, 145, 185, 232, 355. - -Amalia, Queen, of Spain, 472. - -Amelot, 374, 434. - -American Revolution, 383, 384, 399. - -Americans. _See_ United States. - -Americas, the. _See_ Spanish America. - -_Amigos del País_, 462, 474. - -Andalusia and the Andalusians, 2, 3, 9, 11, 19, 38, 39, 44, 67, 71, 79, -138, 156, 180, 203, 204, 211, 229, 268, 280, 284, 327, 364, 365, 431, -460, 462, 464, 466, 490, 516, 518, 520, 522. - -Anglada, 516. - -Anian, Strait of, 476. - -Anjou, House of, 128, 132, 207. _See_ Charles of Anjou. - -Anson, George, 381. - -Antonio, Julio, 516. - -Antonio, Nicolás, 347. - -Antonio of Crato, 251-253. - -Arabs, the, 32, 39-52, 59, 71, 84, 107, 108, 182, 183, 185, 188, 200, -248, 277, 278, 309, 363. _See_ Moslems. - -Aragón, Alfonso de, 216. - -Aragon (kingdom and province of) and the Aragonese, 2, 44, 45, 54, 56, -58, 64-66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 78-82, 96-101, 106, 109-111, 115, 117, 119, -120, 122, 124-134, 146-150, 155, 166-173, 176-179, 187-193, 195, 203, -206, 208, 209, 211-215, 217, 219, 221-224, 227, 229, 231, 234, 235, 244, -252, 253, 263, 268, 272-277, 280, 288-290, 296, 301, 311, 325, 411, 412, -422, 427, 429, 431, 432, 435, 453, 460, 476. - -Aranda, Count of, 389, 393, 394, 402, 420, 423, 428, 435, 436, 451, 472. - -Aranjuez, 408, 423, 450, 492. - -Archivo General de Indias, 476, 481. - -Argentina, 389, 523. - -Argote y Góngora. _See_ Góngora. - -Arian creed, 27, 30, 31, 36. - -Aristotle, 103, 184. - -Arjona, 71. - -Arlegui, 482. - -Armada, the Spanish, 253, 255, 256, 287. - -_Armada de Barlovento_, 299. - -Armenteira, 164. - -Arniches, Carlos, 515. - -Arriaga, _Cofradía_ of, 135, 197. - -Arriaga, Julián de, 436. - -Arricivita, 482. - -Arrieta. Bartolomé de, 300, 441. - -Arrieta, the composer, 515. - -Arteaga, 479. - -Arthur, King, of England, 185. - -Artois, 235. - -Asia, 7, 262. _See_ Asia Minor. - -Asia Minor, 8, 129. _See_ Asia. - -_Asiento_, the, 370, 371, 380, 381, 385, 456. - -Asso, 481. - -Assyria and the Assyrians, 7, 10. - -Astorga, 20. - -Asturias, Princes of, 121, 426. - -Asturias and the Asturians, 11, 53-57, 60-64, 135, 180, 327, 431, -434-436, 460. - -Ataulf, 27, 28. - -Athanagild, 29. - -Athens, 129, 131, 190. - -Atlantic Ocean, 1, 229, 260, 328, 385. - -_Audiencias_, 155, 156, 222, 292, 293, 311, 321, 429-433, 437. - -Augsburg, Diets of, 243. - -Augustinians, 312, 314. - -Augustus, 18, 20. - -Austerlitz, battle of, 407. - -Austria, House of. _See_ Hapsburg. - -Austria and the Austrians, 207, 235, 236, 244, 368, 369, 372, 375-379, -381, 402, 407, 496. - -_Autos de fe_, 223, 224. - -Avendaño, Francisco de, 353. - -Averröes, 103, 110, 188. - -Avignon, 120, 131, 168. - -Ávila, 23, 239, 464. - -Ayacucho, battle of, 488. - -Ayala, Pedro Lópes de. _See_ López de Ayala. - -Ayala, the dramatist, 515. - -Ayala, the navigator, 479. - -Ayora, Gonzalo de, 226. - -_Ayuntamientos_, 159, 290, 413, 426, 429, 432, 433. - -Az-Zahra, palace of, 49. - -Azcárate, 525. - -Azcoytia, 450. - -“Azorín,” 515. - - -Bacon, Francis, 342. - -Badajoz, city and province of, 2, 20, 69-71, 405. - -Baegert, 482. - -Bahama Islands, 397, 398. - -Baja California, 476. - -Balearic Islands, 19, 69, 81,100. _See_ Ibiza, Majorca, Minorca. - -Baltic Sea, 189. - -Barba, Alonso, 350. - -Barbarossa, 242. - -Barbary Coast. _See_ Africa, Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis. - -Barca family, 12-14. - -Barcelona, city of, 12, 22, 28, 64, 99, 125, 133, 147-149, 168-170, 172, -173, 177-179, 188, 215, 216, 221, 229, 263, 264, 286, 329, 372, 417, -423, 429, 431, 451, 460, 466, 484, 512; counts of, 56, 58, 65, 75, 77, -78, 79, 133; university of, 188, 312,350. - -Barlovento. _See_ _Armada de Barlovento_. - -Baroja, Pío, 515. - -_Barraganía_, 88, 96, 144, 164, 196, 216, 281, 305, 315. - -Basle, treaty of, 403. - -Basque provinces, the, and the Basques, 8, 43, 55, 58, 134, 135, 175, -192, 196-200, 213, 288, 423, 430, 432-434, 461, 465, 518. _See_ Álava, -Guipúzcoa, Vizcaya. - -Bavaria, Prince of, 270. - -Bayeu, 485. - -Baylén, battle of, 490. - -Bayonne, 409, 489-491. - -Beaumarchais, 483. - -Beaumont, 482. - -Becquer, 515. - -_Behetrías_, 197-199. - -Belgium. _See_ Catholic Netherlands, Low Countries. - -Benavente, Jacinto, 515, 516. - -Benedict XIII, Pope, 131, 168. - -Benedict XIV, Pope, 453. - -Benedictines, 472. - -Benedito, 516. - -Beni-Casi family, 44. - -Benimerines, 113, 114, 117, 131, 136. - -Benlliure, 516. - -Berbers, the, 8, 14, 19, 32, 40-43, 45-47, 49, 50, 69-71, 84, 200, 241. -_See_ Moslems. - -Berenguela, Queen, of Castile, 76, 77, 90. - -Berruguete, 362. - -Beruete, 516. - -Bethencourt, Juan de, 122. - -Biblioteca Nacional, 476. - -Bilbao, city of, 329, 468. - -Bilbao, the painter, 516. - -Biron, 388. - -Biscay, Bay of, 260. - -Black Prince, the, 120. - -Black Sea, 27. - -Blanche of Bourbon, 118, 119. - -Blanche of Navarre, 123, 134. - -Blay, 516. - -“Blue Lady.” _See_ Ágreda. - -Boabdil, 204, 205. - -Bobastro, 44, 45. - -Boccaccio, 184, 185, 356. - -Bodega, 479. - -Bogotá, 478. - -Bologna, 452. - -Bonaparte. _See_ Joseph, Napoleon. - -Bonilla, Adolfo, 515. - -Borgia, Alfonso. _See_ Calixtus III. - -Borja, Cardinal, 318. - -Borja, town of, 450. - -Boston, 393. - -Bougainville, 388. - -Bourbon, House of, 118, 270, 284, 370, 384-386, 393, 397, 399, 404, 405, -407, 410, 421, 425, 426, 429, 432, 434, 438, 443, 445, 452, 454, 455, -469, 482, 497, 500, 503. - -Bracamonte, Rubín de, 122. - -Braciano, Duke of, 373. - -Braga, 20. - -Braganza, House of, 251, 265, 267. - -Bravo Murillo, 500, 501. - -Brazil, 252, 392. - -Bretón, 515. - -Bruges, 176, 326, 337. - -Buckingham, Duke of, 284. - -Bueno, Manuel, 516. - -Buenos Aires, 388. - -Burgos, 57, 329, 330, 409; ordinances of, 160. - -Burgoyne, 395. - -Burgundy, 235, 236, 244, 262. - -Burriel, 481, 482. - -Byng, 376, 377. - -Byzantine Greeks. _See_ Byzantine Romans. - -Byzantine Romans, 29-31, 33, 36-38, 50, 52, 129, 190. - - -_Caballeros_, 85, 86, 97, 137, 138, 141, 148, 159, 166, 170, 185, 192, -194, 211, 273, 433. - -Cabezón, 366. - -Cáceres, 2, 244. - -Cádiz, city and province of, 2, 10, 32, 38, 255, 328, 392, 423, 468-470, -484, 492, 493, 496. - -Cæpio, 17. - -Cæsar, 18, 185. - -Calatrava, order of, 75, 94, 139, 219, 220. - -Calderón, Alfredo, 515. - -Calderón de la Barca, Pedro, 355. - -California, 156, 232, 349, 361, 481; Gulf of, 349. - -Calixtus III, Pope, 190, 191. - -_Cámara de Castilla_, 292, 321, 412, 431, 433. - -_Camarilla_, the, 495, 501. - -Campillo, 434, 480. - -Campoamor, 515. - -Campomanes, 415, 418, 435, 450, 459, 461, 480, 481. - -Canalejas, 509. - -Canary Islands, 6, 122, 206, 293, 431, 453. - -Canellas, 97. - -Cangas de Onís, 53. - -Cano, Alonso, 362, 366. - -Cano, Melchor, 314, 316. - -Cánovas del Castillo, 516. - -Canstadt man, 6. - -Cantabrian Mountains, 2, 491. - -Cantabrians, 8. - -Capmany, 481. - -Caribbean Sea, 253, 385, 387. - -Carlism, 497-501, 503-505, 511. - -Carlos, Don, 497, 498, 503. - -Carmona, 69. - -Carpetana Mountains. _See_ Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains. - -Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains, 2, 3, 54. - -Carpio, Bernardo del, 55. - -Carranza, Bartolomé, 307. - -_Carreratge_, 168, 169, 173, 199. - -Carrillo, Alonso de, 183. - -Cartagena in America, 380. - -Cartagena in Spain, 12, 13, 23, 27. - -Carthage and the Carthaginians, 7, 10-15. - -Carvajal, 224. - -_Casa de Contratación_, 231, 328, 341, 348, 349, 468. - -Castaños, 490. - -Castelar, 505. - -Castellanos, Juan de, 347. - -Castellón de Ampurias, 11. - -Castile and the Castilians, 1-5, 38, 57, 58, 60-64, 66, 68, 69, 71-78, -81, 82, 84-99, 104-125, 129, 131-147, 149, 151-167, 169-176, 180-190, -192, 197-199, 203-206, 209-221, 223, 224, 226-231, 235, 237-240, 242, -249-253, 262-266, 274-277, 280, 288-290, 292, 296, 301, 311, 325, 327, -346, 364, 369, 372, 426, 427, 429-432, 441, 453, 460, 464; language of, -106, 184, 185, 189, 190, 197, 231, 308, 341, 346, 351-353, 357, 358, -476, 481, 518. _See_ New Castile, Old Castile. - -Castro, Américo, 515. - -Castro, Juana de, 119. - -Castro, Rosalía de, 515. - -“Catalan vengeance,” the, 129. - -Catalonia and the Catalans, 2, 11, 13, 56, 58, 59, 64-66, 77-82, 96-100, -109, 110, 125, 127, 129-134, 146-150, 168-173, 176-179, 184, 187, 189, -190, 192, 203, 206, 210-212, 221, 227, 231, 258, 262-265, 267, 272, 275, -276, 280, 288-290, 296, 299, 301, 311, 328, 359, 370-374, 379, 380, 422, -426, 427, 429-431, 432, 441, 453, 460, 466, 511, 512, 518; language of, -110, 189, 190, 231, 429, 511, 518. - -Catherine of Aragon, 207. - -Catholic Kings. _See_ Ferdinand II of Aragon, Isabella I of Castile. - -Catholic Netherlands, 250, 262, 372, 378. _See_ Low Countries. - -Catholic Reaction. _See_ Counter-Reformation. - -Catholicism, 22, 27, 29-31, 36, 80, 216, 243, 246-248, 250, 251, -253-255, 261, 264, 281, 288, 302-304, 306, 308, 313, 315, 316, 319, 343, -355, 359, 443, 445, 448, 455-457, 494, 501, 502, 512, 514, 521. _See_ -Arian creed, Church. - -Cavanilles, 478. - -Cavo, 482. - -Cejador, 515. - -Celtiberian Mountains, 2. - -Celtiberians, the, 8, 9. - -Celts, the, 8, 9. - -_Censos_, 281, 416, 452. - -Cerda, Fernando de la. _See_ Fernando. - -Cerdagne, 134, 206, 207, 235, 262. - -Cervantes de Salazar, 347. - -Cervantes y Saavedra, Miguel de, 334, 353, 355-357, 359, 483. - -Ceuta, 268, 513. - -Chaldea and the Chaldeans, 7,10; language of, 230. - -Champagne, Count of, 82. - -_Chancillerías._ _See Audiencias._ - -_Chanson de Roland_, 43. - -Chapí, 515. - -Chappe d’Autereche, 476. - -Charlemagne, 43, 55, 185. - -Charles, Prince, 247, 256. - -Charles, the Archduke. _See_ Charles VI (the Emperor). - -Charles V, the Emperor. _See_ Charles I of Spain. - -Charles VI, the Emperor, 270, 369-372, 376-381, 444. - -Charles of Anjou, 126. - -Charles of Valois, 127. - -Charles of Viana, 132-134. - -Charles I of England, 284. - -Charles IV of France, 134. - -Charles VIII of France, 206, 207. - -Charles I of Spain, 209, 216, 219, 234-250, 256-258, 263, 275-277, -283-287, 289, 293, 296, 298, 300, 306-308, 311, 314, 316-320, 322, 326, -335, 339, 345, 346, 352, 353, 363. - -Charles II of Spain, 258, 268-271, 285, 288, 289, 333, 369, 384. - -Charles III of Spain, 376-380, 382-386, 389-392, 394-399, 403, 411, 412, -414, 415, 419, 420, 422-424, 427, 431-433, 435, 436, 438, 439, 445, 447, -449-454, 456, 461-465, 467, 472-475, 478, 479, 481, 485, 486, 495. - -Charles IV of Spain, 384, 399-404, 407-409, 412, 415, 419, 422, 423, -425, 427, 435, 436, 439, 446, 447, 456, 463, 469, 473, 477, 486, 488, -498. - -Charolais, 235. - -Charron, 343. - -Chatham, Lord. _See_ Pitt. - -Chicharro, 516. - -Chièvres, 237. - -Chile, 478. - -Chindaswinth, 31, 35. - -Chinese, the, 353. - -Choiseul, 389. - -Christians, 22, 23, 39-41, 43-47, 49, 53-60, 67-73, 75-77, 84, 85, 87, -88, 97, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 124, 135, 136, 142, 143, 147, 150, -172, 180, 182, 192, 193, 195, 200, 201, 205, 213, 214, 236, 248, 249, -266, 274-278, 280, 307, 338, 342, 362, 421. _See_ Church. - -Chueca, 515. - -Church, the, 22, 23, 26, 27, 35-37, 41, 42, 47, 49, 53-55, 60-63, 65, -66, 85-88, 90, 91, 93-98, 100, 105, 111, 114, 117, 123, 124, 127, 131, -137-141, 143, 144, 146, 155-160, 163-165, 169, 172, 173, 182-184, 188, -197, 210, 212, 216, 217, 222, 225, 227, 237, 239, 248, 249, 252, 266, -273-278, 283, 289, 293, 295, 297, 303-323, 325, 334, 340-343, 347, -351-353, 365, 366, 401, 412, 415, 416, 418, 422, 426-428, 430, 437, 441, -443-460, 462, 464, 472, 473, 476, 477, 479, 480, 485, 493, 494, 496, -500, 501, 504, 505, 511-513, 522. _See_ Albigenses, Alcántara, -Augustinians, Benedictines, Calatrava, Catholicism, Christians, -Cistercians, Cluny, Counter-Reformation, Dominicans, Franciscans, -Illuminism, Inquisition, Jesuits, _Limpieza de sangre_, Mozárabes, -Mysticism, Nobles, Papal States, Priscillianism, Protestantism, -Quietism, Reformation, Santiago, Templars. - -Churriguera, 362. - -Cicero, 184. - -Cid, the, 72-74, 106. - -Cieza de León, 347. - -Cistercians, 75, 164. - -Cities. _See_ Towns. - -Ciudad Real, town and province of, 2, 450. - -Ciudadela, 195. - -Civita Vecchia, 452. - -Clará, 516. - -“Clarín,” 515. - -Clavigero, 482. - -Clement V, Pope, 167. - -Clement VII, Pope, 167, 168. - -Clergy. _See_ Church. - -Clovis, 29. - -Cluny, monks of, 65, 66, 72, 86, 95, 96, 98, 106. _See_ Church. - -Cobos, Bernabé, 347. - -Coello, 366. - -_Cofradías_, 144, 145, 182, 281, 417. _See_ Arriaga. - -Coimbra, 54. - -Colmeiro, 516. - -Colonna, 184. - -Columbus, Christopher, 232, 522. - -Columbus, Ferdinand, 347. - -Comenius, 343. - -Commons, House of, 493. - -_Compilación de Canellas_, 97. - -Compostela, Santiago de, 55, 63, 74, 75, 93, 95, 105, 106, 165, 174, -238, 263. - -_Comunales_, 93. - -_Comunidades_, the, 239, 248, 250. - -_Concejo._ _See_ Towns, Villa. - -Condé, 261. - -_Consejo de Castilla._ _See Consejo Real._ - -_Consejo Real_, 154, 203, 221, 264, 290-293, 311, 317, 320, 321, 329, -331, 418, 425, 426, 428, 431, 433, 435, 445, 450, 468, 475. - -_Consejos_, the, 292, 297, 430, 431, 433, 441, 468. _See Cámara, Consejo -Real._ - -_Consell_, the. _See_ Barcelona. - -Conservatives, the, 506, 509, 512. _See_ Moderates. - -Constance of Aragon, 130. - -Constance of Sicily, 126. - -Constantinople, 129, 132, 195, 249. - -Constanza, Princess, 121. - -Constitutions, 493, 494, 496, 498-502, 504-506, 509, 510. - -_Consulados_, 109, 177, 178, 328, 329, 331, 468, 469. - -_Consumo_, the, 157. - -Convention, the French, 403. - -_Conversos_, the. _See_ Marranos. - -Copernicus, 349. - -Córdoba, Gonzalo de, 208, 226. - -Cordova, 24, 43-45, 47, 49, 50, 53, 68, 69, 77, 103, 224. - -Coria, 54. - -Corneille, 482. - -Cornejo, 481. - -Cornwall, Earl of, 112. - -_Corregidores_, 90, 159, 198, 199, 220, 238, 290, 329, 429, 432, 466, -473. - -Corsica, 8, 128, 171, 452. - -_Cort_, the, 93, 154, 155. - -_Cortes_, the, 85, 89-93, 97, 99-101, 114, 117, 123, 128, 133, 140, 141, -147, 148, 158, 160, 161, 163, 165-168, 170, 171, 173, 178, 209, 217, -220, 221, 226, 237-239, 252, 263, 277, 288, 289, 294, 297, 299, 301, -302, 305, 311, 320, 321, 413, 425-429, 473, 492-498, 501-505, 509. - -Cortés, Hernando, 296, 347, 350. - -Coruña, 238, 255, 263, 450. - -Cossío, 516. - -Costa, 525. - -Counter-Reformation, 306, 312, 342. _See_ Church, Protestantism, -Reformation. - -Counts, 61, 62, 65, 90, 211, 221, 273. - -Covadonga, battle of, 53, 54. - -Cowley, 388. - -Cristina, Queen, of Spain, 497-500. - -Cromagnon man, 6, 7. - -Cromwell, 262, 393. - -Cruz, Juan de la, Saint, 310. - -Cruz, Ramón de la, 484, 487. - -_Cruzada_, the, 225, 292, 295, 444, 445. - -Cuba, 488, 500, 506. - -Cuenca, town and province of, 2, 450, 460. - -Cueva, Beltrán de la, 123. - - -Dante, 185. - -Danube River, 27. - -Danvila y Collado, 516. - -Daoiz, Luis, 410. - -Darío, Rubén, 515. - -Daroca, 450. - -Daza, Juan de, 224. - -Denia, 69. - -Denmark, 189, 308, 330, 379. - -Depósito Hidrográfico, 479. - -Deputation of the _Cortes_. _See Generalitat._ - -Descartes, 343. - -Díaz, Juan, 308. - -Díaz, Rodrigo, or Ruy. _See_ Cid. - -Díaz de Montalvo, Alfonso, 226, 300, 301, 441. - -Díaz del Castillo, Bernal, 347. - -Dicenta, 515. - -Diderot, 428. - -Diez Canedo, 515. - -_Diezmos_, 140, 225, 295, 452. - -Diocletian, 19, 22. - -Directory, the French, 404. - -Dominic, Saint, 80, 96. - -Dominicans, 80, 96, 173, 304, 314, 316, 358. _See_ Church. - -_Don Quixote_, 355-357. - -_Donativos_, 295. - -Dorantes de Carranza, 347. - -_Dos de Mayo_, the, 399, 410, 486, 489, 513. - -_Dos novenas_, 140. - -Douro River, 2, 17, 54, 58. - -Doz, 476. - -Drake, Francis, 253, 255. - -Dukes, 211, 221, 273. - -Dupont, 490. - -Dutch, the. _See_ Protestant Netherlands. - - -East Indies, 262. - -Ebro River, 2, 3, 7, 408, 490. - -Echegaray, 515. - -Edward, Prince. _See_ Black Prince. - -Edward I of England, 112. - -Edward III of England, 120, 121. - -Egmont, Port, 388, 389. - -Egypt and the Egyptians, 8, 39, 42, 43. _See_ Gypsies. - -El Greco, 364, 366, 485, 516. - -El Zagal, 204. - -Elche, 169. - -Elhuyar brothers, 478. - -Elisa, 479. - -Elizabeth, Queen, of England, 253-255. - -Elvira, 22, 45. - -Emporium, 11. - -_Encomienda_, 60, 138. - -Encyclopedia, the, 428. - -England and the English, 92, 105, 112, 113, 120, 121, 134, 158, 175, -176, 203, 207, 209, 235, 236, 241, 244, 246, 247, 253-256, 259, 260, -262, 267, 269, 270, 299, 330, 337, 342, 346, 359, 368-372, 376, 377, -379-401, 403-407, 425, 429, 435, 440, 450, 451, 456, 458, 459, 469-471, -483, 489, 491, 499, 508, 514, 518, 519. - -Engracia, Saint, 22. - -Ensenada, Marquis of, 434-436, 439, 440, 480. - -Enzina, Juan del, 232, 353. - -Épila, battle of, 130. - -Erasmus, 342. - -Escarano, 393, 396. - -Escoiquiz, 406, 409. - -Escorial, the, 255, 362. - -Espagnoletto. _See_ Ribera (the painter). - -Espartero, 499, 502. - -_Espéculo_, the, 162. - -Espinosa, 482. - -Esquivel, 350. - -Estudios Reales de San Isidro, 341. - -Etruria, 405, 407, 410. - -Etruscans, the ancient, 24. - -Eulalia, Saint, 22. - -Euric, 28, 29, 34. - -Europe and Europeans, 1, 3, 6, 21, 28, 38, 44, 45, 49-51, 60-62, 64, 67, -86, 91, 94, 102, 103, 105-108, 110, 112, 139, 148, 165, 181, 182, 186, -188, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 219, 230, 234, 236, 240-246, 248-251, 254, -257-262, 265, 266, 269, 270, 284, 286, 298, 300, 303, 306, 315, 324, -328, 330, 334, 336-338, 350, 352, 355, 356, 358-360, 368-370, 376, -380-384, 391, 392, 394, 401-403, 407, 415, 419, 426, 449, 466, 471, -478, 480-482, 492, 495, 496, 500, 513, 520. - -Évora, 266. - -Evreux, House of, 134. - -_Expolios_, 319, 321. - -Extremadura, 1, 2, 44, 45, 212, 228, 280, 431, 460, 464. - - -Fachenetti concordat, 320. - -Fadrique of Sicily, 128, 129. - -Falkland Islands, 388, 389, 400. - -Falla, 516. - -Family Compact, the, 379, 383, 386, 389, 390, 395, 400. - -Far East, the, 265, 353, 488. - -Farnese, Alexander, 251. - -Farnesio, Isabel, 374-382, 404, 418, 445, 449, 451. - -Ferdinand I, the Emperor, 235, 244. - -Ferdinand II, the Emperor, 260. - -Ferdinand of Antequera. _See_ Ferdinand I of Aragon. - -Ferdinand of Aragon. _See_ Ferdinand II of Aragon. - -Ferdinand I of Aragon, 122, 131, 132, 168, 170, 189. - -Ferdinand II of Aragon, 111, 124, 133, 134, 148, 154, 191, 202-215, -217-230, 234, 235, 272, 276, 277, 287, 290, 292-294, 300, 306, 316, 325, -332, 335, 350. - -Ferdinand of Bourbon, Prince, 382. - -Ferdinand I of Castile, 71, 73, 75. - -Ferdinand II of León (1157-1188). Omitted. - -Ferdinand III of Castile (and León), 68, 76, 77, 80, 81, 91, 95, 111, -158, 162. - -Ferdinand IV of Castile (and León), 115-117. - -Ferdinand V of Spain. _See_ Ferdinand II of Aragon. - -Ferdinand VI of Spain, 378, 381, 382, 391, 412, 418, 422, 431, 435, 439, -445, 449, 474, 478, 484. - -Ferdinand VII of Spain, 406-409, 477, 486, 488, 492-498. - -Ferdinand of Naples, 132. - -Fernán González, 57. - -Fernán-Núñez, Count of, 472, 481. - -Fernández. _See_ Moratín. - -Fernández Caballero, 515. - -Fernández de Oviedo, 347. - -Fernández Duro, 516. - -Fernández Guerra, 516. - -Fernando de la Cerda, 113, 115. - -Ferrán, 515. - -Ferrara, 452. - -Ferrer, Francisco, 511, 512. - -Ferrer, Jaime, 189. - -Feudalism. _See_ Church, Nobles, Towns. - -Feyjóo, 472, 483. - -Fidalgo, 479. - -Figueras, President, 504. - -_Fiscal_, the, 156. - -Fita, Fidel, 516. - -Flanders, the Flemings, and Flemish influences, 105, 176, 187, 190, 195, -209, 233, 235, 237, 239, 247, 250, 270, 286, 294, 297, 323, 328, 342, -462. - -Flor, Roger de, 129. - -Florence, 209, 363. - -Florencia, 347. - -Flórez, 476. - -Florida, 387, 395, 397, 398, 488. - -Floridablanca, Count of, 395, 396, 400-402, 415, 428, 435, 436, 452, -463, 480. - -Foix, Count of, 134. - -France, the French, and French influences, 1, 8, 27-30, 34, 40, 42, 43, -58, 59, 64-66, 74, 75, 78-81, 83, 86, 89, 92, 105-107, 110, 115, 118, -120, 126, 127, 131, 134, 139, 161, 172, 181, 185, 188, 190, 196, 197, -200, 206-209, 214, 229, 235, 236, 240-244, 246-248, 251, 254, 255, 258, -260-265, 267-271, 280, 299, 300, 308, 312, 327, 330, 333, 351, 359, 360, -368-390, 392-397, 399-411, 419-421, 425, 427-429, 434, 440, 445, 449, -452, 454, 457, 459, 461, 468-472, 476, 482-485, 489-493, 496, 497, 500, -503, 508, 513, 514, 518, 524. _See_ French Revolution, Provençal -influences. - -Franche-Comté, 235. - -Francis I of France, 209, 235, 240, 241. - -Franciscans, 96, 173, 216, 217, 304, 314. _See_ Church. - -Franks, the, 19, 29, 30, 42, 43, 55, 56, 64. - -Freemasons, 495, 512. - -French Revolution, 161, 384, 399-402, 428, 429, 457, 477, 496. - -_Fuero Juzgo_, 31, 37, 63, 65, 91, 98, 99, 162, 163. - -_Fuero Real_, 162, 163, 441. - -_Fuerza_, recourse of, 156, 164, 291, 311, 321, 322, 446. - -Furfooz man, 6. - - -Galba, 16. - -_Galeras_, the, 295. - -Galés. Pedro, 308. - -Galicia and the Galicians, 2, 4, 8-10, 11, 27, 28, 56-58, 71, 74, 106, -180, 184, 185, 203, 238, 327, 431, 434, 460, 478, 511. - -Galván, 350. - -Gálvez, Bernardo de, 397. - -Gálvez, José de, 436. - -Gándara, 516. - -Ganivet, 515. - -García de la Huerta, 484. - -Garnier, 393. - -Gascony, 112, 113. - -Gastambide, 515. - -Gaudí, 516. - -Gelmírez, Diego, 74, 75, 95. - -General Privilege, the, 126, 130, 167. - -_Generalitat_, the, 148, 170-172, 178, 299. - -Genoa, 109, 129, 131, 297, 470. - -Germanic tribes, 26-29, 33, 59, 63, 75. _See_ Alans, Germans, -Ostrogoths, Suevians, Vandals, Visigoths. - -Germany and the Germans, 105, 112, 113, 229, 235, 236, 238, 240-244, -246, 247, 260, 269, 285, 297, 308, 350, 359, 366, 371, 448, 462, 483, -485, 508, 513, 514. _See_ Prussia. - -Gerona, city and province of, 11, 64, 65, 77, 82, 172, 173, 212, 430, -491. - -Gibbon, 346. - -Gibraltar, 32, 71, 371, 376, 377, 379, 381, 382, 385, 396, 397, 407, -514. - -Gilbert, Humphrey, 253. - -Giner de los Ríos, 516, 525. - -Giotto, 187, 190. - -Godoy, Manuel, 402-409, 419, 422, 423, 436, 447, 448, 455, 472, 474, -475, 477, 516. - -Gómez de Baquero, 516. - -Góngora, Luis de Argote y, 358. - -Góngora, the historian, 347. - -González Blanco, 515. - -González Bravo, 500, 503. - -González Dávila, Gil, 350. - -González del Castillo, 484. - -Gothic art, 107, 108, 110, 186, 187, 190, 197, 233, 361, 362. - -Gothic rite, 36, 95, 98, 100. - -Goya, Francisco José, 366, 421, 422, 471, 485, 486, 516. - -Granada, city of, 2, 53, 71, 201, 205, 293, 423, 431; kingdom and -province of, 2, 3, 50, 68, 69, 71, 77, 82, 111, 113, 115, 117, 121-123, -135, 136, 142, 192, 200-202, 204-206, 211, 213, 219, 221, 225-227, 248, -277, 280, 327, 431, 460. - -Granados, 516. - -Grandees, 211, 273, 373, 379, 411-413, 447, 501, 505. - -Great Schism, 131, 164, 167, 168, 317. - -Greece, the Greeks, and Greek influences, 6, 7, 11-14, 18, 24, 36, 37, -51, 102, 103, 105, 190, 230, 242, 342, 350-353, 361, 362, 364, 484. -_See_ Byzantine Romans. - -Gregory VII, Pope, 95, 164. - -Gregory XIII, Pope, 322, 349. - -Gregory XIV, Pope, 317. - -Grimaldi, 394, 395. - -Grotius, 344. - -Guadalajara, 54, 450. - -Guadalquivir River, 1-3, 5, 49. - -Guadalupe, Sentence of, 212. - -Guadarrama Mountains. _See_ Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains. - -Guadiana River, 2. - -Guastalla, 381. - -Guatemala, 478. - -Guerrero, 366. - -Guesclin, Bertrand du, 120. - -Guimerá, 515. - -Guipúzcoa, 134, 135, 197-200, 274, 284, 301, 429, 460. - -Gutiérres de Santa Clara, 347. - -Guzmán, Domingo de. _See_ Dominic. - -Guzmán, Leonor de, 118. - -Guzmán el Bueno, 114, 115. - -Guzmán family, 138, 152. - -Gypsies, the, 275, 276, 414. - - -Hadrian, 20. - -Hakem I, 43, 44. - -Hakem II, 45, 57. - -Hamilcar, 12. - -Hannibal, 12-14. - -Hapsburg, House of, 113, 207, 234-236, 241, 243, 244, 246, 260, 268-271, -276, 284, 287, 293, 303, 316, 331, 332, 368, 374, 411, 426, 432, 443, -446, 452, 454, 455, 473, 506. - -Harcourt, 270. - -Harrach, 270. - -Hasdrubal, the elder, 12-13. - -Hasdrubal, the younger, 13. - -Havana, 386, 387, 395. - -Hawkins, John, 253. - -Hayti, 403. - -Hebrew literature, 188, 230, 352. _See_ Jews. - -Heceta, 479. - -Henry, Prince, of Portugal, 189. - -Henry I of Castile, 76. - -Henry II of Castile (and León), 118-121, 138, 140, 186. - -Henry III of Castile (and León), 121, 122, 135, 138, 186. - -Henry IV of Castile (and León), 122-124, 134, 138, 139, 143, 164, 204, -210. - -Henry VIII of England, 207, 208, 235. - -Henry IV of France, 248, 260. - -Henry of Lorraine, 74. - -Henry I of Portugal, 251, 252. - -Henry of Trastamara. _See_ Henry II of Castile (and León). - -_Hermandades_, 92, 141, 155, 158, 220, 223. - -Hermenegild, 30. - -Herrera, Juan de, 361, 362. - -Herrera, the historian, 347. - -Herrera, the painter, 366. - -Hevía, 347. - -_Hidalgos_, 211, 273, 274, 295, 298, 411-414, 419, 434. - -Hillo, Pepe, 422. - -Hinojosa, 516. - -Hippocrates, 350. - -Hisham I, 43. - -Hisham II, 45, 46, 69. - -Hisham III, 46, 68. - -Hispano-Romans, 18-21, 24, 25, 28-31, 33-36, 47, 50. - -Hittites, the, 8. - -Hobbes, 428. - -Hohenstaufen, House of, 126. - -Holland. _See_ Low Countries, Protestant Netherlands. - -Holy Roman Emperors. _See_ Holy Roman Empire. - -Holy Roman Empire, 75, 112, 113, 126, 153, 207, 209, 235, 244, 269, 270, -369, 371. - -Homer, 185, 356. - -Honduras, 385-387, 395, 397, 398. - -_Honores_, 138. - -_Honrats_, 169, 170. - -Hoyos, 356. - -Huesca, 450. - -Humanism, 230, 231, 343, 347, 351-353, 356. - -Humboldt, Alexander von, 448, 478, 483. - -Hume, 345, 428. - -Hungary, 26, 242. - -Huns, 27. - - -Ibáñez, Blasco, 515, 516. - -Iberian Mountains, 2. - -Iberian Peninsula, 1, 5-7. - -Iberians, the, 7-10, 12, 14. - -Ibiza, 10, 81. - -Iglesias, 515. - -Ignatius, Saint. _See_ Loyola. - -Ilerda, battle of, 18. - -Iliberis, 22. - -Illo, Pepe. _See_ Hillo. - -Illuminism, 308, 309, 314, 457. _See_ Church. - -Incas, the, 281. - -_Index_, the, 307, 311, 319, 428, 455. - -India, 50, 229. - -Indians, 60, 272, 275, 296, 353, 391, 449, 518. - -Iñigo Arista, 56. - -Innocent III, Pope, 76, 80. - -Inquisition, the, 202, 206, 210, 214-216, 221-224, 231, 248-250, 263, -276-278, 293, 304, 305, 307, 309-312, 314, 315, 319, 360, 428, 439, -444-449, 455-457, 494. _See_ Church. - -Insúa, Alberto, 515. - -Irish, the, 264, 315. - -Isabel, Princess, 121. - -Isabella I of Castile (and León), 111, 123, 124, 133, 134, 139, 154, -202-230, 242, 272, 276, 287, 290, 292-294, 300, 306, 316, 325, 332, 350, -383. - -Isabella II of Spain, 498-503, 506. - -Isidore, Saint, 37, 107. - -Isla, 483. - -Islam, 43. _See_ Mohammedanism. - -Itálica, 20. - -Italy, the Italians, and Italian influences, 6, 8, 13, 17, 27, 78, 100, -105, 109, 110, 125-127, 132, 167, 172, 177, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185, -187, 188, 190, 191, 195, 202, 203, 207-209, 214, 218, 219, 229-231, -233-236, 241-244, 247, 258, 260, 261, 264, 268, 297, 300, 308, 312, 316, -318, 320, 339, 351-353, 355-357, 359, 362-364, 366, 374-382, 434, 444, -470, 471, 482-485, 487, 518. - - -Jaén, 114. - -Jaime I of Aragon, 68, 80-82, 97-100, 109-112, 125, 150, 167, 173, 192. - -Jaime II of Aragon, 127, 128, 167. - -Jaime II of Majorca, 82, 126, 127, 192. - -Jaime of Urgel, 131, 132, 168. - -Jamaica, 385. - -James, Saint, 55. - -James I of England, 254, 259. - -Janda, battle of, 32. - -Jansenists, 443, 456. - -Japanese, the, 353. - -Jay, John, 397. - -Jena, battle of, 407. - -Jenkins, 380. - -Jerez, 347. - -Jerusalem, 55, 312. - -Jesuits, 266, 304, 310, 312-315, 323, 341, 359, 391, 443, 444, 448-453, -456, 473, 474, 478, 480, 483. _See_ Church. - -Jews, the, 31, 32, 36, 39, 41, 42, 47, 84, 86, 87, 96, 98, 102-105, 143, -147, 149, 150, 158, 160, 175, 176, 182, 183, 188, 193-196, 210, 213-216, -221, 229, 266, 280, 304, 308, 315, 332, 414, 456, 457. _See_ Marranos. - -Jiménez de Cisneros. _See_ Ximénez. - -Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo, 107. - -Jiménez de Urrea, Miguel, 189. - -João IV of Portugal, 267. _See_ Braganza. - -John, Don, of Austria. _See_ Juan of Austria. - -John of Gaunt, 121. - -Joseph, King, of Spain, 409, 488, 490. - -Jovellanos, 415, 436, 447, 459, 472, 474, 475, 480, 481. - -Juan, Jorge, 476, 478. - -Juan, Prince, of Castile, 114-116. - -Juan I of Aragon, 131, 148, 167, 188, 189. - -Juan II of Aragon, 132-134, 148, 170, 171, 195, 206, 212. - -Juan of Austria, 249-251, 254. - -Juan of Austria (another), 268, 269. - -Juan I of Castile (and León), 121, 140, 154, 167, 186. - -Juan II of Castile (and León), 122, 123, 139, 154, 156, 161, 181. - -Juana Enríquez of Castile, 132-134. - -Juana la Beltraneja, 123, 124, 203. - -Juana la Loca, 207-209, 235, 244. - -Judaizantes, 215. _See_ Marranos. - -Jumilla, 450. - -Junot, 407. - -_Junta Central_, 492. - -_Junta de Comercio y Moneda_, 330, 468. - -_Junta de Moneda_. _See_ _Junta de Comercio y Moneda_. - -_Justicia_, the, 97, 125, 126, 128, 130, 166. - -Justinian, 29, 97, 163, 184, 301, 441. - -_Juzgado de Imprenta_, 428. - - -Kino, Eusebio, 482. - -Koran, the, 48, 49. - - -La Bisbal, 177. - -_La Celestina_, 232, 356. - -La Mancha, 2, 3, 228, 280, 460. - -Labrit family, 240. - -Lafita, Juan, 516. - -Lancaster, Duke of. _See_ John of Gaunt. - -Lanza, Silverio, 515. - -_Lanzas_, 295. - -Las Casas, Bartolomé de, 347, 358, 518. - -Las Mesas, 450. - -_Latifundia_, 138, 144, 281, 325, 327, 336, 464, 522. - -Latin language, 36, 50, 63, 106, 107, 184, 185, 189, 197, 230-232, 307, -341, 346, 350-353, 359. _See_ Rome. - -Latins, 15. _See_ Rome. - -Lauria, Roger de, 127. - -Lee, Arthur, 395. - -Leocadia, Saint, 22. - -León, city of, 20, 56, 57, 361. - -León, Ricardo, 515. - -León (kingdom and province of) and the Leonese, 56-58, 60-64, 69-77, -85-97, 104-110, 161, 162, 180, 491. - -León Pinelo, 347. - -Leonor of Navarre, 134. - -Leopold of Hohenzollern, 503. - -Leovgild, 29, 30, 35. - -Lepanto, battle of, 249, 356. - -Lérida, 18, 78, 110. - -Lerma, Duke of, 259, 266. - -Lesage, 483. - -_Letrados_, 154, 156, 221, 272, 274, 300. - -_Leyes de Toro_, 217, 227, 281, 301, 441. - -Liberalism, 489, 495-503, 506, 508, 509, 514. - -_Limosna al rey_, 295. - -_Limpieza de sangre_, 216, 315, 417. - -Linares Rivas, 515. - -Lisbon, 255, 265. - -Livy, 185, 186, 347. - -Llorente, 481. - -Lobeira, Vasco de, 185, 232. - -Locke, 428. - -Loire River, 28. - -London, 365, 389, 393, 403. - -Lope de Vega. _See_ Vega. - -López de Ayala, Pedro, 139, 152, 186. - -López de Chinchilla, Garcí, 203. - -López de Gómara, 347, 350. - -López de Haro, 479. - -López de Velasco, Juan, 347, 348. - -Lords. _See_ Church, Nobles. - -Loreto, 55. - -Louis IX of France, 77. - -Louis XII of France, 208. - -Louis XIV of France, 262, 269-271, 369, 371, 373-375, 425. - -Louis XV of France, 375, 377, 378, 389. - -Louis XVI of France, 396, 401-403, 496. - -Louis the Pious, 55. - -Louisiana, 387, 405, 406. - -Low Countries, the, 209, 234, 235, 244, 247, 250-252, 254-256, 258, 259, -261, 267, 269, 296, 312, 374, 376, 455. _See_ Catholic Netherlands, -Flanders, Protestant Netherlands. - -Loyola, Ignacio de, 311, 312. - -Lucan, 24, 185. - -Lucas of Tuy, 107. - -Lucero, 224. - -Lucian, 356. - -Lugo, 20. - -Luis I of Spain, 377, 378, 426. - -Lull, Raymond, 110, 188, 309. - -Luna, Álvaro de, 122, 123, 139. - -Luna, Pedro de. _See_ Benedict XIII. - -Lusitania and the Lusitanians, 8, 9, 16, 17, 57. - -Luther, Martin, 307, 309. - -Luxembourg, 235. - -Luzán, Ignacio de, 482. - - -Machado (two), 515. - -Madrid, 255, 263, 270, 283, 286, 291, 329, 331, 341, 354, 365, 370, -408-410, 421-423, 435, 450, 451, 455, 460, 468, 469, 473, 478, 479, 484, -490, 491, 508; ordinance of, 160. - -Maeztu, 515. - -Magellan, Strait of, 388. - -Mahomet, 39. - -Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir. _See_ Almansor. - -Mahón, Port, 381. - -Maimónides, 103. - -_Majismo_, 421, 424, 486. - -Majorca and the Majorcans, 81, 82, 109, 126, 131, 172, 187, 189, 190, -192-196, 240, 274, 275, 290, 293, 359, 427, 430-432, 437. - -Málaga, city and province of, 2, 10, 68, 69. - -Malaspina, 476. - -Malouines Islands. _See_ Falkland Islands. - -Malta, 249; knights of, 404. - -Maluinas Islands. _See_ Falkland Islands. - -Manfred of Athens, 129. - -Manfred of Sicily, 126. - -Manila, 386-388. - -Manuel I of Portugal, 252. - -Maragall, 515, 516. - -Marcus Aurelius, 20. - -María Ana of Austria, 269, 284. - -María Cristina, Queen, of Spain, 506. - -María Cristina of Naples. _See_ Cristina (Queen). - -María Luisa, Queen, 402, 404, 405, 407-409, 412, 424, 448, 455. - -María Luisa of Savoy, 374. - -María of Aragon, 148, 149. - -María of Portugal, 247. - -María Teresa of Spain, 262, 270. - -María Victoria of Portugal, 392. - -Mariana, 345-347. - -Mariánica Mountains, 2. - -Marie de Medici, 260. - -Marinas, 516. - -Marius, 17. - -Marmontel, 482. - -Marquina, 515. - -Marquises, 211, 221, 273. - -Marranos, 143, 158, 189, 193, 214, 215. _See_ Jews, Judaizantes. - -Marseilles, 11. - -Martel, Charles, 42. - -Martial, 24. - -Martín I of Aragon. 131, 148, 167. - -Martínez de la Mata, 344. - -Martínez Marina, 481. - -Martínez Sierra, 515, 516. - -Martyr, Peter, 230, 232. - -Mary, Queen, of England, 244, 247, 253, 342. - -Mary Stuart, 254. - -Masdeu, 480, 481. - -Mathei, 388. - -Maura, Antonio, 511, 512. - -Mauretania, 19. - -Maurice of Saxony, 243. - -Maximilian I, the Emperor, 235, 237. - -Mayáns, Gregorio, 480. - -_Media anata_, the, 295, 413. - -Medici, Marie de. _See_ Marie. - -Medina, 476. - -Medina del Campo, 328, 329. - -Medina Sidonia, dukes of, 138, 211, 255, 267, 268. - -Mediterranean Sea, 1, 2, 6, 8, 10, 12, 45, 66, 81, 102, 105, 109, -129-132, 158, 170-172, 177, 178, 195, 206, 229, 249, 260, 325, 328. - -Meléndez Valdés, 483. - -Melilla, 206, 390. - -Melón, 164. - -Mendieta, 347. - -Mendoza, Pedro de, 216, 227. - -Menéndez, the painter, 485. - -Menéndez Pidal, 515. - -Menéndez y Pelayo, 515, 516. - -Mengs, 485. - -Mercado, 350. - -Mercator, 348. - -Mérida, 20, 22, 32, 40, 44. - -_Merinos_, 90, 92, 93, 154-156, 199. - -Merlin, 185. - -Mesa, 515. - -Mesenghi, 445, 447. - -_Mesta_, the, 104, 105, 155, 174, 227-229, 282, 325, 327, 416, 463, 465. - -Metaurus, battle of the, 13. - -Mexico, 296, 478, 500, 523. _See_ New Spain. - -Meyra, 164. - -Milá Fontanals, 515. - -Milan, 207, 209, 241, 267, 372. - -_Milicias_, the, 453. - -Military orders. _See_ Alcántara, Calatrava, Church, Malta, Nobles, -Saint John, Santiago, Templars. - -_Millones_, the, 294, 297. - -Milton, 482. - -Mina, 491. - -Minorca, 81, 195, 371, 376, 379, 381, 382, 386, 396-398, 406. - -Mirabeau, 428. - -Miralles, 397. - -Miranda, Marquis of, 428. - -Mississippi River, 387, 398. - -Mociño, 477. - -Moderates, the, 496, 498, 499. - -Moguls, the, 121. - -Mohammedanism, 39-41, 43, 47-49, 51, 59, 69-72, 217, 248, 277. _See_ -Moslems. - -Molina, María de, 115, 116. - -Molina, the botanist, 477. - -Molinism. _See_ Quietism. - -Molinos, Miguel de, 309. - -Mombeltrán, 450. - -Mondoñedo, 164. - -Moñino, José. _See_ Floridablanca. - -Montaigne, 343, 482. - -Montalvo, Alfonso Díaz de. _See_ Díaz. - -Montalvo, Garcí Ordóñez de. _See_ Ordóñez. - -Montañés, 362. - -Montano, Arias, 314, 352. - -_Montepíos_, 417, 463. - -Montesquieu, 428. - -Montfort, Simon de, 80, 81. - -Montiel, battle of, 120. - -Moors. _See_ Almohades, Moslems. - -Morales, Ambrosio de, 346, 347. - -Morales, the composer, 366. - -Morales, the treasurer, 224. - -Moratín, Leandro Fernández de, 483, 484. - -Moratín, Nicolás Fernández de, 483. - -Moreno Carbonero, 516. - -Moriscos, 205, 213, 242, 248, 249, 272, 275-280, 304, 308, 327, 334, -336. - -Morocco, 70, 82, 113, 117, 383, 390, 414, 456, 500, 511, 513. _See_ -Africa. - -Morote, 515. - -Moslems, the, 5, 19, 26, 32, 33, 38-59, 63, 64, 66-73, 75-79, 81, 84, -85, 87, 88, 92, 94, 96, 98, 102-105, 111-113, 115-117, 123, 126, 135, -136, 138, 142, 158, 172, 174, 178-183, 188, 195, 196, 200, 201, 204-206, -213, 216, 225, 229, 241, 242, 247-249, 275, 279, 280, 284, 285, 295, -299, 315, 324, 332, 334, 338, 363, 66, 390, 414, 456, 513, 518, 520, -522. _See_ Almohades, Almoravides, Arabs, Benimerines, Berbers, Granada, -Islam, Mohammedanism, Moriscos, Morocco, Mudéjares, Muladíes, Renegados, -Shiites, Sunnites, Syrians. - -Mota Padilla, 482. - -Moura, Cristóbal de, 252. - -Mozárabes, 47, 49, 50, 55, 59, 79, 84, 86, 87, 96, 98, 105. _See_ Gothic -rite. - -Mozart, 487. - -Mudarites. _See_ Shiites. - -Mudéjar architecture, 108, 109, 187. - -Mudéjares, the, 86, 87, 96-98, 100, 102, 105, 142, 143, 147, 149, 150, -158, 160, 175, 183, 193, 196, 200, 205, 210, 213, 214, 272, 276, 277, -304, 308. - -Mühlberg, battle of, 243. - -Muladíes, 41. _See_ Renegados. - -Munda, battle of, 18. - -Muñoz, Gil, 168. - -Muñoz, the historian, 481. - -Muñoz Degrain, 515. - -Muñoz San Román, 515. - -Murat, 408, 409. - -Murcia, city of, 77, 437, 450; province of, 2, 44, 50, 79, 81, 280, 435. - -Murillo, 365, 366, 485. - -Musa, 32, 33. - -Mutis, 477. - -Mysticism, 309, 310, 343, 359. _See_ Church. - - -Nájera, 91. - -Naples, city of, 132, 188, 231; kingdom of, 126, 132, 171, 189, 191, -195, 207, 208, 235, 268, 364, 372, 379, 380, 384, 447, 449, 452, 456, -472, 497. - -Napoleon I of France, 399, 400, 404-410, 439, 488-492, 494, 497. - -Narbonne, 29. - -Narváez, 500-502. - -National Assembly, the French, 400, 401, 493. - -Navalcarnero, 450. - -Navarre, 55-59, 64-66, 71, 73, 75, 76, 79, 82, 83, 101, 110, 112, 120, -132-135, 192, 196, 197, 199, 207-209, 213, 214, 219, 235, 240, 288-290, -427, 430-433, 441, 460, 461, 491. - -Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 71, 76. - -Neanderthal man, 6. - -Nebrija, Antonio de, 231. - -Nelson, 406. - -New Castile, 2, 431. _See_ Castile. - -New Orleans, 395, 397. - -New Spain, 394, 448, 450, 482. _See_ Mexico. - -Newfoundland, 325, 385-387, 397. - -Nicene creed. _See_ Catholicism. - -Nieto, 516. - -Niño, Pero, 158. - -Nobles, the, 30-35, 40, 41, 53-57, 60-65, 67, 73, 74, 76-82, 85, 86, -89-94, 96-101, 104, 111, 113-128, 130, 132, 133, 137-142, 144-157, 159, -160, 163, 166-172, 177, 192, 196-200, 202-204, 210-213, 217, 219-221, -225, 237-240, 252, 253, 263, 266, 267, 272-281, 288-290, 294, 295, 298, -307, 325, 334-336, 339, 341, 352, 402, 411-415, 419, 421, 422, 424, -426-428, 430, 433, 437, 447, 448, 459, 460, 462, 464, 468, 472-474, 490, -494, 501, 505, 511, 518, 522. _See_ _Caballeros_, Church, Counts, Dukes, -Grandees, _Hidalgos_, Marquises, Military orders, _Ricoshombres_. - -Nootka affair, the, 400, 401. - -Normans, 44, 64. - -North Africa. _See_ Africa. - -North America. _See_ Spanish America, United States. - -Norway, 189. - -_Novísima Recopilación_, 425, 441. - -_Nueva Recopilación_, 300, 301, 425, 441. - -Numantia, 16, 17. - -Numidians, 14. - -Núñez de Arce, 515. - - -Ocampo, Florián de, 345, 346. - -Octavius. _See_ Augustus. - -O’Donnell, 500-502. - -_Oidores_, 154. - -Old Castile, 2, 431, 460. _See_ Castile. - -Olivares, Count-Duke of, 261, 263-268, 284, 288. - -Oman, 489, 491. - -Omar-ben Hafsun, 44, 45. - -Ommayad family, 42, 46. - -_Ordenanzas Reales_, the, 226, 301. - -Ordóñez de Montalvo, Garcí, 232. - -O’Reilly, Alejandro, 390. - -Oretana Mountains, 2. - -Orleans, Duke of, 375. - -Orosius, 36. - -Orry, 374, 434, 439. - -Ortega, the historian, 482. - -Ortega Gasset, 515. - -Ostend Company, the, 378. - -Ostrogoths, 27. - -Ovid, 185. - -Oviedo, 55-57. - - -Pacheco, 366. - -Pacific Ocean, 310, 350, 381, 388. - -Padilla, María de, 118, 119, 121. - -Padilla family, 119. - -Páez de Castro, 345, 346. - -Palacio Valdés, 515. - -Palacios, 516. - -Palafox, General, 491. - -Palafox, Juan de, 449, 450. - -Palatinate, the, 260. - -Palencia, 106, 450. - -Palestine, 82. - -Palma, 192-195, 430, 437. - -Palou, 482. - -Pamplona, 54, 312. - -Panamá, Isthmus of, 350. - -Papal States, 126-128, 241, 247, 260, 316-320, 451, 504. _See_ Church, -Rome. - -Paraguay, 391, 392, 435, 449. - -Pardo Bazán, 515. - -Paris, city of, 247, 369, 512; treaty of, 387; university of, 312. - -Parlement of Paris, 369. - -Parliament, the British, 388. - -Parma, 374, 376, 381, 404, 405, 445. - -_Partidas_, the, 162-165, 171, 175, 181, 184, 185, 226, 281, 301, 441. - -_Pase Regio_, the, 95, 164, 167, 317, 318, 320, 322, 444-447. - -Passau, 243. - -Patiño, 434, 436, 439. - -_Patronato Real_, 227, 292, 322, 443, 445. - -Paul IV, Pope, 247, 316-318. - -Paul, Saint, 22. - -Paula, Francisco de, 410. - -Pavón, 477. - -Peace, Prince of the, 403. _See_ Godoy. - -Pedrell, 516. - -Pedro I of Aragon (1094-1104). Omitted. - -Pedro II of Aragon, 79, 80, 98, 126, 127, 167. - -Pedro III of Aragon, 82, 125-127. 192. - -Pedro IV of Aragon, 119, 120, 129-131, 146, 148, 150, 166-168, 171, 173, -188, 192. - -Pedro I of Castile (and León), 117-121, 129, 138, 186. - -Pelayo, 53, 54. - -Penibética Mountains, 2. - -Peninsula War, 491, 492. - -Peñíscola, 168. - -Pereda, 515. - -Perés, Ramón D., 515. - -Pérez, the navigator, 479. - -Pérez de Ayala, 515. - -Pérez de Guzmán, 186, 345. - -Pérez de Ribas, 347. - -Pérez Galdós, 515, 516. - -Persia, 121. - -Perú, 281, 296, 478. - -_Pesquisa_, the, 156, 157, 273. - -_Pesquisidores_, 220. - -Pestalozzi, 474. - -Petrarch, 184, 185. - -Petronilla, 79. - -Philip of Bourbon, Prince, 378, 381. - -Philip I of Castile (and León), 207, 208, 211, 235, 244. - -Philip II of Spain, 244-259, 265, 267, 283-287, 292, 294, 296, 297, 303, -306-308, 311, 314-322, 325, 326, 331, 332, 340, 342, 346, 348, 352, -362-364, 455. - -Philip III of Spain, 256, 258-260, 266, 284, 285, 288, 294, 296, 340, -365. - -Philip IV of Spain, 258, 260-268, 283, 284, 288, 295, 308, 310, 318, -320, 326, 333, 340, 352, 362, 365, 372. - -Philip V of Spain, 270, 271, 369-378, 381, 412, 418, 419, 422, 425-427, -429, 434, 444, 449, 478, 485, 498. - -Philip IV of France, 83. - -Philip the Handsome. _See_ Philip I of Castile (and León). - -Philippine Islands, 450, 488, 506. - -Phocians, 11. - -Phœnicians, 7-11, 14. - -Pi y Margall, 504. - -Picavea, 515. - -Picón, 515. - -Piquer, Andrés, 480. - -Pisa, 78, 109, 129. - -Pitt, William, 380, 385, 393. - -Pius IV, Pope, 247, 308, 317. - -Pius V, Pope, 318. - -Pizarro, 296, 347. - -Plasencia, 376, 381. - -Plata, Río de la, 386, 391. - -Plato, 103, 184. - -Plutarch, 185. - -Plymouth, 256. - -Poitiers, 42. - -Poland, 379. - -Pombal, Marquis of, 391, 392. - -Pompey, 18. - -Ponce de la Fuente, Constantino, 307. - -Ponce family, 138, 152. - -Porlier, 491. - -Porto Rico, 506. - -Portocarrero, 270. - -Portugal and the Portuguese, 1, 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 19, 27, 58, 74-76, 113, -115, 117, 118, 120-122, 124, 155, 184, 185, 189, 195, 207, 214, 229, -231, 246, 247, 251-253, 258, 259, 262, 265-268, 288, 322, 330, 370, 383, -386, 387, 390-392, 394, 397, 404-408, 435, 449, 452, 490, 491. - -Posada, 525. - -Pradilla, 515. - -Prado, the, 365, 484. - -Pragmatic Sanction, 378, 381. - -Prim, 500, 502-504, 506. - -_Primicias_, 452. - -Princes, 273. - -Priscillian, 23. - -Priscillianism, 23. - -Privilege of the Union, 128, 130, 166. - -Progressives, the, 496, 498, 499. - -_Propios_, 93, 415. - -Protestant Netherlands, the, and the Dutch, 246, 250, 251, 253, 254, -259-262, 265, 267-269, 299, 330, 344, 369, 370, 376, 378, 379, 434, 456. -_See_ Low Countries. - -Protestantism, 241-243, 248, 250, 251, 253, 261, 302-304, 306-309, 315, -318, 455, 456, 472. _See_ Church, Counter-Reformation, Reformation. - -Provençal influences, 79, 106, 110, 184, 188-190. _See_ France. - -Prussia, 379, 381, 402, 407, 496, 503. - -Puebla de los Ángeles, 450. - -Puig, 516. - -Pulgar, Hernando del, 232, 345. - -Punic Wars, 12-14. - -Puritans, 393. - -Pyrenees Mountains, 1, 2, 8, 28, 40, 43, 64, 127, 190, 208, 235, 240, -262, 369, 403, 428, 482. - - -_Quadrivium_, 181. - -Quero, 450. - -Quevedo, Francisco de, 358. - -Quietism, 309. - -Quintana, 483. - -Quintilian, 24. - - -Racine, 482. - -Radicals, the. _See_ Progressives. - -Raleigh, Walter, 253. - -Ramiro I of Aragon (1035-1063). Omitted. - -Ramiro II of Aragon, 79. - -Ramiro I of Asturias and León (842-850). Omitted. - -Ramiro II of Asturias and León, 57. - -Ramón Berenguer I of Barcelona, 58, 77, 99, 100. - -Ramón Buerenguer II of Barcelona (1076-1082). Omitted. - -Ramón Buerenguer III of Barcelona, 73, 78. - -Ramón Buerenguer IV of Barcelona, 78, 79, 100. - -Ramón y Cajal, Santiago, 517. - -Raphael, 363. - -_Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando_, 484, 485. - -_Real Academia de la Historia_, 476, 481. - -_Real Academia Española_, 476, 481. - -_Reales_, 225. - -Reccared, 30, 31, 36. - -Recceswinth, 31, 35. - -_Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias_, 301. - -Reformation, the, 207, 236, 240, 304, 306, 342. _See_ Church, -Counter-Reformation, Protestantism. - -Regency, the, 492, 493. - -_Regidores_, 429, 432, 433. - -Reguera, Juan de la, 441. - -Reid, 343. - -Renaissance, 103, 125, 149, 184, 185, 188, 189, 231, 233, 285, 338, 341, -351, 361, 363. - -Rendón, 397. - -Renegados, the, 41, 43-45, 47, 59, 71, 84, 200. _See_ Moslems. - -Republicans, the, 503-505, 510, 511. - -Requesens, 251. - -_Residencia_, the, 220, 306, 433. - -Revilla Gigedo, 482. - -Rhine River, 26. - -Rhodes, 195. - -Ribera, Juan de, 279. - -Ribera, the painter, 364-366. - -Richelieu, 261. - -_Ricoshombres_, 128, 211, 273. - -Riego, 496. - -_Riepto_, the, 157, 170, 222. - -Ripperdá, Baron of, 378, 379, 434. - -Rochford, Lord, 393. - -Rocroy, battle of, 261, 262. - -Roderic, 32, 33, 53. - -Rodríguez Marín, 515. - -Roelas, 366. - -Rojas, Fernando de, 232, 356. - -Roland, 43. - -Romans, 12-28, 34, 36, 37, 51, 52, 64, 88, 362, 484. _See_ Rome. - -Rome, city of, 27, 55, 79, 168, 308, 311, 312, 316, 318, 319, 322, 342, -349, 356, 424, 443, 451, 452; law of, 20-22, 24, 26, 33, 35, 63, 97, 99, -105, 106, 113, 138, 143, 144, 147, 149-151, 156, 163, 171, 181, 184, -189, 210, 217, 281, 301, 305, 344, 415-417, 441, 450; republic and -empire of, 12-28, 33, 36. _See_ Byzantine Romans, Hispano-Romans, Latin -language, Latins, Papal States, Romans. - -Romanesque architecture, 107, 110. - -Roncesvalles, 43. - -Ronda, 18. - -Ronsard, 482. - -Rooke, 371. - -Rossini, 487. - -Rousseau, 428, 474. - -Roussillon, the, 82, 134, 192, 206, 207, 235, 262, 264. - -Rudolph of Hapsburg, Count, 113. - -Rueda, Lope de, 353, 356. - -Rueda, Salvador, 515. - -Rueda, town of, 70. - -Ruiz, Lieutenant, 410. - -Ruiz, the botanist, 477. - -Ruiz de Luzuriaga, 478. - -Rusiñol, 515, 516. - -Russia, 496. - - -Saavedra, Diego de, 350. - -Saavedra, the minister, 436. - -Sacramento, 386, 387, 391, 392, 435, 449. - -Saguntum, 12, 13. - -Sahagún, the historian, 347. - -Sahagún, town of, 86. - -Sahara Desert, 69. - -Said Armesto, 515. - -Saint John, order of, 170. - -Salado, battle of the, 117, 131, 136. - -Salamanca, city of, 95, 450; university of, 106, 181, 312, 340, 350, -428. - -Salcedo, 350. - -Salcillo, 485. - -Salic law, 427, 498. - -Salmerón, 504, 505. - -Sallust, 185. - -Salvá, 478. - -San Ildefonso, 450. - -San Lúcar, 450. - -San Marcos of León, 361. - -San Onofre, 318. - -San Pablo of Valladolid, 233. - -San Sebastián, 284. - -San Telmo of Seville, 362. - -Sánchez, Julián, 491. - -Sancho García of Navarre, 56. - -Sancho I of Asturias and León, 57. - -Sancho II of Castile, 73. - -Sancho III of Castile (1157-1158). Omitted. - -Sancho IV of Castile (and León), 114, 115, 138, 154. - -Sancho the Fat. _See_ Sancho I of Asturias and León. - -Sancho the Great of Navarre, 58, 66, 71, 78, 135. - -Santa Fe, 205. - -Santa Tecla, 392. - -Santiago. _See_ Compostela. - -Santiago, order of, 94, 219, 220. - -Santo Domingo, 403. - -Saragossa, 20, 22, 23, 43, 69, 70, 73, 78, 167, 177, 216, 329, 431, 450, -491. - -Saratoga, 395. - -Sardinia, island and kingdom of, 128, 129, 131, 132, 171, 235, 262, 372, -376, 402. - -Sarmiento, 478. - -Savary, 409. - -Savoy, 370, 372, 374, 376, 503, 504; Duke of, 374. - -Scandinavia, 27, 177. - -Scipio, Gnæus, 13. - -Scipio, Publius Cornelius, 13. - -Scipio Æmilianus, 17. - -Scipio Africanus, Publius Cornelius, 13, 14. - -Scotland and the Scotch, 254, 255. - -Scylax, 7. - -Sebastian I of Portugal, 251, 252. - -Segovia, 156. - -Segoyuela, battle of, 33. - -_Segundones_, 138, 220, 273. - -Seneca, 24, 184. - -Serrano, General, 503. - -Serrano, the composer, 516. - -Sertorius, 17, 18. - -Servet, Miguel, 308. - -Servilianus, 16, 17. - -Sessé, 477. - -_Setenario_, the, 162. - -Seven Years War, 382, 386-388. - -Severo, Saint, 22. - -Seville, 10, 20, 36-38, 45, 50, 68, 69, 73, 77, 81, 95, 105, 138, 143, -149, 152, 164, 174, 180, 187, 215, 223, 265, 284, 286, 307, 325, 328, -329, 353, 361, 362, 366, 423, 431, 460, 466, 476, 492, 521, 524. - -Shiites, 40, 42, 44. - -“Sicilian vespers,” the, 126, 129. - -Sicily, 6, 7, 12, 126-129, 131, 132, 171, 189, 235, 268, 372, 376, 377, -379. - -Sierra Morena, 462. _See_ Mariánica Mountains. - -Sierra Nevada. _See_ Penibética Mountains. - -_Siete Partidas._ _See_ _Partidas_. - -Sigüenza, 164. - -Siliceo, 314. - -Simancas, 342, 476. - -Sisebut, 31. - -Sixtus V, Pope, 318. - -Smith, Adam, 344. - -_Solariegos_, 212. - -Solís, 347. - -Solórzano, 344, 347, 358. - -Somodevilla. _See_ Ensenada. - -Soria, ordinance of, 160; town of, 17. - -Sorolla, 516. - -Sotomayor, 516. - -South America, 370, 390-392, 476, 479. _See_ Spanish America. - -“Span,” 10. - -“Spania,” 10. - -Spanish America, 5, 38, 39, 99, 112, 140, 151, 155, 156, 202, 203, 206, -210, 219-223, 227, 229-231, 234-236, 241, 244-246, 251, 253, 257-259, -262, 272, 274, 275, 279, 284, 285, 293, 296-299, 301, 303-306, 312, 313, -322, 324, 325, 327, 328, 330-332, 334, 336-339, 341, 343, 344, 347-350, -352, 353, 358-361, 368-372, 378, 380, 381, 384-387, 390-395, 397-401, -403, 406, 408, 414, 424, 431, 435, 442, 443, 451-453, 458, 466-471, -476-479, 481, 482, 485, 486, 488, 489, 492-497, 506, 508, 510, 513, 523. - -Spanish Main, the, 253. - -Spanish Mark, the, 56. - -Spencer, 344. - -Spínola, Ambrosio, 259-261. - -Spires, Diets of, 243. - -Squillace, 420, 450. - -Stanhope, 270. - -Stuart, Mary. _See_ Mary Stuart. - -Suárez de Peralta, 347. - -Suevians, the, 27-30, 34, 37. - -Sulla, 17, 18. - -Sunnites, 40, 42-44. - -Sweden, 189, 269, 379. - -Swinthila, 31. - -Switzerland and the Swiss, 3, 209, 285. - -Syria and the Syrians, 39, 42. _See_ Moslems. - - -Tagus River, 2, 332. - -_Taifas_, 68-72, 75, 84, 102, 504. - -Talavera, Hernando de, 214, 227. - -Talavera, town of, 54, 155. - -Tamayo, 515. - -Tamerlane, 121. - -Tanucci, 472. - -Tarazona, 189. - -Tarifa, 2, 32, 72, 114, 115, 117. - -Tarik, 32, 33. - -Tavera, 246. - -Taverner, 430. - -Téllez, Gabriel, 354. - -Téllez Girón, Pedro, 139. - -Tello, 347. - -Templars, order of the, 94, 139. - -Tenreiro, 515. - -_Tercias reales_, 140. - -Teresa de Jesús, Saint, 310, 311. - -Teresa of Portugal, 74, 75. - -Theodoric, 28, 29. - -Theodosius, 20. - -Theotocopuli, Domenico. _See_ El Greco. - -Thirty Years War, 260-262. - -_Tierras_, 138. - -Tirso de Molina. _See_ Téllez (Gabriel). - -Titian, 363. - -Tobarra, 450. - -Toledo, archbishops of, 124, 164, 167, 205, 216, 307, 314, 322; city and -province of, 2, 22, 29, 30, 32, 33, 43-45, 54, 69, 72, 78, 95, 107, 155, -164, 187, 217, 223, 237-239, 364. - -Tolstoy, 344. - -Tordesillas, town of, 239; treaty of, 253, 391. - -Tories, 393. - -Toro, Laws of (_See_ _Leyes de Toro_); ordinances of, 160. - -Torquemada, Juan de, 215. - -Torquemada, the historian, 347. - -Torres Lanzas, 516. - -Torres Naharro, 353. - -Torrigiani, 452. - -Tortosa, 69, 78. - -Toulouse, 28, 75, 81. - -Tours, battle of, 42. - -Towns, 62-64, 87, 89, 91-93, 97-100, 104, 105, 108, 111, 114, 115, 117, -119, 123-127, 130, 134, 137, 138, 140-142, 144-149, 151, 152, 155-163, -168-179, 192-200, 203, 220, 221, 228, 229, 237-239, 253, 263, 272, 276, -282-284, 289, 290, 293, 295, 325, 329, 331, 332, 354, 412-419, 423, 424, -426, 427, 430, 432-434, 458, 462, 468, 469, 473, 474, 478, 493, 496, -505, 508, 510, 511, 521, 523. - -Trafalgar, battle of, 406, 440. - -Trajan, 20. - -Trent, Council of, 281, 306, 311, 319, 321. - -Trinidad Island, 406, 407. - -Tripoli, 456. - -_Trivium_, 181. - -Tunis, 126, 242, 250, 300, 456. - -Turdetanians, 8. - -Turina, 516. - -Turkey and the Turks, 129, 132, 139, 195, 229, 241-243, 247, 249, 250, -260, 321, 456. - -Tuscany, 376, 381, 405. - -Two Sicilies, 235, 380, 382. _See_ Naples (kingdom of), Sicily. - - -Ulloa, Antonio de, 476, 478. - -Unamuno, 515, 525. - -Union, the, 127, 128, 130, 131, 173. _See_ Privilege of the Union. - -United States, the, and the Americans, 196, 310, 369, 385, 392-398, 406, -410, 435, 488, 500, 506, 514, 518, 520, 521, 523. _See_ American -Revolution. - -Urban VI, Pope, 317. - -Urban VII, Pope, 317. - -Urquijo, 405, 447, 456. - -Urraca, Queen, of Castile and León, 73-75, 78. - -Ursins, Madame des, 373-375. - -_Usatges_, 78, 99. - -Utrecht, treaty of, 371, 376. - - -_Vacantes_, 320, 321, 444. - -Valdés, Juan de, 308. - -Valdés Leal, 366. - -Valencia, city of, 22, 72, 73, 81, 110, 170, 173, 177-179, 188, 279, -284, 329, 431, 460, 484; university of, 350. - -Valencia (kingdom and province of) and the Valencians, 2, 3, 11, 13, 50, -69, 81, 82, 97, 100, 109, 110, 127, 128, 130, 132, 146, 147, 149, 150, -166, 169, 173, 176-179, 187, 189, 190, 221, 227, 231, 239, 240, 272, -275, 276, 279, 288-290, 296, 325, 327, 359, 422, 427, 429, 431, 432, -453, 460, 461, 465, 478, 516, 520. - -Valera, 515. - -Valladolid, city of, 114, 233, 239, 293, 307, 431; ordinances of, 141, -142, 160, 237; university of, 340. - -Valle Inclán, 515. - -Valverde, Quinito, 516. - -Van Eyck, 187. - -Vancouver Island, 400. - -Vandals, the, 26-28, 37. - -Varela, 456. - -Vaulgrenant, 470. - -Vázquez, 344. - -_Veedores_, 220, 222. - -Vega, Garcilaso de la, 347, 358. - -Vega, Lope de, 354, 355, 367. - -Velarde, Pedro, 410. - -Velázquez, the architect, 516. - -Velázquez de Silva, Diego, 364-366, 485, 516. - -Venice, 207, 208, 363, 364, 366. - -Veragua, Duke of, 522. - -Vergennes, 389, 390, 393-395. - -Vernon, 380. - -Versailles, 369, 425. - -Vetancurt, 347. - -Vicente, Gil, 353. - -Vicente, Saint, 22. - -Victoria, Queen, of England, 510. - -Victoria, the composer, 366. - -Vienna, 378. - -Vigo, 467. - -_Villa_, 62, 63, 85, 86, 89, 91, 290, 412, 474. _See_ Towns. - -Villa-Señor, 482. - -Villaespesa, 515. - -Villalar, battle of, 239. - -Villanueva, Juan, 484. - -Villareal, 155. - -Villaviciosa, battle of, 268. - -Villegas, 516. - -Villena, Enrique de, 183. - -Villena, town of, 450. - -Virgil, 185. - -Viriatus, 16-18. - -Visigothic rite. _See_ Gothic rite. - -Visigoths, the, 26-37, 40-42, 44, 47, 48, 53, 54, 59, 63, 104, 146, 162, -163. - -_Visitadores_, 220, 222, 293, 340. - -Vitoria, battle of, 135; town of, 409. - -Vitoria, the jurist, 344. - -Vivar, 72. - -Vives, Luis, 281, 342-346, 473. - -Vives, the composer, 516. - -Vizcaya, 134, 135, 197-199, 268, 301, 412, 460. - -Voltaire, 345, 428, 482. - - -Wallace, 344. - -Wallia, 28. - -Wamba, 32. - -War of Independence, 488-492, 513. - -War of Jenkins’ Ear, 380. - -War of the Austrian Succession, 381. - -War of the Spanish Succession, 370-374, 376, 429, 430, 432, 434, 439, -441. - -Ward, 480. - -Wellington, Duke of, 491, 492. - -West Indies, 380, 387, 393, 395, 397, 488. - -Westphalia, treaties of, 262, 455. - -Weymouth, Lord, 396. - -Whigs, 393. - -White companies, 120, 158. - -Wifredo, 56. - -William of Orange (two), 251. - -Windward Islands. _See_ _Armada de Barlovento_. - -Witiza, 32. - - -Ximénez de Cisneros, 205, 208, 209, 216, 223, 227, 230, 231, 242, 306, -317. - - -Yacub, 71. - -Yemenites. _See_ Sunnites. - -Young, 482. - -Yuste, 244. - -Yusuf, 70. - - -Zalaca, battle of, 70. - -Zama, battle of, 14. - -Zamora, 57. - -Zarate, 347. - -Zoraya, 204. - -Zubiaurre, the brothers, 516. - -Zuloaga, 516. - -Zulueta, 516. - -Zurbarán, 365. - -Zurita, Jerónimo, 346, 347. - -Printed in the United States of America. - - * * * * * - -The following pages contain advertisements of a few of the Macmillan -books on kindred subjects. - -The Founding of Spanish California: - -Northwestward Expansion of New Spain, 1687-1783 - -$3.50 - -BY CHARLES E. 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Her work is almost the first serious one from -a historical point of view to deal with this period. - - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - -Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York - - * * * * * - - -Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: - -nobles duirng the regency=> nobles durng the regency {pg 121} - -Explorers wear required by law=> Explorers were required by law {pg 348} - -checking inititative and making=> checking initiative and making {pg -418} - -Frenchman Chappe d’Auteroche=> Frenchman Chappe d’Autereche {pg 476} - -Jahresberichte der geschichtswissenschaft=> Jahresberichte der -Geschichtswissenschaft {pg 528} - - * * * * * - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The _Historia_, in four volumes, was first published in the years -1900 to 1911, at Barcelona. It has now reached its third edition,--1913 -to 1914. An excellent bibliography eighty-eight pages in length with -well over a thousand items is to be found in the fourth volume. - -[2] _The founding of Spanish California_ (The Macmillan Company. New -York. 1916), chap. IX. - -[3] The first and most important social question in the history of the -Spanish people, says Altamira, is that of modifying the physical -conditions of the peninsula, as the basis of their national development. -They have been able to count on the fertility of some regions, the -abundant waters of others at some seasons of the year (most of which is -lost in the sea, without being utilized), the wealth of subterranean -waters in many localities, and the mineral wealth which lends itself -also to industrial development. In other words, the problem is that of -correcting the unequal distribution of Spain’s resources, rather than of -a lack of them. - -[4] So called from the localities in Germany where bones of men of this -type were discovered. - -[5] The inhabitants of the Canary Islands, a Spanish group off the -northwest coast of Africa, are of this race. They preserved their racial -characteristics with great purity until the fifteenth century, since -which time more and more intermixture has taken place. - -[6] As an illustration of the close relationship between Spain and -northern Africa it may be mentioned that the diocese of Spain under -Diocletian included the province of Mauretania, or northern Africa. A -seventh province was formed of the Balearic Islands. - -[7] Many of these city camps date from the period of Augustus, whose -name appears in most of them, _e.g._: _Cæsaria Augusta_ (Saragossa); -_Urbs Septima Legionis_ (León); _Asturica Augusta_ (Astorga) _Lucas -Augusti_ (Lugo); _Emerita Augusta_ (Mérida); _Pax Augusta_ (Badajoz); -and _Bracara Augusta_ (Braga). - -[8] Spain contributed its share of martyrs during the periods of -persecution, especially in the time of Diocletian. San Vicente of -Valencia, Santa Eulalia of Mérida, San Severo of Barcelona, Santa -Leocadia of Toledo, and Santa Engracia of Saragossa were among those put -to death in Diocletian’s reign. - -[9] This term, characterized by Joaquín Escriche (_Diccionario razonado -de legislación y jurisprudencia_. Madrid, 1847) as “barbarous,” is about -equivalent to “Charter of the laws.” - -[10] Named for him, Gebel-al-Tarik, or hill of Tarik. - -[11] Near Medina Sidonia and Vejer. - -[12] Province of Salamanca. - -[13] The laws themselves furnish numerous indications of the customary -evils. Doctors, for example, were forbidden to cure women, unless in the -presence of certain specified persons. It may be added that doctors were -made responsible by law for the effect of their medicines. - -[14] One curious superstitious practice was that of celebrating a mass -for an enemy who was yet alive. It was believed that this would -accelerate his death. - -[15] The word “count” was not at that time a title of nobility. - -[16] The figures are 300,000 and 5,408,000 dinars respectively, or -roughly $700,000 and $12,600,000. It is of course impossible to reckon -the comparative purchasing power of a dinar then and its equivalent -today, although it was no doubt much greater then; hence, the above -figures have only a relative value. - -[17] Almansor burned great numbers of philosophical works so as to win -the favor of the Mohammedan priesthood. - -[18] Rueda continued independent,--an unimportant exception. - -[19] Less famous than the Cid, but quite as representative of his time, -was the figure of Bishop Diego Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela, who -played an important part in the events of Urraca’s reign. He was a -vigorous, ambitious, restless, not overscrupulous man, breaking pledges -and changing from one side to another with the usual facility of men of -that age. He was not only ambitious for himself but was also an ardent -votary of the extension of church authority. He was a fighting bishop, -who engaged in military campaigns himself and encountered many -vicissitudes both in the civil wars of the kingdom and in the local -uprisings of his own subjects. On one occasion the citizens of Santiago -besieged him in his church, and set fire to a tower in which he took -refuge. Nevertheless, the bishop escaped in the guise of a beggar. In -the end he was usually successful. He procured the erection of Santiago -de Compostela into an archbishopric, and enjoyed the distinction, -equally with the church of Rome, of having seven cardinals as canons. He -also gained the influential post of chaplain to Alfonso VII. - -[20] The word “_merino_” is an untranslatable term for an official in -Spanish administration whose powers varied greatly from century to -century. While the _merinos_ were at times “judges of sheep-walks,” as -the word is often translated, they usually had much broader power as -officials of the king. The _merinos mayores_, or greater _merinos_, were -appointed by the king, with functions largely judicial in character and -with authority extending over the greater provinces, such as Castile, -León, or Galicia. _Merinos menores_, or lesser _merinos_, might be the -appointees and subordinates of _merinos mayores_, or, similarly, of the -_corregidores_, or rulers of districts. - -[21] The term “_adelantado_” comes from the fact that the officials -so-called were “advanced,” or “put forward,” in the place of the king, -to act in his name. There is some authority to the effect that the title -was in existence as early as the tenth century, but it was certainly -employed by the latter part of the twelfth century. In origin the -_adelantados mayores_, or greater _adelantados_, were judicial -officials, hearing appeals that had formerly gone to the king. The -_adelantado menor_, or lesser _adelantado_, came into existence early in -the thirteenth century, at which time he was a judicial officer of -higher rank than the _merinos_, but also possessed extensive -administrative powers. Many of the _adelantados menores_ were stationed -in frontier districts, and indeed they were often called _adelantados -fronterizos_ (frontier _adelantados_). It was natural, therefore, that -they should acquire military functions. It was the _adelantado -fronterizo_ of Spain who figured so prominently in the conquest of the -Americas. Most of the conquerors of the sixteenth century were -_adelantados_. After that the title died out. Hill, Roscoe R., _The -office of adelantado_, in _Political science quarterly_, v. XXVIII, no. -4; Dec., 1913. - -[22] Taxes at that time were many and varied in kind, but may be reduced -to three types: regular contributions, but depending on the happening of -some event; indemnities to escape rendering certain due services; and -fines. As examples of the first type may be mentioned the _goyosa_ -(rejoicing) payable by a married man at the birth of a child; the -_movicio_ (removal) payable whenever one changed his residence; the -_yantar_, or food supplies, for the king and his retinue whenever he -visited a town; the _servicios_ (services), or subsidies, granted by the -_Cortes_; the _diezmos de mar_ (tithes of the sea), or customs duties -collected at the ports. The most notable tax of the second class was the -_fonsado_ (foss), payable by those who wished to escape the obligation -of going on a military campaign. One of the third group was the _caloña_ -(fine), due from the inhabitants of a region where a crime had been -committed and the guilty person had not been found. Gradually it became -the practice to commute these taxes for a single payment, except for the -_fonsado_ and the _yantar_, which were not dispensed with. - -[23] At the present time the word _alférez_ is equivalent to -“sub-lieutenant.” - -[24] It is still allowed to exist in a chapel of the cathedral of -Toledo, and in another of Salamanca. - -[25] To Saint Dominic is due the institution of the rosary. - -[26] A curious law of Jaime I recommended that ladies of noble rank -should not offer food or lodging to jugglers, or even give them kisses. - -[27] Neoplatonism was a late and decadent form of the Greek -philosophies. It endeavored to unite the precepts of Christian, Jewish, -and oriental religions, and displayed a disregard for the empirical -investigation of the universe, holding that the way to redemption lay -through rising superior to the material manifestations of life. - -[28] The wars of Sancho and Juan gave rise to the celebrated act of -heroism of Guzmán el Bueno. Guzmán was governor of Tarifa, and had -promised Sancho that he would not surrender the place. Juan appeared -before Tarifa with a Moslem army, and threatened to kill Guzmán’s infant -son, whom he had in his power, unless the fortress were delivered. -Guzmán preferred to keep faith with his king, and sent his own dagger -for Juan to use in fulfilling his threat. Juan had the boy beheaded in -front of the walls of Tarifa, but failed to take the town. The incident -is illustrative of the savage brutality of the age, and was a rather -unusual instance for that time of keeping political faith at any cost. - -[29] So called from a legend respecting his death. He is said to have -ordered two men put to death for a crime which they protested they did -not commit. As the sentence was being executed they summoned Ferdinand -to appear before the tribunal of God within thirty days, and on the -thirtieth day thereafter Ferdinand was dead. - -[30] The eldest son of Fernando de la Cerda, and therefore the rightful -king according to the laws of Alfonso X. - -[31] This document is often rendered in English as “Privilege of Union,” -a phrase which is frequently misunderstood to mean, privilege to unite. -The use of the article is necessary in order to give the correct -connotation. - -[32] The lack of regular armies in the medieval period gave rise to the -employment of mercenary troops composed of adventurers from all -countries, whose presence became a danger to the state, once the purpose -for which they had been hired had been achieved. Fadrique of Sicily -found himself in this position at the end of the war with his father in -1302. He therefore suggested to Roger de Flor, one of his mercenary -leaders, that he go to the aid of the Roman emperor of Constantinople, -then in grave danger from the Turks, who had overrun Asia Minor. Roger -de Flor accepted the idea, and embarked for the east with a large body -of mercenaries, many of whom were Catalans. Through their aid the -emperor won great successes against the Turks, and he therefore granted -wealth and honors to his mercenary helpers, with the result that yet -more mercenaries came to share in the prosperity of their brothers in -arms. Some of the Byzantine Greek nobles became jealous of the favor -accorded to Roger de Flor and his men, and planned a massacre which was -so successfully executed that that leader and thousands of his followers -were killed. The survivors, some 3300 in number, did not lose courage, -but on the contrary resolved to avenge this treachery, and did so, so -effectively that the “Catalan vengeance” has become quite as famous a -term in history as the “Sicilian vespers.” They defeated their enemies -in several battles, and sacked and burned many towns, but at length -accepted a call from the duke of Athens to assist him in his wars. They -freed the duke from the danger which threatened him, but when he tried -to deal with them as the Byzantine Greeks had done they dethroned him -and sent a message to Fadrique of Sicily asking him to take them under -his protection. Fadrique sent his son, Manfred, who established the -Catalan duchy of Athens, which was destined to endure over half a -century, from 1326 to 1387 or 1388. - -[33] This was at the time of the Great Schism in the church. Benedict -was an Avignon pope. - -[34] Blanche was the unfortunate queen divorced by Henry the Impotent of -Castile. Shortly after her imprisonment in Navarre she died suddenly, -probably poisoned by order of her sister. - -[35] The figure of Pedro López de Ayala (1332-1407) is typical of the -nobility of the times, illustrating also the new tendency to win -triumphs in court intrigues rather than in warlike pursuits. Despite the -facility with which he changed from one side to another, he was able to -procure a profit for himself (even out of his reverses) without scandal -and under a pretence of serving the public good, being always on the -border of immorality without falling openly and resolutely into it. Thus -he was able to rise from untitled poverty to nobility and extraordinary -wealth, and to the position of chancellor of Castile. He was also the -most noted historian of his time. - -A worthy successor of the preceding was Pedro Téllez Girón, grand master -of Calatrava, whose achievements occupied the latter years of Juan II -and most of the reign of Henry IV. As a favorite of the latter before he -became king he was influential in causing the downfall of Álvaro de -Luna, and profited by that event to secure honors and wealth for -himself, so that in the reign of Henry IV he proved to be the most -powerful of the Castilian lords. He was also one of the most turbulent -and disloyal of the nobles, and knew how to procure a good price for his -services in the civil wars of his time. He would have married Isabella, -the successor of Henry IV, if he had lived, and in that event the -history of Spain might have taken a different course. - -[36] Usually the “royal thirds” amounted to two-ninths. At a later time, -both in Spain and the colonies, this tax was specifically called the -_dos novenas_ (two-ninths). - -[37] The customs of the clergy will be taken up more fully in chapter -XIV. - -[38] It was still the practice to farm out the revenues for a fixed sum, -leaving the contractor to collect them as a private venture. - -[39] Despite the existence of bull-fighting in much earlier times,--for -example, in the Visigothic period,--there is no clear documentary -reference to that game for centuries prior to the reign of Alfonso X. - -[40] The earliest recorded petition in their favor in the popular branch -of the _Cortes_ was in 1626! - -[41] An estimate of 1359 states that there were 25,731 dwellings on -royal lands, and 57,278 on those of the lords. As late as the -seventeenth century it is said that 1800 cities and towns out of 2400 -belonged to the nobles or the church, or three-fourths of the total. - -[42] Thus Queen María felt it incumbent upon her to enact, in 1454, that -naked men should not take part in processions of masqueraders. - -[43] See page 90, note 1. - -[44] Literally “audience,” or “hearing.” Originally, the king gave -“audience” for the decision of cases. Later, he was relieved of this -duty by other officials, or bodies, and the name was applied finally to -the courts referred to in this volume. - -[45] The most famous of these leagues was the _Santa Real Hermandad_ -(Royal Holy Brotherhood) of Toledo, Talavera, and Villarreal which -lasted until the nineteenth century, although with modifications of its -jurisdiction and activities. The members of the league might pursue an -offender as far as the borders of Portugal or Aragon. When they caught -him they had a banquet, after which the criminal was tied to a post to -serve as a target, and a prize was given to the one who first shot him -through the heart. When the accused was already dead, a trial was held -and he was sentenced. This procedure helps one to visualize the real -insecurity of the times,--for the same summary methods were employed -which men have used both before and since when the central authority was -not strong enough to guarantee public security. The California Vigilance -Committees in the days of the gold rush are an instance in point. - -[46] Literally “corrector.” While the royal agent of this name might -originally have been considered a “corrector” rather than an -administrator, he later came to rule over areas ranging from that of a -city to a province, with wide judicial and executive functions. - -[47] In 1283 the General Privilege was added as book eight, for there -had been the usual seven parts in the code of Jaime I; in 1300 the -reforms of Jaime II; in 1348 those of Pedro IV; and finally those of -Juan I and Martín I. - -[48] In medieval schools grammar, rhetoric, and logic (comprising the -_trivium_) were the principal studies, supplemented by arithmetic, -geometry, astronomy, and music (or the _quadrivium_). These subjects -were almost unrecognizably unlike those of the same names today. - -[49] See page 110. - -[50] The Basque game, with which the people of Navarre were equally -familiar. This game bears no resemblance to American base-ball; rather -it is more like a combination of tennis and hand-ball. At the present -time the players, three on a side, use a kind of bat, or racket, and a -leather-covered, solid rubber ball. The ball is served against a side -wall, and must be made to bound back over a net. The ball is thus kept -in play until one side misses a return, which scores a point for the -opponents. The side first making a required number of points wins the -match. - -[51] After referring to the wealth of jewelry worn by the women of his -time a Moslem writer goes on to say, “The women of Granada are -beautiful, being distinguished for the symmetry of their figures, the -gracefulness of their bodies, the length and waviness of their hair, the -whiteness and brilliance of their teeth, the perfume of their breath, -the pleasing lightness of their movements, the cleverness of their -speech, and the charm of their conversation.” - -[52] See p. 159. - -[53] Cf. p. 155, n. 3. - -[54] The _real_ was a former Spanish coin of elusive value. Prior to the -reign of Ferdinand and Isabella it was worth slightly more than ninety -_maravedís_ and after that reign slightly less than eighty-nine. Today -the _real_ of copper (a theoretical coin) is worth thirty-four -_maravedís_ and the _real_ of silver sixty-eight. As the _maravedí_ -(which is no longer coined) was worth about a sixth of a cent in -present-day United States money, it will be seen that the _real_ has -ranged from about fifteen to five cents in value. These amounts do not, -of course, represent the actual value, or purchasing power, of the -_real_. That cannot be determined, but it was certainly many times -greater than it would be today. - -[55] The two most important, those of Valladolid and Granada, were -distinguished from the others by being called _chancillerías_. - -[56] Compare the figures on population given at page 333. - -[57] The addition of the name “de Jesús” to that of some of the mystics -came from their assertions of a marriage with Christ, according to which -fact their names, in Spanish fashion, required this indication of their -marital partner. - -[58] The best place to see them is in the Velázquez room of the Prado at -Madrid. - -[59] The British settlement was abandoned in 1774, after which the -Spaniards returned. Following the establishment of Argentine -independence that country occupied the Falklands, and still claims them. -Since 1833, however, they have been in the possession of England. - -[60] For negotiating this treaty, which certainly did not redound -greatly to the advantage of Spain, Godoy won the title of Prince of the -Peace. - -[61] Those who have lived in Spanish boarding-houses (_fondas_) in our -own times will recognize that this description lacks very little of -fitting contemporary Spain. - -[62] See note at page 196. - -[63] The Jansenists were a sect within the Catholic Church following the -teachings of Cornelis Jansen (1585-1638), who relied upon the tenets of -Saint Augustine as the basis for a reform of the church. They were -opposed to the doctrine of papal infallibility, and were bitter enemies -of the Jesuits, besides differing from other Catholics in certain points -of dogma. Their views were eventually pronounced heretical. - -[64] On the basis of the usual size of Spanish families, this would have -meant one churchman to every five to ten adult men. - -[65] One well-known case of clerical impropriety was that of the two -ambitious priests whom Queen María Luisa employed as spies to keep her -informed whether Godoy were faithful to her or not. - -[66] A _fanega_ equals about 1.59 acres. - -[67] There were some relatively unimportant combats after this date, and -Spain did not acknowledge defeat until 1836. - -[68] Belloc, Hilaire, “_The International_,” in _The Dublin Review_, v. -CXLVI, nos. 292-293, pp. 167-181, 396-411. London. Jan. and Apr., 1910. -This is an article about the Ferrer case. - - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's A History of Spain, by Charles E. 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Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/40646-0.zip b/old/40646-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ff4b18c..0000000 --- a/old/40646-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/40646-8.txt b/old/40646-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 517c615..0000000 --- a/old/40646-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,23663 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of Spain, by Charles E. Chapman - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: A History of Spain - founded on the Historia de Espaa y de la civilizacin - espaola of Rafael Altamira - -Author: Charles E. Chapman - -Release Date: September 2, 2012 [EBook #40646] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SPAIN *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: MAP OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL - -COMPILED BY CHARLES E. CHAPMAN] - - - - -A HISTORY OF SPAIN - -[Illustration: colophon] - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - -NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS -ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO - -MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED - -LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA -MELBOURNE - -THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. - -TORONTO - - - - -A HISTORY OF SPAIN - -FOUNDED ON THE -_HISTORIA DE ESPAA Y DE LA CIVILIZACIN ESPAOLA_ -OF RAFAEL ALTAMIRA - -BY - -CHARLES E. CHAPMAN, PH.D. - -ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY -IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA - -New York -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY -1918 - -_All rights reserved_ - -COPYRIGHT, 1918, - -BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. - -Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1918. - -Norwood Press - -J. S. Cushing Co.--Berwick & Smith Co. - -Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. - -TO MY SON - -SEVILLE DUDLEY CHAPMAN - -BORN IN THE CITY WHOSE NAME -HE BEARS - - - - -PREFACE - - -The present work is an attempt to give in one volume the main features -of Spanish history from the standpoint of America. It should serve -almost equally well for residents of both the English-speaking and the -Spanish American countries, since the underlying idea has been that -Americans generally are concerned with the growth of that Spanish -civilization which was transmitted to the new world. One of the chief -factors in American life today is that of the relations between -Anglo-Saxon and Hispanic America. They are becoming increasingly -important. The southern republics themselves are forging ahead; on the -other hand many of them are still dangerously weak, leaving possible -openings for the not unwilling old world powers; and some of the richest -prospective markets of the globe are in those as yet scantily developed -lands. The value of a better understanding between the peoples of the -two Americas, both for the reasons just named and for many others, -scarcely calls for argument. It is almost equally clear that one of the -essentials to such an understanding is a comprehension of Spanish -civilization, on which that of the Spanish American peoples so largely -depends. That information this volume aims to provide. It confines -itself to the story of the growth of Spanish civilization in Spain, but -its ultimate transfer to the Americas has been constantly in the -writer's mind in the choice of his material, as will appear from the -frequent allusions in the text. An attempt is made to treat Spanish -institutions not as static (which they never were) but in process of -evolution, from period to period. The development of Spanish -institutions in the colonies and the later independent states, it is -hoped, will be the subject of another volume. Neither story has ever -been presented according to the present plan to the American public. - -Emphasis here has been placed on the growth of the civilization, or -institutions, of Spain rather than on the narrative of political events. -The latter appears primarily as a peg on which to hang the former. The -volume is topically arranged, so that one may select those phases of -development which interest him. Thus one may confine himself to the -narrative, or to any one of the institutional topics, social, political, -religious, economic, or intellectual. Indeed, the division may be -carried even further, so that one may single out institutions within -institutions. As regards proportions the principal weight is given to -the periods from 1252 to 1808, with over half of the volume devoted to -the years 1479 to 1808. The three centuries from the sixteenth to the -nineteenth are singled out for emphasis, not only because they were the -years of the transmission of Spanish civilization to the Americas, but -also because the great body of the Spanish institutions which affected -the colonies did so in the form they acquired at that time. To treat -Spain's gift to Spanish America as complete by the year 1492 is as -incorrect as to say that the English background of United States history -is necessary only to the year 1497, when John Cabot sailed along the -North American coast, or certainly not later than 1607, when Jamestown -was founded. In accord with the primary aim of this work the place of -Spain in general European history is given relatively little space. The -recital of minor events and the introduction of the names of -inconsequential or slightly important persons have been avoided, except -in some cases where an enumeration has been made for purposes of -illustration or emphasis. For these reasons, together with the fact that -the whole account is compressed into a single volume, it is hoped that -the book may serve as a class-room text as well as a useful compendium -for the general reader. - -The writer has been fortunate in that there exists a monumental work in -Spanish containing the type of materials which he has wished to present. -This is the _Historia de Espaa y de la civilizacin espaola_, which -has won a world-wide reputation for its author, Rafael Altamira y -Crevea.[1] Indeed, the present writer makes little claim to originality, -since for the period down to 1808 he has relied almost wholly on -Altamira. Nevertheless, he has made, not a summary, but rather a -selection from the _Historia_ (which is some five times the length of -this volume) of such materials as were appropriate to his point of view. -The chapter on the reign of Charles III has been based largely on the -writer's own account of the diplomacy of that monarch, which lays -special emphasis on the relation of Spain to the American Revolution.[2] -For the chapter dealing with Spain in the nineteenth century the volumes -of the _Cambridge modern history_ have been used, together with those on -modern Spain by Hume and Butler Clarke. The last chapter, dealing with -present-day Spain, is mainly the result of the writer's observations -during a two years' residence in that country, 1912 to 1914. In the -course of his stay he visited every part of the peninsula, but spent -most of his time in Seville, wherefore it is quite possible that his -views may have an Andalusian tinge. - -In the spelling of proper names the English form has been adopted if it -is of well-established usage. The founder of the Carlists and Carlism, -however, is retained as "Don Carlos" for obvious reasons of euphony. In -all other cases the Spanish has been preferred. The phrase "the -Americas" is often used as a general term for Spain's overseas colonies. -It may therefore include the Philippines sometimes. The term "Moslems" -has been employed for the Mohammedan invaders of Spain. The word "Moors" -has been avoided, because it is historically inaccurate as a general -term for all the invaders; the Almohades, or Moors, were a branch of the -Berber family, and other Moslem peoples had preceded them in Spain by -upwards of four hundred years. Their influence both as regards culture -and racial traits was far less than that of the Arabs, who were the most -important of the conquering races, and this fact, together with their -late arrival, should militate against the application of their name to -the whole era of Moslem Spain. All of these alien peoples were -Mohammedans, which would seem to justify the use of the word "Moslems." -The word "lords" in some cases indicates ecclesiastics as well as -nobles. "Town" has been employed generally for "_villa_," "_concejo_," -"_pueblo_," "_aldea_," and "_ciudad_," except when special attention has -been drawn to the different types of municipalities. Spanish -institutional terms have been translated or explained at their first -use. They also appear in the index. - -As on previous occasions, so now, the writer finds himself under -obligations to his colleagues in the Department of History of the -University of California. Professor Stephens has read much of this -manuscript and has made helpful suggestions as to content and style. -Professors Bolton and Priestley and Doctor Hackett, of the "Bancroft -Library group," have displayed a spirit of coperation which the writer -greatly appreciates. Professor Jan of the Department of Romance -Languages gave an invaluable criticism of the chapter on contemporary -Spain. Seor Jess Yanguas, the Sevillian architect, furnished the lists -of men of letters and artists appearing in that chapter. Professor -Shepherd of Columbia University kindly consented to allow certain of the -maps appearing in his _Historical atlas_ to be copied here. Doctors R. -G. Cleland, C. L. Goodwin, F. S. Philbrick, and J. A. Robertson have -aided me with much valued criticisms. The writer is also grateful to his -pupils, the Misses Bepler and Juda, for assistance rendered. - -CHARLES E. CHAPMAN. - -BERKELEY, January 5, 1918. - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER PAGE - -PREFACE vii - -INTRODUCTION BY RAFAEL ALTAMIRA xiii - - I. THE INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF SPAIN 1 - - II. THE EARLY PEOPLES, TO 206 B.C. 6 - - III. ROMAN SPAIN, 206 B.C.-409 A.D. 15 - - IV. VISIGOTHIC SPAIN, 409-713 26 - - V. MOSLEM SPAIN, 711-1031 38 - - VI. CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE MOSLEM PERIOD, 711-1035 53 - - VII. ERA OF THE SPANISH CRUSADES, 1031-1276 67 - - VIII. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 84 - - IX. MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 102 - - X. DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479 111 - - XI. DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: ARAGON, 1276-1479 125 - - XII. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 137 - - XIII. THE CASTILIAN STATE, 1252-1479 151 - - XIV. THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479 166 - - XV. ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 174 - - XVI. INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 180 - - XVII. INSTITUTIONS OF OUTLYING HISPANIC STATES, 1252-1479 192 - -XVIII. ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517 202 - - XIX. SOCIAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 210 - - XX. POLITICAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 219 - - XXI. MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS, 1479-1517 228 - - XXII. CHARLES I OF SPAIN, 1516-1556 234 - -XXIII. THE REIGN OF PHILIP II, 1556-1598 246 - - XXIV. A CENTURY OF DECLINE, 1598-1700 258 - - XXV. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1516-1700 272 - - XXVI. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1516-1700 287 - - XXVII. RELIGION AND THE CHURCH, 1516-1700 303 - - XXVIII. ECONOMIC FACTORS, 1516-1700 324 - - XXIX. THE GOLDEN AGE: EDUCATION, PHILOSOPHY, - HISTORY, AND SCIENCE, 1516-1700. 338 - - XXX. THE GOLDEN AGE: LITERATURE AND ART, 1516-1700 351 - - XXXI. THE EARLY BOURBONS, 1700-1759 368 - - XXXII. CHARLES III AND ENGLAND, 1759-1788 383 - - XXXIII. CHARLES IV AND FRANCE, 1788-1808 399 - - XXXIV. SPANISH SOCIETY, 1700-1808 411 - - XXXV. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1700-1808 425 - - XXXVI. STATE AND CHURCH, 1700-1808 443 - - XXXVII. ECONOMIC REFORMS, 1700-1808 458 - -XXXVIII. INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITIES, 1700-1808 471 - - XXXIX. THE GROWTH OF LIBERALISM, 1808-1898 488 - - XL. THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917 508 - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 527 - -INDEX 541 - - -MAPS - -GENERAL REFERENCE MAP _Frontispiece_ - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492 67 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The fact that this book is in great part a summary, or selection, from -one of mine, as is stated in the Preface, makes it almost a duty for me -to do what would in any event be a great pleasure in the case of a work -by Professor Chapman. I refer to the duty of writing a few paragraphs by -way of introduction. But, at the same time, this circumstance causes a -certain conflict of feelings in me, since no one, unless it be a pedant, -can act so freely in self-criticism as he would if he were dealing with -the work of another. Fortunately, Professor Chapman has incorporated -much of his own harvest in this volume, and to that I may refer with -entire lack of embarrassment. - -Obviously, the plan and the labor of condensing all of the material for -a history of Spain constitute in themselves a commendable achievement. -In fact, there does not exist in any language of the world today a -compendium of the history of Spain reduced to one volume which is able -to satisfy all of the exigencies of the public at large and the needs of -teaching, without an excess of reading and of labor. None of the -histories of my country written in English, German, French, or Italian -in the nineteenth century can be unqualifiedly recommended. Some, such -as that by Hume, entitled _The Spanish people_, display excellent -attributes, but these are accompanied by omissions to which modern -historiography can no longer consent. As a general rule these histories -are altogether too political in character. At other times they offend -from an excess of bookish erudition and from a lack of a personal -impression of what our people are, as well as from a failure to narrate -their story in an interesting way, or indeed, they perpetuate errors and -legends, long since discredited, with respect to our past and present -life. We have some one-volume histories of Spain in Castilian which are -to be recommended for the needs of our own secondary schools, but not -for those of a foreign country, whose students require another manner of -presentation of our history, for they have to apply an interrogatory -ideal which is different from ours in their investigation of the deeds -of another people,--all the more so if that people, like the Spanish, -has mingled in the life of nearly the whole world and been the victim of -the calumnies and fanciful whims of historians, politicians, and -travellers. - -For all of these reasons the work of condensation by Professor Chapman -constitutes an important service in itself for the English-speaking -public, for it gives in one volume the most substantial features of our -history from primitive times to the present moment. Furthermore, there -are chapters in his work which belong entirely to him: XXXII, XXXIX, and -XL. The reason for departing from my text in Chapter XXXII is given by -Professor Chapman in the Preface. As for the other two he was under the -unavoidable necessity of constructing them himself. His, for me, very -flattering method of procedure, possible down to the year 1808, if -indeed it might find a basis for continuation in a chapter of mine in -the _Cambridge modern history_ (v. X), in my lectures on the history of -Spain in the nineteenth century (given at the Ateneo of Madrid, some -years ago), in the little manual of the _Historia de la civilizacin -espaola_ (History of Spanish civilization) which goes to the year 1898, -and even in the second part of a recent work, _Espaa y el programa -americanista_ (Spain and the Americanist program), published at Madrid -in 1917, nevertheless could not avail itself of a single text, a -continuous, systematized account, comprehensive of all the aspects of -our national life as in the case of the periods prior to 1808. Moreover, -it is better that the chapters referring to the nineteenth century and -the present time should be written by a foreign pen, whose master in -this instance, as a result of his having lived in Spain, is able to -contribute that personal impression of which I have spoken before, an -element which if it is at times deceiving in part, through the influence -of a too local or regional point of view, is always worth more than -that understanding which proceeds only from erudite sources. - -I would not be able to say, without failing in sincerity (and therefore -in the first duty of historiography), that I share in and subscribe to -all the conclusions and generalizations of Professor Chapman about the -contemporary history and present condition of Spain. At times my dissent -would not be more than one of the mere shade of meaning, perhaps from -the form of expression, given to an act which, according as it is -presented, is, or is not, exact. But in general I believe that Professor -Chapman sees modern Spain correctly, and does us justice in many things -in which it is not frequent that we are accorded that consideration. -This alone would indeed be a great merit in our eyes and would deserve -our applause. The English-speaking public will have a guarantee, through -this work, of being able to contemplate a quite faithful portrait of -Spain, instead of a caricature drawn in ignorance of the facts or in bad -faith. With this noble example of historiographical calm, Professor -Chapman amply sustains one of the most sympathetic notes which, with -relation to the work of Spain in America, has for some years been -characteristic, that which we should indeed call the school of North -American historians. - -RAFAEL ALTAMIRA. - -February, 1918. - - - - -A HISTORY OF SPAIN - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF SPAIN - - -[Sidenote: Isolation of the Iberian Peninsula.] - -The Iberian Peninsula, embracing the modern states of Spain and -Portugal, is entirely surrounded by the waters of the Mediterranean Sea -and the Atlantic Ocean, except for a strip in the north a little less -than three hundred miles in length, which touches the southern border of -France. Even at that point Spain is almost completely shut off from the -rest of Europe, because of the high range of the Pyrenees Mountains. -Portugal, although an independent state and set apart to a certain -extent by a mountainous boundary, cannot be said to be geographically -distinct from Spain. Indeed, many regions in Spain are quite as separate -from each other as is Portugal from the Spanish lands she borders upon. -Until the late medieval period, too, the history of Portugal was in the -same current as that of the peninsula as a whole. - -[Sidenote: Mountains and plateaus.] - -The greatest average elevation in Spain is found in the centre, in -Castile and Extremadura, whence there is a descent, by great steps as it -were, to the east and to the west. On the eastern side the descent is -short and rapid to the Mediterranean Sea. On the west, the land falls by -longer and more gradual slopes to the Atlantic Ocean, so that central -Spain may be said to look geographically toward the west. There is an -even more gentle decline from the base of the Pyrenees to the valley of -the Guadalquivir, although it is interrupted by plateaus which rise -above the general level. All of these gradients are modified greatly by -the mountain ranges within the peninsula. The Pyrenean range not only -separates France from Spain, but also continues westward under the name -Cantabrian Mountains for an even greater distance along the northern -coast of the latter country, leaving but little lowland space along the -sea, until it reaches Galicia in the extreme northwest. Here it expands -until it covers an area embracing northern Portugal as well. At about -the point where the Pyrenees proper and the Cantabrian Mountains come -together the Iberian, or Celtiberian, range, a series of isolated -mountains for the most part, breaks off to the southeast until near the -Mediterranean, when it curves to the west, merging with the Penibtica -range (better known as the Sierra Nevada Mountains, the name of that -part of the range lying south of the city of Granada), which moves -westward near the southern coast to end in the cape of Tarifa. - -[Sidenote: Geographical divisions of the peninsula.] - -These mountains divide the peninsula into four regions: the narrow -littoral on the northern coast; Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Murcia, and -most of La Mancha, looking toward the Mediterranean; Almera, Mlaga, -and part of Granada and Cdiz in the south of Spain; and the vast region -comprising the rest of the peninsula. The last-named is subdivided into -four principal regions of importance historically. The Carpetana, or -Carpeto-Vetnica, range in the north (more often called the Guadarrama -Mountains) separates Old Castile from New Castile and Extremadura to the -south, and continues into Portugal. The Oretana range crosses the -provinces of Cuenca, Toledo, Ciudad Real, Cceres, and Badajoz, also -terminating in Portugal. Finally, the Marinica range (more popularly -known as the Sierra Morena) forms the boundary of Castile and -Extremadura with Andalusia. Each of the four sub-divisions has a great -river valley, these being respectively, from north to south, the Douro, -Tagus, Guadiana, and Guadalquivir. Various other sub-sections might be -named, but only one is of prime importance,--the valley of the Ebro in -Aragon and Catalonia, lying between the Pyrenees and an eastward branch -of the Iberian range. Within these regions, embracing parts of several -of them, there is another that is especially noteworthy,--that of the -vast table-land of central Spain between the Ebro and the Guadalquivir. -This is an elevated region, difficult of access from all of the -surrounding lands. Geologists have considered it the "permanent nucleus" -of the peninsula. It is in turn divided into two table-lands of unequal -height by the great Carpeto-Vetnica range. The long coast line of the -peninsula, about 2500 miles in length, has also been a factor of no -small importance historically. Despite the length of her border along -the sea, Spain has, next to Switzerland, the greatest average elevation -of any country in Europe, so high are her mountains and table-lands. - -[Sidenote: Disadvantageous effects of geography.] - -These geographical conditions have had important consequences -climatically and economically and especially historically. The altitude -and irregularity of the land have produced widely separated extremes of -temperature, although as a general rule a happy medium is maintained. To -geographical causes, also, are due the alternating seasons of rain and -drought in most of Spain, especially in Castile, Valencia, and -Andalusia, which have to contend, too, with the disadvantages of a -smaller annual rainfall than is the lot of most other parts of Europe -and with the torrential rains which break the season of drought. When it -rains, the water descends in such quantity and with such rapidity from -the mountains to the sea that the river beds are often unable to contain -it, and dangerous floods result. Furthermore, the sharpness of the slope -makes it difficult to utilize these rivers for irrigation or navigation, -so swift is the current, and so rapidly do the rivers spend themselves. -Finally, the rain is not evenly distributed, and some regions, -especially the high plateau country of Castile and La Mancha, are -particularly dry and are difficult of cultivation. - -[Sidenote: Beneficial effects.] - -On the other hand the geographical conditions of the peninsula have -produced distinct benefits to counterbalance the disadvantages. The -coastal plains are often very fertile. Especially is this true of the -east and south, where the vine and the olive, oranges, rice, and other -fruits and vegetables are among the best in the world. The northern -coast is of slight value agriculturally, but, thanks to a rainfall -which is constant and greater than necessary, is rich pastorally. Here, -too, there is a very agreeable climate, due in large measure to a -favoring ocean current, which has also been influential in producing the -forests in a part of Galicia. These factors have made the northern coast -a favorite summer resort for Spaniards and, indeed, for many other -Europeans. The mountains in all parts of the peninsula have proved to -contain a mineral wealth which many centuries of mining have been unable -to exhaust. Some gold and more silver have been found, but metals of use -industrially--such, for example, as copper--have been the most abundant. -The very difficulties which Spaniards have had to overcome helped to -develop virile traits which have made their civilization of more force -in the world than might have been expected from a country of such scant -wealth and population.[3] - -[Sidenote: Geographical isolation the cause of Spanish individuality.] - -The most marked result of these natural conditions has been the -isolation, not only of Spain from the rest of the world, but also of the -different regions of Spain from one another. Spaniards have therefore -developed the conservative clinging to their own institutions and the -individuality of an island people. While this has retarded their -development into a nation, it has held secure the advances made and has -vitalized Spanish civilization. For centuries the most isolated parts -were also the most backward, this being especially true of Castile, -whereas the more inviting and more easily invaded south and east coasts -were the most susceptible to foreign influence and the most advanced -intellectually as well as economically. When at length the centre -accepted the civilization of the east and south, and by reason of its -virility was able to dominate them, it imposed its law, its customs, -and its conservatism upon them, and reached across the seas to the -Americas, where a handful of men were able to leave an imperishable -legacy of Spanish civilization to a great part of two continents. - -[Sidenote: Events traceable to geographic conditions.] - -Specific facts in Spanish history can also be traced very largely to the -effects of geography. The mineral wealth of the peninsula has attracted -foreign peoples throughout recorded history, and the fertility of the -south and east has also been a potent inducement to an invasion, whether -of armies or of capital. The physical features of the peninsula helped -these peoples to preserve their racial characteristics, with the result -that Spain presents an unusual variety in traits and customs. The fact -that the valley of the Guadalquivir descends to the sea before reaching -the eastern line of the Portuguese boundary had an influence in bringing -about the independence of Portugal,--for while Castile still had to -combat the Moslem states Portugal could turn her energies inward. -Nevertheless, one must not think that geography has been the only or -even the controlling factor in the life and events of the Iberian -Peninsula. Others have been equally or more important,--such as those of -race and, especially, the vast group of circumstances involving the -relations of men and of states which may be given the collective name of -history. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE EARLY PEOPLES, TO 206 B.C. - - -[Sidenote: Prehistoric Spain.] - -The Iberian Peninsula has not always had the same form which it now has, -or the same plants, animals, or climate which are found there today. For -example, it is said that Spain was once united by land with Africa, and -also by way of Sicily, which had not yet become an island, with southern -Italy, making a great lake of the western Mediterranean. The changes as -a result of which the peninsula assumed its present characteristics -belong to the field of geology, and need to be mentioned here only as -affording some clue to the earliest colonization of the land. In like -manner the description of the primitive peoples of Spain belongs more -properly to the realm of ethnology. It is worthy of note, however, that -there is no proof that the earliest type of man in Europe, the -Neanderthal, or Canstadt, man,[4] existed in Spain, and it is believed -that the next succeeding type, the Furfooz man, entered at a time when a -third type, the Cromagnon, was already there. Evidences of the Cromagnon -man are numerous in Spain. Peoples of this type may have been the -original settlers of the Iberian Peninsula.[5] Like the Neanderthal and -Furfooz men they are described generally as paleolithic men, for their -implements were of rough stone. After many thousands of years the -neolithic man, or man of the polished stone age, developed in Spain as -in other parts of the world. In some respects the neolithic man of Spain -differed from the usual European type, but was similar to the neolithic -man of Greece. This has caused some writers to argue for a Greek origin -of the early Spanish peoples, but others claim that similar -manifestations might have developed independently in each region. -Neolithic man was succeeded by men of the ages of the metals,--copper, -bronze, and iron. The age of iron, at least, coincided with the entry -into Spain of peoples who come within the sphere of recorded history. As -early as the bronze age a great mixture of races had taken place in -Spain, although the brachycephalic successors of the Cromagnon race were -perhaps the principal type. These were succeeded by a people who -probably arrived in pre-historic times, but later than the other races -of those ages--that dolichocephalic group to which has been applied the -name Iberians. They were the dominating people at the time of the -arrival of the Phoenicians and Greeks. - -[Sidenote: The Iberians.] - -The early Spanish peoples left no literature which has survived, -wherefore dependence has to be placed on foreign writers. No writings -prior to the sixth century B.C. which refer to the Iberian Peninsula are -extant, and those of that and the next two centuries are too meagre to -throw much light on the history or the peoples of the land. These -accounts were mainly those of Greeks, with also some from Carthaginians. -In the first two centuries B.C. and in the first and succeeding -centuries of the Christian era there were more complete accounts, based -in part on earlier writings which are no longer available. One of the -problems resulting from the paucity of early evidences is that of the -determination of Iberian origins. Some hold that the name Iberian should -not have an extensive application, asserting that it belongs only to the -region of the Ebro (_Iberus_), the name of which river was utilized by -the Greek, Scylax, of the sixth century B.C., in order to designate the -tribes of that vicinity. Most writers use the term Iberians, however, as -a general one for the peoples in Spain at the dawn of recorded history, -maintaining that they were akin to the ancient Chaldeans and Assyrians, -who came from Asia into northern Africa, stopping perhaps to have a -share in the origin of the Egyptian people, and entering Spain from the -south. According to some authors the modern Basques of northern Spain -and the Berbers of northern Africa are descendants of the same people, -although there are others who do not agree with this opinion. Some -investigators have gone so far as to assert the existence of a great -Iberian Empire, extending through northern Africa, Spain, southern -France, northern Italy, Corsica, Sicily, and perhaps other lands. This -empire, they say, was founded in the fifteenth century B.C., and fought -with the Egyptians and Phoenicians for supremacy in the Mediterranean, -in alliance, perhaps, with the Hittites of Asia Minor, but was defeated, -and fell apart in the twelfth or eleventh century B.C., at which time -the Phoenicians entered Spain. - -[Sidenote: The Celtic invasion.] - -The origin of the Celts is more certain. Unlike the Iberians they were -of Indo-European race. In the third century B.C. they occupied a -territory embracing the greater part of the lands from the modern Balkan -states through northern Italy and France, with extremities in Britain -and Spain. They entered the peninsula possibly as early as the sixth -century B.C., but certainly not later than the fourth, coming by way of -the Pyrenees. It is generally held that they dominated the northwest and -west, the regions of modern Galicia and Portugal, leaving the Pyrenees, -eastern Spain, and part of the south in full possession of the Iberians. -In the centre and along the northern and southern coasts the two races -mingled to form the Celtiberians, in which the Iberian element was the -more important. These names were not maintained very strictly; rather, -the ancient writers were wont to employ group names of smaller -sub-divisions for these peoples, such as Cantabrians, Turdetanians, and -Lusitanians. - -[Sidenote: Celtiberian civilization.] - -It is not yet possible to distinguish clearly between Iberian and Celtic -civilization; in any event it must be remembered that primitive -civilizations resemble one another very greatly in their essentials. -There was certainly no united Iberian or Celtic nation within historic -times; rather, these peoples lived in small groups which were -independent and which rarely communicated with one another except for -the commerce and wars of neighboring tribes. For purposes of war tribal -bodies federated to form a larger union and the names of these -confederations are those which appear most frequently in contemporary -literature. The Lusitanians, for example, were a federation of thirty -tribes, and the Galicians of forty. The social and political -organization of these peoples was so similar to others in their stage of -culture, the world over, that it need only be indicated briefly. The -unit was the gens, made up of a number of families, forming an -independent whole and bound together through having the same gods and -the same religious practices and by a real or feigned blood -relationship. Various gentes united to form a larger unit, the tribe, -which was bound by the same ties of religion and blood, although they -were less clearly defined. Tribes in turn united, though only -temporarily and for military purposes, and the great confederations were -the result. In each unit from gens to confederation there was a chief, -or monarch, and deliberative assemblies, sometimes aristocratic, and -sometimes elective. The institutions of slavery, serfdom, and personal -property existed. Nevertheless, in some tribes property was owned in -common, and there is reason to believe that this practice was quite -extensive. In some respects the tribes varied considerably as regards -the stage of culture to which they had attained. Those of the fertile -Andalusian country were not only far advanced in agriculture, industry, -and commerce, but they also had a literature, which was said to be six -thousand years old. This has all been lost, but inscriptions of these -and other tribes have survived, although they have yet to be translated. -On the other hand the peoples of the centre, west, and north were in a -rude state; the Lusitanians of Portugal stood out from the rest in -warlike character. Speaking generally, ancient writers ascribed to the -Spanish peoples physical endurance, heroic valor, fidelity (even to the -point of death), love of liberty, and lack of discipline as salient -traits. - -[Sidenote: The Phoenicians in Spain.] - -The first historic people to establish relations with the Iberian -Peninsula were the Phoenicians. Centuries before, they had formed a -confederation of cities in their land, whence they proceeded to -establish commercial relations with the Mediterranean world. The -traditional date for their entry into Spain is the eleventh century, -when they are believed to have conquered Cdiz. Later they occupied -posts around nearly all of Spain, going even as far as Galicia in the -northwest. They exploited the mineral wealth of the peninsula, and -engaged in commerce, using a system not unlike that of the British -factories of the eighteenth century in India in their dealings with the -natives. Their settlements were at the same time a market and a fort, -located usually on an island or on an easily defensible promontory, -though near a native town. Many of these Phoenician factories have -been identified,--among others, those of Seville, Mlaga, Algeciras, and -the island of Ibiza, as well as Cdiz, which continued to be the most -important centre. These establishments were in some cases bound -politically to the mother land, but in others they were private -ventures. In either case they were bound by ties of religion and -religious tribute to the cities of Phoenicia. To the Phoenicians is -due the modern name of the greater part of the peninsula. They called it -"Span," or "Spania," meaning "hidden (or remote) land." In course of -time they were able to extend their domination inland, introducing -important modifications in the life of the Iberian tribes, if only -through the articles of commerce they brought. - -[Sidenote: The Carthaginian conquest.] - -The conquest of Phoenicia by the kings of Assyria and Chaldea had an -effect on far-away Spain. The Phoenician settlements of the peninsula -became independent, but they began to have ever more extensive relations -with the great Phoenician colony of Carthage on the North African -coast. This city is believed to have acquired the island of Ibiza in -much earlier times, but it was not until the sixth century B.C. that the -Carthaginians entered Spain in force. At that time the people of Cdiz -are said to have been engaged in a dangerous war with certain native -tribes, wherefore they invited the Carthaginians to help them. The -latter came, and, as has so often occurred in history, took over for -themselves the land which they had entered as allies. - -[Sidenote: The Greeks in Spain.] - -Meanwhile, the Greeks had already been in Spain for some years. -Tradition places the first Greek voyage to the Spanish coast in the year -630 B.C. Thereafter there were commercial voyages by the Greeks to the -peninsula, followed in time by the founding of settlements. The -principal colonizers were the Phocians, proceeding from their base at -Marseilles, where they had established themselves in the seventh century -B.C. Their chief post in Spain was at Emporium (on the site of Castelln -de Ampurias, in the province of Gerona, Catalonia), and they also had -important colonies as far south as the Valencian coast and yet others in -Andalusia, Portugal, Galicia, and Asturias. Their advance was resisted -by the Phoenicians and their Carthaginian successors, who were able to -confine the Greeks to the upper part of the eastern coast as the -principal field of their operations. The Greek colonies were usually -private ventures, bound to the city-states from which they had proceeded -by ties of religion and affection alone. They were also independent of -one another. Their manner of entry resembled that already described in -the case of the Phoenicians, for they went first to the islands near -the coast, and thence to the mainland, where at length they joined with -native towns, although having a separate, walled-off district of their -own,--comparable to the situation at the present day in certain ports of -European nations on the coast of China. Once masters of the coast the -Greeks were able to penetrate inland and to introduce Greek goods and -Greek influences over a broad area of the peninsula. To them is -attributed the introduction of the vine and the olive, which ever since -have been an important factor in the economic history of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Spain under the Barcas.] - -The principal objects of the Carthaginians in Spain were to develop the -rich silver mines of the land and to engage in commerce. In furtherance -of these aims they established a rigorous military system, putting -garrisons in the cities, and insisting on tribute in both soldiers and -money. In other respects they left both the Phoenician colonies and -the native tribes in full enjoyment of their laws and customs, but -founded cities of their own on the model of Carthage. They did not -attempt a thorough conquest of the peninsula until their difficulties -with the rising power of Rome pointed out its desirability. In the -middle of the third century B.C., Carthage, which had long been the -leading power in the western Mediterranean, came into conflict with Rome -in the First Punic War. As a result of this war, which ended in 242 -B.C., Rome took the place of Carthage in Sicily. It was then that -Hamilcar of the great Barca family of Carthage suggested the more -thorough occupation of Spain as a counterpoise to the Roman acquisition -of Sicily, in the hope that Carthage might eventually engage with -success in a new war with Rome. He at length entered Spain with a -Carthaginian army in 236 B.C., having also been granted political powers -which were so ample that he became practically independent of direction -from Carthage. The conquest was not easy, for while many tribes joined -with him, others offered a bitter resistance. Hamilcar achieved vast -conquests, built many forts, and is traditionally supposed to have -founded the city of Barcelona, which bears his family name. He died in -battle, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Hasdrubal. Hasdrubal -followed a policy of conciliation and peace, encouraging his soldiers to -marry Iberian women, and himself wedding a Spanish princess. He made his -capital at Cartagena, building virtually a new city on the site of an -older one. This was the principal military and commercial centre in -Spain during the remainder of Carthaginian rule. There the Barcas -erected great public buildings and palaces, and ruled the country like -kings. Hasdrubal was at length assassinated, leaving his command to -Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar. Though less than thirty years of age -Hannibal was already an experienced soldier and was also an ardent -Carthaginian patriot, bitterly hostile to Rome. The time now seemed ripe -for the realization of the ambitions of Hamilcar. - -[Sidenote: Siege of Saguntum.] - -In order to check the Carthaginian advance the Romans had long since put -themselves forward as protectors of the Greek colonies of Spain. Whether -Saguntum was included in the treaties they had made or whether it was a -Greek city at all is doubted today, but when Hannibal got into a -dispute with that city and attacked it Rome claimed that this violated -the treaty which had been made by Hasdrubal. It was in the year 219 B.C. -that Hannibal laid siege to Saguntum. The Saguntines defended their city -with a heroic valor which Spaniards have many times manifested under -like circumstances. When resistance seemed hopeless they endeavored to -destroy their wealth and take their own lives. Nevertheless, Hannibal -contrived to capture many prisoners, who were given to his soldiers as -slaves, and to get a vast booty, part of which he forwarded to Carthage. -This arrived when the Carthaginians were discussing the question of -Saguntum with a Roman embassy, and, coupled with patriotic pride, it -caused them to sustain Hannibal and to declare war on Rome in the year -218 B.C. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Carthaginians by the Romans.] - -Hannibal had already organized a great army of over 100,000 men, in -great part Spanish troops, and had started by the land route for Italy. -His brilliant achievements in Italy, reflecting, though they do, not a -little glory on Spain, belong rather to the history of Rome. The Romans -had hoped to detain him in Spain, and had sent Gnus Scipio to -accomplish this end. When he arrived in Spain he found that Hannibal had -already gone. He remained, however, and with the aid of another army -under his brother, Publius Cornelius Scipio, was able to overrun a great -part of Catalonia and Valencia. In this campaign the natives followed -their traditional practice of allying, some with one side, others with -the other. Hannibal's brother Hasdrubal was at length able to turn the -tide, defeating the two Scipios in 211 B.C. He then proceeded to the aid -of Hannibal in Italy, but his defeat at the battle of the Metaurus was a -deathblow to Carthage in the war against Rome. The Romans, meanwhile, -renewed the war in Spain, where the youthful Publius Cornelius Scipio, -son of the Scipio of the same name who had been killed in Spain, had -been placed in command. By reckless daring and good fortune rather than -by military skill Scipio won several battles and captured the great city -of Cartagena. He ingratiated himself with native tribes by promises to -restore their liberty and by several generous acts calculated to please -them,--as, for example, his return of a native girl who had been given -to him, on learning that she was on the point of being married to a -native prince. These practices helped him to win victory after victory, -despite several instances of desperate resistance, until at length in -206 B.C. the Carthaginians abandoned the peninsula. It was this same -Scipio who later defeated Hannibal at Zama, near Carthage, in 202 B.C., -whereby he brought the war to an end and gained for himself the surname -Africanus. - -[Sidenote: Results of Carthaginian occupation.] - -The Carthaginians had been in Spain for over two hundred years, and, as -was natural, had influenced the customs of the natives. Nevertheless, -their rule was rather a continuation, on a grander scale, of the -Phoenician civilization. From the standpoint of race, too, they and -their Berber and Numidian allies, who entered with them, were perhaps of -the same blood as the primitive Iberians. They had developed far beyond -them, however, and their example assisted the native tribesmen to attain -to a higher culture than had hitherto been acquired. If Rome was to -mould Spanish civilization, it must not be forgotten that the -Phoenicians, Greeks, and Carthaginians had already prepared the way. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -ROMAN SPAIN, 206 B.C.-409 A.D. - - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Roman occupation.] - -Undoubtedly the greatest single fact in the history of Spain was the -long Roman occupation, lasting more than six centuries. All that Spain -is or has done in the world can be traced in greatest measure to the -Latin civilization which the organizing genius of Rome was able to graft -upon her. Nevertheless, the history of Spain in the Roman period does -not differ in its essentials from that of the Roman world at large, -wherefore it may be passed over, with only a brief indication of events -and conditions in Spain and a bare hint at the workings and content of -Latin civilization in general. - -[Sidenote: The Roman conquest.] - -The Romans had not intended to effect a thorough conquest of Spain, but -the inevitable law of expansion forced them to attempt it, unless they -wished to surrender what they had gained, leaving themselves once more -exposed to danger from that quarter. The more civilized east and south -submitted easily to the Roman rule, but the tribes of the centre, north, -and west opposed a most vigorous and persistent resistance. The war -lasted three centuries, but may be divided into three periods, in each -of which the Romans appeared to better advantage than in the preceding, -until at length the powerful effects of Roman organization were already -making themselves felt over all the land, even before the end of the -wars. - -[Sidenote: The military conquest.] - -The first of these periods began while the Carthaginians were still in -the peninsula, and lasted for upwards of seventy years. This was an era -of bitter and often temporarily successful resistance to Rome,--a matter -which taxed the resources of the Roman Republic heavily. The very lack -of union of the Spanish peoples tended to prolong the conflict, since -any tribe might make war, then peace, and war again, with the result -that no conquests, aside from those in the east and south, were ever -secure. The type of warfare was also difficult for the Roman legionaries -to cope with, for the Spaniards fought in small groups, taking advantage -of their knowledge of the country to cut off detachments or to surprise -larger forces when they were not in the best position to fight. These -military methods, employed by Spaniards many times in their history, -have been given, very appropriately, a Spanish name,--_guerrilla_ -(little war). Service in Spain came to be the most dreaded of all by the -Roman troops, and several times Roman soldiers refused to go to the -peninsula, or to fight when they got there, all of which encouraged the -Spanish tribes to continue the revolt. The Romans employed harsh methods -against those who resisted them, levelling their city walls and towers, -selling prisoners of war into slavery, and imposing heavy taxes on -conquered towns. They often displayed an almost inhuman brutality and -treachery, which probably harmed their cause rather than helped it. Two -incidents stand out as the most important in this period, and they -illustrate the way in which the Romans conducted the war,--the wars of -the Romans against the Lusitanians and against the city of Numantia in -the middle years of the second century B.C. - -[Sidenote: Viriatus.] - -The Roman leader Galba had been defeated by the Lusitanians, whereupon -he resorted to an unworthy stratagem to reduce them. He granted them a -favorable peace, and then when they were returning to their homes -unprepared for an attack he fell upon them, and mercilessly put them to -death. He could not kill them all, however, and a determined few -gathered about a shepherd named Viriatus to renew the war. Viriatus was -a man of exceptional military talent, and he was able to reconquer a -great part of western and central Spain. For eight or nine years he -hurled back army after army sent against him, until at length the Roman -general Servilianus recognized the independence of the lands in the -control of Viriatus. The Roman government disavowed the act of -Servilianus, and sent out another general, Cpio by name, who procured -the assassination of Viriatus. Thereafter, the Lusitanians were unable -to maintain an effective resistance, and they were obliged to take up -their abode in lands where they could be more easily controlled should -they again attempt a revolt. - -[Sidenote: The wars of Numantia.] - -Meanwhile, the wars of Numantia, which date from the year 152 B.C., were -still going on. Numantia was a city on the Douro near the present town -of Soria, and seems to have been at that time the centre, or capital, of -a powerful confederation. Around this city occurred the principal -incidents of the war in central Spain, although the fighting went on -elsewhere as well. Four times the Roman armies were utterly defeated and -obliged to grant peace, but on each occasion their treaties were -disavowed by the government or else the Roman generals declined to abide -by their own terms. Finally, Rome sent Scipio milianus, her best -officer, with a great army to bring the war to an end. This general -contrived to reach the walls of Numantia, and was so skilful in his -methods that the city was cut off from its water-supply and even from -the hope of outside help. The Numantines therefore asked for terms, but -the conditions offered were so harsh that they resolved to burn the city -and fight to the death. This they did, killing themselves if they did -not fall in battle. Thus ended the Numantine wars at a date placed -variously from 134 to 132 B.C. The most serious part of the fighting was -now over. - -[Sidenote: Sertorius.] - -In the next period, lasting more than a hundred years, there were not a -few native revolts against the Romans, but the principal characteristic -of the era was the part which Spain played in the domestic strife of the -Roman Republic. Spain had already become sufficiently Romanized to be -the most important Roman province. When the party of Sulla triumphed -over that of Marius in Rome, Sertorius, a partisan of the latter, had to -flee from Italy, and made his way to Spain and thence to Africa. In 81 -B.C. he returned to Spain, and put himself at the head of what purported -to be a revolt against Rome. Part Spanish in blood he was able to -attract the natives to his standard as well as the Romans in Spain who -were opposed to Sulla, and in a short time he became master of most of -the peninsula. He was far from desiring a restoration of native -independence, however, but wished, through Spain, to overthrow the -Sullan party in Rome. The real significance of his revolt was that it -facilitated the Romanization of the country, for Sertorius introduced -Roman civilization under the guise of a war against the Roman state. His -governmental administration was based on that of Rome, and his principal -officials were either Romans or part Roman in blood. He also founded -schools in which the teachers were Greeks and Romans. It was natural -that not a few of the natives should view with displeasure the secondary -place allotted to them and their customs and to their hopes of -independence. Several of the Roman officers with Sertorius also became -discontented, whether through envy or ambition. Thus it was that the -famous Roman general Pompey was at length able to gain a victory by -treachery which he could not achieve by force of arms. A price was put -on Sertorius' head, and he was assassinated in 72 B.C. by some of his -companions in arms, as Viriatus had been before him. In the course of -the next year Pompey was able to subject the entire region formerly -ruled by Sertorius. In the war between Csar and Pompey, commencing in -49 B.C., Spain twice served as a battle-ground where Csar gained great -victories over the partisans of his enemy, at Ilerda (modern Lrida) in -49, and at Munda (near Ronda) in 45 B.C. It is noteworthy that by this -time a Csar could seek his Roman enemy in Spain, without paying great -heed to the native peoples. The north and northwest were not wholly -subdued however. This task was left to the victor in the next period of -civil strife at Rome, Octavius, who became the Emperor Augustus. His -general, Agrippa, finally suppressed the peoples of the northern coasts, -just prior to the beginning of the Christian era. - -[Sidenote: Invasions from Africa.] - -For another hundred years there were minor uprisings, after which there -followed, so far as the internal affairs of the peninsula were -concerned, the long Roman peace. On several occasions there were -invasions from the outside, once by the Franks in the north, and various -times by peoples from Africa. The latter are the more noteworthy. In -all, or nearly all, of the wars chronicled thus far troops from northern -Africa were engaged, while the same region was a stronghold for pirates -who sailed the Spanish coasts. A large body of Berbers successfully -invaded the peninsula between 170 and 180 A.D., but they were at length -dislodged. This danger from Africa has been one of the permanent factors -in the history of Spain, not only at the time of the great Moslem -invasion of the eighth century, but also before that and since, down to -the present day. - -[Sidenote: The Romanization of Spain.] - -Administratively, Spain was divided into, first two provinces (197 -B.C.), then three (probably in 15 or 14 B.C.), and four (216 A.D.), and -at length five provinces (under Diocletian),[6] but the principal basis -of the Roman conquest and control and the entering wedge for Roman -civilization was the city, or town. In the towns there were elements -which were of Roman blood, at least in part, as well as the purely -indigenous peoples, who sooner or later came under the Roman influence. -Rome sent not only armies to conquer the natives but also laborers to -work in the mines. Lands, too, were allotted to her veteran soldiers, -who often married native women, and brought up their children as Romans. -Then there was the natural attraction of the superior Roman -civilization, causing it to be imitated, and eventually acquired, by -those who were not of Roman blood. The Roman cities were distinguished -from one another according to the national elements of which they were -formed, and the conquered or allied cities also had their different sets -of rights and duties, but in all cases the result was the same,--the -acceptance of Roman civilization. In Andalusia and southern Portugal the -cities were completely Roman by the end of the first century, and -beginning with the second century the rural districts as well gradually -took on a Roman character. Romanization of the east was a little longer -delayed, except in the great cities, which were early won over. The -centre and north were the most conservatively persistent in their -indigenous customs, but even there the cities along the Roman highways -imitated more and more the methods of their conquerors. It was the army, -especially in the early period, which made this possible. Its camps -became cities, just as occurred elsewhere in the empire,[7] and it both -maintained peace by force of arms, and ensured it when not engaged in -campaigns by the construction of roads and other public works. - -[Sidenote: The Roman gift to Spain.] - -The gift of Rome to Spain and the world was twofold. In the first place -she gave what she herself had originated or brought to a point which was -farther advanced than that to which other peoples had attained, and -secondly she transmitted the civilization of other peoples with whom her -vast conquests had brought her into contact. Rome's own contribution may -be summed up in two words,--_law_ and _administration_. Through these -factors, which had numerous ramifications, Rome gave the conquered -peoples peace, so that an advance in wealth and culture also became -possible. The details need not be mentioned here, especially since Roman -institutions will be discussed later in dealing with the evolution -toward national unity between 1252 and 1479. The process of -Romanization, however, was a slow one, not only as a result of the -native opposition to innovation, but also because Roman ideas themselves -were evolving through the centuries, not reaching their highest state, -perhaps, until the second century A.D. Spain was especially favored in -the legislation of the emperors, several of whom (Trajan, Hadrian, and -possibly Theodosius, who were also among the very greatest) were born in -the town of Itlica (near Seville), while a fourth, the philosopher -Marcus Aurelius, was of Spanish descent. - -[Sidenote: Last years of the Roman rule.] - -In the third and fourth centuries Spain suffered, like the rest of the -empire, from the factors which were bringing about the gradual -dissolution of imperial rule. Population declined, in part due to -plagues, and taxes increased; luxury and long peace had also softened -the people, so that the barbarians from the north of Europe, who had -never ceased to press against the Roman borders, found resistance to be -less and less effective. Indeed, the invaders were often more welcome -than not, so heavy had the weight of the laws become. The dying attempt -of Rome to bolster up her outworn administrative system is not a fact, -however, to which much space need be given in a history of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Society in Roman Spain.] - -In Spain as elsewhere there were a great many varying grades of society -during the period of Roman dominion. There were the aristocratic -patricians, the common people, or plebeians, and those held in -servitude. Each class had various sub-divisions, differing from one -another. Then, too, there were "colleges," or guilds, of men engaged in -the same trade, or fraternities of a religious or funerary nature. The -difference in classes was accentuated in the closing days of the empire, -and hardened into something like a caste system, based on lack of equal -opportunity. Artisans, for example, were made subject to their trade in -perpetuity; the son of a carpenter had no choice in life but to become a -carpenter. Great as was the lack of both liberty and equality it did not -nearly approximate what it had been in more primitive times, and it was -even less burdensome than it was to be for centuries after the passing -of Rome. Indeed, Rome introduced many social principles which tended to -make mankind more and more free, and it is these ideas which are at the -base of modern social liberty. Most important among them, perhaps, was -that of the individualistic tendency of the Roman law. This operated to -destroy the bonds which subordinated the individual to the will of a -communal group; in particular, it substituted the individual for the -family, giving each man the liberty of following his own will, instead -of subjecting him forever to the family. The same concept manifested -itself in the Roman laws with reference to property. For example, -freedom of testament was introduced, releasing property from the fetters -by which it formerly had been bound. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of the Christian church in Spain.] - -Even though Rome for a long time resisted it, she gave Christianity to -the world almost as surely as she did her Roman laws, for the very -extent and organization of the empire and the Roman tolerance (despite -the various persecutions of Christians) furnished the means by which the -Christian faith was enabled to gain a foothold. In the fourth century -the emperors gave the new religion their active support, and ensured its -victory over the opposing faiths. There is a tradition that Saint Paul -preached in Spain, but at any rate Christianity certainly existed there -in the second century, and in the third there were numerous Christian -communities.[8] The church was organized on the basis of the Roman -administrative districts, employing also the Roman methods and the Roman -law. Thus, through Rome, Spain gained another institution which was to -assist in the eventual development of her national unity and to play a -vital part in her subsequent history,--that of a common religion. In the -fourth century the church began to acquire those privileges which at a -later time were to furnish such a problem to the state. It was -authorized to receive inheritances; its clergy began to be granted -immunities,--exemptions from taxation, among others; and it was allowed -to have law courts of its own, with jurisdiction over many cases where -the church or the clergy were concerned. Church history in Spain during -this period centres largely around the first three councils of the -Spanish church. The first was held at Iliberis (Elvira) in 306, and -declared for the celibacy of the clergy, for up to that time priests had -been allowed to marry. The second, held at Saragossa in 380, dealt with -heresy. The third took place at Toledo in 400, and was very important, -for it unified the doctrine of the Christian communities of Spain on the -basis of the Catholic, or Nicene, creed. It was at this time, too, that -monasteries began to be founded in Spain. The church received no -financial aid from the state, but supported itself out of the proceeds -of its own wealth and the contributions of the faithful. - -[Sidenote: Priscillianism.] - -As in other parts of the Roman world, so too in Spain, heresies were -many and varied at this time. One of the most prominent of them, -Priscillianism, originated in Spain, taking its name from its -propounder, Priscillian. Priscillian was a Galician, who under the -influence of native beliefs set forth a new interpretation of -Christianity. He denied the mystery of the Trinity; claimed that the -world had been created by the Devil and was ruled by him, asserting that -this life was a punishment for souls which had sinned; defended the -transmigration of souls; held that wine was not necessary in the -celebration of the mass; and maintained that any Christian, whether a -priest or not, might celebrate religious sacraments. In addition he -propounded much else of a theological character which was not in accord -with Catholic Christianity. It was to condemn Priscillianism that the -Council of Saragossa was called. Nevertheless, this doctrine found favor -even among churchmen of high rank, and Priscillian himself became bishop -of vila. In the end he and his principal followers were put to death, -but it was three centuries before Priscillianism was completely stamped -out. In addition to this and other heresies the church had to combat the -religions which were already in existence when it entered the field, -such as Roman paganism and the indigenous faiths. It was eventually -successful, although many survivals of old beliefs were long existent in -the rural districts. - -[Sidenote: Economic development and public works.] - -The Romans continued the economic development of Spain on a greater -scale than their predecessors. Regions which the other peoples had not -reached were for the first time benefited by contact with a superior -civilization, and the materials which Spain was already able to supply -were diversified and improved. Although her wealth in agricultural and -pastoral products was very great, it was the mines which yielded the -richest profits. It is said that there were forty thousand miners at -Cartagena alone in the second century B.C. Commerce grew in proportion -to the development of wealth, and was facilitated in various ways, one -of which deserves special mention, for its effects were far wider than -those of mere commercial exchange. This was the building of public -works, and especially of roads, which permitted the peoples of Spain to -communicate freely with one another as never before. The roads were so -extraordinarily well made that some of them are still in use. The -majority date from the period of the empire, being built for military -reasons as one of the means of preserving peace. They formed a network, -crossing the peninsula in different directions, not two or three roads, -but many. The Romans also built magnificent bridges, which, like the -roads, still remain in whole or in part. Trade was fostered by the -checking of fraud and abuses through the application of the Roman laws -of property and of contract. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual life and the fine arts.] - -In general culture Spain also profited greatly from the Romans, for, if -the latter were not innovators outside the fields of law and government, -they had taken over much of the philosophy, science, literature, and the -arts of Greece, borrowing, too, from other peoples. The Romans had also -organized a system of public instruction as a means of disseminating -their culture, and this too they gave to Spain. The Spaniards were apt -pupils, and produced some of the leading men in Rome in various branches -of learning, among whom may be noted the philosopher Seneca, the -rhetorician Quintilian, the satirical poet Martial, and the epic poet -Lucan. The Spaniards of Cordova were especially prominent in poetry and -oratory, going so far as to impose their taste and style of speech on -conservative Rome. This shows how thoroughly Romanized certain parts of -the peninsula had become. In architecture the Romans had borrowed more -from the Etruscans than from the Greeks, getting from them the principle -of the vault and the round arch, by means of which they were able to -erect great buildings of considerable height. From the Greeks they took -over many decorative forms. Massiveness and strength were among the -leading characteristics of Roman architecture, and, due to them, many -Roman edifices have withstood the ravages of time. Especially notable -in Spain are the aqueducts, bridges, theatres, and amphitheatres which -have survived, but there are examples, also, of walls, temples, -triumphal arches, and tombs, while it is known that there were baths, -though none remain. In a wealthy civilization like the Roman it was -natural, too, that there should have been a great development of -sculpture, painting, and the industrial arts. The Roman type of city, -with its forum and with houses presenting a bare exterior and wealth -within, was adopted in Spain. - -In some of the little practices of daily life the Spanish peoples -continued to follow the customs of their ancestors, but in broad -externals Spain had become as completely Roman as Rome herself. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -VISIGOTHIC SPAIN, 409-713 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the Visigothic era.] - -The Roman influence in Spain did not end, even politically, in the year -409, which marked the first successful invasion of the peninsula by a -Germanic people and the beginning of the Visigothic era. The Visigoths -themselves did not arrive in that year, and did not establish their rule -over the land until long afterward. Even then, one of the principal -characteristics of the entire era was the persistence of Roman -civilization. Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that the Visigoths left -few permanent traces of their civilization, they were influential for so -long a time in the history of Spain that it is appropriate to give their -name to the period elapsing from the first Germanic invasion to the -beginning of the Moslem conquest. The northern peoples, of whom the -Visigoths were by far the principal element, reinvigorated the -peninsula, both by compelling a return to a more primitive mode of life, -and also by some intermixture of blood. They introduced legal, -political, and religious principles which served in the end only to -strengthen the Roman civilization by reason of the very combat necessary -to the ultimate Roman success. The victory of the Roman church came in -this era, but that of the Roman law and government was delayed until the -period from the thirteenth to the close of the fifteenth century. - -[Sidenote: Coming of the Vandals, Alans, and Suevians.] - -In the opening years of the fifth century the Vandals, who had been in -more or less hostile contact with the Romans during more than two -centuries, left their homes within modern Hungary, and emigrated, men, -women, and children, toward the Rhine. With them went the Alans, and a -little later a group of the Suevians joined them. They invaded the -region of what is now France, and after devastating it for several years -passed into Spain in the year 409. There seems to have been no effective -resistance, whereupon the conquerors divided the land, giving Galicia to -the Suevians and part of the Vandals, and the southern country from -Portugal to Cartagena to the Alans and another group of Vandals. A great -part of Spain still remained subject to the Roman Empire, even in the -regions largely dominated by the Germanic peoples. The bonds between -Spain and the empire were slight, however, for the political strife in -Italy had caused the withdrawal of troops and a general neglect of the -province, wherefore the regions not acknowledging Germanic rule tended -to become semi-independent nuclei. - -[Sidenote: Wanderings of the Visigoths.] - -The more important Visigothic invasion was not long in coming. The -Visigoths (or the Goths of the west,--to distinguish them from their -kinsmen, the Ostrogoths, or Goths of the east) had migrated in a body -from Scandinavia in the second century to the region of the Black Sea, -and in the year 270 established themselves north of the Danube. Pushed -on by the Huns they crossed that river toward the close of the fourth -century, and entered the empire, contracting with the emperors to defend -it. Their long contact with the Romans had already modified their -customs, and had resulted in their acceptance of Christianity. They had -at first received the orthodox faith, but were later converted to the -Arian form, which was not in accord with the Nicene creed. After taking -up their dwelling within the empire the Visigoths got into a dispute -with the emperors, and under their great leader Alaric waged war on them -in the east. At length they invaded Italy, and in the year 410 captured -and sacked the city of Rome, the first time such an event had occurred -in eight hundred years. Alaric was succeeded by Ataulf, who led the -Visigoths out of Italy into southern France. There he made peace with -the empire, being allowed to remain as a dependent ally of Rome in the -land he had conquered. In all of these wanderings the whole tribe, all -ages and both sexes, went along. From this point as a base the -Visigoths made a beginning of the organization which was to become a -powerful independent state. There, too, in this very Roman part of the -empire, they became more and more Romanized. - -[Sidenote: The Visigothic invasion.] - -The Visigoths were somewhat troublesome allies, for they proceeded to -conquer southern France for themselves. Thereupon, war broke out with -the emperor, and it was in the course of this conflict that they made -their first entry into Spain. This occurred in the year 414, when Ataulf -crossed the Pyrenees and captured Barcelona. Not long afterward, Wallia, -a successor of Ataulf, made peace with the emperor, gaining title -thereby to the conquests which Ataulf had made in southern France, but -renouncing those in Spain. The Visigoths also agreed to make war on the -Suevians and the other Germanic peoples in Spain, on behalf of the -empire. Thus the Visigoths remained in the peninsula, but down to the -year 456 made no conquests on their own account. Wallia set up his -capital at Toulouse, France, and it was not until the middle of the -sixth century that a Spanish city became the Visigothic seat of -government. - -[Sidenote: The Visigothic conquest.] - -The Visigoths continued to be rather uncertain allies of the Romans. -They did indeed conquer the Alans, and reduced the power of the Vandals -until in 429 the latter people migrated anew, going to northern Africa. -The Suevians were a more difficult enemy to cope with, however, -consolidating their power in Galicia, and at one time they overran -southern Spain, although they were soon obliged to abandon it. It was -under the Visigothic king Theodoric that the definite break with the -empire, in 456, took place. He not only conquered on his own account in -Spain, but also extended his dominions in France. His successor, Euric -(467-485), did even more. Except for the territory of the Suevians in -the northwest and west centre and for various tiny states under -Hispano-Roman or perhaps indigenous nobles in southern Spain and in the -mountainous regions of the north, Euric conquered the entire peninsula. -He extended his French holdings until they reached the river Loire. No -monarch of western Europe was nearly so powerful. The Visigothic -conquest, as also the conquests by the other Germanic peoples, had been -marked by considerable violence, not only toward the conquered peoples -of a different faith, but also in their dealings with one another. The -greatest of the Visigothic kings often ascended the throne as a result -of the assassination of their predecessors, who were in many cases their -own brothers. Such was the case with Theodoric and with Euric, and the -latter was one of the fortunate few who died a natural death. This -condition of affairs was to continue throughout the Visigothic period, -supplemented by other factors tending to increase the disorder and -violence of the age. - -[Sidenote: Visigothic losses to the Franks and the Byzantine Romans.] - -The death of Euric was contemporaneous with the rise of a new power in -the north of France. The Franks, under Clovis, were just beginning their -career of conquest, and they coveted the Visigothic lands to the south -of them. In 496 the Franks were converted to Christianity, but unlike -the Visigoths they became Catholic Christians. This fact aided them -against the Visigoths, for the subject population in the lands of the -latter was also Catholic. Clovis was therefore enabled to take the -greater part of Visigothic France, including the capital city, in 508, -restricting the Visigoths to the region about Narbonne, which -thenceforth became their capital. In the middle of the sixth century a -Visigothic noble, Athanagild, in his ambition to become king invited the -great Roman emperor Justinian (for the empire continued to exist in the -east, long after its dissolution in the west in 476) to assist him. -Justinian sent an army, through whose aid Athanagild attained his -ambition, but at the cost of a loss of territory to the Byzantine -Romans. Aided by the Hispano-Romans, who continued to form the bulk of -the population, and who were attracted both by the imperial character -and by the Catholic faith of the newcomers, the latter were able to -occupy the greater part of southern Spain. Nevertheless, Athanagild -showed himself to be an able king, and it was during his reign (554-567) -that a Spanish city first became capital of the kingdom, for Athanagild -fixed his residence in Toledo. The next king returned to France, leaving -his brother, Leovgild, as ruler in Spain. On the death of the former in -573 Leovgild became sole ruler, and the capital returned to Toledo to -remain thereafter in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Leovgild.] - -Leovgild (573-586) was the greatest ruler of the Visigoths in Spain. He -was surrounded by difficulties which taxed his powers to the utmost. In -Spain he was confronted by the Byzantine provinces of the south, the -Suevian kingdom of the west and northwest, and the Hispano-Roman and -native princelets of the north. All of these elements were Catholic, for -the Suevians had recently been converted to that faith, and therefore -might count in some degree on the sympathy of Leovgild's Catholic -subjects. Furthermore, like kings before his time and afterward, -Leovgild had to contend with his own Visigothic nobles, who, though -Arian in religion, resented any increase in the royal authority, lest it -in some manner diminish their own. In particular the nobility were -opposed to Leovgild's project of making the monarchy hereditary instead -of elective; the latter had been the Visigothic practice, and was -favored by the nobles because it gave them an opportunity for personal -aggrandizement. The same difficulties had to be faced in France, where -the Franks were the foreign enemy to be confronted. All of these -problems were attacked by Leovgild with extraordinary military and -diplomatic skill. While he held back the Franks in France he conquered -his enemies in Spain, until nothing was left outside his power except -two small strips of Byzantine territory, one in the southwest and the -other in the southeast. Internal issues were complicated by the -conversion of his son Hermenegild to Catholicism. Hermenegild accepted -the leadership of the party in revolt against his father, and it was six -years before Leovgild prevailed. The rebellious son was subsequently put -to death, but there is no evidence that Leovgild was responsible. - -[Sidenote: Reccared.] - -Another son, Reccared (586-601), succeeded Leovgild, and to him is due -the conversion of the Visigoths to Catholic Christianity. The mass of -the people and the Hispano-Roman aristocracy were Catholic, and were a -danger to the state, not only because of their numbers, but also because -of their wealth and superior culture. Reccared therefore announced his -conversion (in 587 or 589), and was followed in his change of faith by -not a few of the Visigoths. This did not end internal difficulties of a -religious nature, for the Arian sect, though less powerful than the -Catholic, continued to be a factor to reckon with during the remainder -of Visigothic rule. Reccared also did much of a juridical character to -do away with the differences which separated the Visigoths and -Hispano-Romans, in this respect following the initiative of his father. -After the death of Reccared, followed by three brief reigns of which no -notice need be taken, there came two kings who successfully completed -the Visigothic conquest of the peninsula. Sisebut conquered the -Byzantine province of the southeast, and Swinthila that of the -southwest. Thus in 623 the Visigothic kings became sole rulers in the -peninsula,--when already their career was nearing an end. - -[Sidenote: Last century of Visigothic rule.] - -The last century of the Visigothic era was one of great internal -turbulence, arising mainly from two problems: the difficulties in the -way of bringing about a fusion of the races; and the conflict between -the king and the nobility, centring about the question of the succession -to the throne. The first of these was complicated by a third element, -the Jews, who had come to Spain in great numbers, and had enjoyed high -consideration down to the time of Reccared, but had been badly treated -thereafter. Neither in the matter of race fusion nor in that of -hereditary succession were the kings successful, despite the support of -the clergy. Two kings, however, took important steps with regard to the -former question. Chindaswinth established a uniform code for both -Visigoths and Hispano-Romans, finding a mean between the laws of both. -This was revised and improved by his son and successor, Recceswinth, and -it was this code, the _Lex Visigothorum_ (Law of the Visigoths), which -was to exercise such an important influence in succeeding centuries -under its more usual title of the _Fuero Juzgo_.[9] Nevertheless, it was -this same Recceswinth who conceded to the nobility the right of -electing the king. Internal disorder did not end, for the nobles -continued to war with one another and with the king. The next king, -Wamba (672-680), lent a dying splendor to the Visigothic rule by the -brilliance of his military victories in the course of various civil -wars. Still, the only real importance of his reign was that it -foreshadowed the peril which was to overwhelm Spain a generation later. -The Moslem Arabs had already extended their domain over northern Africa, -and in Wamba's time they made an attack in force on the eastern coast of -Spain, but were badly defeated by him. A later invasion in another reign -likewise failed. - -[Sidenote: The Moslem conquest.] - -The last reigns of the Visigothic kings need not be chronicled, except -as they relate to the entry of the Mohammedans into Spain. King Witiza -endeavored to procure the throne for his son Achila without an election -by the nobility, and Achila in fact succeeded, but in the ensuing civil -war Roderic, the candidate of the nobility, was successful, being -crowned king in the year 710. What followed has never been clearly -ascertained, but it seems likely that the partisans of Achila sought aid -of the Moslem power in northern Africa, and also that the Spanish Jews -plotted for a Moslem invasion of Spain. At any rate the subsequent -invasion found support among both of these elements. Once in 709 and -again in 710 Moslem forces had effected minor landings between Algeciras -and Tarifa, but in 711 the Berber chief Tarik landed with a strong army -of his own people at Gibraltar,[10] and marched in the direction of -Cdiz. Roderic met him at the lake of Janda,[11] and would have defeated -him but for the treacherous desertion of a large body of his troops who -went over to the side of Tarik. Roderic was utterly beaten, and Tarik -pushed on even to the point of capturing Toledo. In the next year the -Arab Musa came from Africa with another army, and took Mrida after an -obstinate siege which lasted a year. Up to this time the invaders had -met with little popular resistance; rather they had been welcomed. With -the fall of Mrida, however, it began to be clear that they had no -intention of leaving the country. At the battle of Segoyuela[12] Musa -and Tarik together won a complete victory, in which it is believed that -Roderic was killed. Musa then proceeded to Toledo, and proclaimed the -Moslem caliph as ruler of the land. - -[Sidenote: The family in Visigothic law.] - -There were four principal racial elements in the peninsula in the -Visigothic period: the indigenous peoples of varying grades of culture; -the Germanic peoples; the western Roman, which formed a numerous body, -more or less completely Romanized; and the Byzantine Roman, which -influenced even beyond the Byzantine territories in Spain through the -support of the clergy. The two last-named elements were the most -important. The Germanic tribes, especially the Visigoths, had already -become modified by contact with Rome before they reached Spain, and -tended to become yet more so. The Visigoths reverted to the family in -the broad sense of all descended from the same trunk as the unit of -society, instead of following the individualistic basis of Rome, -although individuals had considerable liberty. Members of the family -were supposed to aid and protect one another, and an offence against one -was held to be against all. A woman could not marry without the consent -of her family, which sold her to the favored candidate for her hand. She -must remain faithful to her husband and subject to his will, but _he_ -was allowed to have concubines. Nevertheless, she had a right to share -in property earned after marriage, and to have the use of a deceased -husband's estate, provided she did not marry again. A man might make a -will, but must leave four-fifths of his property to his descendants. -Children were subject to their parents, but the latter did not have the -earlier right of life and death, and the former might acquire some -property of their own. - -[Sidenote: Social classes in the Visigothic era.] - -The great number of social classes at the close of the Roman period was -increased under the Visigoths, and the former inequalities were -accentuated, for the insecurity of the times tended to increase the -grades of servitude and personal dependence. The nobility was at first a -closed body, but later became open to anybody important enough to enter -it. The kings ennobled whomsoever they chose, and this was one of the -causes of the conflict between them and the older nobility. Freemen -generally sank back into a condition of dependence; in the country they -became serfs, being bound by inheritance both to the land and to a -certain type of labor. Freemen of the city, however, were no longer -required to follow the trade of their fathers. Men of a higher grade -often became the retainers of some noble, pledged to aid him, and he on -his part protected them. Few were completely free. The Suevians took -two-thirds of the lands and half of the buildings in the regions they -conquered, and it is probable that the Visigoths made some such division -after Euric's conquest, although they seem to have taken less in Spain -than they did in France. - -[Sidenote: Social customs.] - -The Visigoths were not an urban people like the Romans. The tendency of -this age, therefore, was for a scattering of the city populations to the -country, where the fortified village or the dwelling of a Visigothic -noble with his retinue of armed followers and servants formed the -principal centre. The cities therefore remained Hispano-Roman in -character, and their manner of life was imitated more and more by the -Visigoths. There was a laxity in customs which went so far that priests -openly married and brought up families, despite the prohibitions of the -law.[13] Superstition was prevalent in all classes.[14] One of the -popular diversions of the period seems to have been a form of -bull-fighting. - -[Sidenote: Royal power under the Visigoths.] - -Before the Visigoths reached Spain the monarchy was elective, but within -a certain family. The king's authority had already increased from that -of a general and chief justice to something approaching the absolutism -of a Roman emperor. With the extinction of the royal family there was a -long period of strife between rival aspirants for the throne. Leovgild -was the first to take on all the attributes, even the ceremonial, of -absolutism, and was one of many kings who tried to make the throne -hereditary. Despite the support given to the kings by the clergy, who -hoped for peace through enhancing the royal power, the nobles were able -to procure laws for an elective monarch without limitation to a -specified family; an assembly of nobles and churchmen was the electoral -body. These conflicts did not modify the absolute character of the -king's rule; the king had deliberative councils to assist him, but since -he named the nobles who should attend, both appointed and deposed -bishops, and in any event had an absolute veto, these bodies did no more -than give sanction to his will. Heads of different branches of -administration also assisted the king. The real limitation on absolutism -was the military power of the nobles. - -[Sidenote: Visigothic administration.] - -For a long time the Visigoths and the Hispano-Romans had different laws -governing their personal relations, although in political matters the -same law applied to both. In the case of litigation between Visigoths -and Hispano-Romans the law of the former applied, with modifications -which approximated it somewhat to the principles of the Roman law. In -the eyes of the law these differences disappeared after the legislation -of Chindaswinth and Recceswinth, but many of them in fact remained as a -result of the force of custom and the weakness of the central authority. -In general administration the Visigoths followed the Roman model from -the first. The land was divided into provinces ruled by officials called -dukes, while the cities were governed by counts.[15] Each had much the -same authority under the king as the kings had over the land. The Roman -provincial and municipal councils were retained, and their position -bettered, since they were not made responsible for the taxes as in the -last days of the empire. Complex as was this system and admirable as it -was in theory there was little real security for justice, for in the -general disorder of the times the will of the more powerful was the -usual law. Taxes were less in amount than in the days of the empire, but -only the Hispano-Romans were subject to them. - -[Sidenote: The church in Visigothic times.] - -The church became very influential after the time of Reccared, but lost -in independence, since the kings not only appointed the higher church -officers, but also intervened in matters of ecclesiastical -administration, though rarely in those of doctrine. Churchmen had -certain privileges, though fewer than in the last century of Roman rule -and much fewer than they were to acquire at a later time. Their -intervention in political affairs was very great, however, due not only -to their influence with the masses, but even more to their prestige as -the most learned men of the time. Monasteries increased greatly in -number; at this time they were subject to the secular arm of the clergy, -for the bishops gave them their rule and appointed their abbots. -Religious ceremonies were celebrated by what was called the Gothic rite, -and not after the fashion of Rome, although the pope was recognized as -head of the church. As regards heresies the church had to oppose the -powerful Arian sect throughout the period and to uproot the remnants of -indigenous and pagan faiths. - -[Sidenote: Economic backwardness.] - -An agricultural and military people like the Visigoths, in an age of -war, could not be expected to do much to develop industry and commerce. -Such as there was of both was carried on by some Hispano-Romans and by -Greeks and Jews. Spain dropped far behind in economic wealth in this -era. Roman methods were used, however, even in the agriculture of the -Visigoths. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual decline.] - -[Sidenote: Saint Isidore.] - -Spain also fell back in general culture. Public schools disappeared. The -church became almost the only resort for Christians desirous of an -education, but there were Jewish academies in which the teachers read -from books, and commented on them,--the system adopted by the Christian -universities centuries later. Latin became the dominant tongue, while -Gothic speech and Gothic writing gradually disappeared. The Greek -influence was notable, due to the long presence of Byzantine rule in -southern Spain. The writers of the period were in the main churchmen, -particularly those of Seville. Orosius of the fifth century, author of a -general history of a pronouncedly anti-pagan, pro-Christian character, -was one of the more notable writers of the time. By far more important, -one of the greatest writers in the history of Hispanic literature in -fact, was Saint Isidore, archbishop of Seville in the early part of the -seventh century. Among his numerous works were the following: a brief -universal history; a history of the Visigoths, Vandals, and Suevians; -lives of illustrious men; an encyclopedia of Greco-Roman knowledge; and -books of thoughts, of a philosophical and juridical character. He -represented very largely the ideas of the Spanish clergy, and many of -the principles enunciated by him were later embodied in the _Fuero -Juzgo_. He maintained that political power was of divine origin, but -that the state must protect the church. He supported the ideas of -hereditary succession and the prestige and inviolability of kings as the -best means of securing peace. - -[Sidenote: The fine arts.] - -In architecture the Visigoths followed the Romans, but on a smaller and -poorer scale. Perhaps the only matter worthy of note as regards the fine -arts was the presence of Byzantine influences, especially marked in the -jewelry of the period. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -MOSLEM SPAIN, 711-1031 - - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Moslem conquest.] - -The Moslem period in Spanish history is the subject of a number of -popular misconceptions. The Moslems are believed to have attained to a -phenomenally high stage of culture and to have lived in a luxury without -parallel at that time in the world. While these views are not without -truth, it is also true that the conquerors never shook themselves free -from their tribal instincts, and it was not until the tenth century that -their civilization was well established. Even then it was more largely -through the efforts of others whom they imitated than through -innovations of their own that they reached their high estate, which was -the natural result of their power and wealth, although its ripest fruit -was reserved for a later period, when much of their political authority -had passed. Nevertheless, the Moslem occupation of Spain was on other -grounds fully as important for Europe as it has usually been regarded, -and perhaps more important for Spain and Spanish America than has ever -been stated. As to the first point, it is true that Europe, through -Moslem Spain, gained a knowledge of classical and Byzantine -civilization. As to the second, racial elements entered the peninsula at -this time which have left a deep impress on Spanish character, -especially on that of the Andalusians and through them on Spanish -America. The later Spanish colonization of the Americas passed almost -wholly through the ports of Seville and Cdiz, and was confined in large -measure to Castilians. At that time, however, Andalusia was considered -part of Castile, and it was only natural that the Andalusian -"Castilians" should have been the ones to go. Many present-day Spanish -American peoples pronounce their language in the Andalusian way, -although differing in degree of similarity and having certain practices -peculiar to themselves. In other respects, too, one finds -Moslem-descended Andalusian traits in the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Conversion of the Arabs to Mohammedanism.] - -The Arabs were a people dwelling in greatest part in that section of -western Asia which bears their name. Prior to their conversion to -Mohammedanism they led a tribal life, not as one great tribe but as -many, some of them in settled fashion, and others in a nomadic way, but -all were independent one tribe from another and all engaged in endless -strife. There was no such thing as an Arabic national feeling or an -Arabic political state. Early in the seventh century Mahomet began to -preach the faith which he originated, a religion of extreme simplicity -in its doctrinal beliefs, but based very largely on the Jewish and -Christian creeds. The Mohammedans date their era from the year 622 A.D., -but it was not until after that time that the Arabs were converted to -the new religion. Once they did receive it they were for a long time its -principal sword-bearers, since it fitted their fighting spirit and -promised rewards which suited their pleasure-loving tastes. Most of -them, however, were not nearly so zealous in their religious beliefs as -they have at times been regarded; rather they were too sceptical and -materialistic a people to be enthusiastic devotees of an abstract faith. - -[Sidenote: Arabic conquests.] - -[Sidenote: Elements of dissension among the Moslem conquerors.] - -Nevertheless, the Arabs achieved a conquest which was remarkable alike -for its extent and for its rapidity. Between 697 and 708 they overran -nearly all of Syria and the entire northern coast of Africa, including -Egypt. For their conquests they had formed themselves into a single -state under the rule of a caliph, who was at the same time the head of -the church, thus centering political and religious authority in one -person. The state was divided into provinces, two of which were in -northern Africa,--Egypt and northwestern Africa. This cohesion was more -apparent than real, for the old tribal jealousies and strife continued, -accentuated by differences both in religious zeal and in -interpretations of the Moslem faith. Of the Arabs who entered Spain -there were two principal parties, representing at the same time -religious and tribal animosities, the Sunnites, or Sunnis, who were of -Yemenite race, and the Shiites, or Shiahs, of Mudarite blood. Their -quarrels in Spain, as elsewhere in Moslem realms, were a factor which -rendered difficult the establishment or the maintenance of a strong -political state. In northwestern Africa the Arabs had encountered the -Berbers, who had submitted only after opposing a determined resistance. -The Berbers were by nature a devout and democratic people, and once they -received the Moslem faith they took it up with fanatical enthusiasm. -They never regarded their conquerors with favor, however, and their -hatred was intensified by the very religious indifference of the Arabs. -Here, then, was another element of dissension in Spain, for the Berbers -took part in the conquest along with the Yemenite and Mudarite Arabs. - -[Sidenote: Nature of the Moslem conquest of Spain.] - -The military conquest took seven years (711-718), for after the fall of -Mrida the invaders met with vigorous, if also unorganized, resistance. -In characteristic fashion the Spanish peoples fought in guerrilla bands -or defended their own towns with desperate courage, but did not aid one -another. Some nobles made terms whereby they were allowed to retain -their estates, but the majority of them opposed the conquerors. Except -for narrow strips in the mountain regions of northern Spain the entire -peninsula had been overrun by the year 718, at which time the Moslem -armies crossed the Pyrenees into southern France. Spain was organized as -a district ruled by an emir under the governor of the province of -Africa, who was in turn subject to the Moslem caliph. The bond uniting -Spain to Africa was not in fact very tightly drawn, for the Spanish -Moslems acted in the main with complete independence of the governor of -Africa. The conquerors did not usually insist on the conversion of the -Spanish peoples (although there were exceptions to the rule), preferring -usually to give them the option of accepting the Mohammedan faith or of -paying a poll tax in addition to the taxation on Moslems and Christians -alike. Many of the Arabs opposed the conversion of the Christians, -since the continuance of the latter in their own religion meant a -lighter financial burden upon the Moslems. Since, also, the conquerors -were outnumbered, they often found it wise to grant the Spanish peoples -a right to retain their faith. In fine the conquest was not a matter of -religious propaganda, but rather was one of a more or less systematic -pillage. - -[Sidenote: Division of the conquered lands.] - -[Sidenote: Religious effects of the conquest.] - -The lands of the Visigothic state, the Christian church, emigrating -nobles, and those who resisted were confiscated, but individuals who -submitted, even nobles (and in some cases monasteries), had their -estates restored to them in whole or in part, subject to the usual -taxation. A fifth of the confiscated lands were taken by the state, and -the rest were distributed among the soldiers and the chiefs of the -Moslem armies. The state holdings were re-allotted to Spanish serfs, who -were required to pay a third of the produce to the government, being -allowed to keep the rest for themselves. The Berbers were given lands in -the north, while the Arabs took the more fertile south. These lands, -too, were given over to serfs on much the same terms as those granted by -the state. The mass of the people were not greatly disturbed. Indeed, -the agricultural laborer advanced economically, because requirements -were lighter than formerly, and, also, since the lands were divided -among a great many proprietors, the evil of the vast estates which had -existed formerly was for the time being corrected. Slaves profited by -the conquest, in part because they were better treated, but also in that -they might become free by the mere act of conversion to Mohammedanism if -they were slaves of Christians or Jews. A great many Christians became -Mohammedans, some of them to escape slavery, others to avoid the poll -tax, and still others from sincere belief, and they came to form an -important class of the Moslem world, called "Renegados," or renegades, -by the Christians, and "Mulades" by themselves. The conquest weighed -more heavily on the Christian church, although, indeed, it was allowed -to remain in existence. The church had to experience the curious -practice of having its bishops named or deposed and its councils called -by the Moslem caliph or his representative. The Jews gained more than -any other element. The harsh Visigothic laws were repealed and Jews were -employed in government and administration as allies of the conquerors. - -[Sidenote: Civil wars.] - -The Moslem invasion of France was carried on with varying success for -several years. In 732 occurred the so-called battle of Tours, in fact -fought near Poitiers, when Charles Martel and a Frankish army defeated -the Moslems. It was not this battle which caused the retreat of the -invaders from France, but rather a civil war in Spain eight years later, -necessitating a return to the peninsula. The Berbers of Africa had risen -in revolt against their Arabic rulers, and had defeated both them and a -Syrian force sent to the latter's assistance. Thereupon the Spanish -Berbers rose as well. For a time they were successful, but the emir was -able finally to subdue them, being aided by the Syrian army in Africa, -which he had induced to come to Spain. Then followed a terrible war -between the Syrians and the emir, because the promises to the former had -not been fulfilled. The struggle ended with a grant of some of the state -lands in southern Spain to the Syrians, who were to receive the -government's third of the produce, but not the title to the lands. -Shortly afterward there was another civil war, this time between the -Shiite and Sunnite Arabs, caused by the harsh treatment of the former by -a Sunnite governor. The war lasted eleven years, being then given a new -turn by the intervention of a man who was to play an important part in -the history of the period. - -[Sidenote: Coming of Abd-er-Rahman to Spain.] - -Other parts of the Moslem world had been afflicted by the same sort of -internal strife as that which was occurring in Spain. In particular -there was a dynastic struggle, which resulted in the dethronement of the -caliphs of the Ommayad family and in the rise to power of the Abbasside -caliphs. The Ommayads were ordered to be put to death, but one of them, -a youth named Abd-er-Rahman, contrived to escape. He took refuge -successively in Egypt and northwestern Africa, and in 755 came to Spain -with the object of establishing himself there. This he was able to do, -though not without a struggle, setting himself up as emir with his -capital in Cordova, and proclaiming his independence of the caliph. - -[Sidenote: Abd-er-Rahman I.] - -The entire reign of Abd-er-Rahman I (755-788) was one of war. He had to -fight the Yemenite (Sunnite) Arabs, the Berbers, and many chiefs of -various tribes, as well as the governors sent out by the Abbassides, -before his authority was recognized. His ideal was that of an absolute -monarchy which should bring to an end the aristocratic independence and -anarchy in Spain, but in order to accomplish this he had to combat -Arabic tradition and pride, Berber democracy, and inter-tribal hatred. -Abd-er-Rahman was at least able to subject his opponents if not to -change them. It was during his reign that the Frankish king Charlemagne -invaded Spain and got as far as Saragossa. Obliged by events in France -to recross the Pyrenees he was attacked by the Basques in the pass of -Roncesvalles, and his rear-guard was completely destroyed. It was this -event which gave rise to the celebrated French epic poem, the _Chanson -de Roland_ (Song of Roland), in which the Frankish hero Roland is -supposed to combat the forces of Islam. No Mohammedan forces in fact -engaged in the battle, for the Basques were Christians; they were then, -as later, opposed to any foreign army which should invade their lands. - -[Sidenote: Internal strife.] - -Hisham I, the next emir, was not free from wars, but his reign was more -notable in its religious aspects. He was a devout Mohammedan, and -enabled the religious class to attain to great power. His successor, -Hakem I, was a sincere believer, but did not refrain from drinking wine, -thus breaking the religious law, and he conceded less influence in the -government to the church than his father had. This led to several -uprisings, in which the Renegados were a principal element. Hakem -subdued them, and exiled many thousands, most of them Renegados, who -went to different parts of northern Africa and Egypt. Another serious -revolt broke out in Toledo, which had been enjoying virtual -independence, though nominally subject to the emir. The citizens of -Toledo were most of them Renegados, but they were also Spanish, and were -unable to forget that Toledo had once been the capital of Spain. Hakem -resolved to bring them into real subjection, and was able to effect his -will. Seven years later, in 829, when Abd-er-Rahman II was emir, the -people of Toledo revolted again, and it took eight years to subdue them. -War and disorder were also prevalent in other parts of the realm. The -inhabitants of Mrida, who were Christians, rose several times; in -Murcia there was a seven years' war between the Sunnites and Shiites. At -this time, too, the Normans began to attack the coasts of Spain just as -they were doing in other parts of Europe. They made no permanent -conquest, but rendered the coasts unsafe during the greater part of the -century. Toward the close of the ninth century the emirate began to -break under the strain of constant war. After repeated rebellions the -city of Toledo formed itself into a republic, and on the basis of an -annual tribute to the emir was recognized by the latter, who had no -other right there. In Aragon the Visigothic but Renegado family of -Beni-Casi founded an independent kingdom. A similar kingdom sprang up in -Extremadura, and another in the mountains of southern Spain. Meanwhile, -the Christian kingdoms were making gains. Except for them the new states -were usually made up of Renegados. They did not work together, however, -or the Arabic domination might have been completely broken: rather, each -little state followed a selfish policy of its own. The most important -was that of Omar-ben Hafsun in the south. Omar founded his kingdom in -884, with his capital at the castle of Bobastro. In 886 the emir -attacked him, and for more than thirty years thereafter there was war -between Omar and the emirs of Cordova. Omar was usually successful, -acquiring nearly all of Andalusia, but his political plans illustrate -the lack of a truly Spanish ideal in the kingdoms carved out of the -emirate. At first he planned only a tiny kingdom of his own; later he -aimed to get the governor of Africa to appoint him emir of Spain; -finally he became converted to Christianity, and resolved to wage a -religious war, whereupon his Renegado followers abandoned him. During -the same period civil wars of a racial nature broke out in other parts -of Spain between the Arabic aristocracy and the Renegados, especially -around the cities of Elvira and Seville. The Arabs despised the -Renegados, who were at this time the principal industrial and commercial -class, especially in Seville, and envied their wealth. Many Arabic -chiefs also refused obedience to the emirs. For a time the aristocratic -party was successful, inflicting great blows on the Renegados, and -increasing their own estates, but in the reign of Abdallah, early in the -ninth century, they received a check. The same Abdallah inflicted a -crushing defeat on King Omar. Thus the way was prepared for Abdallah's -successor, Abd-er-Rahman III, who was to establish peace in Spain after -two centuries of almost continuous disorder. - -[Sidenote: Abd-er-Rahman III.] - -Abd-er-Rahman III (912-961) was by far the greatest ruler in the history -of Moslem Spain. His first problem was the establishment of the central -power. Within a few years he had reduced not only the Renegado states of -Toledo, Aragon, Extremadura, and Bobastro but also the aristocratic -Arabs and the Berber chiefs in various parts of Spain. He then changed -his title from that of emir to caliph, thus signifying his intention of -maintaining a robust absolute monarchy. He also drove back the Christian -kings in the north, after which he proceeded to cultivate friendly -relations with them. Even the Moslem province in northwestern Africa -fell under his sway. In administrative matters as well Abd-er-Rahman III -proved his ability. Not only did he create a great army but he also -increased the strength of the navy (which the emirs before him had -already founded) until it became the most powerful fleet in the -Mediterranean Sea. Spain was recognized as the greatest state in Europe, -and in western Europe it was also the centre of the highest culture. -Through the caliph's measures agriculture, industry, and commerce, and -education, literature, and the fine arts developed to a high point, and -Cordova became a city of half a million inhabitants. - -[Sidenote: Almansor.] - -Hakem II (961-976) continued his father's policy in all respects, but -was able to devote even more attention to intellectual activities. In -military affairs the next reign, that of Hisham II (976-1013), was -particularly brilliant, but it was not the caliph who directed affairs. -In the time of Hakem II a certain Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir had -attracted the attention and won the heart of the caliph's favorite wife. -Through her aid he became the chief minister of Hisham II, who was a -minor at the time of his succession. Hisham was soon put aside by -Mahomet, who sequestered the caliph in the palace, and ruled in the name -of the virtually deposed monarch. Mahomet was principally famous for his -victories, on account of which he was called Almansor, meaning "the -aided of God," or "the victorious by divine favor." He reorganized the -army, making it a machine which was not only efficient in a military way -but also personally devoted to him. Then in repeated campaigns he -defeated the Christian kings of the northwest and northeast, reducing -the greater part of their territories to his authority, and making -himself arbiter in the kingdoms which were allowed to exist. - -[Sidenote: Downfall of the caliphate.] - -Almansor died in 1002, but the military supremacy of the Moslem state -was sustained by his son Abdul Malik, who succeeded as chief minister -and virtual ruler. The latter did not live long, however, being followed -in authority by another son of Almansor, who was not so fortunate in his -rule. The Moslem nobles were hostile to the military absolutism of the -Almansor family, chiefly, no doubt, because of the usual intractability -of the aristocracy, but also because the military element, composed of -Berbers and foreigners of all descriptions, even slaves (who might be -powerful generals), had become the most important in the country. Civil -wars broke out, therefore, and they resulted in the fall of the Almansor -family, in 1009. The wars continued, however, between the generals of -Almansor's army and the various pretenders to the caliphate (even though -Hisham was alive during part of the time and was believed to be living -for many years after he had probably died or been put to death). In -1027, the last of the Ommayads, Hisham III, became caliph, but in 1031 -was deposed. Thenceforth, no one was able to make good a claim to the -throne; Moslem Spain fell apart into a number of independent units, and -the caliphate came to an end. - -[Sidenote: Social classes in Moslem Spain.] - -Although the differences in social status were much the same in Moslem -Spain as in other parts of Europe, there were added complications, owing -to the differences of race and religion. There were the usual gradations -of aristocracy, freemen, freedmen, and slaves, but the real aristocracy -was the Arabic. This was nearly destroyed in the time of Abd-er-Rahman -III, and a new aristocracy of soldiers and merchants took its place. -Prior to that time both the Arabic and Berber nobility had gone on -increasing their holdings until they had attained vast estates, and it -was perhaps on this account that they lived for the most part in the -country, leaving the cities to the Renegados and "Mozrabes," as the -Christians living under Moslem rule were called. The Renegados were an -especially important element in the population, both industrially and -intellectually, but were despised by the other groups; indeed, many were -descendants of slaves. The Mozrabes usually lived in a separate -district, and were allowed to govern themselves to some extent, having -law courts and some administrative officials of their own. In daily life -they mixed freely with the Moslem population. The old differences -between the Hispano-Roman and Visigothic Christians were maintained for -a time, but seem at length to have passed away. The Mozrabes were -allowed to retain their Christian worship, and as a rule were not -persecuted, although frequently insulted by lower class Moslems. Late in -the ninth century, especially in the reign of Mahomet I, there was a -period of persecution, caused very largely by the excessive zeal of some -of the Christians. The law inflicted the penalty of death on anybody who -publicly cursed the founder of the Mohammedan faith, wherefore a number -of Christians, already exasperated by certain harsh measures of the -emir, began to seek martyrdom by cursing the prophet. A Christian church -council disapproved of this practice, but it continued and was later -sanctioned by the church, which canonized many of the martyrs. The Jews -were another important element, not only in administration, but also in -commerce and in general culture. Cordova became the world's centre for -Jewish theological studies. In all of this period the Jews were well -treated. - -[Sidenote: Status of women.] - -A Mohammedan was allowed to have as many as four wives and a greater -number of concubines, all together forming the particular individual's -harem. The wives were subject to their husbands, but were not without -rights. The first wife was privileged to forbid her husband's taking -concubines or additional wives without her consent, although it is -doubtful if the right was generally exercised. Possibly a wife's most -important powers were those having to do with property, coupled with her -privilege of bringing suit at law without the previous consent of her -husband. Children of legally taken concubines, even if the latter were -slaves, were held to be legitimate and free. Women enjoyed more liberty -than they are commonly supposed to have had, being privileged, for -example, to visit freely with their relatives. The Arabs were very fond -of music and dancing, and took delight in licentious poetry. Not a -little of the pleasure-loving character of this race survives today in -southern Spain. - -[Sidenote: Methods of warfare.] - -[Sidenote: Moslem law.] - -Much has been said already with regard to the general administration of -the Moslem realm, which was not greatly different from that of the -Visigothic kingdom preceding it. As for the Moslem armies they were not -so superior in organization when they entered Spain as their rapid -conquests might lead one to suppose. They were nothing more than tribal -levies, each group marching with its chief as leader. Campaigns were -also managed in a somewhat haphazard fashion, for the Moslem troops went -forth to war when the tasks of harvest time did not require their -presence at home. Many expeditions were made with no idea of military -conquest; rather they were for the sake of destroying an enemy's crops -or securing plunder, after which the army would return, satisfied with -what it had done. The Moslem rulers gradually began to surround -themselves with special troops, and, finally, Almansor abolished the -tribal levy, and formed regiments without regard to tribe. As for Moslem -law the Koran was at the same time a book of holy writ and one of civil -law. This was supplemented by the legislation of the caliphs, but there -was always more or less confusion between law and religion. There was -never a formal code. - -[Sidenote: Religion in Moslem Spain.] - -Attention has already been called to the difference in the religious -fervor of the Moslem tribes. Many of the Arabs even went so far as to -deny the existence of God, although the vast body of them, perhaps, were -indifferentists. The Berbers and the mass of the people generally were -very enthusiastic Mohammedans, so that it was unsafe to express one's -opinions contrary to the faith or even to engage openly in certain -philosophical studies, for these were regarded as heretical. Among the -religious themselves there were varying interpretations of the Koran and -differences of rite. Religious toleration existed to such an extent that -not only were the Mozrabes allowed to retain their churches, their -priesthood, and their councils, but also some of their holy days were -celebrated by Christians and Moslems alike. There was one instance where -the same building served as a Mohammedan mosque and a Christian church. -Christian clergymen from foreign lands frequently visited Moslem Spain, -while native churchmen went forth from the caliphate to travel in the -Christian countries, returning later to the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: The wealth of Cordova.] - -[Sidenote: Economic prosperity.] - -In the tenth century Moslem Spain came to be one of the richest and most -populous lands in Europe. The wealth of Cordova was astounding, although -some allowance has to be made for the exaggerations of the chroniclers. -At one time the Moslem capital was said to have 200,000 houses, 600 -mosques, and 900 bath-houses, besides many public buildings. It was well -paved, had magnificent bridges across the Guadalquivir, and contained -numerous palaces of the caliphs and other great functionaries. The most -famous of all was that of Az-Zahra, which was a palace and town in one, -erected by Abd-er-Rahman III for one of his wives. The great mosque of -Cordova, which is in use today as a Catholic cathedral, was equally -luxurious. This was begun in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman I, and was -continued and enlarged by later Moslem rulers. It came to have nineteen -aisles one way, and thirty another, with twenty-one gates, and 1293 -columns of porphyry and jasper with gilded capitals. In its adornment it -was a wealth of marble, silver, and precious stones. Travellers came to -Cordova from all parts of the world, but it is worthy of note as an -evidence of the lack of complete security, even in the greatest days of -the caliphate, that it was the practice to come in great bodies, for the -roads were infested with bandits. One measure of the advance of Moslem -Spain is in the revenues of the government, which were eighteen times -greater in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman III than they were in the reign of -Abd-er-Rahman I.[16] This wealth depended on economic well-being, which -was especially in evidence in the tenth century. The Arabs were not -innovators in agriculture, but they had already learned much from -others, and they assimilated Hispano-Roman and Mozrabic methods, with -the result that Spain became richer in this regard than she had ever -been before. They introduced rice, sugar, and several other products -which had not previously been cultivated in Spain, and made use of -irrigation in Granada, Murcia, and Valencia. Stock-raising, mining, and -manufacturing were also extensively carried on. As a natural result of -all this activity there was a like development of commerce. The -principal part of Abd-er-Rahman III's revenues proceeded from import and -export duties. It is worthy of note that there was a considerable -traffic not only in slaves but also in women,--such was Arabic -character. Seville was perhaps the most important port. Through the -medium of commerce Spain came into close contact with the Moslem East -and with the Byzantine Greeks. As a result of the mathematical problems -involved in trade it is believed that the Arabs introduced into Europe -the very important cipher, or zero, which they on their part had -received from India. - -[Sidenote: Languages.] - -[Sidenote: Education.] - -Not only Arabic and Latin but many other languages as well were spoken -in Moslem Spain; the Berber, for example, was independent of either of -the two first-named. Despite the predominatingly Latin character of the -eventual Spanish tongue the Arabic influence upon it was great,--not so -much in words as in forms and idioms of speech. There were Moslem -schools of a private character, but there was no public school system. -The caliphs often brought learned men to their court, but it was the -religious who more than any others devoted themselves to education. -There were few Moslems who could not read or write, and in this respect -Spain was in advance of the rest of western Europe. Women, far from -being excluded from education, were taught the same branches as the men, -and often became notable both in literature and in scientific studies. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual achievements.] - -[Sidenote: The fine arts.] - -[Sidenote: Narrow streets.] - -The Arabs introduced the industrially manufactured paper of the orient -instead of using the parchment or papyrus of the Romans. This greatly -lowered the cost of books, and led to an increase in productivity, -facilitating both literary and scientific studies. Although philosophy -and astronomy were so strongly opposed by the common people and the -priestly class of the Moslems that their study was at times forbidden by -the government,[17] they were a fruitful topic in the education and -researches of the upper classes. One of the greatest glories of Arabic -civilization was the transmission of Greek culture to western Europe, -for the Arabs had become acquainted with the works of the Greeks, while -western Europe had almost completely forgotten them. Nevertheless, -Moslem Spain was to be more important in this respect in the period -following the downfall of the caliphate. Mathematics and medicine did -not meet with popular and religious opposition, and in both of these -sciences the Arabs achieved notable results. Polite literature, however, -and especially poetry, was the most favored intellectual medium. Poetry -had been cultivated by the Arabs while they were yet in their crude -tribal stage. It was not unusual for challenges to personal combat or -declarations of war to be written in poetry. Books of science, even, -made their appearance in verse, and the improvisation of poetry was a -general practice. The most favored subject-matter illustrates a -pronounced trait in Arabic character, for amorous themes of an immoral -order accorded best with Arabic taste. The Spanish Moslems were not -notable in painting and sculpture, but distinguished themselves in -architecture and the industrial arts. Perhaps the most important feature -of their cultivation of these arts was the introduction of Byzantine -influences. They made use of the dome and of the elaborate decoration of -flat surfaces (especially of walls) with arabesques, so named because of -their profuse employment in Arabic work. In addition they painted their -buildings in brilliant and variegated colors. They rarely built in -stone, preferring brick, plaster, and adobe. The mosque was the -principal example of their architecture. In that and in their civil -edifices they made use of one feature, not unlike that of the Roman -house, which has survived in Spain,--the enclosed court, or _patio_, -surrounded by arcades, with a fountain in the centre. Streets were -narrow, both with a view to provide shade against the heat of the sun, -and also because of the necessities of space, so that the city might be -contained within its walls. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE MOSLEM PERIOD, 711-1035 - - -[Sidenote: Fitful character of the Christian reconquest.] - -One of the popular misconceptions of the Moslem period in the history of -Spain is that the Christians began a holy war almost from the time of -the Moslem invasion, and continued to gain in fervor and in power, step -by step, until at length they took Granada in 1492. In fact religious -enthusiasm and national conquest alike were fitful and spasmodic, and -very little progress was made in the period of the emirs and caliphs. - -[Sidenote: The kingdom of Asturias.] - -[Sidenote: Covadonga.] - -It has usually been held, although the matter is in dispute, that the -Visigoths resisted the invaders continuously at only one point in -Spain,--in Asturias. In the mountains of Asturias there gathered various -nobles of the centre and south of Spain, a number of bishops, and the -remains of the defeated Christian armies, and, aided perhaps by the -natives of that land, they prepared to make a stand against the Moslems. -On the news of the death of Roderic they elected a certain Pelayo as his -successor, and it is this king who is customarily regarded as the -founder of the Spanish monarchy. Pelayo fixed his capital at Cangas de -Ons, and is believed to have maintained amicable relations with the -Moslems for a while, perhaps paying them tribute, and possibly even -making a visit to Cordova. Hostilities broke out again, however, and in -the year 718 Pelayo and his partisans won a victory in the valley of -Covadonga. Coming as it did after several years of defeats this -achievement attained to a renown which was far greater than the merits -of the actual battle, and in later years legendary accounts made the -combat itself assume extraordinary proportions. It has usually been -taken as marking the beginning of the Christian reconquests, and it is -said that Pelayo became king in consequence of the battle, when in fact -he was elected several years before. The battle of Covadonga did secure -eastern Asturias to the Christians, which was its immediate result. -Aside from that tiny kingdom there is no proof that there were any -independent Christian states in Spain, although it is probable that -there were several in the other mountainous parts of the north. - -[Sidenote: The advance of the Asturian frontier.] - -Since the invaders respected the religion and customs of the conquered, -the war of the Christian kingdom of Asturias against them did not at -first have a religious or even a racial character. It was a war of the -nobles and clergy for the reconquest of their landed estates and of the -king for the restoration of his royal authority over the peninsula. The -little Asturian kingdom was like the old Visigothic state in miniature; -for example, there were the struggles between the nobility and the crown -for precisely the same objects as formerly. For a century the history of -Asturias reduced itself primarily to these quarrels. Nevertheless, the -Moslem frontier tended to withdraw from the far northwest, not that the -Moslems were forced out by the Christians, but possibly because their -own civil wars drew them together in the centre and south, or because -their numbers were not great enough to make them seek the less desirable -lands in the northwest. The frontier became fixed south of the Douro -along a line running through Coimbra, Coria, Talavera, Toledo, -Guadalajara, and Pamplona, although the last-named place was not long -retained. It cannot be said that the Christians took a conscious -offensive until the eleventh century. In this period, despite the -internal dissension of the Moslem state, the Christian frontier did not -pass the Guadarrama Mountains even at the most favorable moments, -leaving Aragon and central and southern Spain in the enemy's hands. The -line of the Douro was far from being held consistently,--as witness the -conquests of Abd-er-Rahman III and Almansor. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso I and Alfonso II.] - -[Sidenote: Santiago de Compostela.] - -The only notable kings of Asturias in the century following the death of -Pelayo (737) were Alfonso I "the Catholic" (739-757) and Alfonso II -"the Chaste" (791-842). Both made successful campaigns against the -Moslems, although their principal importance was that they brought back -many Mozrabes from the temporarily conquered regions, and these helped -to populate the north. To assure his power Alfonso II sought an alliance -with the Holy Roman Emperor, Charlemagne, and with his son, Louis the -Pious. It is this which gave rise to the legend of Bernardo del Carpio, -who is said to have compelled the king to forbear making treaties with -foreign rulers which lowered the dignity of the Spanish people. Some -writers have found in this supposed incident (for the figure of Bernardo -is a later invention) an awakening sense of nationalism, but it seems -rather to reflect the traditional attitude of the nobility lest the king -become too strong for them, for real patriotism did not exist. The two -Alfonsos did much to reorganize their kingdom internally, and Alfonso -the Chaste moved the capital to Oviedo. In his reign, too, there -occurred a religious event of great importance,--the finding of what was -believed to be the tomb and body of the apostle Santiago (Saint James) -in northwestern Galicia. The site was made the seat of a bishopric, and -a village grew up there, named Santiago de Compostela. Compostela became -a leading political and industrial factor in the Christian northwest, -but was far more important as a holy place of the first grade, ranking -with Jerusalem, Rome, and Loreto. Thenceforth, bands of pilgrims not -only from Spain but also from all parts of the Christian world came to -visit the site, and, through them, important outside influences began to -filter into Spain. More noteworthy still was the use of the story of the -miraculous discovery to fire the Christian warriors with enthusiasm in -their battles against the Moslems, especially at a later period, when -the war entered upon more of a crusading phase. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of Navarre and Aragon.] - -The people of the mountains of Navarre were of Basque race, and seem to -have maintained a more or less unorganized freedom from political -subjection for many years before a definite state was formed. They -opposed both the Frankish kings and the Moslem emirs, and for a long -time the former were their principal enemy. At length they established -their independence of both. In these wars the kingdom of Navarre almost -certainly had its origin, but at an uncertain date. Tradition makes -Iigo Arista one of the early kings, or chiefs, but the first name -definitely to appear is that of Sancho Garca in the tenth century -(905-925). The founding of an independent state in Aragon was due to the -same causes; indeed, Aragon and Navarre were assigned a common origin in -the legends of the period. Aragon was absorbed by Navarre, however, -possibly toward the end of the tenth century. - -[Sidenote: Origin of the Catalan counties.] - -Catalonia had been overrun by the Moslems when they entered Spain, but -between 785 and 811 the Frankish kings were able to reconquer that -region, establishing a province there which they called the Spanish -Mark. This section was at first ruled by a number of counts, independent -of each other, but subject to the kings of the Franks. Catalan -submission to the latter did not endure through the ninth century. -Wifredo, count of Barcelona, is believed to have established his -independence as early as 874, although that event is doubtful; at any -rate the separation from the Frankish kingdom was not much longer -delayed. Each count was lord unto himself, although the counts of -Barcelona were recognized as the greatest among them. Indeed, in the -entire breadth of northern Spain each unit labored for its own selfish -ends. Christians fought Moslems, but also fought other Christians. Owing -to the disorder of the Moslem realm, however, the Catalan counts, like -the other Christian rulers, were able to make some territorial gains. - -[Sidenote: Two centuries of scant progress in Asturias.] - -[Sidenote: The independence of Castile.] - -[Sidenote: Sancho the Fat.] - -For nearly two centuries after the death of Alfonso II, or until the -fall of the Moslem caliphate, very little progress was made by the kings -of Oviedo and Len, which latter city had become the capital of the -Christian kingdom in the northwest early in the tenth century. There was -a marked opposition between the Asturian-Leonese and the Galician parts -of the realm, and the Galician nobles maintained almost continuous war -with the kings. Similarly the counts of the frontier often acted like -petty sovereigns, or even joined with the Moslems against their own -compatriots. So, too, there were contests for the throne, and neither -side hesitated to call in Moslem aid. Some kings achieved conquests of -temporary moment against the Moslems; for example, Alfonso III "the -Great" (866-909) added considerably to his territories in a period of -marked weakness in the caliphate, but was obliged to abdicate when his -sons and even his wife joined in rebellion against him; the kingdom was -then divided among three sons, who took respectively Len, Galicia and -Lusitania, and Asturias, leaving to the king the town of Zamora alone. -Then followed the caliphate of Abd-er-Rahman III, when the Christian -kingdoms, except Galicia, were most of the time subject in fact to the -Moslem state, although allowed to govern themselves. To the usual -quarrels there was added a new separatist tendency, more serious than -that of Galicia had been. This proceeded from the eastern part of the -kingdom in a region which came to be called Castile because of the -numerous castles there, due to its situation on the Moslem frontier. The -counts of Castile, centering around Burgos, had repeatedly declined to -obey the kings of Oviedo and Len,--for example, when they were called -to serve in the royal armies. During the reign of Ramiro II (930-950), -Count Fernn Gonzlez united the Castilians under his standard, and -after repeated wars was able to make Castile independent of the king of -Len. The reign of Sancho "the Fat" is typical of the times. Sancho -became king of Len in 955, but was soon dethroned by his nobles, who -alleged among other things that because of his corpulence he cut a -ridiculous figure as a king. Sancho went to the court of Abd-er-Rahman -III, and got not only a cure for fatness but also a Moslem army. Aided, -too, by the Christian kingdom of Navarre he was able to regain his -throne. He had promised to deliver certain cities and castles to the -caliph, but did not do so until compelled to by the next caliph, Hakem. -Civil wars between the nobles and the crown continued, and many of the -former joined with Moslem Almansor in his victorious campaigns against -their coreligionists and their king. - -[Sidenote: Advance of the Christian states in the early eleventh -century.] - -[Sidenote: Sancho the Great.] - -When the caliphate began to totter, following the deaths of Almansor and -Abdul Malik, the Christian kings returned to the conquest. Alfonso V -(994-1027) of Len and his uncle Sancho "the Great" (970-1035) of -Navarre pushed their frontiers southward, Alfonso crossing the Douro in -Portugal. The counts of Castile, too, now aiding one Moslem faction, now -another, now remaining neutral, profited by each new agreement to -acquire additional territory or fortified posts. Shortly after the death -of Alfonso V, Sancho the Great intervened successfully in the wars of -the Christian kingdoms, and united Castile and Len under his authority. -Since he was also king in Navarre, Aragon, and the Basque provinces of -France and Spain, only Galicia, where the kings of Len took refuge, and -the counties of Catalonia remained free from his rule in the north. Here -seemed to be an important moment in the history of Spain,--one which -might have had tremendous consequences. But it was as yet too early, not -alone for Spanish nationalism, but even for the conception of a Spanish -state. Sancho the Great undid his own work, and consigned himself to a -place only a little short of oblivion by dividing his kingdom among his -sons. The three most important regions resulting from this act were the -kingdoms of Navarre, Castile, and Aragon. The death of Sancho in 1035 is -an important date, however, for it marks the time when work had to be -begun over again to achieve the distant ideal of the unity of Spain. -Meanwhile, the counts of Barcelona, who had lost their territories in -the days of Almansor, regained them in the ensuing decline of the -caliphate, whether by military conquest, or by intervention in the wars -of the Moslem state in return for concessions. The important year 1035 -is notable also in Catalonia, for at that time Ramn Berenguer I, the -first outstanding figure among the counts of Barcelona, inherited the -rule of the county. - -[Sidenote: Inter-relations of the Christian and Moslem peoples.] - -Except in times of war, relations between the Christian and Moslem -peoples were even cordial and intimate. They visited one another's -countries, aided one another in civil wars, engaged in commerce, and -even contracted mixed marriages, not only among people of the lower -classes, but also among those of the highest rank, even to that of -royalty. Mohammedan law did not require the conversion of Christian -wives, but many of the latter embraced the Moslem faith, with the -consent, too, of their families. Although there were instances of -Mohammedan women marrying Christians, the reverse was usually the case, -for the conquerors did not bring their families as had the earlier -Germanic invaders. Religious differences were not an insuperable barrier -in this period: there was scarcely a war confined to Christians on the -one side and Mohammedans on the other; the Mozrabes were not greatly -molested within the Moslem state; Christians were often employed in -administrative capacities by the emirs and caliphs; and Christian -mercenaries, many of them Spaniards, fought in the Moslem armies. It was -only natural, therefore, that the neighboring Arabic civilization should -have exercised not a little influence on Christian Spain, especially -since the power and wealth of the caliphate were so much greater than in -the kingdoms of the north. In intellectual aspects--for example, in -philosophy and science--the Arabic influence was to be greater at a -succeeding time, but in political and military matters and in language -much passed over to the Christians in this period. In like manner the -Spanish peoples reacted upon the invaders, but this was confined -principally to the effects produced by the Renegados and Mozrabes, -whose contributions were largely due to the conditions of the Moslem -world in which they lived. - -[Sidenote: Diversity in Christian Spain.] - -Christian Spain itself was far from being a unit; rather diversity was -the rule. The northwest followed the Visigothic tradition, while the -north centre and northeast, especially Navarre and Catalonia, while -retaining much of the Visigothic institutions came into frequent contact -with French peoples, who gave a new turn to their civilization. Within -each section, too, there were many complex differences between one -region and another. Hence the institutions of the principal areas may be -taken separately. - - -_Kingdoms of Asturias, Len, and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Social classes in the Christian northwest.] - -Social inequality increased in this period, due to a decline in wealth -and to an accentuation of the hazards of life. The higher nobility -attained to vast privileges and authority, although less than in other -parts of Christian Europe. They were often, but not always, allowed to -conquer lands for themselves, rule their own estates with almost -absolute authority, leave the king's service for that of another -monarch, and be free from taxation. The social prestige of the nobles -was weakened, however, through the king's right to grant titles of -nobility. The king might also deprive a noble created by himself of his -titles and lands. Most of the nobility of the lower grades were in fact -retainers of the greater nobles or of the king, usually rendering -military service in return for protection. This state of dependence was -called _encomienda_ (commendation),--a term used centuries later to -cover the virtual enslavement of the American Indians. Small landed -proprietors and free agricultural and industrial laborers placed -themselves in similar relations to the great nobles, so that the latter -were about the only really free class of the time. These civilian -dependents gave produce, tribute, or personal service to the lord. The -various grades of servitude, from serfs attached to a piece of land and -enjoying at least some of the products of their labor down to -individuals held in personal slavery, continued to exist. In general the -servile classes advanced in about the same degree that the freemen fell -back; many of them came together to form an intermediate class in which -some rights--for example, to own property and to change one's habitation -freely within the same seigniorial territory--were enjoyed. - -[Sidenote: The political system.] - -The king's power was complete enough in theory to merit being called -absolute, for in him rested supreme legislative, judicial, and -administrative authority over the realm as a whole. In fact the royal -authority did not extend equally over all the land. On his own -properties and usually in conquered regions the king was indeed an -absolute monarch, but as concerned the lands of the nobles and the -church there were important limitations on his authority. On their -estates the nobles enjoyed rights of an economic nature and also those -of a sovereign, with almost as much power in theory and in fact as the -king had in theory over all the land. They raised troops at will, and -fought with one another and even against the king; they had judicial -authority over most of the cases arising within their lands; and they -collected taxes for themselves. The protection which they owed to all on -their estates was not very faithfully accorded, but on the contrary they -oppressed not only their own dependents but also those of other -lords,--a practice which was a fruitful cause of private war. The -nobles, too, were veritable highwaymen, robbing travellers, business -men, and pilgrims, and contributing more than any other class to the -lawlessness of the times. Bishops and abbots occupied a position similar -to that of the great nobles. The church had acquired estates through -gifts of individuals and grants of the king, and the same rights and -duties attached to them as in the case of the nobles. Thus, for example, -great churchmen raised troops, which at times they commanded themselves. -The royal power was still further limited in fact, because of the -necessity of relying upon nobles or churchmen to govern distant lands or -to hold other posts of an administrative and even of a judicial nature. -The rulers of administrative districts were the counts (_condes_) -appointed by the king, and these individuals often gave him considerable -trouble,--as witness the uprisings (at length successful) of the counts -of Castile. The very necessities of civil strife obliged the kings to -yield privileges to one set of nobles in order to get their aid against -another. Nevertheless, great as was the nobles' authority, it was not so -excessive as elsewhere in western Europe. Feudalism, the essence of -which was the grant of lands in perpetuity with rights of sovereignty -attached, in return for which the grantee owed fealty and some form of -service, perhaps military, to the grantor, did not exist in its fullness -in northwestern Spain. By special grants the king might agree to refrain -from exercising his sovereign privileges, but in such cases certain -limitations were usually expressed. When judicial authority was -conferred on a noble, some attributes were retained,--for example, the -trial of crimes of murder and the right of appeal to the royal authority -from the cases in seigniorial courts. Again, when the lords made laws -for their territories they did so by special grant of the king, who -frequently intervened to change the seigniorial statutes or to enact -others of his own. The difference from European feudalism, however, was -perhaps more juridical than actual. - -[Sidenote: Rise of the free towns.] - -One element appeared in this period which was to prove a great -limitation on seigniorial authority, and was to be an aid to the king in -the establishment of internal good order and unity. This was the -plebeian town. The most important type of this class was the _villa_, or -_concejo_, which originated in the tenth century. The _villas_ were -founded on lands conquered by the kings, and were usually in frontier -districts exposed to the enemy. On this account special privileges were -granted in order to induce people to settle there. Anybody who could -contrive to reach a _villa_ was declared free, even if of servile grade -before. All citizens were not equal, however; there were varying grades -of rank, though all were free. The _villas_ were exempted from many -duties to the state,--often from the payment of taxes. They were also -withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the counts, and were granted much -political authority. Each _villa_ received its own _fuero_, or charter, -by a special grant, with the result that there was a great variety in -the terms of different charters, although certain of them tended to -become the types which were imitated in subsequent grants. As a general -rule the government of a _villa_ was in the hands of the assembly of -citizens, in which local laws were enacted and judges and administrative -officers elected. These rights, added to a long line of exemptions, made -veritable political entities of the _villas_, which were independent of -all but the king, and were in great measure not subject to him. The -_villa_ extended beyond its own walls to include neighboring rural -districts as well. The rise of the _villas_ on royal lands compelled the -nobility and the clergy to form similar settlements in order to attract -people to their territories or to avoid uprisings of their dependents, -although these towns did not achieve rights equal to those of the -_villas_. - -[Sidenote: Diversity and primitive character of the law.] - -Since privilege was the general rule, the law in northwestern Spain was -very far from being uniform. The Visigothic _Fuero Juzgo_ continued to -be the general law, but it was often supplanted as a result of grants by -the king to nobles, clergy, and _villas_, and by the nobles and clergy -to yet other units under their rule. Very important, too, was the -modifying effect of local customs, which in the absence of other -specific law were frequently cited. These customs tended to resemble -those of the Germanic invaders or even of the indigenous peoples, since -the type of life at this time was similar to that of earlier unsettled -periods. This era, therefore, was one of a marked falling away from -Roman traditions, which had to wait several centuries before they again -came into their own. - -[Sidenote: Economic backwardness.] - -As was natural in such an age of disorder, commerce and industry did not -flourish. With the rise of the towns a beginning was made, and at least -one town, Santiago de Compostela, seems to have attained to some -industrial importance. Commerce was hampered by innumerable obstacles, -such as the depredations of foreign enemies and robber lords, the duties -which had to be paid to the king, and the tolls which were collected by -the lords at highways, rivers, or bridges within their lands. -Stock-raising and agriculture and the production of the bare necessities -of life were the principal occupations. Even these suffered, not only -from the raids of the Moslems and the nobles, but also from the extreme -weight of taxation, which was all the worse in that it was levied at the -caprice of the king, lord, or churchman collecting it. The state of -misery was so great that it is not surprising that famine and epidemics -harassed the people. - -[Sidenote: Ignorance and superstition.] - -[Sidenote: Innovations in architecture.] - -In general culture, too, there was a decline to an even lower level than -that of the Visigothic period. Churches and monasteries maintained -something of the old intellectual traditions, and their schools were -almost the only resort for an education. Latin continued to be used in -literature and in official documents, but was already acquiring the new -forms which were to pave the way to the various Romance tongues of later -days. The age was one of superstition, which made itself manifest, as in -other parts of Europe, even in judicial procedure. The tests of wager of -battle (or a duel between litigants), the hot iron, and boiling water -were all used to determine innocence or guilt, in the belief that God -would intervene on the side of the man whose cause was just. Poverty and -danger led men to live in groups, thereby introducing a fresh departure -from Roman individualism. In the towns life more nearly resembled the -Roman type. In architecture this period marked the introduction of the -buttress in some of the churches. Naturally, it was an age of the -building of castles and walls, although the materials used were -perishable. Most edifices were of wood, for in that day Spain was -covered with forests in regions where they no longer exist. The burning -of villages in times of war, especially during the Norman invasions, led -to an exchange from the wooden roof in church building to one of -non-combustible material of industrial manufacture. - - -_Kingdoms of Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: The Christian reconquest of Catalonia.] - -In essentials, the social organization of north central and northeastern -Spain was not greatly different from that of the northwest. Navarre and -Catalonia were considerably affected by French influence,--Aragon less -so. The details for Navarre and Aragon are in any event obscure or -lacking. The Moslem invasion caused an emigration of the people of -Catalonia across the Pyrenees, with the result that most of the -territory remained deserted for two centuries. By 797 Gerona had been -reconquered, and by 801 Barcelona was retaken, and these dates marked -the beginning of the social and political reorganization of what was to -become Catalonia. Lands were allotted to the Frankish conquerors and to -a number of Catalans who had either remained in that region, subject to -the Moslems, or who came in at the time of the reconquest. These estates -were given free of obligation, except for that of military service. The -most important holders were the various counts, but there were a number -of lesser proprietors beyond their jurisdiction. Many of these were -converted in course of time into feudatories of the counts. The counts -were at first the appointees of the French king; later they became -hereditary; and finally independent. The church also acquired vast -territories in Catalonia, and was allowed to enjoy immunity from -obligations and an absolute dominion over its lands. The most important -holdings were those of the bishop of Gerona. - -[Sidenote: Feudalism in Catalonia and Navarre.] - -From the above it appears that the feudalism of France had taken root in -Catalonia, where the nobles were more absolute in their own territories -and more free from the power of the king or lord to whom they were -subject than was the case in northwestern Spain. The greater importance -of the counts of Barcelona has already been alluded to; by the beginning -of the eleventh century they were saluted with the title of prince in -recognition of their sovereignty. Aside from their own estates, however, -their legal authority extended little further than that of a right to -inspect judicial tribunals (in order to see that their decisions were in -accord with the general law of the land) and to have certain cases -appealable to their courts. The _Fuero Juzgo_, in so far as it applied -to the changed conditions of Catalonia, was the general law, but -numerous exceptions began to appear, much as in the northwest, although -the development of free towns was not nearly so great. In Navarre the -administration of justice belonged to the king, but on the other hand -the king could not hold court, or make war, peace, or a truce, without -consulting the nobles, and he was subject in every respect to the laws -which confirmed their privileges. Furthermore, he acquired his throne by -election, although the choice was confined as a rule to members of a -single family. Feudalism not only weakened the power of the monarchy in -north central and northeastern Spain, but also tended to impair the lot -of the servile classes, which were delayed in achieving emancipation in -these regions much longer than in other parts of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Coming of the monks of Cluny.] - -[Sidenote: Backwardness of Pyrenean Spain.] - -The most important religious incident of the period was the entry of the -monks of Cluny into Spain. This order had taken it upon itself to -combat simony (the sale of church office) and offences against the -ecclesiastical law of celibacy (requiring that men who had taken holy -orders should not marry), both of which practices were than very -prevalent in Christendom, and to bring about a complete and effective -submission of distant churches to the bishop of Rome. These monks came -into Spain by way of Navarre in the reign of Sancho the Great, and by -1033 they were already in Castile. Aside from their immediate objects -they produced two other important effects: they reinforced the French -ideas which had preceded them; and they accelerated the reconquest as a -result of the influence which they acquired, employing it to urge on the -kings in wars against the Moslems. In economic institutions, general -culture, and the fine arts the north centre and northeast were very -backward, like the northwest. It is noteworthy, however, that by the -ninth century the Catalans were already beginning to engage in trade in -the Mediterranean. - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492 - -[Illustration: Spain in 910] - -[Illustration: Spain in 1130] - -[Illustration: Spain in 1037] - -[Illustration: Spain 1212-1492] - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -ERA OF THE SPANISH CRUSADES, 1031-1276 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -The period of a little more than two centuries after the downfall of the -caliphate was marked by a complete change from that preceding it, and in -like manner was quite independent of the next succeeding era. Up to this -time Moslem Spain had represented by far the principal element in the -peninsula. The Christian states had maintained themselves with -difficulty, making occasional gains, which were not infrequently -followed by equally great losses whenever the Moslem power was -sufficiently united internally to present its full strength. The -civilization of the Christian kingdoms had also been notably inferior in -almost every respect to that of the Moslem south. From the eleventh to -the middle of the thirteenth century, however, the region of Moslem -Spain, divided against itself, could not make an effective resistance, -and the Christian powers began an offensive which enabled them to -reconquer all of the peninsula except for a narrow strip in southern -Andalusia. These wars partook very largely of the crusading spirit then -so prevalent in Europe, and although it was not nearly so persistent, -fervid, or exclusive an aim as is usually believed it seems appropriate -to characterize this era as that of the Spanish crusades. This was also -a period of noteworthy advance in internal organization in Christian -Spain, for although civil war and disorder were great as compared with -some later eras many regions enjoyed long terms of peace, very much more -complete at least than in the three preceding centuries. The pushing -back of the Moslem frontier conduced greatly to this end. The kings -gradually became more powerful than the great individual nobles, who -had been able to meet them on virtually equal terms before. The free -commoners advanced both in status and in numbers. In material well-being -there was a marked improvement. Finally, in general culture the same -tendency appeared. In all of these respects the fund of civilization was -very slight compared with what it was to become in succeeding centuries, -but it was at least something, whereas the period before had represented -little more than bare existence. Despite the fact that there was very -little understanding of the ideal of national unity, as evidenced by the -frequency with which monarchs divided their kingdoms, circumstances -tended toward the accomplishment of what men could not readily grasp. -Two great states emerged in Christian Spain, the kingdoms of Castile and -Aragon. They were able even to act in peace and concert at times in the -wars against the Moslems. A third region tended to withdraw from the -current of peninsula unity, for it was in this period that the modern -state of Portugal had its independent beginnings. Nevertheless, Moslem -Spain, though less important than Castile and Aragon, remained the -keynote of the period, not alone because of the wars against it, but -also because its civilization, especially in material and intellectual -aspects, was still far superior to that of Castile and Aragon. It was at -this time, indeed, that the Moslem world produced its greatest scholars -and the Christian states became most strongly imbued with the spirit of -Moslem culture, with permanent results on Spanish character. This era -was unequal in length for Castile and Aragon, closing respectively in -1252 and 1276 with the deaths of Ferdinand III and Jaime I. - - -_Moslem Spain_ - -[Sidenote: The _taifa_ states and the rise of Seville.] - -With the dethronement of Hisham III in 1031 the caliphate broke up into -a number of states called _taifas_, from an Arabic word meaning "tribe," -or "people." Down to the close of the eleventh century there were many -of these states,--twenty-three at one time,--but the most important were -those of Cordova, Seville, Mlaga, Granada, Almera, Denia and the -Balearic Islands, Saragossa, Toledo, and Badajoz. The rulers were -usually Slavic or Berber generals of the latter-day armies of the -caliphate and their descendants. Each desired to make himself sole -caliph, and so an internecine strife was waged almost continuously, -especially in the south. Seville soon forged ahead of its regional -rivals, and was by far the most important _taifa_ of the century. Like -several of the others it had been founded as a republic (as early as -1023), but its skilful ruler, Abul Cassim Mohammed of the Abbadite -family, soon made himself absolute, while retaining the forms of a -republic. In order to overcome his most powerful neighbors he pretended -that Hisham II had reappeared, availing himself of a mat-maker who -resembled the dead caliph. The stratagem was so successful that Carmona, -Valencia, Denia, Tortosa, and even the republic of Cordova recognized -the pseudo-Hisham, whereupon the crafty Sevillian proceeded to conquer -large parts of the _taifa_ states of Mlaga and Granada. His successors -were equally fortunate, and by the end of the third quarter of the -century the greater part of Moslem Spain, especially in the west and -south, had acknowledged the rule of the lord of Seville. Seville, too, -had become every bit as noteworthy an intellectual centre as Cordova had -been under the caliphs. - -[Sidenote: Yusuf and the Almoravide conquest.] - -The Christian kings of Castile and Len had meanwhile profited by the -wars of the _taifa_ states to make conquests or to reduce many of the -_taifas_ to the payment of tribute. Even Seville was tributary to a -Christian king. This inclined many of the Moslem princes, realizing -their own helplessness, to invite a newly-risen Mohammedan power in -northwestern Africa to come to their aid. The rulers of the _taifas_ -recognized that their own authority might be endangered by the entry of -their coreligionists, but their feelings were well expressed in the -words attributed to the ruler of Seville: "I would rather be a -camel-driver in Africa than a swineherd in Castile." The African people -referred to were a branch of the Berbers who had dwelt apart in the -Sahara Desert. Converted at length to the Moslem faith, they became -fanatically religious, taking to themselves the name "Almoravides" -(religious men), and launching themselves forth to the conquest of all -northwestern Africa. The African empire of the Almoravides was already -an accomplished fact when their emperor, Yusuf, was invited to help the -Spanish Moslems under a promise that he would not deprive the _taifa_ -rulers of their states. In 1086 Yusuf entered Spain, and encountered the -army of Alfonso VI of Len at Zalaca, near Badajoz. Yusuf was completely -successful, and the Christian peril was rolled back, but no -counter-conquests of moment were made. Yusuf himself returned to Africa. -Four years later the Moslem princes had need of Yusuf, and once again he -came to avert the threatening danger. By this time popular opinion, -reinforced by the intrigues of the Moslem priesthood, desired the -establishment of Yusuf's authority in Spain; the restoration of a single -rule, it was believed, would check the Christian kings, and bring peace -and prosperity. By 1091 Yusuf had reduced all of the _taifa_ princes -except the king of Saragossa, and the latter was subjected by Yusuf's -successor. Thus the unity of Moslem Spain was again accomplished.[18] - -[Sidenote: Rise of the Almohades.] - -The Almoravide rule rested very lightly on the Moslem population, but -only for a short time. The emperors lost their religious enthusiasm, and -not only did they fail to advance the conquest but they also gave -themselves up to a life of luxury and dissipation. Public security -declined, with the result that the people now wished to rid themselves -of the sovereigns whom formerly they had desired so much. At this time -there came a tremendous uprising in Africa in 1125 of the Moors of the -Moroccan Atlas, an uncivilized branch of the Berber family. They had -become fanatical Mohammedans, and like their Almoravide predecessors had -taken a name springing from their religious faith, that of "Almohades" -(unitarians). Uncultivated as they were, they were able to master the -military art of that day sufficiently to overwhelm the Almoravide power -in Africa, though only after a long war. - -[Sidenote: The Almohades in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: The Christian reconquest.] - -Meanwhile, a second era of _taifa_ states had sprung up in Spain, but in -1146 the Almohades entered the peninsula, and proceeded to reduce the -_taifa_ princes. By 1172 all Moslem Spain was under their sway. Spain -was now formed into a province of the Almohade empire, the capital of -which was in Africa. The new conquerors did more than merely garrison -the peninsula,--they pursued the hated Arabs so zealously that the -latter were either destroyed or absorbed. The Berbers were for many -years virtually the only Mohammedan element in the peninsula except for -the Renegados. The wars with the Christians were also renewed. In 1194 -Alfonso VIII of Castile challenged the emperor Yacub to a battle. Yacub -accepted, and the battle was fought at Alarcos (Badajoz) in 1195, ending -in the rout of the Christians. The war continued, however, and in 1212 -the united forces of Len, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon gained a great -victory at Navas de Tolosa in Andalusia. This was the turning-point in -the Christian reconquest. The Almohade state soon fell to pieces, and by -1228 the _taifas_ began to reappear, but one after another they were -conquered by the Christian kings. A single Moslem state escaped; in 1230 -it had been founded at Arjona, and presently took shape as the kingdom -of Granada, establishing its capital in 1238 at the city of the same -name. This tiny realm, extending at its greatest from Almera to -Gibraltar, was able to maintain itself for over two centuries and a -half. - - -_Len and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Castilian conquests.] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso VI.] - -By the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Castile had become legally a -kingdom in 1035. Ferdinand I (1035-1065) soon overwhelmed the king of -Len, uniting all northwestern Spain under his rule. Wars with Navarre -followed until 1054, after which Ferdinand devoted himself with great -religious zeal to campaigns against the Moslem _taifas_, making numerous -conquests, and subjecting many states to the payment of tribute. Despite -the lesson of his own experience he divided his realm, at death, into -the three kingdoms of Castile, Len, and Galicia, besides two lesser -principalities. A long civil war followed, out of which there emerged -Alfonso VI (1065-1109) as sole ruler of the domain of his father. -Alfonso VI took up the wars against the Moslems with great success, and -on one occasion, in 1082, was able to ride his horse into the sea in the -extreme south of Spain at Tarifa, when he is said to have exclaimed: -"This is the last land in Spain, and I have trod it." The principal -event of the reign was the capture of Toledo in 1085. Alfonso had -promised to restore the _taifa_ king of Toledo to his throne, from which -he had been ousted by a rebellion, but changed his mind, and took the -city for himself. From that time forward Toledo was of great military -importance to the Christians, serving as the centre of the reconquest, -and it was also the medium through which Moslem civilization began to -produce an effect on Castile. The treaty of capitulation was not very -faithfully carried out; for example, Alfonso had promised to allow the -Mohammedans to retain their principal mosque for purposes of worship, -but in his absence the monks of Cluny were able to persuade the queen to -take over that edifice as a Christian church. The incident is -illustrative of a new crusading spirit which had entered Spain with the -monks of Cluny, although it had not yet become general. _Taifa_ after -_taifa_ now humbled itself before Alfonso; Valencia was captured, and -the former king of Toledo became its nominal ruler, but with a Castilian -army; and Alfonso could with reason entitle himself "sovereign of the -men of the two religions," a phrase which shows that Christian zeal was -not altogether uncompromising. It was then that the Almoravide invasion -checked the Castilian king, but although he lost Valencia he was able to -maintain the principal part of his conquests. - -[Sidenote: The Cid.] - -It was in the reign of Alfonso VI that Rodrigo, or Ruy, Daz of Vivar -(near Burgos), better known as "the Cid," performed the achievements -which have made him a famous character in literature. Until recently he -was represented as a fanatically ardent, Christian crusader, ever -drawing his sword against the infidel or in defence of any just and -noble cause, and performing superhuman prodigies of valor. The true Cid -was very far from answering to that description, and was also so typical -of his age that his real career has historic value apart from -literature. In the civil wars following the death of Ferdinand I, Daz -was a partisan of Sancho II of Castile, and contributed greatly to that -monarch's success,--a victory which was spoiled by the assassination of -his patron. Daz then recognized Alfonso VI, and was sent by the latter -to collect the tribute due from the king of Seville. On his return he -was accused of having appropriated for himself certain of the funds -which he was bringing to the king, and was banished from Castile; -possibly Alfonso VI may still have felt resentment over Daz's part in -the victories of Sancho. Followed by only a few warriors Daz wandered -over Spain, seeking wealth and honors in return for military aid. -Finally he took service with the Moslem king of Saragossa, and won fame -in all the peninsula as a result of his victories not only against -Moslem enemies but more than once against Christian kings; in fine, -religion seems not to have entered into his program to any appreciable -extent; indeed, the name Cid was applied by his Moslem soldiers, meaning -"lord," or "master." In 1086 the Moslem king of Valencia, the same one -who had been placed on the throne by Alfonso VI, got into difficulties -with his subjects, and sought the aid of Saragossa. The Cid was sent -with an army of mingled Christians and Moslems to restore the authority -of the Valencian monarch. This he did, but under a contract which -ignored his Saragossan master and enabled the Cid to become the virtual -ruler of Valencia. In 1092 on the death of the king of Valencia the Cid -converted his _de facto_ into a _de jure_ rule, reigning until his death -in 1099. As monarch of Valencia he was selfish and cruel, like others of -his time, sustaining his power by virtue of his army of Christians and -Moslems against foes of whatever faith, even against Castile. He -espoused one of his daughters to Ramn Berenguer III of Barcelona, and -another to a prince of the royal family of Navarre. After his death his -state fell before the advance of the Almoravides. - -[Sidenote: The anarchy of Urraca's reign.] - -[Sidenote: The beginnings of Portugal.] - -Alfonso VI was succeeded by his daughter Urraca (1109-1126), for he left -no sons, and her reign was a period of anarchy. Urraca, who was a widow, -was compelled by the nobles to remarry, on the ground that affairs of -state needed a man's direction, while her infant son by a previous -marriage, Alfonso, was brought up in Galicia, being considered king of -that region. Alfonso I "the Battler" of Aragon was selected as a husband -for Urraca, but the marriage was not a happy one. Urraca was so -imprudent in her manner of life that the Battler saw fit to imprison her -in a castle. Furthermore, he displayed a clear intention of making -himself ruler in Castile as he was in Aragon, a course which the -Castilian nobles were far from approving. The scene having been set the -wars began. A complication entered from the side of Galicia, where -Bishop Gelmrez of Santiago de Compostela proposed that the infant -Alfonso should reign in Len as well as in Galicia. The changes of side -and fortune in these wars, not only by the three principals, but also by -individual nobles, need not be followed, except to relate one incident -which marked the first step toward the ultimate independence of -Portugal. Teresa, a sister of Urraca, had married a French count, Henry -of Lorraine, to whom (in 1095?) Alfonso VI granted territories called -the county of Portugal in the northern part of the land which now bears -that name. These estates were held as a fief, subject to tribute and -military service. Henry and later Teresa (on the former's death) -profited by the civil strife to increase their holdings and acquire real -strength. Urraca died in 1126, and matters were arranged by the -recognition of the young Alfonso (Alfonso VII "the Emperor") as king in -his grandfather's domain, while Alfonso the Battler gained some -territories adjoining his kingdom of Aragon.[19] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso "the Emperor."] - -The death of Urraca did not end the internal strife in Christian Spain. -For ten years there were wars with Teresa and her son Affonso Enrquez -of Portugal; there were wars, too, against Aragon and Navarre, following -the death of Alfonso the Battler, out of which Alfonso VII procured some -extensions of territory. When the century was nearly half gone Alfonso -was able to turn energetically to an attack upon the Moslem states, -especially between 1144 and 1147 during the second era of the _taifas_. -His conquests were vast, but of brief duration, for the Almohades soon -entered Spain to deprive him of what he had won. Like Ferdinand I before -him Alfonso VII took the title of emperor, which then had a significance -equivalent to that of sole temporal ruler of Christendom in succession -to the Roman emperors. In the case of Ferdinand and Alfonso it may also -have represented a protest against the like pretensions of the Holy -Roman Emperors, then reigning principally in Germanic Europe. Alfonso -seemed in a fair way to create a peninsula empire, for he was able to -make the kings of Aragon and Navarre, the counts of Barcelona and -Toulouse, various lesser princes of Spain and southern France, and some -rulers of the Moslem _taifas_ swear fealty to him as their feudal -sovereign. The imperial confederation had no real strength, however, for -the spirit of separatism was as yet too deeply rooted. Alfonso himself -demonstrated this by dividing his realm at his death, in 1157, into the -two kingdoms of Castile and Len. - -[Sidenote: The defence of Calatrava.] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso VIII and the overthrow of the Moslems.] - -The next following reigns had their share of internal strife and one -important event in the course of the Moslem wars,--the defence of -Calatrava in 1158 by two Cistercian monks, who procured an army by -proclaiming a crusade. Out of this event there came the founding in 1164 -of the important military order of Calatrava. Alfonso VIII (1158-1214) -inherited the throne of Castile while still a child. War and disorder -followed until 1180, for the kings of Len and Navarre and various -nobles endeavored as usual to profit for themselves at the expense of -the newly enthroned monarch. At length Alfonso VIII, who was one of the -ablest rulers of this period (both in internal organization and in -external conquest), directed his attention to the reconquest from the -Moslems. After a rapid succession of victories he was defeated, as -already noted, at the battle of Alarcos, on which occasion the kings of -Len and Navarre failed to accord him the aid they had promised. Wars -followed against the two kings, but matters were at length adjusted and -a tremendous army, including many foreigners, was raised to combat the -Almohades. All seemed to be imbued with the crusading spirit, but most -of the foreigners deserted before the issue presented itself. Nearly all -the peoples of Christian Spain were represented in Alfonso's host, -however, and together they won the great battle of Navas de Tolosa in -1212. - -[Sidenote: The independence of Portugal.] - -Meanwhile, the counts of Portugal had continued their policy of complete -separation from Len and Castile, and had also extended their frontiers -southward by successful wars against the Moslems. Affonso Enrquez took -the title of king, and this was recognized in 1143 by Alfonso VII, -subject to the vassalage of the Portuguese monarch to Len. Affonso -Enrquez managed to avoid this condition by submitting his state to the -sovereignty of the pope, who accepted it in 1144, though conferring only -the title of duke on Affonso. A few years later Pope Alexander III -recognized the Portuguese ruler as king. Thus Portugal withdrew from the -current of peninsula unity, and established her independence in law and -in fact. - -[Sidenote: Saint Ferdinand and the crusades in Spain.] - -Berenguela, daughter of Alfonso VIII of Castile, had married Alfonso IX -(1188-1230) of Len, by whom she had a son, Ferdinand. Pope Innocent III -brought about an annulment of the marriage on the ground of -consanguinity, though he recognized the legitimacy of Ferdinand. On the -death of Henry I of Castile in 1217 Berenguela was proclaimed queen, but -granted the throne to her son, who as Ferdinand III, later Saint -Ferdinand (San Fernando), was to prove an even greater monarch than his -grandfather, Alfonso VIII. Wars with his father and with his nobles -occupied the early years of his reign, but by 1225, having overcome his -Christian enemies, he was able to renew the campaigns against the -Moslems. City after city fell into his power; Cordova was taken in 1236; -Murcia became tributary in 1241; and the culminating blow came with the -siege of Seville, which surrendered to Ferdinand in 1248. Despite the -fact that not a little crusading zeal entered into these campaigns and -that Ferdinand himself was an ardent Christian, religious enthusiasm, -even yet, was not as uncompromising as it later became. Ferdinand was an -ally at one time of the Almohade emperor, whom he restored to his throne -in Africa; he also accepted the alliance of the Moslem prince of Granada -in the campaign against Seville; and other similar instances of his -freedom from fanatical intolerance might be adduced. Nevertheless, he -planned to overwhelm the Moslem authority, and would almost certainly -have invaded Africa if he had lived a few years longer. His Christian -spirit, however, was along practical and national lines. When Louis IX -of France invited him to join in a crusade in the orient Ferdinand is -said to have replied: "There is no lack of Moors in _my_ land." Not only -by conquests but also by internal reforms he assisted in the development -of Castilian unity. One external event of capital importance was the -incorporation into Castile of the kingdom of Len in 1230 on the death -of Alfonso IX, despite the latter's attempt to deliver his dominions to -two daughters by a marriage previous to that with Berenguela. With -Ferdinand's death in 1252 the era of the Castilian crusades came to an -end. - - -_Catalonia, 1035 to 1164_ - -[Sidenote: The extension of the authority of the counts of Barcelona.] - -At the time when Ramn Berenguer I (1035-1076) became count of -Barcelona, Catalonia was a federation of counties, acknowledging the -ruler of Barcelona as overlord. Possessed already of Barcelona and -Gerona, Ramn Berenguer soon acquired two more counties, which had been -left by his father to other sons. He extended his frontiers at the -expense of the Moslems, and laid the foundations of the later Catalonian -power in southern France through marriage alliances with princes of that -region. It was in his reign, too, that the Catalan code of the -_Usticos_, or _Usatges_ (Usages, or Customs), was compiled, though at -the instance of his powerful vassals, who wanted their privileges -reduced to writing. By the end of his reign he had united five -Catalonian counties and many other territories under his rule, including -almost as much land in southern France as he possessed in Spain. No -further progress was made until the reign of Ramn Berenguer III -(1096-1131), who, through inheritance, without civil wars, acquired all -of the Catalonian counties but two and a great part of southern France. -He also waged wars against the Moslems, though perhaps the most notable -thing about them was that the Pisans fought as his allies. Indeed, he -established commercial and diplomatic relations with the various Italian -republics,--a beginning of Spain's fateful connection with Italy. Ramn -Berenguer IV (1131-1162) inherited only the Spanish portions of his -father's domain, but extended his authority over Tortosa, Lrida, and -other Moslem regions, being a notable warrior. In 1150 he married the -daughter of the king of Aragon, and in 1164 his son by this marriage -united Aragon and Catalonia under a single rule. - - -_Aragon_ - -[Sidenote: The beginnings of Aragon and the union with Catalonia.] - -The kingdom of Aragon dates from the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre -in 1035. The new state was almost insignificantly small at the outset, -but, by inheritances, wars with the Moslems, and the peaceful -incorporation of Navarre in 1076, it already included a large portion of -north central Spain by the close of the eleventh century. The era of -great conquests began with Alfonso I "the Battler" (1104-1134), the same -king whose marriage with Urraca of Castile had resulted so unfavorably. -Better fortune awaited him on the Moslem frontier. In 1118 he captured -Saragossa, an event as important in Aragon as was the acquisition of -Toledo a few years before in Castile. He carried his campaigns as far -south, even, as Murcia and Andalusia, but the principal result of these -invasions was that he brought back ten thousand Mozrabes to settle his -newly-won conquests. Having no sons he tried to leave his realm to two -military orders, but this arrangement did not prove agreeable to his -subjects. The nobles of Navarre elected a king of their own, withdrawing -from the union with Aragon, while those of Aragon chose a brother of -Alfonso, named Ramiro, who at the time of his election was a monk. The -reign of Ramiro II "the Monk" (1134-1137) was exceptionally important -for Spain, without any particular merit accruing therefor to the king. -The pope freed him from his vows and he married. From this marriage -there was born a daughter, Petronilla. Ramiro espoused her to Ramn -Berenguer IV of Barcelona, and soon abdicated, returning to his -monastery. Petronilla's son, Ramn Berenguer, who presently changed his -name to the Aragonese-sounding Alfonso, was the first to rule in his own -right over Aragon and Catalonia in what came to be called the kingdom of -Aragon, although Catalonia was always the more important part. - -[Sidenote: The act of vassalage to the pope and the French conquests in -Aragonese dominions of southern France.] - -Alfonso II inherited Catalonia in 1162, and became king of Aragon proper -in 1164 on the abdication of Petronilla. Later he inherited nearly all -of southern France. He was also a frequent ally of Alfonso VIII of -Castile against the Moslems, gaining some territories on his own -account. In 1179 these two kings made a treaty dividing Spain between -them, fixing the limits of their respective present and future -conquests,--a noteworthy instance of the approach toward the unification -of Spain. Alfonso II was succeeded by Pedro II "the Catholic" -(1196-1213) at a time when affairs were in a critical state in his -French dominions. That region had been in constant turmoil, as a result -both of the ambitions of the kings of France and of the comparative -independence and selfish aims of the feudal lords. There was now added a -new factor,--the widespread Albigensian heresy, which had been accepted -by the majority of the Provenal people and even more by their lords. -With matters in this state Pedro visited Rome in 1204, and, while -there, gave his dominions in vassalage to the pope, receiving them back -as a fief. This act was to have important consequences at a later time, -but if its immediate object was to check French pretensions to southern -France, as has been supposed, it was not very successful, for the pope -himself proclaimed a crusade against the Albigenses. The crusaders were -French nobles, who represented a purely French invasion quite as much as -they did an orthodox host. Under their leader, Simon de Montfort, they -won several victories, displaying such cruelty against Catholics and -heretics alike that they were censured by a famous religious at that -time preaching among the Albigenses, Domingo de Guzmn. Guzmn was the -Spaniard who later founded the Dominican order, named for him, and who -became canonized as Saint Dominic (San Domingo). Pedro II endeavored to -mediate to check the temporal designs of Montfort, but was persuaded by -the pope to recognize the French leader as his vassal in the regions he -had conquered. When Montfort continued in his aggressive designs Pedro -II declared war against him, but was defeated in a battle which cost him -his life. - -[Sidenote: Early years of the reign of Jaime "the Conqueror."] - -The death of Pedro II brought to the throne the greatest Aragonese -monarch of the period, Jaime I "the Conqueror" (1213-1276), a worthy -contemporary of Ferdinand III of Castile. At the outset of his reign he -was a mere child in the dangerous possession of Simon de Montfort. On -this occasion the tremendous influence of the great pope, Innocent III, -was beneficial to Spain, for Montfort was constrained to surrender the -boy king to his people. Then followed the usual troubles which beset the -early years of a youthful monarch in that period. There were wars -brought about by ambitious nobles fighting for the possession of the -king, wars of the nobles among themselves, and wars of the nobles -against the king. Though only a boy, Jaime took a hand in the fighting, -and was many times in danger,--twice he was captured by hostile -nobles,--but thanks to his courage and coolness was always able to free -himself from the perils which beset him. Not until 1228 was he in full -command of the situation. Meanwhile, civil wars had been taking place -in southern France, resolving themselves finally into a struggle between -the count of Toulouse, aided by the Catalans, and Simon de Montfort. In -this war Montfort lost his life, and the French power in that region for -the time being vanished. - -[Sidenote: The conquests of Jaime.] - -Backed by the sentiment of most of Catalonia, which desired territorial -and commercial expansion in the Mediterranean, Jaime now planned a -career of conquest. Many of the Aragonese and western Catalonian nobles -declined to join him in this enterprise; so he had to find means as best -he could without their aid. In 1229 he entered the island of Majorca, -which for centuries had been successively a pirate and Moslem -stronghold. Having achieved the conquest, which proved an easy matter, -Jaime distributed the lands among his Catalan followers. In 1232 Minorca -was subjected, and in 1235 Ibiza, too. Thus the Balearic Islands fell -into Jaime's power and received a Catalan civilization, which they still -possess. The greatest prize, however, was the rich kingdom of Valencia. -Although handicapped by the lukewarm support of his nobles Jaime -proceeded to the conquest with such success that he won the aid of those -who had previously failed to help him, and in 1238 the city of Valencia -fell,--an event comparable with the capture of Seville by Ferdinand III. -The rest of the kingdom was not long in falling into Jaime's power, and -the lands were distributed among his nobles, but the Moslems were so -numerous that they were able to rise in rebellion on two occasions -before the end of the reign. On achieving the conquest of Valencia, -Jaime had agreed with the king of Castile that the southern boundary of -that kingdom should be the limit of the Aragonese conquest, while -Murcia, which became tributary to Ferdinand III in 1241, was reserved -for the ultimate definitive conquest of Castile. The unquenchable -military ardor of Jaime I would not allow him to rest on his laurels, -however, and he engaged to conquer Murcia for the king of Castile. This -he accomplished in the years 1265 and 1266, giving the lands to his -Catalan nobles, who were subjected to the Castilian king, whereupon -Jaime withdrew. These relations between the kings of Castile and Aragon -not only instanced a somewhat rare good faith, but also marked a -tendency which was gradually manifesting itself toward the ultimate -unity of Spain. Next, the restless warrior-king planned to go on a -crusade to Palestine, but his fleet was wrecked, and he gave up the -project, although some Catalan boats did reach their destination. In -1273 Jaime wanted to conquer Granada for Castile, but this time he could -not persuade his Catalan nobles to follow him. He did, however, send a -fleet to attack the coast of Morocco. - -[Sidenote: Other characteristics of Jaime's rule.] - -Jaime was not only a great conqueror; he was also a great administrator. -Owing to the entry of feudalism into northeastern Spain his nobles had -such power that even the able Jaime was obliged often to compromise or -to yield to their wishes. He took steps to reduce their power, at the -cost of civil war, and in many other respects bettered the -administration of his kingdom. Though deeply religious he was far from -being an ascetic, as is evidenced by the many illegitimate children -descended from him, and although usually magnanimous in character he was -capable of acts of ferocious cruelty,--such, for example, as that of -ordering the tongue of the bishop of Gerona to be torn out for the -latter's having revealed to the pope a secret of the confession. In 1276 -when the great king died he left a will which contradicted the policies -of centralization and the aggrandizement of the kingdom which in his -lifetime he had unfailingly pursued. He divided his realms, giving -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia to his eldest son, Pedro, and Majorca -and the Roussillon (southern France) to his son Jaime. The division was -not to endure long, however. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Navarre passes under French rule.] - -There is little worth recording in the history of Navarre in this -period. After the separation from Aragon in 1134 Navarre engaged -periodically in civil strife and in wars with Aragon or Castile. When -the throne became vacant in 1234 the French count of Champagne was -elected king, and, with this, Navarre was, for many years, more -involved in the history of France than in that of Spain. At length the -heiress of Navarre married Philip IV of France, whereupon Navarre ceased -to be a kingdom, becoming a mere dependency of the French monarch. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 - -_Moslem Spain_ - - -[Sidenote: Absolutism in government.] - -The principle of absolute monarchy continued to be followed in Moslem -Spain, and was even accentuated, whether in the eras of the _taifas_, or -at times of a single dominion. Indeed, this was virtually the case while -the _taifas_ were still republics, although they soon converted -themselves into confessed monarchies. In furtherance of absolutism an -excess of court ceremonial was introduced, and the rulers rarely allowed -their faces to be seen, holding audiences, for example, from behind a -curtain. The _taifa_ kings amassed great wealth, and their palaces were -overflowing with luxury. - -[Sidenote: Social factors in Moslem Spain.] - -The most important social change was the complete overthrow of the -Arabic element, leaving the Berbers and Renegados in control. Arabic -influence had already done its work, however, and the passing of the -contemporary members of that race did not mean the uprooting of Arabic -traits in Spain. Social well-being declined, owing to the various -factors of war, the development of vast landed estates (at the expense -of the small proprietor), and the increase in taxation. The Jews enjoyed -great consideration for a while, exercising an important influence in -material, intellectual, and even political affairs. Under the -Almoravides and Almohades they were severely persecuted, and many of -them emigrated to Castile, where for the time being they were well -received. The Mozrabes were also persecuted, and in increasing degree -with the advance of the Christians, for they aided not a little in the -reconquest. Many of them were taken north by the Christian kings when -they returned from their invasions, whereupon those remaining in Moslem -territory were all the more harshly treated. The Almohades were -particularly intolerant. - - -_Len and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Nobles and clergy.] - -The nobility continued to be the most important social class, with much -the same differences of grade among themselves, the same authority and -privileges, and the same tendencies to war against the king and with one -another and to commit acts of violence and robbery as in the preceding -period. The conflict of the nobility as a class against the king took -definite shape, and a numerous new nobility, the _caballeros_ (knights), -sprang up. The _caballeros_ proceeded from the plebeian ranks, being -composed of those who could equip themselves for war as cavalrymen. -Although they gained certain privileges, such as exemptions from -taxation, thus weakening the king's power, they served in fact as a -counterpoise to the hereditary noble class. They were much favored by -the kings, who needed well-equipped soldiers for their wars. The clergy -made distinct gains as regards personal immunities and the freedom of -their lands from the usual obligations, especially from that of -taxation. This bettering of their position was not the result of general -laws, but rather of the accumulation of individual privileges, granted -now to one religious institution, now to another. Their advantages in -these respects were not always well received by others, and objections -were made, especially by the popular element, through their -representatives in the national _Cortes_ (Congress, or Parliament),--of -which institution presently. - -[Sidenote: The advance of the middle class.] - -[Sidenote: Gains of the servile classes.] - -The free popular element, or middle class, which had been reborn in the -preceding period with the founding of the _villas_, or _concejos_, -developed a much greater social importance than formerly. Many factors -contributed to this end, such as the increase in the number of the -_villas_, the concession of new privileges, the material advance of -Christian Spain (agriculturally, industrially, and commercially), the -important military services of the municipal militia, and the fact that -not only the _caballeros_ but also the leading jurisconsults began to be -recruited from the middle class. As a rule this element paid taxes, but -it enjoyed not a few exemptions and privileges,--for example, a right -not to be required to make unusual contributions at the mere will of the -king, or in some cases a right to commute all of their taxes to a single -tribute. At the same time, the servile classes made striking advances, -in part through their own efforts, but aided also by an increasing -sentiment in favor of manumissions, by the need for population (both as -a result of the conquests and in consequence of economic development), -and by the protection accorded them in the _villas_. The movement for -emancipation was not uniform or free from setbacks, and this led to -numerous uprisings of serfs, who joined the enemies of their masters in -wars against the latter. The monks of Cluny, accustomed to the much -greater subjection of the servile classes in France, represented a -strong current of reaction. At Sahagn, the principal Cluniac centre, -there were such limitations on liberty as those requiring that all bread -must be cooked in the ovens of the monastery, and forbidding anybody to -sell his wine before the monks had sold theirs, or to buy cloth, fresh -fish, firewood, or other necessities before the monks had bought theirs, -and there were other restrictions of a like character. By the end of the -twelfth century serfs generally had gained such rights as the exact -fixing of services due their lords, the abolition of the practice of -selling them with the land, and the recognition of the validity of their -marriages, whether consented to by their lords or not. In the thirteenth -century they gained almost complete personal liberty, doing away with -the _malos usos_, or bad customs, like those referred to in the case of -the monastery of Sahagn. - -[Sidenote: The four new social classes.] - -Four new social classes became important at this time, principally as a -result of the wars of reconquest,--the foreigners, Jews, Mudjares, and -Mozrabes. As a general rule each group had its own law, differentiating -it from the national elements. Foreigners from every prominent western -European region came to Len and Castile, attracted by the crusading -character of the wars or by the material development of this part of -Spain or perhaps fleeing from worse conditions in the lands whence they -had come. For the Jews this was the happiest period they ever enjoyed in -Catholic Spain, and great numbers of them entered Castile in order to -escape the persecution of the Almoravides and Almohades. For a while -they were on practically an equal footing socially and juridically with -the Christians, and were one of the principal agencies for the diffusion -of Moslem culture in Len and Castile. By the opening of the thirteenth -century their situation began to change with the adoption of restrictive -measures, although it was not until the next period that these operated -in all their harshness. As the conquests proceeded, great bodies of -Moslems were incorporated into the Christian states, and they came to be -called "Mudjares." Despite the growth of intolerance with the advance -in the crusading character of the wars the Mudjares were in general -very well treated. Aside from treaties of capitulation making promises -to that effect, political and economic interests made it advisable both -on account of the numbers of the vanquished Moslems and because of the -need for population. Many of them, whether as freemen or serfs, were -agricultural laborers enjoying considerable independence, including the -right of publicly practising their religion. As time went on they tended -to gather into the cities, although subjected to more restrictions than -in the country,--such as the refusal to allow the public practice of the -Moslem faith (with a number of exceptions, however) or requirements that -they must wear a distinctive dress and live in a separate section of the -city. If they were not greatly molested in other respects they did have -to endure very heavy taxation, even including the tithe for the benefit -of the Christian church. The Mozrabes, though of the same race and -religion as the Leonese and Castilian population, had lived so long in -contact with Moslem civilization that they represented a class apart, -having their special laws differing from those of the native-born -Christians. Naturally, they were well received. - -[Sidenote: Forms of wedlock.] - -[Sidenote: The family.] - -Among the social traits of the era may be noted a certain moral laxity. -Two forms of marriage were recognized, that of _bendicin_ (blessing of -the church), accompanied by a religious ceremony, and the wedding _ -yuras_ (under oath), by a simple contract between the parties concerned. -A third form of union, similar to the latter but not recognized as -lawful wedlock, was that of _barragana_ (concubinage). The essential -conditions of _barragana_ were permanence and fidelity. Both parties -were supposed to be single, although the custom often extended to -include married men; in the latter case, but not in the former, the -children were held to be illegitimate. Many clergymen entered into this -relation, despite efforts to prevent the practice. _Barragana_ and the -marriage _ yuras_ have been considered to be a Christian imitation of -Moslem marital customs. Divorce was allowed for serious cause. The -father was recognized as the master of the family, although the wife and -children gained certain financial and personal rights which had not -formerly been accorded them. The bonds of family were so strong, -however, that individuals who were free by law to emancipate -themselves--for example, by marriage--often continued under the parental -roof. Thus great family groups living in common were formed. - -[Sidenote: Advance in domesticity.] - -[Sidenote: Other social customs.] - -As a result of the greater economic wealth, the comparative peace back -from the frontier, and the development of the towns the manner of life -underwent a rapid change, which may be summed up by saying that people -began to live inside the house instead of out, giving more active play -to the domestic instinct of the woman, which in its turn had a much -needed softening effect upon the man. Houses now had hearths, although -not always a chimney and as late as the twelfth century no panes of -glass in the windows. Furniture reached a degree of luxury and comfort -far in advance of what it had been since the Roman era. It was heavy and -very sober in decoration at first, but increased in adornment later on. -Beds were an object of luxury in the eleventh century; people slept on -benches or on the floor. By the thirteenth century artisans and laborers -usually had a bed, as also a table, two chairs, and a chest. Chairs, -throughout the period, were low, and rarely had backs; those with both -arms and a back were reserved for the master of the house. Floors, even -in palaces, were usually bare of cover. Habits of cleanliness were not -yet very much in evidence. Clothing was customarily worn until worn out, -without being changed or washed. At table it was rare for the diners to -have individual plates or napkins, and the fork was not yet known. Bones -and refuse were left on the table, or thrown on the floor, and the use -of water for any purpose other than for drinking was unusual. The custom -of public baths had some vogue in the cities, however. Men still lived -much in the open, but women habitually withdrew from public view. Crimes -against women, from those which were more serious down to the -comparatively mild offence of pulling a woman's hair, were punished with -extreme severity,--not that women enjoyed high esteem or even an equal -consideration with men, for the supposed gallantry of the medieval -period did not in fact exist. Men wore their hair long, and a long beard -was considered as an indication of dignity,--so much so, that a heavy -penalty was imposed on anybody who pulled or cut another's beard. -Amusement was provided by jugglers or by dancing and singing, especially -on days of religious festivals, or holidays, and during the holding of -fairs. Among the great people the French sport of the tourney was much -in favor. From France, too, came feudal chivalry, imposing the ideals of -valor, loyalty, and dignity (to the extent that nobody should doubt -another's nobility, his word, or his courage) on those professing it. -This exaggerated sense of honor led to duelling, and comported ill with -the real conduct of the nobles. Epidemics of leprosy and plagues -(bubonic?) were frequent, resulting in the founding of hospitals and -institutions of charity. - -[Sidenote: Political and administrative changes.] - -Fundamentally, Len and Castile had much the same political organization -as before, but the popular element, as represented in the _villas_ and -the _Cortes_, began to be a real political force, and the kings -increased their strength at the expense of the nobles, although their -struggle with the nobility as a class was not to result in complete -royal victory for more than two centuries yet. The throne continued -elective in theory, but the tendency was for it to become hereditary, -although the question was not definitely settled at this time. The right -of women to reign became recognized with the crowning of Berenguela. In -administration many governmental districts were enlarged to include -various counties, the whole being ruled by a governor appointed directly -by the king, assisted by functionaries called _merinos mayores_,[20] who -had charge of civil and criminal jurisdiction. An important reform was -effected by removing the nobles from the post of the king's -representative in the counties and substituting officials called -_adelantados_, whose authority at this time was more civil than -military, and therefore less dangerous.[21] Still others exercised -respectively political and military authority. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of the _Cortes_.] - -[Sidenote: Legislation.] - -For centuries the kings had been in the habit of holding councils of -nobles or ecclesiastics, or both, although there was a tendency to -exclude the churchmen. In 1137 a council of nobles at Njera was called -the _Cortes_. The popular element was first admitted in 1188, at a -_Cortes_ held in Len,--possibly the first occasion in the history of -Europe when representatives of the towns appeared in such an assembly. -The first known instance in Castile occurred in 1250. For a number of -years, Len and Castile, though become a single kingdom, continued to -have a separate _Cortes_. The kings called this body whenever they -wished, although they often made promises (which they did not fulfil) to -set regular intervals. None of the individuals called, whether nobles, -ecclesiastics, or representatives of the _villas_ (or towns), had the -right to present themselves; that was left to the choice of the king, -but the custom gradually became fixed that certain towns should have the -privilege of being represented. Each member had one vote, but the number -of representatives from the towns differed, without being subject to a -general rule. The towns themselves chose who should represent them, but -the methods of choice were various. The _Cortes_ was allowed to make -petitions to the king, each branch for itself, and to fix the sum of -money that it would grant him. It had no true legislative functions, but -the king sought its advice, or its approval for his laws, and its -influence was such, that it was able to procure desired legislation. The -king presided in person at the opening and closing sessions, and through -officials of his own appointment at the other meetings. The king -continued to be the principal legislative authority, and the law -retained its former diversity and its fundamental basis of privilege; -the variety even increased, with the introduction of the new social -classes. The _Fuero Juzgo_, which was the common law, applied in but few -respects. The kings did something in the way of producing greater -juridical similarity, as by making dispositions of a general character -at meetings of the _Cortes_, and by using certain municipal charters as -types, while Ferdinand III commenced to draw up a uniform code, although -he did not live to complete it. - -[Sidenote: Political life of the towns.] - -Municipal organization retained the essential features of the preceding -era, such as the local assembly and the various officials, of whom the -most important were the judges. The latter came to be called _alcaldes_ -(from an Arabic term meaning "the judges"),--an example of Moslem -influence. In many cities, there were representatives of the king, -called _merinos_ and other names. Communication with the king was also -maintained by the use of messengers, now of the king, now of the city. -The actual monarchical authority was so slight that the towns often -acted with complete independence. Like the nobles they made forays -against the Moslems on their own account, or fought one another, or with -very good reason attacked neighboring, lawless nobles. For these wars -they often formed leagues, or brotherhoods (_hermandades_), of towns (or -occasionally leagues which included some nobles), for which special -ordinances were drawn up without previously consulting the king. Some of -the towns of the north coast were so independent that they joined in the -wars between France and England, against the latter. Often the towns -changed their own charters without royal permission, although this was -not done in open defiance of the king, but, rather, in secret and -fraudulently. The privileges of the towns in respect to taxation -(although, indeed, they paid the bulk of what the king received from his -free, Christian subjects) have already been mentioned.[22] Taxes were -also collected within the towns for local purposes. In addition to -revenues from direct contributions the towns also imposed obligations of -personal service on their citizens, and owned lands which formed -perhaps their most important source of wealth. These lands were of two -kinds, the _propios_ (estates "belonging to" a municipality and utilized -to assist in defraying public expenses), which were worked directly or -rented by the town, and the _comunales_, or land common, for the use of -all, subject to local regulations. In seigniorial towns, especially in -those acknowledging an ecclesiastical lord, great progress was made -toward an approximation of the rights enjoyed by the royal towns and -cities. They had already gained economic independence, but now wished to -attain to political freedom as well. They fought against the lord's -practice of arbitrarily choosing their principal magistrates; next, they -endeavored to gain for their own assembly the exclusive right of choice; -then they tried to increase the powers of the locally chosen officials -as compared with those appointed by the lord; and, all along, they aimed -to acquire more authority for their assemblies, or for the council which -came to represent them,--for example, the right to fix wages. By the -opening of the thirteenth century local autonomy had been gained at -Santiago de Compostela, and many other seigniorial towns (both noble and -ecclesiastical) had achieved equal, or nearly equal, good fortune. - -[Sidenote: The administration of justice.] - -Justice belonged fundamentally to the king, but the _alcaldes_ of the -towns usually exercised civil jurisdiction, and often criminal as well; -in some towns royal _merinos_ or _adelantados_ had charge of criminal -jurisdiction. The king might punish local judges, however, even removing -them and appointing others, but this power did not in fact enable him to -check abuses. Appeals went to the king, who also had the right to try in -first instance the serious crimes of murder, assault on a woman, -robbery, and others. In such cases the king was assisted in -administering justice by a group of men of his own appointment, called -the _Cort_ (not to be confused with the _Cortes_), but this body merely -advised him, for the decision was left to him. As might be expected in -an age of disorder, punishments were atrocious,--such, for example, as -mutilation, stoning to death, throwing over a cliff, burning, burial -alive, starvation, cooking, stripping off the skin, drowning, and -hanging; only the last-named has survived. On the other hand, -composition for murder, or the payment of a sum of money, was -allowable,--for men were valuable to the state,--although the murderer -was not free from the private vengeance of the dead man's family. The -so-called "vulgar proofs,"--such as the tests of the hot iron and hot -water, and the wager of battle,--besides torture, were employed (as -elsewhere in western Europe) as a means for acquiring evidence, but -these methods were already being looked upon with disfavor. Real justice -was in fact rare; the wealthy, especially if they were nobles, were able -to take matters into their own hands or to procure favorable decisions, -if affairs should reach the point of litigation. - -[Sidenote: Methods of warfare.] - -Military service was obligatory upon all, but except for a small royal -guard there was no permanent army. Organization continued to be simple; -the seigniorial troops were commanded by the lord or his representative, -and the militia of the towns by an _alfrez_ (standard-bearer).[23] -Large numbers of foreigners joined in the wars against the Moslems, but -perhaps the most important element was that of the military orders. -These orders had a mixed religious and secular character, for, while -some members took the usual monastic vows, others were not required to -do so. Aside from the orders of general European prominence, like that -of the Templars, there were three which were confined to the peninsula, -those of Calatrava, Santiago, and Alcntara, all formed in the middle of -the twelfth century. Their membership became so numerous and their -wealth so great that they constituted one more important force with -which the kings had to reckon in the struggle for the establishment of -royal authority, although the peril proved greater in its possibilities -than in the fact. War was absolutely merciless, falling quite as heavily -on the non-combatant as upon the opponent with arms in his hands. The -enemy population might be subjected to the loss of their lands and to -enslavement, unless this seemed inadvisable, and pillage was legally -recognized, with a share of the booty going to the king. Such weapons as -the sword, lance, and pike were still the principal types. The use of -flags was introduced as a means of inciting the troops to deeds of -valor, while priests were employed to provide a like stimulus. The first -navy in this part of Spain was the private fleet of Bishop Gelmrez of -Santiago de Compostela. Private navies were the rule. The first royal -navy was formed by Ferdinand III, as a result of the important part -played by the private naval levies which had assisted in the taking of -Seville. - -[Sidenote: The monks of Cluny and church reform.] - -Notwithstanding the increase in privileges accorded the church, the king -had always intervened in its affairs,--as by the appointment or -deposition of bishops, and even by taking under his own jurisdiction -certain cases on appeal from the ecclesiastical courts. The monks of -Cluny, influential in so many respects, set about to uproot the -dependence of the church upon the king and to bring about a closer -relation of the clergy with the papacy. Aided by the piety of the kings -themselves they were able to achieve their ends, although the monarchs -maintained that the pope's measures should not be valid in the royal -dominions without governmental consent. Thenceforth, the pope and his -legates began to take the place of the king in church affairs. The same -centralizing policy of the monks of Cluny and the great popes of the era -was employed to bring the Castilian church into uniformity with that of -Rome in matters of doctrine and rite. Some difficulty was experienced in -the latter respect, for the Spanish people were attached to their form -of worship, which was called the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite. Earlier -popes had recognized this as orthodox, but Gregory VII asked Alfonso VI -to abolish it. The king was willing, but the people and the clergy were -not. The matter was once left to the decision of the wager of battle, -and again to that of fire, but in each case the local rite came out -victorious. Finally, the king rode roughshod over judicial proofs, and -abolished the local rite.[24] It was in this period, therefore, that the -hierarchy of the church, depending on the pope, was established in -Spain. At this time, too, the monasteries (and the military orders as -well) became independent of the bishops, and ascended to the pope, or -his legate, through the medium of their abbots (or grand masters). The -increasing wealth and privileges of the church have already been -sufficiently alluded to; many of the orders degenerated greatly, even -that of the monks of Cluny, as a result of the luxury which their means -permitted. At the moment when clerical ostentation had become greatest -there came the founding of the mendicant orders, early in the thirteenth -century. In the peninsula, as elsewhere, these orders (whose principal -vow was poverty) achieved a great work for the church; the Franciscans -went chiefly among the poor, and the Dominicans dealt more with the -upper classes, but both preached the necessity for repentance and for -conversion to the faith.[25] They also contributed greatly to doing away -with the loose practices which had become current among the clergy in -all parts of Christendom. One such practice persisted, despite their -efforts, the earlier efforts of the monks of Cluny, and the continuous -opposition of the kings (translated into severe laws),--that of priests -entering into the form of union called _barragana_. - - -_Aragon proper_ - -[Sidenote: Social institutions in Aragon.] - -In institutions, Aragon proper must be distinguished, throughout this -period, from the Catalonian region of the greater kingdom of Aragon. -Social differences were much more marked than in Len and Castile, for -there was an excessively privileged feudal nobility, which had a -despotic power over the servile classes; the movement for emancipation -from slavery and serfdom belongs to a much later time. Lords had a right -even to kill their serfs. Slavery (confined usually to Moslems) was not -personal, for the slaves were attached legally to the land. What has -been said for Castile as regards the church, the Jews, Mozrabes, and -Mudjares applies generally for Aragon. There were more Mudjares than -in Castile, but, although they enjoyed equality with Christians before -the law, they were on a lower plane socially, and were more heavily -taxed. The practice of living in communal family groups was the rule in -Aragon. - -[Sidenote: Political life and administration in Aragon.] - -The nobles had privileges of a political, as well as of a social -character, being virtually sovereigns on their own estates. One -noteworthy official to develop was the _Justicia_ (Justice, or -Justiciar), charged with hearing cases of violation of privilege and -complaints generally against the authorities. The nobles tried to take -the appointment of this official to themselves, but failing in this -were, nevertheless, able to compel Jaime I to recognize that the -functions of the _Justicia_ were to be exercised in his own right, and -not by delegation of the king,--for example, in cases in which the -_Justicia_ acted as judge, or mediator, between the nobles and the king. -The free towns usually sided with the crown, as in Castile, but they -were not nearly so numerous, and not equally an agency for the -liberation of the servile classes. According to some writers they were -represented in the _Cortes_ as early as 1163 (which was earlier than in -Len), but others make 1274 the date of their entry. There were four -estates in the Aragonese _Cortes_,--the higher nobility, the -_caballeros_, the clergy, and the representatives of the towns. Aragon -and Catalonia continued to have a separate _Cortes_ after the union of -the two states, and Valencia also received one of its own, but there -were times when a general _Cortes_ of the entire kingdom was held. The -principal form of legislation was that of the royal charters. The same -diversity of law existed as in Castile, but Jaime I did something to -bring about unification by having a code drawn up. This code, called the -_Compilacin de Canellas_ (Compilation of Canellas), for one Canellas -was the compiler, embodied the traditional law of Aragon, supplemented -by principles of equity. It did not do away with the charters, applying -only to matters which they did not cover. The Roman law of Justinian and -the canon law, both of which greatly favored the king, were beginning to -be studied, but the nobility opposed the assertion of these legal -principles in courts of law. Taxes fell more heavily and more -vexatiously on the common people than they did in Castile, but a greater -proportion went to the lords and less to the king; Jaime I had to give -his note for the royal dinners, at times, and he paid his tailor by an -exemption from taxation. The king was not always able to persuade his -nobles to join him in war, though in other respects the military customs -resembled those of Castile. The principal difference in the religious -history of the two regions was that the influence of the monks of Cluny -in favor of ecclesiastical dependence on the pope was much earlier -accepted in Aragon; the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite was abolished as -early as 1071. Pedro II's submission of the kingdom to the pope was not -well received, however, by either the nobility or the people of both -Aragon and Catalonia. - - -_Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: Social institutions in Catalonia.] - -Different as Catalonia was from Aragon, the two regions had many -features in common because of the existence of feudalism. The feudal -hierarchy was composed of counts, viscounts, _valvasores_ (barons), and -free vassals, of whom the first three grades were noble. Underneath was -the institution of serfdom, equally harsh as in Aragon, and almost -equally late in advancing toward emancipation. Personal slavery (of -Moslem prisoners of war, as a rule) also existed. There were not many -Mozrabes or Mudjares, but the Jews were fairly numerous. All enjoyed -the same lenient treatment as that accorded in Castile and Aragon,--with -a beginning of restrictive measures at the end of the period. The middle -class of the cities was more important than in Aragon, especially in the -coast cities or towns, where the citizens engaged in commerce. Although -the communal family group was the general rule in Catalonia, this -institution was considerably modified by the existence of the law of -primogeniture, causing the entailment of landed properties to each -successive eldest son,--a variation from the _Fuero Juzgo_. This aided -in economic prosperity, because it kept estates intact, and influenced -younger brothers to go forth in order to build up estates of their own. -In other respects, social customs did not vary materially from those of -Aragon and Castile.[26] - -[Sidenote: Political life and administration in Catalonia.] - -[Sidenote: Importance of Barcelona.] - -The only new factor of interest in general political and administrative -organization was the increase in the actual authority of the counts of -Barcelona (and, similarly, after they became kings of Aragon), although -on the same legal basis of feudalism as before. This came about through -the uniting of most of the counties in the single family of the counts -of Barcelona, who therefore were able to exercise a decisive influence -in Catalonian affairs. The rise in importance of Barcelona was the most -notable event in municipal history. Its commerce and wealth were so -great, and its prestige as capital of the county so influential, that it -exercised a veritable hegemony over the other towns. Each year the -general assembly elected five councillors, who in turn appointed a -council of one hundred, or _Consell de Cent_, which was the principal -governing body of the city. The city was allowed to coin money and to -appoint consuls charged with looking after the business interests of -Barcelona in foreign lands. The _Consell_ also had mercantile -jurisdiction. The Catalan commercial customs were to pass over in a -developed form into Castile, and from there to the Americas. The -Catalonian _Cortes_ had but three estates, and was in other respects -similar to that of Castile. The representatives of the towns were -admitted in 1218, but their right to appear was not definitely affirmed -until 1282. Barcelona had unusual weight in that body, for it possessed -five votes. The _Usatges_ (the code adopted in the reign of Ramn -Berenguer I) merely expressed in writing the feudal customs which were -already in vogue, and therefore it was generally observed. It did not -supersede the charters, the _Fuero Juzgo_, and local customs, all of -which continued in effect. The Roman and canon law, despite the -resistance of the nobility, came to be regarded as supplementary to -other legal sources, although not as of right until centuries later. In -naval affairs Catalonia was far ahead of the rest of Spain. Both a -merchant and a naval marine had existed since the ninth century, and the -former was encouraged by the suppression of taxes and by favorable -treaties with the Italian states. The navy had become a permanent state -institution by the middle of the twelfth century (in the reign of Ramn -Berenguer IV). Individual lords and towns had naval vessels of their -own, however. The history of the church followed the same course as in -Aragon; the Roman rite was adopted in the time of Ramn Berenguer I -(1035-1076). - - -_Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: The royal power in the social and political life of -Valencia.] - -When Jaime I conquered Valencia, he had an opportunity to put into -effect some of his ideas with regard to strengthening the principle of -monarchy, and did not fail to take advantage of it. In the distribution -of lands among the nobles, the king was recognized as the only lord; -furthermore, the majority of the lands were given outright, in small -parcels, to middle class proprietors, subject only to the royal and the -neighborhood taxes. Most of the recipients were Catalans, and thus the -Catalan civilization came to predominate in Valencia. The most numerous -body of the population, however, was that of the Mudjares. Many of -these were not molested in their estates and their business, and some -were even granted lands, but the majority were obliged to pay heavy -taxes in return for the royal protection. The Mudjar uprisings led to -the introduction of more rigorous measures. In political affairs, too, -Jaime I established a system more favorable to monarchy. The nobles -wished to have the Aragonese law apply, but the king introduced new -legislation whereby the greater part of the authority rested with him. -The Valencian _Cortes_, of three branches, dates from 1283. - - -_Balearic Islands_ - -[Sidenote: Similarly in the Balearic Islands.] - -Jaime I pursued the same policy in the Balearic Islands as in Valencia, -avoiding the evils of feudalism, and treating the Mudjares well,--for -here too they were in the majority. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Feudalism and French influences in Navarre.] - -The extreme of feudal organization, similar to that in Aragon, existed -in Navarre. French peoples were an important element in the population, -and the power of the monks of Cluny was unusually great. Although the -kings established hereditary succession, the nobles continued to be -virtually absolute on their estates. The towns did not become as -important a power as elsewhere in Spain, and it was not until the next -era, possibly in the year 1300, that their representatives were admitted -to the _Cortes_. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1031-1276 - -_Moslem Spain_ - - -[Sidenote: Economic vicissitudes.] - -The political vicissitudes of Moslem Spain could not fail to have an -unfavorable effect on industry and commerce. The economic decline did -not at once manifest itself and was not continuous in any event, for the -periods of depression were often followed by others of great prosperity. -Agriculture, industry, and the arts profited by new impulses, and trade -was carried on with eastern Mediterranean lands. The Christian conquests -meant an end of these commercial relations, but many of the industries -survived in the hands of Moslems, now become Mudjares. - -[Sidenote: Moslem intellectual achievements.] - -[Sidenote: Averres and Maimnides.] - -In intellectual culture, Moslem Spain was even greater than it had been -in the days of its political power,--at least in the higher -manifestations of that culture. The _taifa_ kings encouraged freedom of -thought and expression, even when unorthodox; yet, in literature and -science the greatest heights were reached, by both Jewish and Moslem -writers, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, during the rule of the -intolerant Almoravides and Almohades. That, too, was the period of their -greatest influence on the Christians. The principal service of Moslem -Spain to western Europe was, as has been said, the transmission of Greek -thought, although not in its purity, but with the modifications and -variants of its later days, especially those of the Alexandrian school. -In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries many European scholars of note -visited Spain, and took back with them the Greco-oriental thought which -was to be the chief basis of the philosophy and science of Christendom, -until the true Greek texts were discovered at the time of the -Renaissance. The Moslems were further advanced in medicine than the -other western European peoples, and were the first in Europe since the -days of the Greeks to cultivate the study of botany. In pure mathematics -and its applications, such as in astronomy and the pseudo-science of -astrology, they were equally to the fore. Their greatest influence was -to make itself felt, however, in the realm of philosophy, especially in -the works of Averres and Maimnides, scholars who are to be compared -with Saint Isidore, both as respects the greatness of their -achievements, and as concerns the breadth, almost universality, of their -attainments. Averres of Cordova (1126-1198), as commentator and -propagator of the ideas of Aristotle and Plato, was perhaps the -principal resort of western European scholarship for an early knowledge -of Greek thought. He was also a distinguished doctor and mathematician. -Maimnides (or Moiss ben Maimn), also of Cordova (1139-1205), was the -founder of the rationalistic explanation of Jewish doctrine and a bitter -opponent of the neoplatonism[27] of the Alexandrian school, but he was -much influenced by Aristotle, whose ideas he contributed to disseminate -in western Europe. He was also a celebrated physician. In addition to -individual treatises on the various sciences, many encyclopedias were -written inclusive of all. As might be expected, the rhetorical taste of -Moslem Spain found abundant expression, in both poetry and prose, and in -subject-matter of a heroic, fabulous, satirical, or amatory character. -History, which at this time was more akin to literature than to science, -was also much cultivated. Aben-Hayyn of Cordova wrote a history in -sixty volumes, of the epoch in which he lived; and there were others -almost equally prolific who dealt with different phases of the history -of Moslem Spain. In the sciences, Jewish scholars followed the current -of their Moslem masters, but in philosophy and literature they developed -originality, inspired by their religious sentiments. Their poetry had a -somewhat more elevated tone than that of the Moslems. - -[Sidenote: Architectural mediocrity.] - -Although the Almoravides and Almohades were great builders, this period -was less important in Moslem architecture than either the preceding or -the following eras. The principal characteristic seems to have been a -withdrawal from Visigothic and classical forms, but the execution was -less correct and in poorer taste than formerly. - - -_Len and Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Advance of agriculture and stock-raising.] - -The advance of the conquests, leaving large areas back from the frontier -in the enjoyment of a measure of peace, furthered economic development. -There continued to be civil wars in the interior, and personal security -against abuses of the lords and the attacks of bandits was none too -great, but matters were very much better than before, as a result of -legislation favorable to property, the greater importance of the towns, -and the emancipation of the servile classes. Agriculture was -encouraged,--for example, by laws granting unbroken lands to whoever -should cultivate them. The conquest made itself directly felt through -the introduction of the vine and the olive of Moslem Spain into regions -which had not previously cultivated them. Works of irrigation and the -buildings of roads, so important for the agricultural prosperity of -Spain, seem not to have been undertaken, however. Stock-raising was much -more actively pursued than agriculture, due in part to the traditional -importance of that occupation, and in part to the ease with which that -form of wealth could be withdrawn from the hazards of war,--an advantage -which agriculture, naturally, could not share. The age-long war of the -stock-raisers against the farmers was usually favorable to the former, -who were wont to appropriate commons for their animals and even to enter -cultivated fields and damage or despoil them. Associations of -stock-raisers to protect their interests were already in existence. - -[Sidenote: Industrial and commercial beginnings.] - -In the thirteenth century Castilian Spain made a beginning of industrial -and commercial life, of which Santiago de Compostela had been perhaps -the only representative prior to that date. Laborers united in guilds, -just as in other western European lands, working together according to -the laws of their guild, and living in the same street. Many of them -were foreigners, Jews, or Mudjares. An export trade of raw materials -and wine developed between the towns of the north coast and the -merchants of Flanders, England, and Germany, and just at the end of the -period the capture of Seville added commercial wealth to Castile, -through the trade of that city in the western Mediterranean. Interior -commerce still encountered the difficulties which had harassed it in -earlier times, but some of them were overcome through the development of -fairs to facilitate exchange. Certain days in the year, usually -corresponding with the feast of the patron saint of the town, were set -aside by important centres for a general market, or fair, on which -occasions special measures were undertaken to assure the safety of the -roads and to protect all who might attend,--Moslem and Jews as well as -Christians. Men naturally travelled in large groups at such times, which -was an additional means of security. The season of the fair might be the -only occasion in a year when a town could procure a supply of goods not -produced at home, wherefore this institution assumed great importance. -The increased use of coin as a medium of exchange demonstrates the -commercial advance of this period over the preceding. - -[Sidenote: The intellectual awakening.] - -In every branch of intellectual culture there was a vigorous awakening -at this time. The classical traditions of the Spanish clergy and the -Mozrabes were reinforced by western European influences coming -especially from France, while the Greco-oriental culture of the -Mudjares and Mozrabes merged with the former to produce a Spanish -civilization, which became marked after the conquests of the thirteenth -century. In the twelfth century universities had sprung up in Italy and -France, where the Roman and the canon law, theology, and philosophy -were taught. In those countries the formal organization of the -universities had grown naturally out of the gatherings of pupils around -celebrated teachers, but Spain had no Irnerius or Ablard, wherefore the -origins of the universities of the peninsula were the result of official -initiative. In 1212 or 1214 Alfonso VIII founded a university at -Palencia, but this institution lived only thirty-one years. About the -year 1215 Alfonso IX of Len made a beginning of the more celebrated -University of Salamanca, the fame of which belongs, however, to the next -following era. By the close of the eleventh century the Castilian -language had become definitely formed, as also the Leonese and Galician -variants. By the middle of the twelfth century all three had become -written languages, and, by the middle of the thirteenth, Latin works -were already being translated into the Romance tongues. - -[Sidenote: Romance poetry.] - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of the drama.] - -One of the earliest forms of Romance literature was that of popular -poetry of an epic character, singing the deeds of Christian warriors. -This was of French origin, coming in with French crusaders and the monks -of Cluny. Two long poems of this class, both dealing with the life of -the Cid, have been preserved. One, the _Poema_ (Poem), is believed to -date from the middle of the twelfth century, while the other, the -_Crnica_ (Chronicle), is probably of later origin. Both mix legend with -fact, but the former is the less legendary. In the thirteenth century -another type of poetry developed in Castile called _mester de clereca_ -(office of the clergy), also bound up with French influences, but more -erudite and formally correct and usually religious in subject-matter, a -Spanish expression of European scholasticism. From the side of Aragon -came the influence of southern France, in the lyrical and erotic poetry -of the Provenal troubadours. Galicia was much affected by these foreign -impulses, due to the journeys of pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela, and -developed a notable poetry of its own. In this period, too, the -Castilian theatre had its origins, in the mystery plays of the church -and in the popular performances of jugglers in the streets. Whereas the -former were in the nature of a religious ceremony, the latter, which -were ultimately to exercise the greater influence, were of a secular -character, usually satirical, and given to great liberty of expression. - -[Sidenote: History and science.] - -In historical literature there were two names of some note in this -period. Rodrigo Jimnez de Rada, archbishop of Toledo (1170-1247), -reduced the early Spanish chronicles to a narrative form, embellished by -erudite references which his classical knowledge enabled him to employ. -He may be regarded as the father of Spanish historiography. Naturally, -given the age, his works were not free from legends and errors, and do -not display the critical spirit of modern times. Bishop Lucas of Tuy -(died 1288), though far inferior to Jimnez de Rada in both method and -criticism, wrote a life of Saint Isidore and other works which enjoyed -great popularity in the thirteenth century. In scientific literature -there were no great names, for this was a period of study and the -translation of Arabic and western European texts, rather than one of -original composition. - -[Sidenote: Romanesque architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Early Gothic architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Mudjar architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Sculpture, painting, and the lesser arts.] - -Just as the Romance tongues replaced the Latin, so Romanesque -architecture took the place of the decadent classical styles. Although -there was not a little variety in details, this style was characterized -in Len and Castile by an accentuation of the cruciform ground plan, -robustness of form, heaviness in proportions, and profuse ornamentation, -often of a rude type. Arches were sometimes round, and sometimes -slightly pointed. Over the crossing there often appeared a polygonal -dome or a tower with arcades and a cap. The wooden roof was supplanted -by barrel-vaulting in stone, and this led to a strengthening of the -walls, reducing the window space, and to the use of heavy piers or -columns and of exterior buttresses attached to the walls. The west -front, or portal, of churches was adorned in luxurious style, notably -with the sculptured work of men, animals, or foliage. At the same time, -new influences proceeding out of France were making themselves felt, and -by the thirteenth century the so-called Gothic style of architecture was -firmly established. In this the entire edifice was subordinated to the -treatment of the vault, which attained to a great height through the use -of the true pointed arch and of transversals to receive the weight of -the vault. For this purpose the flying buttress, now free from the -walls, was greatly developed. Edifices not only became higher, but also -were enabled to use a large amount of space for windows, since the walls -no longer had to sustain the thrust. At the same time decorative effects -were increased, not only in porticoes, but also in the glass of the -windows, the capitals of columns, water-spouts, pinnacles and towers, -and in various forms of sculpture. The spaces between the buttresses -were often filled in to form chapels. Remarkable as was the advance made -in architecture, the work of this period was sober and robust when -compared with the later Gothic work. Nevertheless, the development was -very great, and is to be explained, very largely, by social causes, such -as the advance in the population and importance of the cities and of the -middle class. Greater cathedrals were therefore needed, but they were -also desired from motives of vanity, which prompt new social forces to -construct great monuments. The cathedrals became not only a religious -centre but also a place of meeting for the discussion of business and -political affairs, the heart and soul of the cities in which they were -located. Gothic architecture also manifested itself in military and -civil edifices. The castle was the characteristic type of the former. -The material now became stone, instead of wood. As in other parts of -Europe, there were the surrounding moat and the bridge, the walls with -their salients and towers, the buildings inside for the artisans on the -one hand, and for the lord and his soldiers on the other, and the -powerfully built tower of homage to serve as a last resort. The growth -of the towns gave rise to the erection of local government buildings, or -town halls, and private dwellings began to have an important -architectural character. Another style of architecture, usually called -Mudjar, existed in this period, combining Arabic with Christian -elements, of which the latter were Gothic of a simplified character. The -roof was of wood, but with the ornamentation of the period. The body of -the edifice was of brick, which was left without covering on the -outside, giving a reddish tone to the building. Sculpture had an -important vogue as an adjunct of architecture. Gradually, it passed from -the badly proportioned, stiff figures of the earlier years to something -approaching realism and to a great variety of form. Painting was notable -only for its use in the adornment of manuscripts and of windows, and in -these respects the work done was of a high order. Both sculpture and -painting were employed to represent sacred history or allegory. Rich -tiles were much used, both in the form of azulejos, and in that of -compositions of human figures, in which the usual symbolism appeared. -The gold work and furniture also bore witness to the greater wealth of -this period as compared with earlier times. - - -_Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Economic differences in the kingdom of Aragon.] - -[Sidenote: Catalan commerce.] - -Much that has been said about Len and Castile as regards material -prosperity might be repeated for Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. Aragon -proper was the poorest part of this region, economically. Stock-raising -and industries growing out of it were the principal occupations there. -Catalonia, though not backward in agriculture, was not too well adapted -to it, since certain crops, notably grain, could not be raised, but it -had a varied industrial life and an active commerce. Valencia was the -most favored region, being agriculturally wealthy, on account of the -extensive use of irrigation, and, like Catalonia, having a rich -industrial and commercial life. This was true also of Majorca. The -Catalans had been engaged in Mediterranean commerce since the ninth -century, but in this period their trade reached much greater -proportions. Although Catalan boats went to every part of the -Mediterranean, the principal relations were with Italy; there were -frequent commercial treaties with Pisa and Genoa. Jaime I brought about -the sending of commercial representatives, or consuls, to foreign -countries, and was responsible for the establishment of mercantile -bodies, called _consulados de mar_ (commercial tribunals of the sea) in -Catalan ports. A special maritime law sprang up, and was embodied in a -code, called the _Libro del consulado de mar_ (Book of the _consulado_ -of the sea). - -[Sidenote: Intellectual manifestations.] - -[Sidenote: Raymond Lull.] - -The intellectual movement in Aragon and Catalonia ran along lines -parallel to that in Len and Castile, but with more frequent contact -with French and Italian thought. Jaime I followed the custom of the era -in founding universities, establishing one at Lrida and another at -Valencia. One great name appeared in the literary history of this -period, reaching over into the next, that of Raimundo Lulio, known to -English scholars as Raymond Lull, or Lully (1232-1315), a philosopher, -mystic, and poet, who wrote many books which had a noteworthy influence -on European thought. Writing in the vulgar tongue and in a style adapted -to the general public, he attacked the pantheistic ideals of Averres -and held that all sciences, though they have their individual -principles, lead to a single all-embracing science, which, for him, was -Christianity; in other words, he represented the reconcilement of -Christianity with reason and science. The development of the Romance -tongues followed the same course as in Castile, but the Catalan became -widely separated from the other peninsular tongues, being more akin to -the Provenal, or language of southern France. The Provenal influence -on poetry was earlier in evidence in Catalonia than in Castile, and was -more pronounced. Lyric poetry, accompanied by music, was so high in -favor that great nobles and the kings themselves cultivated it. Alfonso -II (1162-1196) was the first Spanish troubadour, and other kings -followed, including Jaime I. History was the most important form of -prose literature, and the principal work was that of Jaime I himself, a -chronicle of the vicissitudes of his reign. Jaime I also compiled a -collection of proverbs and the sayings of wise men. - -[Sidenote: Architecture.] - -The Romanesque art of this region was less heavy and more gracefully -proportioned than that of Castile,--possibly, the result of Italian -influences. Catalan Gothic architecture was especially affected by -Italian art,--so much so, that it lacked some of the principal elements -of the Gothic. - - -_Navarre_ - -Attention need be called only to the profound French influence in this -region. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -After the death of Ferdinand III and of Jaime I the reconquest of Spain -from the Moslems came to a virtual standstill for over two centuries. -Some slight accessions of territory were obtained by Castile, but no -serious effort was made to acquire the only remaining enemy stronghold, -the kingdom of Granada. Conditions had changed to such an extent that -Moslem Spain for the first tune in more than five centuries was of -secondary and even minor importance. Castile and Aragon devoted their -principal attention to other affairs, and both took great strides ahead -in the march of civilization. In Castile the chief problems were of an -internal social and political nature. On the one hand this period marked -the change from a seigniorial country type of life to that of the -developed town as the basis of society; on the other it witnessed the -struggle of monarchy and the ideal of national unity against seigniorial -anarchy and decentralization for which the lords (including many of the -great churchmen) and the towns contended. As before, the king's -principal opponents were the nobles, and the civil wars of this era, -whatever the alleged causes, were really only the expression of the -struggle just referred to. Outwardly the kings appeared to have been -defeated, but in no period of the history of Spain has the external -narrative been more at variance with the actual results, as shown by a -study of the underlying institutions, than in this. The real victory lay -with monarchy and unity, and this was to be made manifest in the reign -of Ferdinand and Isabella following this era. That reign was therefore -the true end of this period, but as it was even more the beginning of -modern Spain it has been left for separate treatment. The institutions -of Castile from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century were therefore -of more than usual importance, and particularly so since they formed the -basis for the system which Spain was so soon to establish in the -Americas. In almost every aspect of life, social, political, economic, -and intellectual, Castile forged as far ahead over the preceding period -as that had over the one before it, although it did not reach that high -and intricate culture which is the product of modern times. Castile was -still medieval, like nearly all of Europe, but the new age was close at -hand. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso "the Learned."] - -[Sidenote: His foreign policy.] - -Alfonso X "the Learned," or "the Wise" (1252-1284), was one of the kings -whose reign seemed to be a failure, but in fact it was he who sowed the -seed which was to bring about an eventual victory for the principles of -monarchy and national unity. Besides being a profound scholar Alfonso -was a brave and skilful soldier, but his good traits were balanced by -his lack of decision and will power, which caused him to be -unnecessarily stubborn and extremely variable. He engaged in a number of -campaigns against the Moslems, and made some minor conquests, but these -wars were of slight consequence except as they bore on his struggles -with the nobles. The same thing may be said for Alfonso's European -policy, which aimed not only at the aggrandizement of Castile but also -at his acquisition of the title of Holy Roman Emperor. The kings of -Castile had long claimed the throne of Navarre, and Alfonso now -attempted to invade that realm, but desisted when it seemed that this -might lead to complications with Jaime I of Aragon. He also had a legal -claim to the Basque province of Gascony, which had come to the throne of -Castile as the dowry of the wife of Alfonso VIII, and planned to -incorporate it into a _de facto_ part of the kingdom, but he renounced -his rights to England upon the marriage of his sister to Prince Edward, -the later Edward I, of England. In 1257 the imperial electors chose -Alfonso X as Holy Roman Emperor, but many German princes supported the -pretensions of an English earl of Cornwall, and on the latter's death -those of Count Rudolph of Hapsburg. For sixteen years Alfonso -endeavored to get possession of the imperial title, going to great -expense in wars for that purpose, but the opposition of the popes, wars -with Granada and with his own nobles, and a general lack of sympathy -with the project in Castile combined to prevent him from even making a -journey to Germany in order to be crowned. In 1273 Rudolph of Hapsburg -was formally chosen emperor, and Alfonso's opportunity passed. - -[Sidenote: Causes of his strife with the nobles.] - -Meanwhile, influenced by the Roman law, Alfonso had been enunciating -monarchical doctrines which were at variance with the selfish and -unscrupulous designs of the nobles, who fought the king at every turn. -Other causes for strife existed, but they were not fundamental. These -were, especially, the unwise measures employed by Alfonso to procure -funds for his sadly depleted treasury, and on the other hand his -extravagant liberality. Alfonso reduced the tribute due from Granada, -debased the coinage, increased the salaries of court officials, expended -enormous sums in celebration of the marriage of his eldest son, and was -responsible for other acts of a like character. In line with his claim -of absolute royal power he ceded the province of Algarve to the king of -Portugal, renounced his right to homage from that king, and as already -noted gave Gascony to England, all of which he did on his own authority. -These acts were alleged by the nobles, who fought him themselves, or -even went so far as to join the Moslems of Granada and Morocco against -him. The most serious period of the struggle was reserved for the last -years of the reign. This was precipitated by a fresh appearance of the -Moslem peril. - -[Sidenote: War of succession between Alfonso and Sancho.] - -The Almohades had been succeeded in their rule of northern Africa by the -Benimerines, who were invited by the Moslems of Granada to join them in -a war against Castile. The invitation was accepted, but, although the -Benimerines landed and were for a time victorious, the danger was -averted. Its chief importance was that the king's eldest son, Fernando -de la Cerda, was killed in battle in 1275, thereby precipitating a -dynastic question. According to the laws of succession which Alfonso had -enacted the eldest son of the dead prince should have been next heir to -the throne, but this did not suit Alfonso's second son, Sancho, who -alleged the superiority of his own claim. He did not fail to support his -pretension by promises of favors to disaffected nobles, which procured -him a backing strong enough to persuade Alfonso himself to name Sancho -as his heir. Later, Alfonso decided to form a new kingdom in the -territory of Jan, though subject to Castile, for the benefit of his -grandson. Sancho objected, and persisted even to the point of war, which -broke out in 1281. The partisans of Sancho, who included nearly all of -the nobles, the clergy, and most of the towns, held a _Cortes_ in -Valladolid in 1282, and deposed Alfonso. The latter soon won over some -of Sancho's followers, and continued the war, but died in 1284, -disinheriting Sancho, leaving Castile to his grandson and smaller -kingdoms in southern Spain to two of his younger sons. - -[Sidenote: Sancho "the Brave."] - -That the elements which supported Sancho were really fighting for their -own independent jurisdiction was early made clear. In 1282 they obtained -an acknowledgment from Sancho of the right of the nobles and towns to -rise in insurrection against the illegal acts of the king, and to bring -royal officials and judges to trial for their maladministration, being -privileged to inflict the death penalty on them. With their aid he was -able to set aside his father's will and become King Sancho IV -(1284-1295), later styled "the Brave." Once in possession of the throne -he too showed a disposition to check the turbulence of the nobles, for -it was as impossible for a king to admit the arbitrary authority of the -lords as it was for the latter to accept the same attribute in the king. -Internal strife continued, but the pretext changed, for Sancho's -opponents alleged the will of Alfonso in justification of their -insurrections. Sancho was at least an energetic character, and put down -his enemies with a stern hand, on one occasion having no less than four -thousand partisans of his nephew put to death. His brother Juan, whom -Sancho had deprived of the small kingdom which Alfonso had left him, -gave him the most trouble, at one time enlisting the aid of the -Benimerines, but without success.[28] - -[Sidenote: Ferdinand "the Summoned."] - -[Sidenote: Mara de Molina.] - -Ferdinand IV "the Summoned"[29] (1295-1312) was only nine years old when -his father died, wherefore the opponents of strong monarchy seized the -occasion for a new period of civil strife which lasted fourteen years. -His uncle, Juan, and his cousin, Alfonso,[30] renewed their pretensions, -furnishing an opportunity for the lords and towns to join one side or -the other, according as they could best serve their own interests, as -also affording a chance for the intervention of Portugal, Aragon, -France, and Granada with a view to enlarging their kingdoms. Although -the towns usually supported the king, they did so at the price of such -privileges as had been exacted from Sancho in 1282, showing that they -had the same spirit of feudal independence as the lords, despite the -monarchical sentiment of the middle class and the interest which they -had in common with the king in checking the turbulence of the lords. -That the king was able to extricate himself from these difficulties was -due in greatest measure to his mother, Mara de Molina, one of the -regents during his minority. By her political skill, added to the -prestige of her word and presence, she was able to attract many towns -and nobles to Ferdinand's side and to separate the more dangerous -foreign enemies from the conflict against him. This she did not do -without making concessions, but, at any rate, by the time the king had -attained his majority at the age of sixteen the most serious perils had -been overcome. Ferdinand IV showed himself an ingrate, demanding a -strict account from his mother of her use of the public funds. Not only -was she able to justify her administration, but she also demonstrated -her devotion to her son's interests on later occasions, causing the -failure of two insurrections headed by Ferdinand's uncle, Juan. -Ferdinand made several minor campaigns against the Moslems, but died -while engaged in one of them, leaving as his heir a year old boy. - -[Sidenote: Able rule of Alfonso XI in domestic affairs.] - -Alfonso XI (1312-1350) shares with Alfonso X the honor of being the -greatest Castilian king of this era, and he was by far more successful -than his great-grandfather had been. Naturally, civil wars broke out at -the beginning of the reign; a dispute over the regency served as one of -the pretexts. Mara de Molina came forward again, and saved her grandson -as she had saved his father, although she was unable to put down the -insurrections. In 1325, when he was but fourteen years old, Alfonso was -declared of age, and began his reign with an act which was -characteristic of the man and his time. He summoned an uncle of his, his -principal opponent, to a meeting at his palace, under a pretence of -coming to an agreement with him, and when the latter came had him put to -death. He tried the same policy with success against other leaders, and -intimidated the rest so that he soon had the situation under control. -Alfonso combined a hand of iron with great diplomatic skill, both of -which were necessary if a king were to succeed in that period. An -exponent of the monarchical ideas of Alfonso X, he proceeded by diverse -routes to his end. Thus, in dealing with the nobles he made agreements -with some, deceived others, punished still others for their infractions -of the law, developed a distrust of one another among them, employed -them in wars against the Moslems (in order to distract their forces and -their attention), destroyed their castles whenever he had a sufficient -pretext, and flattered them when he had them submissive,--as by -encouraging them in the practices of chivalry and by enrolling them in a -new military order which he created to reward warlike services. In fine -he employed all such methods as would tend to reduce the power of the -nobles without stirring up unnecessary opposition. He was strong, but -was also prudent. He followed the same policy with the towns and the -military orders. For example, he promised that no royal town should ever -be granted to a noble (or churchman),--a promise which was not observed -by his successors or even by Alfonso himself. He was also successful in -getting generous grants of money from the _Cortes_, which assisted him -materially in the carrying out of his policy. He won the favor of the -people by correcting abuses in the administration of justice and by his -willingness to hear their complaints alleging infractions of the law, -whether by his own officials or by the nobles. He procured the -comparative security of the roads, and in other ways interested himself -in the economic betterment of his people. Meanwhile, he enhanced his own -authority in local government, and always maintained that the national -legislative function belonged to the king alone, not only for the making -or amending of laws, but also for interpreting them. - -[Sidenote: The acquisition of lava and repulse of a Moslem invasion.] - -Alfonso's great work was the political and administrative organization -of the country, but there were two external events of his reign which -are worth recording. In 1332 the Basque province of lava was added to -Castile, although with a recognition of the jurisdiction of the law of -lava. More important, perhaps, was a great conflict with Granada and -the Benimerines of Morocco, who once more tried to emulate the successes -of their coreligionists of the eighth century. The kings of Aragon and -Portugal joined Alfonso to avert this peril, and a great battle was -fought in 1340 at the river Salado, near Tarifa, where the Moslem forces -were completely defeated. Though not yet forty at the time of his death -Alfonso had already written his name in large letters on the pages of -Castilian history. - -[Sidenote: Pedro "the Cruel."] - -The work of Alfonso XI seemed to be rendered in vain by the civil wars -of the reign of his successor, Pedro I, variously called "the Cruel" or -"the Just" (1350-1369). In fact, the basis of the structure which -Alfonso had reared was not destroyed, and even Pedro took some steps -which tended to increase the royal power. He was not the man for the -times, however, since he lacked the patience and diplomacy which had -distinguished his father. He was, above all, impetuous and determined to -procure immediate remedies for any ill which beset him, even to the -point of extreme cruelty. He possessed a stern hand, energy, and -courage, but he had to deal with a nobility as turbulent and -unsubmissive as was the spirit of Pedro himself. The tale of his reign -may be told at somewhat greater length than some of the others,--not -that it was more important, but by way of illustrating the usual course -of the civil wars in that time. - -[Sidenote: Civil wars of the reign of Pedro "the Cruel."] - -Pedro I was the only legitimate son of Alfonso XI, who had left five -illegitimate sons by his mistress, Leonor de Guzmn, to each of whom he -had given important holdings and titles. On the death of Alfonso, his -wife (Pedro's mother) procured the arrest of Leonor de Guzmn and later -her assassination. Naturally, this incensed the five sons of Leonor, -although all but the eldest, Count Henry of Trastamara, appeared to -accept the situation. Other pretexts for internal strife were not -lacking. Pedro was a mere boy, and at one time became sick and seemed -about to die, whereupon the nobles began to prepare for a dynastic -struggle. Pedro lived, however, but caused discontent by choosing a -Portuguese, named Alburquerque, as his leading adviser and favorite; the -chief basis for the objections of the nobles was that each one wished -the post for himself. The resistance to Alburquerque was the -rallying-cry in the early period of the wars, in which Pedro's -illegitimate brothers joined against him. Pedro was successful, and it -is noteworthy that he dealt leniently with his brothers, in contrast -with his energetic cruelty against the other rebels. In 1353, as the -result of negotiations which had been arranged by Alburquerque, Pedro -married a French princess, Blanche of Bourbon. Previously, however, he -had entered into relations with a handsome young lady of good family, -named Mara de Padilla, to whom he remained ardently devoted for the -rest of his life. So blindly in love with her was he that Alburquerque -had to take him from the arms of Mara in order to have him assist at -his own wedding. Three days later the youthful Pedro deserted his wife -in favor of his mistress. Alburquerque wisely took himself away, the -Padillas were established as the favorites at court, and the young queen -was imprisoned. The nobles could no longer pretend that they were -fighting Alburquerque; on the contrary, they joined the very man they -had assumed to oppose, in a war against the king, with various alleged -objects, but in fact with the usual desire of seizing an opportunity for -increasing their own power. At one time they contrived to capture Pedro, -but he escaped and wreaked a fearful vengeance on his enemies, though -once again he allowed his brothers, who as usual were against him, to -submit. Meanwhile, Pedro's marital experiences included a new wife, for -he found two bishops who declared his first marriage null, despite the -pope's efforts to get the king to return to Blanche of Bourbon. Pedro -married Juana de Castro, but this time was able to wait only one day -before returning to Mara de Padilla. These events had their influence -in the civil wars, for many towns refrained from giving Pedro aid or -joined against him out of disgust for his actions. - -[Sidenote: The wars with Henry of Trastamara.] - -The wars were renewed from the side of Aragon, where Henry of -Trastamara, who for years had been the Castilian monarch's principal -opponent, formed an alliance with the king of Aragon. The ruler of -Aragon at that time was Pedro IV, a man of the type of Alfonso XI. -Having overcome the seigniorial elements in his own realm he did not -scruple to take advantage of Pedro I's difficulties in the same regard -to seek a profit for himself, or at least to damage a neighboring king -of whom he felt suspicious. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities Pedro I -gave himself up to a riot of assassinations, and among his victims were -three of his half brothers and several members of their families. His -enemies were not yet able to defeat him, however, even with the aid of -Aragon, and a peace was signed in 1361. Shortly afterward, both Blanche -of Bourbon and Mara de Padilla died, the latter deeply bemoaned by -Pedro I. In 1363 Henry of Trastamara and Pedro IV again formed a league -against the Castilian king, and it was at this time that Henry first set -up a claim to the crown of Castile. To aid them in their project they -employed the celebrated "White companies," an army of military -adventurers of all nations who sold their services to the highest -bidder. They were at that time in southern France and (as usually -happened in such cases) were regarded as unwelcome guests now that their -aid was no longer required there. The pope (then resident at Avignon) -gave them a vast sum of money on condition that they would go to Aragon, -and Pedro IV offered them an equal amount and rights of pillage (other -than in his own realm) if they would come. Therefore, led by a French -knight, Bertrand du Guesclin, they entered Spain, and in 1366 procured -the conquest of most of Castile for Henry, who had himself crowned king. -Pedro I sought aid of his English neighbors, for England at that time -possessed a great part of western France, and, in return for certain -concessions which Pedro promised, Edward III of England was persuaded to -give him an army under the command of the celebrated military leader, -Edward, the Black Prince. It was Henry's turn to be defeated, and he -fled to France. Pedro I now took cruel vengeance on his enemies, -disgusting the English leader, besides which he failed to keep the -promises by which he had procured his aid. The English troops therefore -went back to France, at a time when a fresh insurrection was about to -break out in Castile, and when Henry of Trastamara was returning with a -new army. Pedro I was utterly defeated at Montiel, and was besieged in a -castle where he took refuge. Captured by Henry through a trick, he -engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with his half brother, and seemed to -be winning, but with the aid of one of his partisans Henry at length got -the upper hand and killed Pedro,--a fitting close to a violent reign. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties of Henry II.] - -Henry II (1369-1379), as the victor of Montiel was now entitled to be -called, did not retain his crown in peace. Despite the fact that he had -gravely weakened the monarchy by his grants of lands and privileges in -order to gain support, he was beset by those who were still faithful to -Pedro, or who at least pretended they were, in order to operate in their -own interest. Aragon, Navarre, Portugal, and England waged war on -Henry, and the two last-named countries supported Pedro's illegitimate -daughters by Mara de Padilla, Constanza and Isabel (for Pedro had no -legitimate children), in their pretensions to the throne, as against the -claims of Henry. The most serious demands were put forward by John of -Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster and husband of Constanza, backed by Edward III -of England. Henry overcame his difficulties, although at the cost of -concessions to the nobles which were to be a serious obstacle to future -kings. - -[Sidenote: Juan I and the battle of Aljubarrota.] - -[Sidenote: The Prince and Princess of Asturias.] - -The reign of Juan I (1379-1390) was marked by two important events. Juan -married the heiress to the Portuguese throne, and the union of Spain and -Portugal seemed about to take place, but this arrangement did not suit -the Portuguese nobility. A new king of Portugal was chosen, and the -Castilian army was completely defeated at Aljubarrota in 1385. Shortly -afterward, the Duke of Lancaster landed in Spain with an English army to -prosecute the claims of his wife. This matter was settled by the -marriage of the Duke of Lancaster's daughter, in 1388, to Juan's heir, -Prince Henry. Thus was the conflict of Pedro I and Henry II resolved. -Their descendants, though tainted with illegitimacy in both cases, had -joined to form the royal family of Spain. The young prince and his -consort took the titles of Prince and Princess of Asturias, which have -been used ever since by the heirs to the Spanish throne. - -[Sidenote: Henry "the Sickly."] - -Henry III "the Sickly" (1390-1406), though already married, was only a -minor when he became king, wherefore there occurred the usual troubled -years of a minority. Despite the pallor of his complexion (whence his -nickname) he was a spirited individual, and upon becoming of age (when -fourteen years old) set about to remedy some of the evils which had been -caused by the grants of favors to the nobles durng the regency and in -preceding reigns. He also adopted a vigorous policy in his relations -with Portugal, Granada, and the pirates of the North African coast, and -even went so far as to send two somewhat celebrated embassies to the -Mogul emperor and king of Persia, Tamerlane. One event of capital -importance in his reign may be taken as the first step in the Castilian -venture across the seas. In 1402 Rubn de Bracamonte and Juan de -Bethencourt commenced the conquest of the Canary Islands under the -patronage of Henry. The young king was also preparing to conquer -Granada, when at the age of twenty-seven his life was unfortunately cut -short. - -[Sidenote: Juan II and lvaro de Luna.] - -It seemed likely that the opening years of the reign of Juan II -(1406-1454) would witness a fresh period of civil struggle, since the -king was not yet two years old. That this was not the case was due to -the appearance of a man who was both able and faithful to his trust, the -regent, Ferdinand of Antequera, an uncle of Juan II. In 1412, however, -he left Castile to become king of Aragon, and a few years later Juan's -majority was declared at fourteen years of age. Juan II was the first -truly weak king of Castile. In the history of Spanish literature he -occupies a prominent place, and he was fond of games of chivalry, but he -lacked the decision and will-power to govern. Fortunately he had a -favorite in the person of lvaro de Luna who governed for him. On -several occasions in the reign lvaro de Luna was able to win successes -against Granada, but the fruits of victory were lost because of civil -discord in Castile. During most of the reign the nobles were in revolt -against lvaro de Luna, and the weak king occasionally listened to their -complaints, banishing the favorite, but he could not manage affairs -without him, and lvaro de Luna would be brought back to resume his -place at the head of the state. By 1445 the position of lvaro de Luna -seemed secure, when a blow fell from an unexpected quarter. He had -procured a Portuguese princess as the second wife of Juan II, but she -requited him by turning against him. She persuaded Juan to give an order -for his arrest, and, since there was no cause for more serious charges, -he was accused of having bewitched the king, and was put to death in -1453. This time Juan could not call him back; so he followed him to the -grave within a year. - -[Sidenote: Henry "the Impotent" and Juana "La Beltraneja."] - -The evil of internal disorder which for so many years had been hanging -over the Castilian monarchy came to a head in the reign of Henry IV "the -Impotent" (1454-1474). If Juan II had been weak, Henry IV was weaker -still, and he had no lvaro de Luna to lean upon. He commenced his reign -with an act of characteristic flaccidity which was to serve as one of -the pretexts for the insurrections against him. War was declared upon -Granada, and the Castilian army reached the gates of the Moslem capital, -when the king developed a humanitarianism which hardly fitted the times, -declining to engage in a decisive battle lest it prove to be bloody. A -more important pretext for rebellion arose out of a dynastic question. -Failing to have issue by his first wife, Henry procured a divorce and -married again. For six years there were no children by this marriage, -wherefore the derisive name "the Impotent" was popularly applied to the -king, but at length a daughter appeared, and was given the name Juana. -Public opinion, especially as voiced by the nobles, proclaimed that the -father was the king's favorite, Beltrn de la Cueva, on which account -the young Juana became known vulgarly as "La Beltraneja." The _Cortes_ -acknowledged Juana, and she was also recognized as heir to the throne by -the king's brothers and by his sister, Isabella, but the nobles formed a -league on the basis of her supposed illegitimacy with the object of -killing the favorite. They directed an insulting letter to the king, -demanding that his brother, Alfonso, should be named heir. Instead of -presenting a bold front against these demands, Henry was weak enough to -consent to them. - -[Sidenote: The seigniorial program and the vacillation of the king.] - -The dynastic question was far from being the principal one in the eyes -of the nobles. By this time it was perfectly clear that the real -struggle was political, between the elements of seigniorial independence -and strong monarchy. Thus the nobles and their allies had insisted that -the king's guard should be disarmed and that its numbers should be -fixed; that the judges in royal towns and certain other royal officials -should be deprived of their office and be replaced by the appointees of -the league; that the king should be subjected to a council of state -formed of nobles and churchmen, which body was to intervene in the -affairs formerly handled by the king himself, including even the -exercise of ordinary judicial authority; that all cases against nobles -and churchmen should be tried by a tribunal of three nobles, three -churchmen, and three representatives of the towns, and several of the -members who were to compose the tribunal (all of them opponents of the -king) were named in the document of these demands; and that there should -be a right of insurrection against the king if he should contravene the -last-named provision. After he had accepted the nobles' terms Henry -realized the gravity of his act and changed his mind, declaring his -agreement void. The nobles then announced the deposition of the king, -and named his brother, Alfonso, in his stead, but the royal troops -defeated them soon afterward, and Alfonso suddenly died. The nobles then -offered the crown to Isabella, but she declined to take it while her -brother was living, although consenting to do so in succession to him, -thus retracting her previous recognition of Juana. On this basis the -nobles offered peace to the king, and he consented, which for the second -time put him in the position of acknowledging the dishonor of his wife -and the illegitimacy of Juana. The queen protested, and in 1470 Henry -again recanted, but at the time of his death, in 1474, he had not yet -resolved the succession to the throne. - -[Sidenote: The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella.] - -[Sidenote: The union of Castile and Aragon.] - -Meanwhile Isabella had contracted a marriage of surpassing importance in -the history of Spain. In 1469 she married Ferdinand, heir to the throne -of Aragon, rejecting Henry IV's proposal of a marriage with the king of -Portugal. Isabella was proclaimed queen on the death of her brother, but -many nobles now took the other side, upholding the cause of Juana, -including some who had formerly fought on the side of Isabella,--for -example, the archbishop of Toledo. The hand of Juana was promised to the -king of Portugal, who therefore joined in the war on her side. The -forces of Isabella were victorious, and in 1479 a treaty was made -whereby she was recognized as the queen. The unfortunate Juana chose to -enter a convent. In the same year, 1479, Ferdinand became king of -Aragon, and at last a political union of the greater part of Christian -Spain had become a fact. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: ARAGON, 1276-1479 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -The general remarks made with respect to Castilian history in this -period apply, with but few modifications, to that of the kingdom of -Aragon. In Aragon the victory of monarchy over seigniorial anarchy was -externally clear as early as the middle of the fourteenth century. The -civil wars after that date (and there were very few until the last reign -of the period) were due to the vast power of the city of Barcelona in -conflict with the king, to the difference in interests of Aragon proper -and Catalonia, and to social uprisings. Social progress in this region, -but especially in Catalonia, was much more marked than in Castile, -merely because there was so much more to gain, and great as were the -advances made they did not bring the masses to a state of social freedom -equal to that which had been attained in Castile. Of great importance to -the future of Spain was the embarkation of Aragon on a career of Italian -conquest. Fatal as Spain's Italian aspirations were to be in succeeding -centuries, that evil was balanced, at least in part, by a contact with -Renaissance influences proceeding out of Italy, and by a favorable -commerce which redounded in many ways to the benefit of Spain. This was -one of the periods when the advantages of the Italian connection were -greater than the disadvantages. - -[Sidenote: Pedro III and the nobles.] - -Pedro III (1276-1285) showed in his short reign that he was a man of his -father's mould. Able as he was he had to yield not a little to his -nobles and the oligarchical towns, as indeed had Jaime I,--as witness -the case of the independent position of the _Justicia_ won from Jaime I. -From Pedro III these elements, especially those of Aragon proper, -obtained the rights embodied in a document called the "General -Privilege"; by this the _Justicia_ was proclaimed chief justice for all -cases coming before the king, and was made to depend more closely on the -nobles and allied towns. They also gained many other privileges, such as -the restoration of the goods and lands taken from them by Jaime, -exemption from naval service, and a reduction in the number of days of -military service required of them. Yet Pedro was able to keep them -sufficiently in hand to enable him to embark upon an ambitious foreign -policy. - -[Sidenote: Foreign policy of Pedro III.] - -Pedro took the first step toward the reincorporation of the realm left -by his father to Pedro's brother Jaime when he procured a recognition -from the latter that he held his kingdom of Majorca as a vassal of the -king of Aragon. Reaching out still farther he established a protectorate -over the Moslem state of Tunis, gaining great commercial advantages at -the same time. The next logical move was the conquest of the island of -Sicily. Two events combined to bring Pedro III into competition for -dominion there. One was his denial of vassalage to the pope, repudiating -the arrangement of Pedro II, and the other was his marriage to -Constance, the daughter of King Manfred of Sicily. The papacy had only -recently won its struggle of several centuries against the Hohenstaufen -Holy Roman Emperors, and it claimed that the territory of Naples, or -southern Italy and Sicily, was at the pope's disposal. Manfred of Sicily -was a member of the defeated imperial family, and would not recognize -the papal claim, whereupon the pope offered the kingdom as a fief to the -French prince, Charles of Anjou. Charles accepted and succeeded in -conquering the island, putting Manfred to death. He then proceeded to -rule in tyrannical fashion, until in 1282 he provoked the celebrated -uprising known as the "Sicilian vespers," when a terrible vengeance was -wreaked upon the followers of Charles. Pedro III already had a great -army near by in Tunis, and when he was invited by the Sicilians to help -them he accepted, alleging the claims of his wife to the Sicilian crown, -and landing in Sicily in the same year, 1282. In a short time he was -master of the entire island, and through the exploits of his great -admiral, Roger de Lauria, in control of not a little of the Italian -coast as well, though only temporarily. - -[Sidenote: The French invasion.] - -Affronted both by the denial of vassalage and by the conquest of Sicily -the pope excommunicated Pedro, and declared his deposition as king of -Aragon, granting the throne in his stead to Charles of Valois, second -son of the king of France. He even went so far as to proclaim a crusade -against Pedro, and a great French army was prepared to carry out his -decision and to establish the claim of Charles of Valois. Allies were -found in King Jaime of Majorca and many of Pedro's own nobles and -churchmen. The French forces soon overran much of Catalonia, but when -matters looked darkest a great naval victory by Roger de Lauria and an -epidemic which broke out in the French army turned the tide, and the -invaders were driven across the Pyrenees. In the same year Pedro died, -but just before his death he offered to return Sicily to the pope,--so -strong was the prestige of the papacy in that day. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso III.] - -[Sidenote: Struggles with the nobility and the Privilege of the Union.] - -Pedro's son, Alfonso III (1285-1291), had no idea of abandoning Sicily. -He made it into a separate kingdom under his brother Jaime, and the -strife with France and the pope went on. Alfonso was not of his father's -calibre, however, and in 1291 agreed to renounce the Sicilian claim and -to fight Jaime if the latter should fail to comply with this -arrangement; furthermore, he agreed to pay the papal tribute of the -treaty of Pedro II, including all back sums still unpaid. Before Alfonso -could act on this agreement he died. His reign had not been free from -struggles with the nobility, and the latter were in no small degree -responsible for the weak result of his foreign policy; only an -exceptionally capable monarch, such as Pedro III had been, could handle -successfully the grave foreign and domestic problems of the time. The -nobles and towns of Aragon proper and Valencia had banded together in a -league called the Union, and they used their combined influence to exact -new privileges from Alfonso. When he resisted they went so far as to -conspire for the succession of the French pretender, and took other -extreme measures which soon decided the king to give way. In 1287 he -granted the famous "Privilege of the Union."[31] By this document the -king was restrained from proceeding against any member of the Union -without the consent of both the _Justicia_ and the _Cortes_, and a -council was to be appointed to accompany him and decide with him the -matters of government affecting Aragon and Valencia. If he should fail -to observe the Privilege in these and other respects (for there were -other articles of lesser note) the members of the Union might elect a -new king. Thus, as Alfonso III put it, "There were as many kings in -Aragon as there were _ricoshombres_" (great nobles). Jaime II -(1291-1327), brother of the preceding, contrived to reduce some of the -privileges granted by this document, although indirectly, for he -recognized its legal force. He enacted laws which were in fact -inconsistent with it, and in this way managed to deprive the _Justicia_ -of some of the vast power to which he had attained. - -[Sidenote: Jaime II and the Sicilian question.] - -The reign of Jaime II was especially interesting from the standpoint of -foreign affairs. Having been king in Sicily, Jaime was not disposed to -surrender the island to the pope, and left his son, Fadrique, there to -govern for him. Soon he changed his mind, and made a similar agreement -to that of Alfonso III, whereby the island was to be given to the pope, -and Jaime was to employ force, if necessary, to achieve this end. Jaime -was soon afterward granted Sardinia and Corsica in compensation for -Sicily, although they were to be held as a fief from the pope, and he -was to make good his claim by conquering them. The Sicilians were not -favorable to Jaime's agreement, and proceeded to elect Fadrique king, -resisting Jaime's attempts to enforce his treaty. After a long war, -peace was made in 1302 on terms whereby Fadrique married the daughter of -the Angevin claimant, the papal candidate, and promised the succession -to his father-in-law. Toward the close of Jaime's reign Sardinia was -conquered, in 1324, by the king's eldest son. It was at this time, too, -that a body of Catalan mercenaries set up their rule in the duchy of -Athens, thus extending Catalan influence to the eastern -Mediterranean.[32] - -[Sidenote: Alfonso "the Benign."] - -Alfonso IV "the Benign" (1327-1335) had a brief, not very eventful -reign, marked by wars with Pisa and Genoa for the possession of -Sardinia, but more especially interesting as a preparation for the reign -to follow. Alfonso's second wife tried to procure a kingdom for her son -by a partition of the realm, thus depriving the king's eldest son, -Pedro, of his full inheritance. Alfonso was willing to accede to her -wishes, but the energetic character of Pedro, backed by popular -sentiment, obliged him to desist from the project. - -[Sidenote: Pedro "the Ceremonious" and the overthrow of seigniorial -anarchy.] - -Pedro IV "the Ceremonious" (1335-1387) forms a curious parallel to his -Castilian contemporaries, the great Alfonso XI and the violent Pedro I. -Like the latter he was energetic, treacherous, and cruel, but was more -hypocritical, having a great regard for appearances and standing on the -letter of the law (hence his nickname). Withal, like Alfonso XI, he was -the type of ruler needed at the time, and was even more successful than -the great Castilian, for he definitely decided the question between the -nobility and the crown. The struggle began over a dynastic issue when -Pedro, who at the time had no sons, endeavored to arrange for the -succession of his daughter Constance, instead of his brother Jaime. The -nobles and the towns of the Aragonese and Valencian parts of the kingdom -used this event as a pretext for a renewal of the activities of the -Union, and in the first conflict they were too strong for Pedro. He was -obliged in 1347 to acknowledge the Privilege of the Union, and in -addition had to consent to a division of the kingdom into districts -ruled by delegates of the Union, who had broad powers, including a right -to receive the taxes, which henceforth were not to go to the king. Pedro -was not a man to bow at the first defeat, and in the same year renewed -the contest. It is noteworthy that the Catalonian nobles and towns were -on the king's side, possibly because of their interest in Mediterranean -expansion, which necessitated the backing of a strong government. In -addition, certain democratic towns in Valencia and Aragon joined Pedro, -as well as many individuals who resented the tyranny of the recently -victorious Union. In 1348 Pedro crushed the Aragonese opposition at the -battle of pila, and then overwhelmed his opponents in Valencia, -punishing them afterwards with a ruthless hand, displaying a rather -vitriolic humor when he made some of his enemies drink the molten metal -of which the bell for calling meetings of the Union had been composed. -The legal effect of these victories was little more than the -nullification of the Privilege of the Union and a reduction of the -powers of the _Justicia_ and of the exaggerated pretensions, social and -otherwise, of the nobles, while the General Privilege and other royal -charters remained in force. In fact, however, a death-blow had been -struck at feudal anarchy, and the tendency henceforth was toward -centralization and absolutism. - -[Sidenote: Pedro's successful foreign policy.] - -The reign of Pedro was not without note, also, in foreign affairs. Even -before settling his dispute with the Union he had accomplished something -for the aggrandizement of Aragon. He somewhat treacherously provoked a -quarrel with the king of Majorca, and then conquered the island in 1343. -Proceeding at once against the same king's possessions in southern -France he incorporated them into his kingdom. Pedro had also assisted -Alfonso XI of Castile against the Benimerines, contributing to the -victory of the Salado in 1340. The war with Genoa and the uprisings in -Sardinia which had filled the reign of his predecessor gave trouble also -to Pedro, but after a campaign in Sardinia in person he was able -temporarily to get the upper hand. His intervention in the civil wars of -Castile has already been noted, and from these he came out with some not -greatly important advantages. He also cast his eyes upon Sicily with a -view to restoring it to the direct authority of the Aragonese crown, -although this was not accomplished in his reign, and he encouraged -commercial relations with the lands of the eastern Mediterranean. In -1381 he accepted an offer to become the sovereign of the Catalan duchy -of Athens. These events were more indicative of a conscious Catalan -policy of predominance in the Mediterranean than important in -themselves. - -[Sidenote: Juan I and Martn I.] - -[Sidenote: The dispute over the succession and the crowning of Ferdinand -I.] - -The reigns of the next two kings, Juan I (1387-1395) and Martn I -(1395-1410), were more important from the standpoint of social -institutions than in external political events. In the former reign -occurred the loss of the duchy of Athens. In the latter, the island of -Sicily, as foreseen by Pedro IV, returned to the Aragonese line when -Martn of Sicily succeeded his father as king of Aragon. On the death of -Martn without issue, a dispute arose as to the succession to the -throne. The most prominent claimants were Ferdinand of Antequera, then -regent of Castile, a son of Martn's sister, and Jaime, count of Urgel, -son of a cousin of Martn. Ferdinand was supported by the Aragonese -anti-pope, Benedict XIII,[33] by the ecclesiastical and popular -elements of most of Aragon proper, by various nobles, and by the -political influence of the Castilian state, while Jaime counted on the -popular support of Catalonia and Valencia and of part of Aragon, as well -as on various noble families. Jaime had the advantage of being a native -of the kingdom, while Ferdinand was looked upon as a foreigner, but as a -matter of law Ferdinand had the better claim. For two years there were -serious disturbances on the part of the noble families, which united -their personal rivalries to the question of the dynastic succession. -Finally, the matter was left to a commission of nine, three each from -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, and this body rendered a decision, in -1412, in favor of the Castilian claimant, who thereby became Ferdinand I -of Aragon (1410-1416). Jaime resisted for a time, but was soon obliged -to submit, and was imprisoned in a castle, although well treated there. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso "the Magnanimous" and Aragonese expansion into -Italy.] - -Ferdinand was succeeded by his son, Alfonso V, called variously "the -Learned" or "the Magnanimous" (1416-1458) under whom the Catalan Policy -of Mediterranean expansion advanced to a stage far beyond anything -previously attempted. Most of his reign was passed by him in warfare in -Italy. Invited by the queen of Naples, who adopted him as her heir, to -assist her against the house of Anjou, Alfonso was at length able to -dominate the land and to set up a brilliant court at the city of Naples. -He also intervened successfully in other wars, and even thought of -attempting to reconquer Constantinople from the Turks, for that city had -been taken by them in 1453. Meanwhile, his absence from his Spanish -dominions permitted of a revival of internal disorders, which were to -come to a head in the next reign. Alfonso gave Naples (southern Italy) -to his illegitimate son Ferdinand, and the rest of his domains, -including Sardinia and Sicily, to his brother Juan. - -[Sidenote: Juan II, Juana Enrquez, and Charles of Viana.] - -[Sidenote: The revolt of the Catalans.] - -Prior to his succession to the Aragonese throne Juan II (1458-1479) had -married the queen of Navarre, and at her wish, consented to by their -son, Charles, Prince of Viana, had continued to act as king of that land -after his wife's death. He had contracted a second marriage with a -Castilian lady, Juana Enrquez, and her intrigues against Charles of -Viana had already caused that prince no little trouble. In the interests -of her own children (one of whom, the later great King Ferdinand, was to -be a worthy exemplar of the scheming traits of his mother) she plotted -to deprive him of his rights, first to the throne of Navarre, and later, -after Juan had succeeded to the Aragonese crown, to that of Aragon. The -Catalans took up the cause of Charles of Viana with enthusiasm, and when -Juan refused to declare him his heir civil war broke out, not only in -Catalonia, but also in Aragon and Navarre. Charles was at first -successful, and his father consented to recognize him as his successor -and to appoint him governor of Catalonia, but the agreement had hardly -been signed when the young prince died. Public opinion ascribed his -death to poisoning at the instigation of his step-mother, and so great -was the general indignation over this event that civil war in Catalonia -broke out afresh. The Catalans were at a legal disadvantage in not -having a legitimate lord to set up against Juan II. They elected various -individuals as count of Barcelona, and even thought of organizing a -republic, but the successive deaths of their chosen rulers, and the -length of the war, which had already lasted twelve years, inclined many, -toward the close of the year 1470, to make peace with the king. The very -misfortunes of the latter, despite the crimes which he had committed, -tended to this end, for he had again become a widower, and was blind and -alone, for his son, Ferdinand, had remained in Castile after his -important marriage with Isabella in 1469. Finally, in 1472, a peace -satisfactory to both sides was arranged. It is to be noted that this war -had nothing to do with the earlier struggle of the lords against the -king, but was sustained rather by the city of Barcelona and the -permanent committee, or deputation, representing the _Cortes_ of -Catalonia, against the king, being fought mostly in Catalonia, and being -involved also with the attempts of the Catalan peasant classes to shake -off the social burdens which they had so long been obliged to bear. The -former seigniorial stronghold of Aragon proper was in this war the most -powerful royalist element. The closing years of Juan's reign were -devoted to a war against France for the reconquest of Cerdagne and the -Roussillon, which had previously been granted by Juan to the French king -in return for support against the former's Catalan enemies. This war was -still going on when, in 1479, Juan died, and Ferdinand ascended the -throne, to rule, jointly with Isabella, the entire realms of Castile and -Aragon. Thus had the evil intrigues of Juana Enrquez redounded to the -benefit of Spain. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Navarre re-enters the current of peninsula history.] - -From 1285 to 1328 Navarre was a French province, but recovered its -independence under the house of Evreux on the death of Charles IV of -France without succession. The next heir after Charles of Viana was his -sister Blanche, but her father, Juan II of Aragon, had her imprisoned, -and a younger sister, Leonor, was enthroned in her stead.[34] Leonor and -her husband, the count of Foix, established a new dynasty which was -destined to be of short duration, for in 1512 Ferdinand of Aragon -conquered Spanish Navarre. French Navarre remained for a time under the -rule of the house of Foix, but presently became a part of the kingdom of -France. - - -_The Basque Provinces_ - -[Sidenote: Early history of the Basque provinces and their ultimate -incorporation in the kingdom of Castile.] - -The three Basque provinces of lava, Vizcaya, and Guipzcoa had more of -interest in their internal organization than in their external political -history, since in the latter respect they were closely united to Navarre -and Castile, which states disputed the dominion of these provinces. They -were usually subject to one power or the other, although some of their -towns, together with others of the Castilian north coast, formed -themselves into leagues (_hermandades_), and enjoyed a certain amount of -independence in their dealings with England and France. A number of -popular beliefs exist with regard to the history of these provinces, one -of which is that they have never been conquered. It is true that no -conqueror ever stamped out the indomitable spirit and the customs of the -people, but the land was rarely independent. It is believed that the -Moslem invasion of the eighth century did not extend to these provinces, -but at a later time they did suffer from Moslem incursions. With the -organization of the kingdom of Asturias, both lava and Vizcaya seem to -have been either dependent on that realm or at least in close -relationship with it. At times, from the eighth to the tenth centuries, -the counts of lava were also counts of Castile. Passing into the hands -of Sancho the Great of Navarre, lava was incorporated in that kingdom -until the reign of Alfonso VIII of Castile. Alfonso VIII won the battle -of Vitoria, and conquered the land in 1200. Thenceforth it remained -under the sovereignty of the Castilian monarch, although with an -assembly, the _Cofrada_ (Fraternity, or Association) of Arriaga, of its -own. In 1332, in the reign of Alfonso XI, the incorporation with Castile -was made complete, although with a retention of the charters and -liberties of the province. Vizcaya also vacillated between Navarre and -Castile as a more or less independent, protected country, until in 1370 -it passed over to the Castilian crown by inheritance of the wife of -Henry III. The course of events in Guipzcoa was very similar. In 1200 -the province submitted to the conqueror of Vitoria, and from that time -forth the external political history of Guipzcoa was that of Castile. - - -_Granada_ - -[Sidenote: Inconsequential character of Granadine political history.] - -The Moslem state of Granada was of very slight political importance in -this period, despite its by no means insignificant territorial extent, -wealth, and population. It was a mere political accident, annoying to -the Christians at times, but as a rule not worthy of serious -consideration as an enemy. It was precisely because it was not greatly -to be feared or very troublesome that it was permitted to maintain its -independence. It is to be noted, also, that there was very little of -the crusading spirit in these centuries; if there had been, Granada -would soon have been conquered. On several occasions, when the rulers of -Granada called in the Benimerines and others from Africa, the Moslems -were a serious peril to Christian Spain, but the battle of the Salado in -1340 proved decisive, being followed by a decline of the political -strength of the Moslem states of northern Africa. After 1340 the rulers -of Granada limited themselves, in their relations with the Christian -states, to intervening in Castile during periods of civil war, or to -asking Castilian aid at times of internal strife in Granada. Uprisings -and dethronements were of frequent occurrence, but so too were Moslem -raids into Castilian territory. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 - - -_Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Social changes of the era in Castile.] - -As regards social organization this period represents merely an -evolution of the factors which had already appeared in the preceding -era, and its chief results were the following: the end of serfdom; the -advance of the middle class and its opposition to the lords, principally -through its jurisconsults and the _caballeros_ of the towns; an increase -in the privileges of the clergy; and additional landed wealth for the -nobles through the donations of the kings or private conquests. The -principal social struggle was no longer that of the serfs against their -lords, but rather of the middle class, as represented by the wealthier -citizens of the towns, against the nobles and clergy for legal equality, -especially as regards taxation and other duties to the state. The -disappearance of serfdom did not bring economic well-being to the -agricultural laborers; their fortunes in this regard were often as -vexatious and hard to bear as their former personal dependence had been. -At the same time, the poorer people of the towns became a fairly -numerous class, but they were in a position of inferiority as compared -with the wealthier citizens. - -[Sidenote: Social and political prestige of the nobility.] - -[Sidenote: Primogeniture and _latifundia_.] - -Through civil wars and the weakness of the kings the power of the -nobles, both socially and politically, appeared to increase. They did -not confine their strife to opposition to the king, but fought one -another incessantly, not for any political or other ideal, but mainly -for personal reasons. Such was the nature of the wars, for example, -between the Guzmn and Ponce families of Seville. As time went on, -these intra-class struggles increased, being more numerous than ever in -the fifteenth century. The nobility would have destroyed itself if the -kings had known how to take advantage of the situation, but most of them -failed to appreciate their opportunity. Sancho IV, Alfonso XI, Pedro I, -and Henry III tried to reduce the nobles by direct attack, and Henry IV -gave special attention to the development of a new nobility as a -counterpoise to the old, but usually the kings dared to fight only -indirectly, as by granting the petitions of the towns which involved a -diminution of seigniorial authority. Two circumstances in addition to -their political victories tended to secure the position of the nobles: -the adoption of the law of primogeniture with regard to the succession -to both their titles and their lands; and the increase in the -territorial domains in the possession of the nobles. By the law of -primogeniture the wealth of the family and the lustre of its name were -given in charge of the eldest son, maintaining in this way the powerful -position of the particular noble house. The second sons (_segundones_), -in large measure disinherited, sought a career as members of the clergy -or as soldiers. Henry II himself was partly responsible for the -introduction of this new practice of the nobility, and he and later -kings usually required that the lands granted by them to the nobles -should be inalienable and subject to the law of primogeniture. The royal -donations, which were especially great from the time of Henry II on, -were usually of two kinds: _honores_ (honors), or grants of the fiscal -rights which the king had in a specifically named place; and _tierras_ -(lands), or grants of a fixed rent on a certain town or towns. Both -forms were termed generally grants in _encomienda_. The nobles increased -their holdings yet more by usurpations and private conquests. Early in -the reign of Henry IV, for example, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and other -nobles conquered territories of vast size from the Moslems, and these -_latifundia_, (broad estates) have influenced even to the present day -the economic life of Andalusia. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the military orders.] - -The _caballeros_ of the military orders were a notably important -element. A noble of high rank was usually chosen as grand master, and -this gave him a preponderantly strong position. The vast power of these -orders was the cause of their downfall, the impulse for which came from -without, through the joint action of the French monarchy and the popes. -The order of the Templars, the strongest of all, was abolished by the -pope in 1312, and this reacted to cause a decline of the other orders. -Furthermore, the reason for their existence ceased with the entry of the -Turks into Europe and the cessation of the Spanish crusades. Except as -concerned the military orders the nobles seemed to have reached the -height of their social ambitions, conducting themselves in a lawless -manner with a more or less complete lack of loyalty, high ideals, or -moral sense, but (as will be pointed out in the following chapter) their -authority appeared to be greater than it actually was.[35] - -[Sidenote: Social importance of the clergy.] - -The personal immunities of the clergy were not only extended, but were -also made applicable to a greater number than formerly, and the wealth -of the church was increased. Not only priests, but also their servants -and the members of the religious orders, including even those of the lay -orders, acquired the so-called "benefit of clergy," which exempted them -from certain financial obligations to the state and to the towns, and -secured them the privilege of being subject judicially to the -ecclesiastical courts only. Furthermore, entry into religious orders -became so comparatively easy that the number of ecclesiastics proper -increased greatly, although many of them continued to be business men, -lawyers, administrative officers, and even jugglers and buffoons, -frequently leading a licentious life. Similarly, the mendicant orders -had lost their early ideals of poverty and self-sacrifice, and besides -being lax at times in their mode of life were devoting themselves to the -acquisition of wealth, especially by procuring inheritances. These -conditions were cited in complaint after complaint of the national -_Cortes_, asking the king for their redress. Finally, Henry II issued a -law, confirmed by Juan I, that clergymen should contribute to the funds -applied on public works, and that lands which had been tributary should -continue to pay taxes after their acquisition by the church. These laws -seem not to have been complied with, for the complaints were renewed in -later meetings of the _Cortes_; it was charged that the clergymen -excommunicated the tax collectors. On the other hand the right of the -church to collect the _diezmo_, or tithe (not precisely a tenth), of the -produce of lands not their own, a right which had already existed in -some jurisdictions, became general. The king profited by this -arrangement, since a portion called the royal thirds (_tercias -reales_)[36] went to him for expenditure for public charities or pious -works, such as the building of churches, although the kings did not -always so employ it.[37] - -[Sidenote: Advance of the middle class.] - -The same causes which had conduced to the development of the middle -class in the preceding era were accentuated to procure a corresponding -advance in this,--such as the increase in population, the growth of -industry, commerce, and agriculture, the freedom of the servile classes, -the prominence of the jurisconsults and secondary nobility, or -_caballeros_ (proceeding usually from the towns, and living there allied -with the middle class against the greater nobles), and the great -political importance which the towns acquired. The basis of the middle -class was the town, partisan of the centralizing, absolutist tendency of -the kings so far as it related to the nobles and clergy, but strenuously -insistent on the retention of its own local charter. The middle class -had control of production and was the nerve of the state, but was -virtually the only element to pay taxes, despite the fact that the great -bulk of territorial wealth was in the hands of the nobility and the -church. The term "middle class" began to refer more and more clearly to -the wealthier, free, but untitled element, for the laboring class became -more prominent in the towns, sharing in the charter privileges of their -richer neighbors, but with certain limitations on their economic -liberty. There was no social conflict of consequence between the two -classes, however, for the laborers were not yet very numerous, and the -evils of their situation were not so great as they later became, besides -which, self-interest united them with the middle class against the -nobles and clergy. Such strife as there was between them was of a -political, and not of a social, character. The so-called popular element -of the _Cortes_ represented the middle class only. The practice of -forming leagues (_hermandades_) of towns and _caballeros_ against the -abuses of the higher nobility was much indulged in, for it was not safe -to rely solely on the king. The victory in the end lay with the towns, -although they were far from obtaining their specific aims at this time. -Nevertheless, the fourteenth century was characterized by the -transformation of society from its earlier basis of chivalry and war, -when the scene had been laid in the castles of the country, to the -bourgeois life of the towns, devoted to industry and commerce. - -[Sidenote: Improved basis of rural society.] - -[Sidenote: Slavery.] - -The rural servile classes, which had all but won complete personal -liberty in the preceding period, attained both that and nearly complete -economic liberty at this time. Thus the ordinance of Valladolid, in -1325, prohibited the lords from retaining either the realty or the -personalty of any man who should move from seigniorial to royal lands, -preserving the owner's right to cultivate or sell his lands, and to -make any use he saw fit of his personal effects. The ordinance of -Alcal, of 1348, took a step backward, limiting the owner's freedom of -sale, lest the lands fall into privileged, non-taxpaying hands, and -requiring him to keep somebody on the land, so that there might always -be a taxpayer there. Finally, the ideal of the ordinance of Valladolid -prevailed. At the same time, the old servile relation whereby the lord -procured the cultivation of his own lands changed to one of landlord and -tenant, based on the payment of a stipulated rent. The fact that there -were no social struggles in Castile in the fourteenth and fifteenth -centuries is evidence of the comparatively satisfactory condition of the -rural classes. Naturally, there were abuses of an extra-legal character -by the nobles, such as the forced loans exacted by them, the compulsory -marriages of rich widows to members of a lord's following, and outright -robbery, but the real interests of the lords called for them to use -conciliatory measures to attract population, and some of them at least -did follow that policy. Personal slavery still continued, but the number -of slaves was very greatly diminished and gradually got smaller,--a -tendency which was favored by the laws. - -[Sidenote: Treatment of the Mudjares.] - -The free Mudjares continued to receive lenient treatment, and their -numbers increased greatly; many of the Moslem faith preferred to leave -Granada and live in Christian Castile. The legislation of Alfonso X put -them under the royal protection and allowed them to have their own -courts and their own law. They were permitted to retain the mosques they -already had, but were forbidden to build new ones; they could not -worship in public in places settled chiefly by Christians, but otherwise -no objection was made; the obligations of former times as regards -taxation, mode of dress, and dealings with Christians were also -retained; and the gathering of Mudjares into the cities, despite the -greater number of restrictions imposed upon them, went on, caused by the -abuses of an unofficial character to which they were subjected at the -hands of the Christian population in the country. In later reigns the -restrictions were increased, but many of them were not enforced. In -fact, the Mudjares enjoyed greater prosperity in the last reign of the -era than at any other time of the period, being a wealthy and important -social element, represented at court even, and enjoying a number of -advantages which for a long time had been denied them. - -[Sidenote: Harsh measures against the Jews.] - -[Sidenote: The Marranos.] - -For a while the legal situation of the Jews was comparable to that of -the Mudjares, but the Christian clergy was particularly vindictive -against the former, and popular sentiment was bitterly hostile to them, -due not only to the influence of the church, but also in part to hatred -of the Jewish tax collectors, and partly to the avarice awakened by the -wealth of the Jews (fabulously exaggerated as a rule). This enmity was -evidenced in more and more restrictive laws and in the open insults and -violence of the Christian populace. Popular feeling began to make itself -more rigorously felt from about the year 1391. In 1391 a great massacre -of the Jews took place in Seville, and this was a signal for similar -massacres in other parts of Spain. Shortly afterward the Jews lost their -separate law courts; they were forbidden among other things to engage in -commerce with Christians, to rent the taxes[38] or hold public -positions, to be artisans, to carry arms, or to have intimate relations -with Christians; and they were even compelled to listen to sermons -preached with a view to their conversion. These laws were not always -enforced, but the position of the Jews was far from equalling that of -the Mudjares. Great numbers of them were converted, but it was -believed, probably with truth, that they continued to practise the -Jewish faith in secret. The converts were insulted by their Christian -brethren, even in the name "Marranos" (pigs) applied to them as a class. -They were also envied because of their industry and wealth, and were -accused of diabolical practices of which they were almost certainly not -guilty. In the last years of the reign of Henry IV the massacres of Jews -began to be extended to them as well as to the unconverted element. - -[Sidenote: Changes in the laws of marriage, the family, and property.] - -Two forces combined to change the former type of family life: the Roman -civil law (of tremendous importance); and the doctrines of the church, -which indeed in their judicial expression were influenced profoundly by -the Roman law. They were able to strike a death-blow at the marriage _ -yuras_; henceforth the law required the sanction of the church. -_Barragana_ still maintained a legal though restricted standing. Cases -of marriage and divorce were taken away from civil jurisdiction and -turned over to the ecclesiastical courts. As an illustration of the -individualistic tendencies springing from the influence of Roman -jurisprudence it may be noted that up to twenty-five years of age a -daughter had to have her father's consent in order to contract marriage, -but could dispense with his permission after that time. The most -important reform in family life was the establishment of the rule of -primogeniture, a practice which rapidly became customary. The Roman law -was equally influential in its effects upon property. Whereas formerly -the wealth of Castile had been based on agriculture and stock-raising, -with the land concentrated in few hands and cultivated by serfs, now -urban lands and personalty, based on industry and commerce and adapted -to Roman principles, became the more important; and despite the -_latifundia_ of the era a large part of the former seigniorial lands was -now given over in small lots to free proprietors protected by the law. -The Roman formalism appeared to some extent also in the law of property, -contract, and wills, especially in the legislation of Alfonso X. - -[Sidenote: Survivals of medieval collectivity.] - -The collectivity of medieval times had a survival in the lands common of -the towns, and appeared also in the industrial guilds and the -semi-religious _cofradas_, or fraternities. The latter included various -classes of people organized into a group for the accomplishment of some -social object, such as to perform acts of charity or hold funerary -dinners, as well as to provide mutual aid; the law forbade associations -for political, immoral, or illegal purposes. The guilds were far more -important, and were greatly favored by the laws. At first they were -closely dependent on the municipalities, which intervened to regulate -the trades, even in technical respects, but at length the guilds began -to receive charters directly from the king. The new charters, too, in -keeping with the practices of the era, were minute in their directions -with regard to the conduct of the various industries. By the fifteenth -century the guilds were paying little attention to the social matters -which formerly were their most important function,--these had passed -over to the _cofradas_,--and had become almost wholly economic and -professional, although their members marched together in processions, -and the guilds as a body rendered public service of one kind or -another,--as, for example, maintaining some public charity. They were -also a factor in the political life of the towns. - -[Sidenote: General social customs.] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -[Sidenote: Superstition.] - -[Sidenote: Sports.] - -In general social customs, so far as they relate to the upper classes, -for the practices of the humbler elements are less well known, this era -was marked by great immorality, license in expression (even when -referring to matters of religion), luxury, a desire for honors and noble -rank (even to the point of falsely pretending to them), the mixture of -an appetite for knowledge with the pursuit of superstitions, and the -exaggerated practice of chivalric principles (professed more as an -affectation than with sincerity). The luxury of the times manifested -itself in the usual ways, and it is worthy of note that members of the -middle class were now able to vie with the nobles. Women painted and -powdered and used exaggerated effects in their dress, and men wore -high-heeled boots, employed various devices to correct the natural -defects of the body, and used perfumes. Foreign influences entered to -modify clothing so that it tended more to fit the body than before, with -a resulting abandonment of the flowing garments of earlier times. Men -often wore stockings of different colors, a feather in their hat, and a -much-adorned, variegated cape. Color, too, was equally prominent for its -diversity in women's dress, but the dress itself allowed greater freedom -of movement than the earlier styles had done. Superstitions were -prevalent, from the alchemy and astrology of the learned, to the various -forms of divination and ancient practices--such, for example, as the -mass for the dead dedicated to living persons--of the common people. -Jousts and tourneys and attempts to imitate the warlike feats of the -heroes of fiction in such works as _Amads de Gaula_ (of which later) -formed a part of the chivalric customs of the day. Bull-fighting was -clearly in existence by the time of Alfonso X, and thenceforth enjoyed -great popularity.[39] - -In social and political institutions Aragon proper, Catalonia, and -Valencia still differed from one another sufficiently to merit separate -treatment. While in many ways their customs were like those of Castile -there were certain variations worthy of record. - - -_Aragon proper_ - -[Sidenote: Social differences in Aragon proper.] - -Prior to the reign of Pedro IV the nobles increased their authority both -with respect to their rights over the lower classes and in the exercise -of political power, but if Pedro reduced their privileges in the latter -respect neither he nor his successors did anything to prepare the -emancipation of the servile classes. The nobles retained their social -privileges even to the extent of procuring a law in 1451 doing away with -the royal practice of granting titles of nobility of the lower grades. -Feudalism continued, though in a modified form, for if the nobles could -receive lands from the king and reissue them to vassals of their own -they were obliged to return them to the king whenever he should ask them -to do so, and were not allowed to build castles without his consent; -moreover, there were various other limitations on their former nearly -absolute sway. They collected taxes for themselves, and were exempt from -paying them to the royal treasury, but were under the necessity of -rendering military service when called upon. The clergy gained increased -social importance just as it did in Castile, and the middle class became -a prominent factor with the development of the towns, though far from -attaining to the high place of the same element in Castile. The towns -followed a divided policy, for those of the north were feudal in type -and allied with the nobility, while those of the south were more -democratic and royal. The condition of the servile classes was even -worse than before, and no serious attempt was made either by them or -the _Cortes_ to relieve their hard lot.[40] The laws continued to -recognize the lord's right to deal with them as he pleased, and even to -kill them, and lands were still sold with the men and women both -Christians and others who dwelt thereon. The history of the Jews and -Mudjares followed the same course that it did in Castile. Not merely in -Aragon proper but in all the dominions of the crown the Jews were -subjected to exceedingly harsh treatment. The Mudjares of both Aragon -and Valencia were protected by the kings and the nobles with a view to -keeping their lands occupied so that they might not fail to yield rents -and taxes, and in both regions the rural population was principally -Mudjar. The Roman law exercised a powerful influence in Aragon as -elsewhere. Thus freedom of testament was introduced, and primogeniture -attained to a predominant place. The guilds did not advance to the point -reached in Castile, existing rather for purposes of mutual aid, and -lacking the technical regulations of the Castilian guilds. - - -_Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: Revolts of the serfs.] - -There are two prime facts in the social history of Catalonia in this -period: the uprising of the serfs; and the outstanding importance of the -cities, especially Barcelona. The first marked the decline of the -nobility and the appearance of a new social factor; the second indicated -the direction which modern social organization was to take. Having lost -their political power the nobles concentrated their interest on getting -wealth out of their lands, especially through the tributes of their -serfs. In this respect they had the enormous advantage of possessing the -greater part of Catalan territory.[41] The serfs were subject to a great -number of annoying personal services, and (in a typical case) to as many -as thirty different tributes, most of them in kind, besides the -ordinary rental for the land. They had already won a right to redeem -themselves for money, and Juan I, Martn I, and Mara (the wife and -regent of Alfonso V), as well as many jurisconsults, made some more or -less ineffectual attempts to better their condition. The plagues which -swept Europe in the fourteenth century were a greater aid, since -laborers became scarce and therefore more desirable. By the time of -Alfonso V the serfs had become sufficiently emboldened to formulate -demands, on the threat of a general uprising. Alfonso accepted a sum of -money from them, granted what they asked, and then withdrew his promises -when the nobles also bribed him. The revolt was delayed, however, to the -year 1462 in the next reign, when it formed one of the complications in -the wars of Juan II against the deputation of Catalonia and the city of -Barcelona. Both sides sought the aid of the serfs, but Juan was able to -win them to his support, although their military operations were -directed primarily against their own lords. The peace of 1472 did not -solve the social question; so there was another uprising in 1475, and it -was still going on at Juan's death, in 1479, being left for solution to -the reign of his son, Ferdinand. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the nobility.] - -[Sidenote: Persecution of the Jews.] - -As a result of these troubles the nobles declined even in social -prestige, for they had received very little in the way of tributes from -the serfs since the reign of Alfonso V, and had aggravated the situation -by their wars with one another or against the towns. Meanwhile, the -_caballeros_ and others of the secondary nobility, natural enemies of -the great lords, had advanced in importance, and in the reign of Pedro -IV had won a right to law courts of their own, free from the -jurisdiction of nobles of the upper grades. On the other hand, the great -nobles continued to receive donations of land from the king, with more -or less complete jurisdiction, since the existing needs of the royal -treasury usually seemed greater than the ultimate evil of the grants; -often the kings gave away towns which they had previously pledged their -word never to alienate. It is to be noted that the mere ownership of -land did not entitle the lords to exercise civil and criminal -jurisdiction without a specific grant of those powers from the king. In -addition to the serfs and the kings, the nobility had a third element -against it, the very powerful bourgeoisie, or middle class, which in -this period attained to the greatest splendor. The history of the -Mudjares at this time was unimportant, for there were not many in -Catalonia. The Jews suffered as they did in Castile. The year 1391, -which witnessed the massacre in Seville, was marked by a similar event -in Barcelona, where the Jewish quarter completely disappeared. From that -time on, harsh measures were taken in Catalonia, and as a result the -Jews came to be regarded as sharing with slaves (of whom there were -still a considerable number) the lowest level in the social hierarchy. - -[Sidenote: Catalan guilds.] - -The modifications of family life arising from the influence of the Roman -law were as notable in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon. The guilds -were developed to a point even surpassing that of Castile. As early as -the fourteenth century they were already organizations for technical -objects related to their trade. Every trade had its guild, from the more -important associations of weavers, bakers, and the like, down to the -more humble blind beggars' guilds. - -[Sidenote: Transition from medievalism to modernity in social customs.] - -All that has been said of Castile as regards the immorality, luxury, -dress, superstition, and chivalric pursuits of the aristocracy and -middle class applies generally, not only to Catalonia, but also to -Aragon and Valencia. The nobles endeavored to emulate the king in -extravagances, with the result that many were ruined, and their attempts -to avoid paying their debts to the Jews were one cause of the massacres -of the latter. The luxury in dress brought in its train the development -of tailoring to such an extent that the Catalan modes were well-known -even in foreign countries. In many of the amusements of the -period,--dances, illuminations, pantomimes, processions, masquerades, -and others,--one sees the influence of Renaissance tastes, which were to -lead to modern civilization, although these same diversions were also -tainted with the rudeness of earlier times.[42] In fine, the customs of -the period were made up of a curious mixture of passing medievalism and -coming modernity. For example, while some seigniorial castles were -centres of luxury and entertainment, others retained the austere, -military customs of the past. Again, at the same time that there -appeared a veneer of literary and scientific culture, ideas as regards -sanitation, both public and private, were still rudimentary. Laws -continued to be passed forbidding people to wash clothes in public -fountains, to throw water and filth in the streets, and to loose pigs -therein, but they were not very generally obeyed. Even the public baths -which had existed formerly fell into disuse. Thus epidemics were -frequent, but aside from prayers and sequestration of cases not much was -done to check their progress. - - -_Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Victory of Catalan civilization in Valencia.] - -The majority of the Christian settlers of Valencia were both bourgeois -and Catalan, while the nobles were mostly Aragonese. Down to the time of -Pedro IV, the latter exerted themselves to deprive the former of the -power which Jaime I had given them, and they were successful to the -point of sharing in administrative posts which had formerly been denied -them, and also procured the application of the Aragonese law in the -land. After their defeat by Pedro IV they declined rapidly, hastening -their fall by partisan quarrels among themselves. The history of the -Mudjares and Jews followed the same course as in Aragon; here, as -elsewhere, the terrible year 1391 was a time of massacres of the Jews, -followed by increasingly harsh legislation. The influence of the Roman -law in modifying family institutions and the development of the guilds -proceeded on lines analogous to the same factors in Catalonia. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE CASTILIAN STATE, 1252-1479 - - -[Sidenote: General character and importance of the era in political -institutions.] - -In the relations of the seigniorial elements and the monarchy this was a -critical period for the latter, deciding as a result of the virtual, -though not at the time apparent, victory of the kings that Castile was -to become a power in the world. For that very reason the evolution of -political institutions in this era was important, for on the development -of monarchy depended the conquest of America, but they were also -important because the institutions which were set up in the new world -had noteworthy antecedents at this time. Influenced largely by the -principles of the Roman law the kings aspired to absolute monarchy in a -centralized state, with a view to overcoming the social and political -strife resulting from the diffusion of power inherent in the seigniorial -system. Their most dangerous enemies were the nobles, whose spirit of -independence and self-esteem and whose vast wealth in lands and fighting -men made them a powerful factor in themselves. They were yet stronger -because the kings had to depend on them for military service since there -was no large standing army, and because they in a measure developed a -class consciousness in opposition to absolutism, becoming a nobility -rather than remaining a mere aggregation of nobles. While the -seigniorial ideal was not lacking in the towns, they were not nearly so -dangerous to the monarchy, because they were usually as hostile to the -nobility as the kings were. Often, however, they fought against the -kings, or exacted concessions for their services. The task for the -fulfilment of royal ideals was therefore a difficult one, requiring a -sagacious type of monarch, such as in fact rarely appeared in the -period. Circumstances fought better than the kings, and nowhere does -this show forth more clearly than in a review of the political -institutions of the era. - -[Sidenote: Internal decline in the power of the nobles.] - -The external vicissitudes of the strife between the nobles and the kings -have already been traced, and it would appear from them that the former -gained the upper hand. In fact, however, their cause was already -internally dead. One symptom of their approaching dissolution was the -change in the practices of the nobles whereby they became more and more -a court nobility, plotting in the shadow of the king (like the -chancellor Lpez de Ayala) instead of being semi-independent potentates -on their own estates as formerly. Despite their class consciousness, -parties arose within their ranks with distinct ideals, apart from -personal ambition, dividing them against one another. Thus in Seville -the Guzmn faction represented conservatism, while the Ponces were -radical. Most important of all were the blows resulting from the social -and economic changes which deprived the nobles of their serfs and -created a new form of wealth in the hands of the middle class, an -element better fitted than the old nobility to acquire and develop the -new resources. The eagerness with which the nobles took up the practice -of primogeniture, leaving their estates nearly intact to their eldest -sons so that their house and their name might not be lost, showed that -they realized the force of the new order of things and were taking -thought for the future. In earlier times, when wealth was territorial -and serfs were numerous, the land-rich nobility had been secure, but -that day had passed. - -[Sidenote: The absolutist ideal of Alfonso X.] - -The great representative of absolutism was Alfonso X, not that he -invented the idea or was the first to attempt its achievement, but -because he formulated the program more clearly than any of his -predecessors, embodying it in his legislation, and because he received -the first shock in defence of these principles. He enacted that the -legislative, judicial, and military powers and the right to coin money -were fundamental, inalienable rights of the king, who could not give -them away for a period longer than his own life, and declared that the -lords could not exercise any judicial or other sovereign powers on their -estates except those which had been granted to them by the king, or -which they had enjoyed by immemorial custom. His laws also prescribed -certain forms of etiquette which should be employed in treating with the -king, establishing the ceremonial which has always served as such a prop -for monarchy. The divine origin of royal power was asserted. -Independence of the Holy Roman Emperors was specifically proclaimed, but -a measure of subjection to the pope was admitted. The absolutism of -Alfonso X did not pretend, even in principle, that the king might -exercise arbitrary or tyrannical authority; Alfonso declared that the -king was bound to observe the law and deal justly with the people, -acting as their guardian and administrator, and granting them certain -rights to inspect his conduct. Those who wrongly possessed themselves of -the royal power, or made bad use of it, were declared to be tyrants and -not legitimate kings. The people, on the other hand, owed respect, -obedience, and loyalty to the legitimate king, and even a species of -guardianship to prevent his non-fulfilment of obligations. Alfonso X was -not able to sustain his principles in open conflict, but they remained -as the ideal of future kings, even though some of them were modified by -the legislation of later reigns; thus Alfonso XI declared that sovereign -rights might be acquired from the crown by prescription, except the -taxing power and high justice (or the hearing of cases on appeal), and -that the kings could alienate any of their sovereign powers except those -of high justice, coinage, and war. - -[Sidenote: Establishment of hereditary succession and development of -court officialdom.] - -Two fundamental results of the centralizing, absolutist policy of the -kings were the final establishment of hereditary succession and the -development of consultive and other bodies about the king, the -forerunners of modern bureaucracy. The former has already been referred -to. Alfonso himself was the first to break his own law in this respect, -but after his reign the principle was definitely recognized. The pomp -and ceremonial of royalty increased the number of officials whose -principal functions were those of adding splendor to the court,--such, -for example, as the king's cup-bearer, butler, and chamberlain. Great -nobles also sent their sons to court to be educated under the protection -and with the favor of the king, and these young men formed a special -royal guard. In addition there began to be an infinity of servants, -notaries, doctors, and others occupying posts of a less ornamental -character. The most important novelty of the period was the development -of the _Consejo Real_. - -[Sidenote: _The Consejo Real._] - -The kings had long been surrounded by a body of nobles and prelates -called the _Consejo Real_, or Royal Council, which advised them in -matters of government, or sat as the _Cort_, or supreme court, in -appeals from lower jurisdictions, but its membership and functions had -not been very clearly established, for it dealt indiscriminately with -any subject upon which the king might want advice. One important reform -was the introduction of representatives of the popular element in this -body. Different kings, from Sancho IV on, decreed that a certain number -of the council should be "good men,"--or members of the untitled, -secular class,--although the practice did not become fixed. A law of -Juan I in 1385 provided that the council should be composed of twelve -men, of whom four should be plebeians. Two years later it was required -that the last-named should be _letrados_,--that is, men learned in the -law,--and shortly afterward they began to be called _oidores_ (hearers -of cases). Juan II divided the council into two bodies, one of -government, the other of justice. It was not until the time of Ferdinand -and Isabella, however, that the _Consejo Real_ acquired real stability. - -[Sidenote: The hierarchy of officialdom.] - -There were important developments, too, in the general administrative -and judicial hierarchy, although with a mixture of the two functions. -The hierarchy of officialdom, from the lowest grade to the highest, with -especial regard to comparative judicial authority, ran from the -_alcaldes_ of the towns through _merinos mayores_ or the _adelantados_, -the _alcalde del rey_ (royal _alcalde_) of the court, and the -_adelantado mayor_ (or chief justice of Castile) to the king himself. In -some jurisdictions cases in first instance came before _alcaldes del -rey_ (different from the above-named) with an appeal to _merinos -menores_[43] and _merinos mayores_, or directly to the latter, and -thence upward. The _merinos menores_ limited themselves to jurisdiction -in certain criminal cases. The _merinos mayores_ were, like the -_adelantados_, governors of large districts as well as judges in cases -of appeal, for which latter purpose they were assisted by men acquainted -with the law. They took the place of many of the former _adelantados_. -The _adelantado mayor_ also had administrative functions, as the superior -of the _merinos_ and other officials below him. Alfonso X employed the -old term, _cort_, in the new and more restricted sense of a royal judicial -tribunal which acted for the king. In later reigns this came to be known -as the _chancillera_ (chancery), or _audiencia_,[44]--which latter name -was eventually transmitted to the Americas for bodies exercising similar -functions. - -[Sidenote: Diversity of jurisdictions and tendencies toward -centralization.] - -Despite appearances, uniformity and order in the administrative and -judicial organization were far from being completely established. Not -only was there a great variety of jurisdictions, but there was also a -great diversity in the law, for one region would differ radically from -another. The towns, nobles, clergy, universities, and the great -corporation of stock-raisers (the _Mesta_) all had officials of their -own and exemption from royal jurisdiction. At the same time, great -_hermandades_, or leagues of cities, were formed for the maintenance of -public security against highwaymen or other disturbing elements, since -royal activity in this regard left much to be desired, and these also -had their separate jurisdictions.[45] The current toward centralization -was very strong, however, being aided by the education in the Roman law -of the _letrados_, whom the king employed as his officials (for these -men were pronouncedly monarchical in sentiment), and by the increase in -powers to which the _adelantados_ and _merinos mayores_ were attaining -at the expense of the semi-independent elements. The successors of -Alfonso X, especially Alfonso XI, furthered this policy of -centralization. Royal judges began to appear in the towns, either taking -the place of the formerly elected officials, or acting concurrently with -them, for the kings took advantage of one pretext or another to make an -opening for their own appointees. Another important reform was the -division of the _audiencia_ into two sections, one of which remained in -Segovia, while the other went on circuit for brief periods in Andalusia. -Under Juan II there appeared in the _audiencia_ the official known as -the _fiscal_, who at this time was a royal prosecuting attorney, but who -later was to become one of the most important all-round administrative -officials in Spanish and Spanish colonial government. As an example, -too, of the extension of royal jurisdiction may be mentioned the -so-called recourse of _fuerza_ in cases of usurpation (by force,--hence -_fuerza_) of lands or jurisdiction by the clergy. The trial of these -cases was ordered to be held in the royal courts. - -[Sidenote: Judicial procedure.] - -Punishments for crime continued to be atrocious, and torture was still -employed, but only in the case of persons of bad reputation or when the -accused bore the evidences of crime. Privilege still obtained to modify -the punishment of the upper classes. A very notable reform was the -introduction of the _pesquisa_, or inquisitorial investigation, for the -bringing of an indictment, or accusation, of crime. Formerly the state -had intervened when one individual charged another with crime, a process -which resulted to the detriment of the weak, who would not dare to -accuse the more powerful. The _pesquisa_ not only introduced the grand -jury function of an accusation by the state, without necessarily -involving any individual accusers, but it also made crime partake more -of the nature of a public offence than of a mere infringement of -individual rights. The vulgar proofs, with one exception, were -abolished, and the importance of written documents and the testimony of -witnesses became more generally recognized. This also caused the rise of -the lawyers, who, after a lapse of centuries, began again to be a -noteworthy element in judicial affairs. The _riepto_, or duel, a special -form of the wager of battle, was the only one of the vulgar proofs to -remain in existence. This was a special privilege enjoyed only by those -of noble blood. The duel was hedged in by a number of rules, one of -which was that it must take place in the presence of the king. If the -challenger were killed, the innocence of his opponent was proclaimed, -but if the latter were killed, still protesting innocence, he was in -this case, too, declared guiltless. The challenger could win by -defeating his opponent without killing him, in which event the latter -was banished, and half of his goods were granted to the king. - -[Sidenote: The new system of taxation.] - -Although the expenses of the state were greater than formerly, the -income was also greater. Many new forms of taxation were introduced: the -royal monopolies on salt and mines; the _alcabala_, or tax on sales, -which first became general in the reign of Alfonso XI; stamp taxes; and -the _consumo_, or tax on all merchandise entering the city. These taxes -fell upon goods or upon acts of individuals in connection with the state -(as distinguished from the king) differing radically from the services -of a feudal character, with a multitude of exceptions and privileges, -which had formerly been the basis of the public income. Owing to the -turbulence of the era and the excessive alienation of public wealth by -grants of the kings to the nobles, receipts did not equal the royal -needs, and resort was had frequently to loans, debasement of the -coinage, and arbitrary confiscations of property. Even under the new -system of taxation the nobles and clergy very rarely had to pay any of -the numerous taxes, and privileges and exemptions were granted, much as -before. Nevertheless, the methods employed contained the germ of a sound -financial system, which was to develop in succeeding centuries. The -collection of taxes was rented out as formerly, being given in charge -usually of Mudjares, Jews, or Marranos. Complaints against these -collectors were so insistent that at one time churchmen were substituted -for them,--without diminishing the complaints, for the fault lay in the -system. There were royal financial officials for receiving the funds and -examining accounts, but no organized treasury department was as yet -developed. - -[Sidenote: The army and navy.] - -The principal military fact of the era was the increase in the number of -troops sustained by the king, but in other respects there was no -fundamental difference from the preceding period. Technically there were -advances in the art of war,--such as the development of a greater -variety in the branches of the service and the introduction of -powder,--but except for cannon of not very great utility the use of -firearms did not become general. Complete armor came in with the white -companies. The royal navy, initiated by Ferdinand III, was continued -throughout the era, and this was a period of brilliant victories against -the Moslems in the Mediterranean and the English in the north; on one -occasion the Castilian admiral, Pero Nio, ravaged the English coast. No -results of note seem to have proceeded from these victories, however. - -[Sidenote: Greatness and decline of the towns in political authority.] - -[Sidenote: Advance of the seigniorial towns.] - -This was the most flourishing epoch in the history of the free Castilian -towns: their numbers and political importance increased; they received -new privileges; and they made their presence felt in national affairs -through their representatives in the _Cortes_. The most extreme example -of municipal independence was provided by the towns of the north coast, -which recognized the sovereignty of the Castilian king, but in fact -governed themselves, even intervening in foreign affairs through the -agency of their league. In the interior the towns were less independent -politically and administratively, and in the fourteenth century their -authority began to wane. The entry of royal judges into the towns has -already been mentioned. In administration the kings were also able at -length to exercise influence. This came about as a result of a number -of political changes, such as the substitution of a life term in office -for one of a period of years, the usurpation by the _ayuntamiento_ (or -body of municipal officials) of powers formerly exercised by the general -assembly, the limitation of the right to hold office to the _caballeros_ -or to specified families, the disturbances at times of election, and the -corruption which occasionally manifested itself in municipal -administration. In the interests of internal peace the towns themselves -often sought intervention by the kings, who did not fail to profit by -the situation. Under Alfonso XI some towns began to be ruled by -officials appointed by the king, and that monarch also created the post -of _corregidor_,[46] a royal agent placed in many towns to watch the -course of local affairs and represent the king, acting with the local -_alcaldes_. The _corregidores_ gradually acquired considerable -influence, thereby reducing the power of the popularly elected -officials. Internal municipal strife continued, but now the great -families fought, not for the favor of the electorate, but for that of -the king, since this had become the surer route to public office. The -greater towns or cities suffered through the breaking away of the -villages and rural districts which had formerly been subordinate to -them. These villages were desirous of local autonomy, because the -municipalities on which they depended were wont to exploit them or to -exclude them from a share in government. The kings granted their -petitions, thus weakening the greater towns, even if they did extend the -institution of chartered municipalities. It should be said, however, -that this decline of the towns, with the incidents accompanying it, was -not uniform, for a number of them still retained their earlier -liberties, including popular election, at the end of the period. In the -seigniorial towns, especially those under ecclesiastical domination, -there were frequent struggles with a view to reducing the lord's -intervention in local affairs, and these ended almost everywhere in a -victory for the towns, which won a right to name their own officers and -to possess much the same degree of liberty enjoyed by the royal towns. -Here, too, the kings intervened, not only through the practice of -judicial appeals to the royal courts, but also in other ways, even with -armed forces, in order to reduce the power of the lords. The victory of -the seigniorial towns lessened the power of the lords to an appreciable -extent; the struggles of the lords with the kings were thenceforth -maintained only through combinations of nobles, often with Mudjar -levies, joined at times by some of the towns. - -[Sidenote: Great age of the Castilian _Cortes_.] - -The institution which most clearly represented the different factors of -Castilian political life, but especially that of the municipalities, was -the _Cortes_, which grew in importance until the fifteenth century, when -it began to show signs of decline. The _Cortes_ was hardly mentioned in -the legislation of Alfonso X, for it did not comport well with his -theories of absolutism, but the later kings paid it great consideration, -seeking the aid of the popular branch against seigniorial anarchy. Its -principal function continued to be economic, rather than legislative, -through the grants of subsidies by the representatives of the towns. -While these were not the only source of royal revenue they were so -urgently needed that the _Cortes_ was able to procure legislation from -the kings in response to its petitions. The fourteenth century was -particularly rich in ordinances of the _Cortes_, especially those -arising from the meetings of 1329 (Madrid), 1348 (Alcal), 1351 -(Valladolid), 1366 (Burgos), 1371 (Toro), 1373 (Toro), 1377 (Burgos), -1379 (Burgos), and 1380 (Soria). In most cases the kings did not put the -ordinances (which should rather be considered petitions) into effect, -wherefore many of them were repeated time and again,--such, for example, -as the legislation requested against the Jews, against the granting of -Castilian benefices by the pope, against the abuses of royal officials -and renters of taxes, and against the royal donations to the lords. In a -number of instances the _Cortes_ got what it asked for, even in cases -affecting the king's personal authority, such as a law in 1329 which -prohibited the issuing of royal letters, or orders, in blank (whereby -the possessor of the letter might insert anybody's name he chose,--a -practice which usually served to promote unjust ends, just as in the -case of the _lettres de cachet_ in France prior to the French -Revolution), and another of 1348 extending the prohibition to letters -which the kings were in the habit of granting to individuals empowering -them to marry designated persons, with or without the latter's consent. -The kings also accepted petitions of a more general character, such as -those asking that steps be taken for the suppression of banditry, the -specification of the powers of royal officers, the correction of various -abuses, the lowering of certain taxes, the regulation of disputes -between the stockmen and the farmers, and the reform of judicial -procedure. It was also affirmed several times,--in 1348, for -example,--that there could be no new tax without a grant of the -_Cortes_. The laws of Alfonso X insisted upon the king's sole right to -legislate, however, and this principle was maintained by the later -kings, for despite the fact that a law of 1387 declared that the -ordinances of the _Cortes_ were irrevocable, unless by the act of a -_Cortes_ itself, the kings proceeded according to their own pleasure, -apparently regarding the concession of 1387 as purely theoretical. The -ordinances of the various _Cortes_ appeared without method or plan, and -lacked the full force of law, but they demonstrated the enormous -activity of this body, and were in fact a basis for much legislation, -both at the time and in later years. In organization the _Cortes_ -followed the general practices of the preceding era. Among the -comparatively few novelties may be mentioned a law of Juan II, fixing -the number of representatives from a town as two, and a law of 1351 -granting immunity from arrest to members of the _Cortes_ while that body -was in session. Up to 1301 Castile and Len had a separate _Cortes_, -although there were a number of joint meetings before that date. After -1301 there was but a single _Cortes_ for the entire kingdom. - -[Sidenote: Diversity in the laws and tendencies toward unification.] - -Not only in the ordinances of the _Cortes_, but also in the general laws -of the king without intervention of the _Cortes_, in grants of municipal -charters, and in the innumerable private grants (often modifying the -general law) this period was exceedingly rich in legislation. The fame -of the laws of Alfonso X and of Alfonso XI has obscured the legislation -of other reigns, but the output of the other kings was great in -quantity, if less in importance than that of the two Alfonsos. Diversity -was still a leading characteristic of the legislation. For example, from -Alfonso X to 1299 at least 127 local charters were granted; in the -fourteenth century at least 94; and in the fifteenth, at least 5, -although many were reproductions or slight modifications of certain -typical charters. The _Fuero Juzgo_ continued to be the general law, but -there was very little of it which was not contradicted or changed by -other legislation. A tendency toward unification of the laws manifested -itself in many ways, however. Alfonso X issued a municipal charter in -1254, variously named, but usually called the _Fuero Real_ (Royal -Charter), which was a new model, more complete and systematic than those -which had preceded it, but based on those already in existence and on -the _Fuero Juzgo_, preserving the Visigothic and early Leonese and -Castilian principles of law. The _Fuero Real_ was adopted as -supplementary law for use in cases of appeal to the royal courts, but -was also granted as the local charter of a great many towns, being the -most extensively used of the typical charters, although by no means in a -majority of the municipalities. To bring about unification at one stroke -it is believed that Ferdinand III and Alfonso X projected a code to -apply in all the land. Ferdinand is said to have begun the drawing up of -the _Setenario_ (or Septenary, so-called because it was to be in seven -parts), which was completed by Alfonso after the former's death. This -code, if such it may be called, was never promulgated, and may rather -have been intended as an encyclopedia of law. A similar compilation of -the reign of Alfonso X was the _Espculo_ (or _Espejo_) _de todos los -derechos_ (mirror of all the laws), but it, too, never became law, -although used as a reference book by jurisconsults. Yet another such -compilation appeared in this reign, the famous _Leyes de las siete -partidas_ (laws of the seven parts), or simply the _Partidas_, and this -was to attain to a very different lot from the others just named. - -[Sidenote: The code of the _Siete Partidas_ and the revival of Roman -principles.] - -The _Partidas_ was the work of a number of jurisconsults under the -inspection, and with more or less intervention, of Alfonso himself; -these men began work in 1256 and finished it in 1265. Some of the laws -and customs of Castile,--for example, the _Fuero Juzgo_ and the _Fuero -Real_,--were used as sources, but the preponderant influences were those -of the canon law and the codes of the Roman emperor Justinian,--so much -so that the _Partidas_ amounted to an encyclopedia of these two sources -of law, both of which were Roman in origin and very different from the -customs, Visigothic and otherwise, at that time prevailing in Castile. -Whether Alfonso intended that the _Partidas_ should become the general -law, or merely that it should serve as an encyclopedia, it was not -promulgated in his day, and there were many later laws directly -contradicting it. Nevertheless, it constantly gained ground, favored -especially by lawyers and university men (both of which elements were -strong partisans of the Roman law), being used as a book of reference -and as a text-book. Finally the current in its favor became so strong -that so far as it was not inconsistent with certain specified -compilations it was declared to be law in the reign of Alfonso XI by the -important ordinance of the _Cortes_ of Alcal (1348). This set forth -that the decisions of that _Cortes_ should be the principal fountain of -Castilian law, followed in order of precedence by the _Fuero Real_, the -other municipal charters, and finally by way of supplement by the -_Partidas_, which was not to be enforced in such parts as it -contradicted the privileges of the nobility, for these also were -confirmed. Despite this lowly position of the _Partidas_ and despite the -vast quantity of later laws which took precedence of the above-mentioned -hierarchy of sources, the ultimate victory of Alfonso's code was assured -from the time of its official promulgation. Without any statute to that -effect it gradually became recognized, not as a mere supplementary -source, but as the principal law of the land. Reformations of its text -were undertaken to make it conform with the necessities of later times, -but in substance the ideas of the original remained. - -[Sidenote: Leading factors in ecclesiastical history.] - -[Sidenote: Papal intervention in the Castilian church.] - -[Sidenote: Wealth of the church.] - -[Sidenote: Pilgrimages.] - -Next to the state the church was the most powerful and influential -factor in Castile. This period was one of serious internal disturbance -in the Castilian church and of relaxation in discipline. Despite the -efforts of the popes and some Castilian prelates, the practice of -_barragana_ continued. There also occurred such incidents as -competitions in beauty between the nuns of Seville and Toledo, such -instances of lack of discipline as the armed resistance of the dean of -Sigenza to the pope's appointee as bishop, such turbulent intervention -in politics as that of the bishops of Seville and Toledo in the time of -Henry IV, and such cases of strife and violence as the attack of the -monks of Meln on those of Armenteira, and that of the bishop of -Mondoedo on the Cistercians of Meyra. The disorder was enhanced owing -to the appearance of the Great Schism in the church at large, in which -Spanish countries were particularly interested, since several of the -popes and anti-popes were of Spanish blood. On the other hand, the popes -intervened more than ever in the affairs of the Castilian church. The -ideas of Gregory VII of the supremacy of the papacy over temporal rulers -did not fail to produce results in Castile. In the _Partidas_ of the -absolutist Alfonso X it was recognized that one legitimate way of -acquiring the crown was by a grant of the pope, and that the latter -might also absolve Castilian subjects from obedience to the king in -certain cases. The election of bishops, normally the act of the -cathedral canons, provoked many disputes between the kings and the -popes, for the latter frequently intervened to impose their candidate, -or even to make direct appointments, while the former claimed that no -election was valid until it had their approval. One of the most -unpopular practices of the popes was the appointment of foreigners to -Castilian benefices, and frequent protests were made against it, but -usually without avail. Although the popes got rather the better of the -dispute over appointments to bishoprics, the kings manifested their -prerogative in other respects, as by banishing prelates who worked -against royal interests, by prohibiting the publication of papal bulls -which might do harm to the state, and by employing the already mentioned -process of recourse of _fuerza_ in cases of ecclesiastical usurpations -of jurisdiction. The _Partidas_ named certain cases where clergymen lost -their right of resort to ecclesiastical courts,--for example, suits -between clerical and lay individuals over lands and inheritances. Even -Alfonso XI, who (though somewhat immoral in private life) was very pious -and notably generous with churches and monasteries, was very strict in -guarding the rights of the state against the intrusions of the church. -On the other hand, he confirmed the jurisdiction of the church courts in -spiritual and related matters, including such cases as those arising out -of church taxation, marriage, births, divorce, adultery, usury, and -robbery in a sacred place, as well as those of a more purely religious -or ecclesiastical character. The wealth of the church in lands increased -greatly, both as a result of royal donations, and through the gifts of -individuals, especially in the fourteenth century when the terror of the -plagues which were sweeping Europe caused many to seek divine favor -through benefactions to the church. There were a number of protests in -the _Cortes_, especially in the case of the monasteries. The objections -were based on social and financial, rather than anti-clerical, grounds, -since the accumulation of landed wealth in the hands of the church -tended to reduce the agricultural classes to a perpetual condition of -mere usufruct or rental of lands, and resulted in vast tracts remaining -uncultivated. Furthermore, these lands as a rule became exempted from -taxation. The _Partidas_ recognized the right of the church to receive -such gifts, and no effectual steps were taken to check them. It may be -mentioned here that this was the golden age of pilgrimages to holy -places, due to religious devotion, or in fulfilment of vows, or from -pure love of travel and adventure. Naturally, Santiago de Compostela was -the chief objective of pilgrims in Spain, and to that place went not -only Spaniards but also many thousands of persons from all parts of -western Europe. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479 - - -_Aragon proper_ - -[Sidenote: Victory of the royal authority in Aragon proper.] - -The struggle of the kings against the seigniorial elements of Aragon and -Valencia (in furtherance of their policy of absolutism and -centralization) has already been traced up to the point where royalty -gained the upper hand in the reign of Pedro IV. One result of Pedro's -victory was the reduction of the power of the _Justicia_, no longer a -creature of the nobility (to mediate between them and the king) but a -royal appointee, exercising strictly judicial powers as chief justice of -the realm. Even in this respect his authority was limited by the -founding of a tribunal to accompany the king. Attempts continued to be -made to establish the independence of the _Justicia_, and the _Cortes_ -declared him irremovable, but the kings compelled their appointees to -give them a letter of resignation, with the date left blank, or -disregarded the prohibition of the _Cortes_ altogether, deposing a -_Justicia_ if it suited them to do so. Pedro IV enacted that no person -of higher rank than that of _caballero_ should be governor in Aragon, -thus removing another factor which had formerly contributed to civil -strife. Aside from the abolition of the Privilege of the Union and the -reforms just mentioned (together with others of lesser note), the kings -did not modify the political organization of Aragon, but became in fact -the principal element in the state, working their will even to the point -of acts at variance with the laws. Great diversity in charter rights and -jurisdictions continued to exist, although a number of general -compilations of legislation like those in Castile were made. These -became supplements to the already-mentioned code of Jaime I.[47] Other -volumes were prepared of the customs of the realm, and the agreements of -the _Cortes_ were also an important legislative source. The abolition of -torture and of the vulgar proofs may be mentioned among the reforms in -judicial procedure. The nobles remained almost wholly exempt from -taxation, even with respect to the lands which they might acquire in -royal territory. - -[Sidenote: Relations of church and state in Aragon.] - -[Sidenote: Benedict XIII.] - -The relations of the state and church in Aragon were more acute than in -Castile, because of the consequences of Pedro II's act of vassalage and -the wars in Italy, and because of the Great Schism, in which Aragon -played a leading part, since one of the anti-popes, Benedict XIII, an -Aragonese, fixed his court in Aragon for a time, causing a divided -allegiance of the clergy. The matter of the election of bishops was -settled early in favor of the popes when Jaime II enacted that the pope -himself should appoint them. This occasioned a number of disagreeable -results, especially at the time of the schism, when there were two or -more popes. Some appointments were manifestly improper. Clement V -appointed his nephew, a mere boy at the time, as archbishop of -Saragossa, and even Benedict XIII, though a man of the highest -character, made a similar appointment to the archbishopric of Toledo. In -other respects the kings often insisted on the rights of the state, and -intervened in matters of an ecclesiastical character. Alfonso V was the -first Aragonese ruler to pronounce for the retention of papal bulls when -their publication was against the interests of the monarchy, availing -himself of the _pase regio_ (royal permit), on which the kings based -their claims to prevent documents which displeased them from being put -into effect or even from reaching their intended destination. Pedro de -Luna had for a long time been influential in Spain before he became Pope -Benedict XIII; he it was who persuaded Juan I of Castile and Juan I of -Aragon to recognize Clement VII of Avignon instead of the pope at Rome. -He himself succeeded Clement VII, and because of his upright character, -piety, intellectual capacity, and Spanish blood received the adhesion of -most of the peninsula prelates. It was largely through his support that -Ferdinand of Antequera was crowned king of Aragon instead of Jaime of -Urgel. When a general church council was called to elect a pope to -replace the three then in power, Benedict XIII alone of the three -refused to abdicate. Ferdinand, who for a time endeavored to support -him, felt obliged at last to deny him obedience. Benedict maintained -himself in the fortress of Pescola until 1422 or 1423, when he -died,--almost certainly poisoned by a friar. His cardinals elected Gil -Muoz, a canon of Barcelona, but in 1429 Muoz renounced the title and -the schism ended. - - -_Catalonia_ - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Catalan towns.] - -The most marked feature in the political life of Catalonia in this -period was the rise of the towns, and especially the vast power -exercised by the city of Barcelona. The towns became veritable lords, -buying jurisdictions, privileges, immunities, castles, and lesser towns -from the king, just as the nobles were in the habit of doing. Important -cities got to be protectors of villages and towns, granting the right of -_carreratge_, which entitled them to be considered a street of the city. -As a rule the kings favored this increase in the power of the -municipalities, and the latter might have made themselves an -irresistible force, had it not been for their internal party strife, and -for the armed struggles of rival cities. There began to be a certain -uniformity in the organization of royal towns in the thirteenth century, -and in the fourteenth it became more marked under the influence of the -centralizing policy of Pedro IV. The general assembly was the basis of -government at first, but its place was taken later by a council elected -from the wealthy citizens; at times, the officials themselves were the -only ones to vote, and they too chose the representatives to the -_Cortes_. This aristocratic form of government did not please the -kings, since it tended to create a force which would be hostile to them -and led to social strife in the municipalities, wherefore matters were -adjusted at the close of the fourteenth century by the entry of the -popular element into the council. Just as in Castile, the nobles and -churchmen were forced to grant privileges to their towns almost equal to -those enjoyed by the royal municipalities, in order to retain the -people. They still collected certain taxes, exercised judicial powers, -and appointed some officials, but the greater part of local -administration was in the hands of the towns themselves, which developed -along lines similar to those of the royal towns. - -[Sidenote: Greatness of the city of Barcelona.] - -The most accentuated representation of municipal life was to be found in -the city of Barcelona. The administrative organization of the preceding -era did not change fundamentally, but the power and privileges of the -city increased greatly, due to the concessions of the kings. The council -of five was at first composed only of _honrats_, or members of the -bourgeois aristocracy, but by the year 1455 only two were of this class, -a third was a merchant, a fourth an artist, and a fifth an artisan. The -classes of lower grade than the _honrats_ were admitted to the _Consell_ -in 1387, and by the end of the period the popular element had become -preponderant. The five councillors, though subject to the _Consell_, -formed an administrative commission for the government of the city. It -was also their privilege to advise the king, something which they -frequently did, and they were charged with the duty of maintaining the -charter rights of the city, a matter to which they attended most -zealously, even to the point of war with the king. Through purchase, -annexation, royal donations, and the extensive application of the -institution of _carreratge_ Barcelona acquired a great part of Catalonia -and other portions of the realm; the possession of Elche and other towns -in Valencian territory illustrates the far-reaching authority of the -great Catalan city. The subject towns had a right to protection and to -the privileges and exemptions of Barcelona, in return for which the -latter had more or less complete control of the administration of -justice, was supposed to have their coperation in matters of general -interest, and was entitled to contributions of soldiers and the payment -of certain tributes. The vast power of Barcelona was not always -exercised for the best interests of the state, as in the case of the -blow inflicted on the commerce of Valencia, through the influence of -Barcelona, whereby no merchandise was allowed to be shipped from that -port in foreign vessels. At times, the governing authorities of -Barcelona equalled, or even exceeded, the power of the deputation of the -_Cortes_ of Catalonia, and sustained disputes with it. On the other -hand, Barcelona repeatedly intervened in the struggles of _caballeros_, -towns, and social classes to impose peace. The authority of the city was -reflected in the pride of its aristocracy, the _honrats_. They enjoyed -the right of _riepto_, or duel, the same as members of the nobility, and -vigorously protested against measures which seemed to place them on a -lower level than any other class of society,--for example, when the -order of St. John proposed to admit only the descendants of nobles. -Anybody might become an _honrat_ if he combined certain prerequisites, -such as wealth, with an election by the council. - -[Sidenote: Struggle between absolutism and seigniorial society in -Catalonia.] - -The same struggle of absolutism against the seigniorial elements -appeared in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon, although the monarchy -was more consistently victorious there than elsewhere. The nobles -opposed the kings, though somewhat weakly, for they were more concerned -with the social problems of the era. The cities and towns, especially -Barcelona, also constituted a feudal element which was not always in -accord with the king. Although during most of the era there was no armed -conflict between these forces, there were a number of symptoms of -discontent which at length broke forth in the civil wars of the reign of -Juan II. Some of the causes of dissatisfaction were the following: the -belief that their Castilian sovereign, Ferdinand I, and his successors -had an exaggerated ideal of absolutism; the employment of foreigners in -public offices, especially Castilians, by the same monarchs,--a -demonstration also of the lack of Spanish national feeling; and the -absence of Alfonso V in Italy and his expensive wars there, although the -Catalans were as a rule partisans of the policy of Mediterranean -expansion. Fundamentally, however, the strife at the end of this period -was a conflict between centralized absolute monarchy and -decentralization based on charter rights. Neither Juan II nor his -predecessors varied the charters or the political organization of the -principality, but nevertheless the blow was struck, and the downfall of -the sovereign rights of the lords and towns was already at hand. - -[Sidenote: The Catalan _Cortes_.] - -The _Cortes_ continued to meet separately from that of Aragon and to be -chiefly important for its grant or refusal of taxes. The third estate -(representatives of the towns) endeavored to establish its right to -participate with the king in legislation, but the latter made laws -independently of the _Cortes_ as before. When the _Cortes_ was not in -session, it was represented by the general deputation, or _Generalitat_, -usually made up of three members, or one for each branch of the -_Cortes_. In addition to keeping watch to see that the laws were -strictly observed, the deputation had certain police powers, including -the defence of the principality, and other less notable administrative -functions. The general _Cortes_ of the entire realm held occasional -meetings, as did also a new _Cortes_ for the Mediterranean possessions -of the kingdom (Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples). - -[Sidenote: Legislation in Catalonia.] - -[Sidenote: Administration in general.] - -Legislation was characterized by the variety of jurisdictions of former -years, but the number of grants of new municipal charters diminished -greatly, and the general decrees of the kings increased. If this -manifested a tendency toward unity, the citation of the principles of -the Roman law did so even more. This had already proved influential in -the preceding era, but it did not establish itself securely until the -fifteenth century. There was a strong sentiment in its favor in -Catalonia, and Pedro IV ordered its study and its use in cases at law. -Finally it was established in the _Cortes_ of 1409 that the Roman and -canon law might be cited as supplementary law after certain other -specified legal sources. Like the adoption of the _Partidas_ in Castile -(in 1348) this meant an ultimate, complete victory for the Roman -principles. In most other respects the administration of justice in -Catalonia followed the course already described for Castile. In -financial history the only features worthy of note were the development -of a system of taxation by the deputation of Catalonia, whereby it met -its own expenses and provided funds for the grants to the king, and the -growth of a system of municipal finance in Barcelona on a scale in -keeping with its extensive power. In both military and naval affairs the -authority of the deputation was the most striking element. This body -merely loaned the army and navy to the king, specifying the cases when -the loan was allowable. The principal military force was that of the -municipal militia, although the seigniorial levies still formed part of -the army. In addition to the flotilla of the deputation there were the -navies of the king, of the corporation of merchants of the city of -Barcelona, and of private individuals or towns. The most persistent -enemies in the Mediterranean were pirates, both the Moslems of northern -Africa, and the Christians from Majorca, southern France, Italy, and -Catalonia itself. Towers were built and a messenger service developed to -advise of the presence of pirates, but the evil was not eliminated. - -[Sidenote: Power of the great prelates.] - -The general relaxation in the customs and discipline of churchmen -already mentioned in the case of Castile and the course of -ecclesiastical history described for Aragon apply equally to the church -of Catalonia. The most noteworthy characteristic in the relations of the -church and state was the continuation of the feudal authority of the -more powerful prelates. Principal among them were the bishops of Gerona, -whose dominions and wealth in personalty were greatly increased in this -period. As they were virtual monarchs on their lands, they were able to -challenge the authority of neighboring nobles or of the kings -themselves, and they oppressed the people. Their scant respect for the -royal power was often displayed; on one occasion they compelled two of -the highest officials of the kingdom to walk through the streets of -Gerona in the garb of criminals, submitting all the while to a beating, -and made them ascend the long stairway fronting the cathedral on their -knees, wearing only a shirt, and carrying a candle. Several of the -bishops were banished, and even the nobles joined the kings against the -ecclesiastical lords. The Franciscans and Dominicans opposed the bishops -and abbots, but although they had popular sympathy in their favor they -did not have an equal political influence, since they were not -represented in the _Cortes_. The power of the great churchmen was not -materially diminished, but the last bishop of Gerona in the era was a -strong partisan of the king. - - -_Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Distinctive features in Valencian political life.] - -In some parts of Valencia the law of Aragon applied, but the usual rule, -especially after the victory of Pedro IV, was the jurisdiction of the -laws, or _furs_, granted by Jaime I, added to, or modified by, the -grants of different kings and the ordinances of the _Cortes_. The law of -Barcelona applied in a number of towns which were joined to that city by -the institution of _carreratge_. In general administration the practices -were much the same as those mentioned for Castile. The extreme harshness -of judicial punishments, possibly surpassing other regions, may be -noted. The death penalty was habitually given, and various cruel methods -of execution were employed. A sentence of imprisonment was rarely -inflicted. The greatness of the city of Valencia was almost as -noteworthy in this part of Spain as that of Barcelona in Catalonia. -Valencia put itself at the head of the Union which fought Pedro IV, only -to go down in defeat. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 - - -_Castile_ - -[Sidenote: General factors of Castilian economic life.] - -A continuation in this era of the factors which had tended in the -preceding period to develop material resources brought about progress in -agriculture, stock-raising, mining, industry, and commerce, although it -was not great enough to cause general economic prosperity. The -stock-raisers, as before, received more favors than their rivals, the -farmers, and it was at this time that the powerful corporation of -sheepmen, the _Mesta_, was formed. Alfonso X granted charters to various -of these corporations, entitling them to elect _alcaldes_ with special -jurisdiction in the affairs of the _Mesta_ and its disputes with the -farmers. The different organizations were united in the reign of Alfonso -XI to form a single Castilian _Mesta_, a body which possessed immense -power. Gold, silver, quicksilver, and lead mines were worked to some -extent; these, with salt mines and fisheries, constituted a royal -monopoly, but were exploited by private individuals who paid rent to the -kings. The advance in industry was particularly marked. Santiago de -Compostela no longer enjoyed a unique position as a manufacturing -centre, for every important town now had its industries devoted to -supplying the needs of daily life and the exigencies of a growing -artistic refinement, as evidenced by the wealth in jewelry, arms, -architecture and its appurtenances, furniture, rich embroideries, and -other articles far superior in quality and quantity to those of the -preceding era. The towns conquered from the Moslems, especially the city -of Seville, were particularly noteworthy for their industrial life. -Among the principal commercial outlets for Castilian products were the -ports of the Basque provinces; their exports seem to have been chiefly -raw materials, but there were also such items as cloth, wine, oil, and -sugar. It is probable, however, that most of the manufacturing done in -the Castilian towns was for the consumption of the towns themselves and -a very limited neighboring area. Distribution within Castile was not -well developed, for many of the same (or similar) products as those -exported were also imported. Industry and commerce were very largely in -the hands of foreigners, Jews, and Mudjares. - -[Sidenote: Legislative helps and hindrances to economic progress.] - -Legislation showed the double tendency of encouraging economic -development and of checking it by laws looking to the temporary needs of -the royal treasury. The _Partidas_ urged the cultivation of the soil, -the building of bridges and repair of roads, the prevention of frauds in -customs houses, and the exemption of certain imports from the payment of -duty when they seemed likely to aid in material progress,--such as -farming utensils when destined for use by the importer himself and not -intended for resale. Commercial treaties with foreign countries began to -be made in the fourteenth century, although often by merely a portion of -the kingdom, particularly the north coast ports; thus there were -treaties of 1351 and 1366 with England. On the other hand there were the -royal monopolies, the _alcabala_, and the rigid maintenance of customs -duties,--for the exemptions, after all, were few in number. Not only was -there the obstacle of different state boundaries, but also there were -the duties collected by many, if not most, of the towns. No distinction -was made as to the source of goods, and those of Castile paid equally -with foreign products. Another hindrance to economic advance was the -well-intentioned, but mistaken, policy of excessive governmental -regulation of the industries. Both the state and the guilds themselves -made laws fixing wages, the hours of labor, prices, methods of contract, -amount of interest, and even the way in which goods should be made. -These regulations were not uniform for all Castile, but varied according -to the special circumstances of the different regions. The -municipalities also intervened to fix prices for goods of prime -necessity or of general use. At times they granted an exclusive right of -sale, or established municipal shops. - -[Sidenote: Progress in commerce.] - -To facilitate commerce fairs and general markets were greatly resorted -to, being established by law, or, if already in existence, favored by -grants of new privileges. The insecurity of the roads and the civil wars -prevented the royal grants from having their full effect, and other -circumstances, such as the popular attacks on Jewish districts, the -variety and uncertainty of coins and of weights and measures, the -debasement of the coinage by the kings, and the prevalence of -counterfeiting (despite the penalty imposed,--burning to death), tended -to interfere with commerce. Nevertheless, notable progress was made. -Bills of exchange first appeared in this era. Foreign merchants visited -Castile, and Castilians went abroad, especially to England and Flanders; -there were Castilian consuls in Bruges. The Jews figured prominently in -foreign trade, as money changers and makers of loans, while their -international relations due to the solidarity of their race enabled them -to act as bankers. - -[Sidenote: Public works.] - -Something, though little, was done to assist in economic betterment by -the building of public works. The lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, -resisted many of these projects, notably the building of bridges, since -it deprived them of the tolls which they were in the habit of collecting -for ferrying goods, animals, and persons across the rivers. Men -travelled on horseback, or on a litter, and goods were carried by -pack-animals or carts, although the latter could rarely be used because -of the bad condition of the roads. Measures to improve the highways were -frequently taken, however. The greater part of the revenues devoted to -public works was still applied to the building or repair of -fortifications. - - -_Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia_ - -[Sidenote: Economic factors in the kingdom of Aragon, especially in -Catalonia.] - -The economic history of this region, based on the natural differences of -the three principal sections, followed much the same lines as before, -but the principal note was the all-round development in Catalonia. -Grain in that region was scarce, on which account large quantities were -imported from Aragon and from foreign countries, but some other -agricultural products, such as rice, grapes, and olives, were cultivated -with success. Stock-raising was also a prominent occupation. The most -important source of Catalan wealth continued to be in manufacturing, -especially in Barcelona. A great variety of cloths and fabrics was made, -as also pottery, barrels, rope, glass, and many other articles of -practical utility. Aragon was less important in commerce, as in other -respects, than the other parts of the realm. Something was done there by -royal legislation to favor trade, and enough of it existed to warrant -the founding of a _consulado_ in Saragossa (1391) with mercantile -jurisdiction. Catalan commerce was so great in volume that it rivalled -that of the Italian cities. From the Scandinavian lands in the northwest -to the extremes of the Mediterranean, Catalan ships might be seen, and -if there were many Italian vessels which visited the ports of Catalonia, -so too the Catalans carried their trade to the cities of Italy, where -many Catalan consuls resided. Kings, lords, and towns endeavored to -build up Catalan industry and commerce, by favorable legislation, by -extending the institution of the _consulados_, and by making commercial -treaties. Nevertheless, not a few obstacles were also raised, largely as -a result of the false economic ideas of the era. Thus, prices were often -fixed; a precise order, or sequence, of sale might be required,--for -example, in La Bisbal the crop of the bishop had to be sold first; the -technical regulation of industries was carried to excess, far beyond the -rules established in this respect in the other lands of the peninsula; -taxes were numerous in kind, and some were very heavy; and the policy of -protection was carried to extremes in favor of some municipalities as -against others. Furthermore there were dangers of piracy and the -insecurity of the roads. Valencia was commercially prosperous in only -less degree than Catalonia. Both regions were represented principally, -in industry and commerce, by their great capital cities. - -[Sidenote: The industrial and mercantile system of Barcelona.] - -Barcelona was easily the greatest industrial and mercantile centre in -Spain, and was also the leading exponent of the Catalan policy of -protection. Foreign goods like those produced in Catalonia were either -prohibited from entry or charged with excessive duties. On the other -hand, the importing of goods which had no counterpart in Catalonia, such -as fine cloths, or which existed in small quantity, such as grain, was -encouraged. In the case of grain, premiums were granted to importers, -and heavy export duties were collected, or its exportation entirely -prohibited. From 1249 to 1347 the _Consell_ exercised mercantile -jurisdiction through the medium of two consuls of the sea (_consules de -mar_), but in the last-named year a _consulado_ was created to perform -that function and to provide for the protection of commerce against -pirates. Both the deputation of the _Cortes_ and the two local councils -occasionally intervened, however. The local authorities appointed the -consuls to represent Catalan interests in foreign countries. This was a -post of high consequence, and was rewarded by a grant of a certain -percentage of the purchases and sales of merchandise in the entire realm -of Aragon. The consuls acted as judges, mercantile agents, and guardians -and defenders of the persons and property of their compatriots. The -councils of Barcelona concerned themselves with the introduction of new -industries, bringing in foreigners skilled in such manufactures. -Financial and technical experts were maintained at municipal expense. -Not only do these facts evidence the attention paid by the people of -Barcelona to mercantile life, but they also demonstrate a surprising -modernity in point of view. It is no wonder that the merchants of that -city were notably wealthy, proud, and given to luxury. - -[Sidenote: Economic prominence of the city of Valencia.] - -Favored by the rich agricultural productivity of the Valencian kingdom, -the industrial traditions of the Moslem population, and the energy of -its Catalan bourgeoisie, the city of Valencia became a veritable rival -of Barcelona in industry and commerce, and enjoyed a wide fame in -Mediterranean lands, especially in Italy. A _consulado_ was founded as -early as 1283, and the first bills of exchange known in the peninsula -(from 1376) were drawn up in Valencia. Legislation favoring Barcelona at -Valencia's expense caused a considerable damage to the latter's -commerce, although it continued to be important. - -[Sidenote: Public works.] - -In the erection of public works this was a notable era in all the -kingdom of Aragon. A number of bridges were built, and tolls were -collected to provide for their preservation and repair. The Catalans -were particularly mindful of improving their ports. That of Barcelona -was enlarged in the fourteenth century, and in the fifteenth an -artificial port was begun and completed. The fifteenth century also -marked the beginning of work on the artificial port of Valencia. Old -roads were improved and new ones built. A considerable advance was made -in works of irrigation in all parts of the realm. In this respect -Valencia took the lead, making use of the canals dating from the Moslem -period, but amplifying and improving them. A mail service developed at -this time. The kings and the municipalities had their separate mails, -but in Catalonia there was also a private mail-carrying industry as -early as the latter part of the thirteenth century. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1252-1479 - - -_Castile_ - -[Sidenote: Beginning of Castilian intellectual superiority in the -peninsula.] - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.] - -With the advance of the Christian conquest against the Moslems the -political centre had passed from the northern coast to the Castilian -table-land, and thence to Andalusia, where for a time the court was set -up in Seville. There was a tendency, however, to return to Castile -proper, since the people of that region were the principal element in -the conquest and in internal political affairs. The political -preponderance of the Castilian part of the realm was so clearly -established that it transformed that region in many ways, and caused it -to have for the first time a civilization superior to that of the -coastal plains, overcoming the geographical handicaps which hitherto had -held it back. The predominance of Castile in intellectual life was to -become yet more marked in later centuries. In earlier times the rude -Asturians and Galicians had joined with the no less rude Leonese and -Castilians against the Moslems, but they had become modified by contact -with the conquered people themselves and with the various foreigners who -joined them in the conquest. The indigenous people did not lose their -own individuality, however; rather they assimilated the new influences, -and paved the way for the brilliant and original manifestation of -intellectual culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The -principal characteristic of this epoch was the desire for knowledge, -leading to the incorporation into indigenous civilization of many other -elements. The conquest of Andalusia brought Castile into more intimate -contact with Moslem civilization, which reached its culminating point -in science and in art in the fourteenth century. French elements -continued to affect polite literature and didactic works. Especially -noteworthy was the great prominence of the influences coming out of -Italy, giving a new direction to Castilian literature, and substituting -for the Moslem scientific element the direct study of classical texts -and the use of observation and experiment as a means to knowledge. The -entry of western European culture into Castile was accelerated by those -Castilians who went to France and Italy at this time to study in the -great schools and universities of those lands. The two capital moments -of the era were the reigns of Alfonso X and Juan II. - -[Sidenote: University and other education.] - -The universities increased in number and influence to the point of being -a vital factor in the intellectual life of the period. In the -_Partidas_, Alfonso X distinguished between the "general studies" -founded by the pope, emperor, or king, and the "particular studies," the -creation of an individual or town. The former combined secondary and -higher education, for the old _trivium_ and _quadrivium_ were retained, -with the addition of the Roman and canon law.[48] Gradually the higher -studies began to predominate, and associated themselves with the term -"university." The "particular studies" were usually conducted by a -single master with a few students, and were confined to some one or two -branches of learning. Some of these subjects, when they differed from -the fundamental courses of the "general studies," tended to be adopted -by the latter. Thus theology was added to the university curriculum in -the fifteenth century. Other subjects were also studied in the -universities, even though not common to all, such as medicine and -surgery at Salamanca. Primary education was neglected, although the -church schools still continued and some towns or individuals founded -such schools. The universities received considerable government aid, but -were autonomous, and depended in part on other sources of income, such -as their own fees and the gifts by individuals or corporations other -than the state. The students and teachers together formed a _cofrada_, -or fraternity, which elected its own rector, or president. A bishop, -dean, or abbot was usually constituted a kind of guardian by royal -mandate. This official was gradually replaced by the "schoolmaster of -the cathedral," who came to be judge in cases affecting university -students, and even arrogated to himself the right to confer degrees, -rivalling the president of the university in authority. All members of -the university were granted special legal privileges (approximately -those of the clergy) with respect to their persons and goods. The method -of teaching employed was the reading of a text by the teacher, who -commented upon and explained it. Examinations were held for the granting -of the bachelor's and doctor's degrees. Not only did each university -possess a library, but there were also many other public and private -libraries, and the trade of the copyist and the manufacture of books -were markedly more prominent than before. In the universities texts were -loaned (not sold) to students to enable them to correct their -notes,--which shows that books were still comparatively scarce. Some -time before 1475, at an uncertain date, the art of printing was -introduced into Castile,--with effects which belong to the following -eras. - -[Sidenote: Moslem, Jewish, and other influences on Castilian thought and -science.] - -The oriental influence on Castilian thought and science, or rather the -classical influences transmitted through Moslem and Jewish writers, -advanced for a time, and continued to be preponderant until the -fifteenth century, when European ideas, principally Italian, became the -more important. There was a change in direction of the Moslem influence, -however. Philosophy dropped back from the leading place, and was -substituted by juridical and moral studies, while the physical and -natural sciences, including their superstitious derivations, acquired a -remarkable vogue. Christian writers imitated Moslem philosophers and -moralists, or translated their works; many Castilian writers were of -Moslem or Jewish origin, or still continued to belong to those peoples -and faiths; many Arabic works were included in the libraries of the -time; and the oriental form of scientific exposition, the encyclopedia, -was frequently used. The oriental influence manifested itself especially -in the natural sciences. Books of mathematics, physics, chemistry, -medicine, and astronomy were almost the only ones to be translated from -the Arabic, and these branches were also the ones to which Mudjar -scholars of the period most frequently devoted themselves. Moslems and -Jews continued to be the most famous physicians of Castile. The -deductive method and dialectic forms were still employed by them, rather -than personal observation and experiment. The most marked characteristic -of the cultivation of the natural sciences was in their extravagant -applications with a view to a knowledge of the future or to obtain vast -wealth through supernatural agencies. Thus chemistry tended toward -alchemy, with the aim of finding the philosopher's stone, whereby base -metals might be turned into gold, or with the object of producing -mysterious elixirs endowed with wonder-working virtues. Chemists and -alchemists came to be considered as practicers of magic arts in more or -less intimate communion with the Devil, a belief in which the -individuals themselves often shared. Men of high attainments were -credulous exponents of these superstitions,--for example, Archbishop -Alonso de Carrillo and the learned Enrique de Villena; the latter -attained to a legendary fame which has endured even to the present day. -Similarly, astronomers were at the same time astrologers. Both alchemy -and astrology served a useful purpose, however, in stimulating the study -of the true sciences, with a resulting advance in knowledge. The age of -the Moslem and Jewish philosopher was past, and very little that was -original in the realm of philosophy appeared in Castile in this period; -even theological writings were not prominent, despite the study of -theology in the universities and schools. Moral and political literature -abounded, such as discussions of the wiles or virtues of women on the -one hand, and works on the relations between church and state on the -other. In the latter respect ecclesiastical writers maintained the -superior authority of the pope over the king, but were in the main -defenders of monarchy, although distinguishing the legitimate king from -the tyrant, and sustaining the ultimate dependence of the monarch on -his people. The Italian influence appeared in philosophy through -translations of classical (Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca) and -contemporary Italian (Colonna, Petrarch, Boccaccio) texts. The most -influential manifestation of Castilian thought was in the field of -jurisprudence, to which references have already been made in dealing -with the _Partidas_ and other legal volumes. The entire period abounded -in this type of literature, not only in compilations of an official -character, but also in those of private individuals, all of them greatly -influenced by the legal works of Justinian. - -[Sidenote: The triumph of Castilian in polite literature.] - -[Sidenote: External influences upon Castilian literature.] - -The same factors which affected the literary history of the preceding -period continued to exist in this, although occupying different -positions, and in addition competing with the Classical Renaissance and -Italian elements, which almost overwhelmed the others. Just as in the -scientific works, so in literature, these factors were assimilated and -made over to produce the original Castilian product of succeeding -centuries. Castilian became the language of poetry and of didactic -works, routing its Galician and Latin rivals. Latin works were -translated to Castilian, and from the middle of the thirteenth century -the latter began to be used instead of the former in public documents. -Galician-Portuguese lyric poetry, half erudite, half popular, born of -the Provenal, which it had assimilated and transformed, advanced to its -highest point, and seemed to have won a victory over Castilian. About -the middle of the fourteenth century it commenced to decline, and by the -end of that century Castilian lyric poetry was already predominant; in -the fifteenth century Galician ceased to be a literary language, and -even Portuguese writers frequently used Castilian. Besides satire and -even more sensuality than its Provenal prototype the Galician -literature often included ethical and religious sentiments in the same -poem. The Provenal influences proper also affected Castile, but did not -take root as in Catalonia, because of the difference in language. When -Galician poetry lost its place it was the Castilian which became its -successor, manifesting in one of its forms the same curious mixture of -ethics and satire. At length a satirical element of a free and sensual -type prevailed, and brought about a degeneration of this kind of -literature. With the fourteenth century the powerful Classical and -Italian Renaissance influences made themselves felt in Castile both in -poetry and in prose. Works of the classical poets (Homer, Virgil, Ovid, -Lucan) and writers of prose (Livy, Sallust, Csar, Plutarch, and others) -were translated, and served to enrich Castilian literature both in form -and in content. The Italian influence proper (Dante, Petrarch, -Boccaccio) was by far the greatest, however, especially that of Dante, -which vanquished the former French influence in poetry, and in part the -Galician, and banished the earlier Castilian literary forms. The Italian -influence was most deeply felt in its effects on lyric poetry. Epic -poetry and prose were not altogether uncultivated, however, and in this -field French influence continued to exist. Many of the older unwritten -poems were reduced to writing, and French poems of chivalry and French -novels of adventure, telling of the fantastic deeds of King Arthur, -Charlemagne, the magician Merlin, and others, were repeated or -reconstructed in Castilian. The fabulous element became predominant, -leading to the books of _caballera_, or chivalry, based on the -extraordinary adventures of wandering knights (_caballeros andantes_), -full of the extravagant exaggeration of unbridled imagination. The first -great work of this sort in the peninsula, and the best of its kind, was -a novel by Vasco de Lobeira called _Amads de Gaula_, written originally -in Portuguese, but already known in Castile in the later fourteenth -century. In the fifteenth century amatory novels began to appear. - -[Sidenote: Historical literature.] - -[Sidenote: The drama.] - -The advance of the preceding period in historical literature was -continued in this. One of the principal names was that of Alfonso X, who -was also a writer of note in other branches of literature and learning. -His principal work was a history of Spain, compiled probably by a number -of men under his direction, just as the _Partidas_ was. Various sources -were employed, Spanish, French, Latin, and Arabic, and a certain spirit -of criticism, superior to that of the earlier histories, was displayed. -On the other hand the work was defective from the historiographical -standpoint because of its lack of proportion, its inclusion of epic -poems in the body of the narrative, and its manifestation of an ardent -patriotism. Perhaps the best historian of the era was the many-sided -chancellor and litterateur, Lpez de Ayala, author among other -historical works of a chronicle of the reigns of Pedro I, Henry II, Juan -I, and part of that of Henry III. Lpez de Ayala wrote in direct -imitation of classical writers, especially Livy. Prez de Guzmn, as -author of a collection of biographies reaching down to the fifteenth -century, made use of a psychological interpretation of human events. -Dramatic literature did not change from the religious dramas and popular -representations of jugglers of the preceding era, but progress was made -in both of these forms, and each attained to greater favor, preparing -the way for the rapidly approaching inauguration of the national -theatre. - -[Sidenote: The developed Castilian Gothic architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Mudjar architecture.] - -Gothic architecture had its most brilliant expression in the early part -of this period, degenerating later largely through an exaggeration of -its elements. At the end of the thirteenth century Castilian Gothic may -be said to have differed from that of the other European countries in -the following respects: its maintenance of classical proportions, with -scant difference between the length and width of an edifice, reducing -the height; less development in the use of windows; greater robustness -of walls, columns, and piers, diminishing the importance of buttresses; -more nearly flat roofs; and the general use and ample size of cloisters -in convents and churches. The structural basis and sober character of -early Gothic began to be lost sight of in the fourteenth century, and, -in particular, ornamentation was used without any relation to structural -needs. The corruption of Gothic became more and more marked in the -fifteenth century, when proportions and structural ideals were -forgotten, and adornment, notably in the use of pinnacles, was employed -in excessive degree. It was at this time that the choir of Spanish -cathedrals was moved to the centre of the nave, in front of the high -altar. This was the greatest age of Gothic civil and military art, -especially of the latter. Castles were more solidly and more richly -built, with handsome towers and other exterior defences and with -embattled walls. Towers and battlements also appeared on the walls of -cities. Mudjar architecture continued to develop, notably in Toledo and -Seville, in both religious and civil edifices, and some of the best -specimens of this art date from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. -It was especially employed in the interior decoration of palaces and -private houses,--in panelling, handsomely worked wooden roofs, painted -and sculptured friezes, and the use of tiles. On the outside it appeared -in eaves and beams of brightly colored woods. - -[Sidenote: The lesser arts.] - -Sculpture remained, as before, an adjunct of architecture, but was -employed more than formerly in the ornamentation of buildings. In form -it became more and more affected by Italian influences. The comparative -wealth and luxury of the era, as well as the needs of religion, led to -an advance in metal work and the making of jewelry and rich -embroideries. The illumination of manuscripts reached a higher level -than before, but declined before the end of the period, partly because -of the invention of printing. The painting of windows in cathedrals -attained to a greater richness and variety in scene, and wall painting -acquired an independent position. The Italian influence of Giotto was -apparent in the fifteenth century, although it did not get beyond the -point of mere copying. The Flemish influence was more important, dating -from Van Eyck's visit to Spain in 1428, after which date paintings in -the Flemish style abounded in Castile, especially altar-pieces. Music -turned upon singing, usually of one part, although occasionally other -parts were sung. Musical instruments were employed solely for -accompaniments of songs and dances. - - -_Aragon_ - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of intellectual culture in the -kingdom of Aragon.] - -In intellectual culture Aragon proper, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca -may be considered together. The same general line of progress was in -evidence as that already described for Castile. There was the same -eagerness for learning among the upper classes, the same development of -educational institutions, an analogous penetration of foreign influences -(especially French and Italian), and an identical practice of going to -other parts of Europe to study. The landmarks in intellectual history -were the reign of Pedro IV in didactic literature, that of Juan I for -the Provenal troubadour literature, and that of Alfonso V for the -Classical Renaissance. - -[Sidenote: Education and printing.] - -The most noteworthy university founded in the period was that of -Barcelona, which evolved from an academy in the opening years of the -fourteenth century to the rank of a university in 1450, with courses in -theology, civil and canon law, philosophy, arts, and medicine. In -addition to numerous other schools similar to those of Castile there -were two more or less distinct types here: the primary school, much more -frequently met with than in other parts of the peninsula; and the Lulian -schools (due originally to the initiative of Raymond Lull, but carried -on throughout the era), which devoted themselves primarily to -philosophy, but also to foreign languages, especially Arabic. Naturally -the invention of printing at the end of the period gave a fresh impulse -to intellectual culture. The first book to be printed in this region was -published in Valencia in 1474. In 1478, or a little before, books began -to be printed in Barcelona. - -[Sidenote: Leading currents in thought and science.] - -Philosophy, medicine, nautical science, cartography, and cosmography -were the studies most cultivated. The influence of Raymond Lull -continued to be felt, both in the imitations and translations of Hebrew -and Arabic philosophers, especially Averres, and in the reaction -against them. In the fifteenth century the Italian, and to a less extent -the French, influences began to be felt. The Neapolitan court of Alfonso -V was the great centre for the penetration of Italian and classical -thought. Theologians proper contributed little in this period, but there -were numerous writings on ecclesiastical subjects,--works of a -controversial or moral nature, translations, and histories of saints, -mystics, ascetics, and sacred orators. The extraordinary development of -the study of medicine was due primarily to Jewish and Moslem elements. -Toward the end of the fifteenth century a marked current of opinion -against the deductive method in medicine and in favor of experimental -studies became apparent. Chemistry, the companion study of medicine, was -much in favor, as also was alchemy, which counted King Juan I and Miguel -Jimnez de Urrea, bishop of Tarazona, among its devotees. The Catalans -and Majorcans were famous for their knowledge of cartography and the -related sciences. To the Catalans were due the first map of the Danish -peninsula and the correction of the maps of the Norwegian and Swedish -coasts and the lands touching the Baltic Sea. Jaime Ferrer, a Marrano of -Majorca, was the leading nautical and geographical scholar of those whom -Prince Henry attracted to Portugal to prepare the Portuguese for their -rle in the history of maritime exploration. In addition to the kindred -sciences of mathematics and astronomy the pseudo-science of astrology -was also much pursued. Just as in Castile, so in Aragon, juridical -studies in both the civil and canon law had a great vogue. - -[Sidenote: Struggle of the Catalan, Latin, and Castilian languages for -predominance in polite literature.] - -At the close of the preceding era Catalan was already being employed in -prose works in Catalonia, while the Provenal predominated in poetry. In -this period the Catalan, which also found support in Valencia and -Majorca, invaded all types of literature. Against this current there -appeared two powerful forces which made themselves most felt in the last -century of the era,--Latin and Castilian. Latin was much more firmly -rooted in Catalonia than in Castile, and the Latin tradition was greatly -reinforced by contact with the Classical Renaissance influences -throughout the period, owing to the intimate political relations of the -kings with Sicily and Naples. These influences were at their height in -the reign of Alfonso V. Castilian had the support of Aragon proper, -since the Aragonese tongue was very similar to that of Castile, and it -was furthered by the Castilian dynasty of Ferdinand I, which began to -rule in Aragon in 1410. The same element appeared at the court of -Alfonso V, much frequented by Castilian and Aragonese poets, and even by -Catalans who chose to write in Castilian. As a result Catalan began to -decline as a literary language, although it did not disappear, but on -the contrary improved in its elements and forms. Catalan poetry of the -era never completely effaced the Provenal influence, as evidenced by -the subject-matter, which was predominantly amatory, although somewhat -erudite, artificial, conventional, mystical, allegorical, satirical, and -even moral. Catalan prose appeared principally in novels of chivalry and -in history. Castilian poetry and prose also had interesting -manifestations in the entire realm of Aragon. The history of dramatic -literature followed the same course as in Castile, although in some of -the choral representations at the court of Alfonso V an approach to the -modern theatre was made. - -[Sidenote: The fine arts.] - -With respect to architecture, sculpture, and the related arts the -general remarks about their development in Castile may be applied to the -kingdom of Aragon, subject to the observation already made[49] as to the -difference of Catalan Gothic from that of Castile. The Italian -influences were exceptionally strong in Catalonia and Valencia, and the -French were marked in regions near the Pyrenees and in Majorca. One type -of edifice peculiar to the eastern coasts was the defensive tower to -which the inhabitants resorted on the appearance of pirates or in times -of military danger. In painting, the Italian style of Giotto was more -completely assimilated than in Castile. Flemish influences were equally -prevalent. - -[Sidenote: Mutual influence of Aragonese and other European -civilizations.] - -Despite the long occupation of the duchy of Athens by Catalan rulers, -who used Catalan speech and customs, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization -had no noteworthy effect in Greece, and, similarly, neither the -Byzantine nor the Athenian civilization reacted upon the kingdom of -Aragon. In southern France, however, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization -did produce effects, just as it was in turn affected. The same mutual -exchange of influences was also observable between Aragon and Italy, if -indeed the civilization of the latter was recognized as superior by the -Spanish conquerors themselves. The principal impulse came at the time of -Alfonso V and the contemporary papal reign of the Spanish pope, Alfonso -Borgia, as Calixtus III (1455-1458). There was a great influx of -Spaniards, especially from the realm of Aragon, and as they occupied -the highest official posts in southern Italy, they could not but make -their presence felt. Many Spaniards left Italy upon the deaths of -Alfonso V and Calixtus III, but others remained, and political relations -were maintained between the two kingdoms, since the Neapolitan ruling -family proceeded from the same trunk as that of Aragon, thus preparing a -new period of Spanish rule and influence with the reign of Ferdinand of -Aragon. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -INSTITUTIONS OF OUTLYING HISPANIC STATES, 1252-1479 - - -So far as they have not already been discussed, in dealing with Castile -and Aragon, the institutions of Majorca, Navarre, the Basque provinces, -and Granada may be dealt with here, especially in their original -aspects. - - -_Majorca_ - -[Sidenote: Outline of Majorcan history.] - -By the will of Jaime I, Majorca and the Roussillon were constituted into -a kingdom apart from Aragon, but almost immediately afterward Pedro III -of Aragon compelled Jaime II of Majorca to acknowledge the overlordship -of the peninsula monarch. In 1349 Pedro IV of Aragon annexed Majorca, -but the political change was one of monarch only, for Majorca continued -to be a separate state with a history of its own. The political life of -Majorca centred about the workings of the municipal organization of -Palma, its capital city (on which the government of the island was -based), and was involved with social problems. - -[Sidenote: The peculiar social bases of Majorca.] - -After the conquest of the island by Jaime I nearly all of the great -nobles who had accompanied the king returned to the peninsula, granting -their lands to _caballeros_ of their following, or renting them to -plebeian cultivators, and Jaime I did much the same. Thus the -_caballeros_, or nobility of the second grade, were virtually the only -representatives of the feudal aristocracy in Majorca, and laws were -passed limiting the amount of land which they might hold, so as to avoid -the evil of vast estates. The _caballeros_ were reinforced by a Catalan -middle class element which constituted a majority of the Christians in -the island in the early years following the conquest. From these two -elements there emerged a new aristocracy, based on wealth, growing out -of Majorcan commerce, an aristocracy open to all, given to pomp and -luxury, and dwelling mostly in Palma. Some of the wealthy lived in the -country, where there was also a large number of free tillers of the -soil. A few of these became wealthy, but there was always a tendency for -the rich to migrate to Palma. The position of the rural classes was not -satisfactory at any time, but two causes appeared in the fourteenth -century to make it worse. One was the increase in taxation after the -reincorporation into the crown of Aragon, and the other a change in the -form of wealth with the decline of Majorcan commerce in the latter -fourteenth century, when the aristocracy of Palma began to buy lands and -rights to collect taxes. Thus the rural districts became economically -dependent on the absentee landlords at the capital, who were more -zealous over the collection of their rents and taxes than in cultivating -the land. Society divided itself largely on the lines of the country and -the city, with the inhabitants of the former bitterly hostile to the -aristocracy of the latter. - -[Sidenote: Conversion of the Mudjares and Jews.] - -Of the despised classes the Mudjares, as such, soon disappeared, -despite their great numbers at the time of the conquest. Upon conversion -to Christianity or emancipation from slavery they mixed with the lower -classes of the Christians, and were completely absorbed. The history of -the Jews was almost identical with that of their race in the peninsula, -but was involved with the peculiar social problems of Majorca apart from -race and religion. The kings collected heavy tributes from them, but -protected them, allowing them the free exercise of their business and -the practice of their faith, exempting them from all taxation (even -municipal) except the royal tributes, aiding them in the collection of -debts, and facilitating the entry of Jews and Marranos into Majorca. -Numerous attacks were made on them in the fourteenth century, -culminating in the sack of the Jewish quarter of the capital in 1391 -(the year which was so disastrous to the Jews in other parts of Spain), -when some three hundred men and women were killed. In addition to the -usual animosities against them because of their religion and the -incitement of debtors this attack was in part an outgrowth of the -struggle of the rural classes against the landlords, to whom the sack of -the Jewish quarter was a severe financial blow, since much of their -wealth depended on their relations with the Jews, with whom also they -were wont to deposit their jewels. The rioters were able to obtain -decrees from the royal governor-general extinguishing debts and interest -due to the Jews, confirming the title of those who had taken part in the -attack to the money and jewelry they had stolen, pardoning all offences -committed, and ordering an immediate conversion of the Jews. The general -conversion took place at once, but had to be repeated in 1435. - -[Sidenote: The municipal form of Majorcan government.] - -Since the outlying settlements were unimportant at the time of the -conquest, the government of the city of Palma was extended over the -entire island. At length the administration at the capital was organized -on the basis of a magistracy of six persons (a _caballero_, two -citizens, two merchants, and an artisan), who served for a year and -appointed their successors. The attempt to maintain this organization -after the rural population had grown to appreciable numbers was one of -the causes of the social strife between the rural and city elements. -Within Palma itself there were also the disputes of different social -classes and of rival powerful families. By a reform of 1358 the rural -population obtained some financial independence whereby their -contributions were limited to those which were to be applied for -expenses in which they had an interest in common with the city, and a -portion was assigned to them to spend on matters of their own, for which -purpose a rural organization was formed to provide for the management of -their affairs. Another reform established a council subordinate to the -six magistrates, in which the rural population had a minority -representation, thirty in ninety-three in 1398. This did not satisfy -them, for they desired a complete separation from the city government. -Still other reforms were made, but they did not get at the root of the -evil, for the city remained dominant over the affairs of the country, -oppressing the people both economically and politically. - -[Sidenote: The social wars of Majorca and Minorca.] - -Shortly after the successful issue of the attack upon the Jews in 1391 -the rural levies moved against their Christian enemies in Palma. This -time they failed, and a number of their chiefs were executed. No further -conflict of importance occurred until 1450, when a bitter civil war -broke out. Aided by the laboring classes of Palma the rural forces -besieged the capital, but were unable to take it. In 1452 the -insurrection was put down. In 1463 there was another uprising, and from -that date to the end of the era a state of affairs bordering on anarchy -prevailed, enhanced by the economic decline of Majorca, and by the -disorders on the mainland which filled the reign of Juan II. In the -island of Minorca a parallel situation existed throughout the era in the -conflicts of the capital, Ciudadela, with the rural districts. - -[Sidenote: Greatness and decline of Majorcan commerce.] - -Majorca had an excellent climate and a fertile soil which fitted it for -agricultural wealth, and the Moslems had furthered this by their use of -irrigation. They had also engaged considerably in manufacturing, and had -an already well-developed trade at the time of the conquest. Under -Christian domination Majorca soon attained to an extraordinary -commercial importance, trading in all parts of the Mediterranean and in -Flanders, and having consuls and commercial exchanges in nearly all -European countries. In the fourteenth century more than thirty thousand -sailors resided in Palma, and many foreign merchants dwelt there. The -wealthy trader was the veritable great lord in the island, with his -palaces, country estates, and his display of luxury. The decline set in -about the middle of the fourteenth century, due in part to the -annexation of Majorca to the kingdom of Aragon. Other causes hastened -the fall: disastrous plagues, earthquakes, and floods; the advance of -the Turks into Europe, cutting off a rich commercial field; the -increased importance of the Italian cities in the eastern Mediterranean -trade; the raids of pirates; the expensive wars of Aragon; and the -persistent social and political strife in Majorca itself. Nevertheless, -a considerable trade remained until the middle of the fifteenth century, -when a new series of misfortunes,--such as the fall of Constantinople in -1453, the prohibition of the entry of Majorcan cloths into Naples, the -competition of Rhodes and Portugal in the east, and hostilities with -the Moslem states of northern Africa (thus cutting off that avenue of -trade),--added to the continuing effect of some of the already-named -evils, brought about the complete downfall of the Majorcan mercantile -power. One advantage resulted, though not great enough to offset the -commercial loss: a beginning was made of a more intensive cultivation of -the agricultural wealth which the island was so well able to produce. - - -_Navarre_ - -[Sidenote: Backwardness of Navarre.] - -The institutions of Navarre at this time were affected by French -influences, but in the main resembled those of the rest of the peninsula -both in form and in their evolution, except that they displayed a -backwardness which was natural in a region so thinly populated. The -feudal rgime persisted, although some gains were made by the servile -classes, the towns, and the kings. A corporate sense of society, as -manifested in the importance of the family as a whole and in the -associations of neighbors and citizens (especially marked in the rural -districts), still existed. The Mudjares and Jews were comparatively -numerous, and their lot was the same as in other parts of the peninsula. -The marriage _ yuras_ was sanctioned in Navarre longer than elsewhere, -although at length it was banished. _Barragana_ (much resorted to by -churchmen) survived, and received a measure of acceptance. The customs -of chivalry were greatly in vogue, and bull-fighting and ball-games[50] -were very popular. Agriculture, with the aid of irrigation, and -stock-raising were the principal occupations. In intellectual culture -and the fine arts Navarre was rather a continuation of France than a -part of Spain. The country was markedly backward in these respects, -however, as evidenced by the ignorance of the clergy, compared with -churchmen in other regions, and by the fact that the kings rarely had -any books other than those of prayer. Although Basque was the national -tongue, such books as were written usually appeared in Latin or in -Castilian,--one more demonstration of the intellectual predominance of -central Spain. French Gothic prevailed in architecture, sculpture, gold -work, and painting. - - -_The Basque provinces_ - -[Sidenote: Unique character of Basque institutions.] - -The three Basque provinces of lava, Vizcaya, and Guipzcoa have always -been unique in their history and institutions, and are the subject of -many popular legends more or less founded on fact, such as the one -already discussed that the Basques have never been conquered, and -another that they are all nobles. In this period they were becoming more -and more Castilian in customs, but they still retained much that was -indigenous. - -[Sidenote: The social and political system in lava.] - -In general social organization lava did not differ from other Spanish -regions. It was technically a _behetra de mar mar_ (free town from -sea to sea): made up of a group of small seigniorial estates, both noble -and ecclesiastical, whose rulers were free to elect a common lord -without being restrained to a determinate family. The untitled -inhabitants were rural laborers, who were either serfs or in a state but -little removed from serfdom, and the free, popular classes of the towns, -but neither of these elements exercised great influence. After the -incorporation of lava into Castile in 1332, the older type of -government, based primarily on the _Cofrada_ of Arriaga and the elected -lord, underwent a radical change. The overlordship became fixed in the -crown of Castile, and the _cofrada_ disappeared, although a similar -body soon developed. The king was represented at times by an -_adelantado_ as well as by lesser royal officials, and reserved high -justice to himself, besides rights to military service and a certain few -taxes. Local government was carried on by various assemblies, reaching -in a hierarchy from the lesser regional institutions to the general -assembly for the entire province. The general assembly was both a -legislative and an administrative body, but its principal function was -the inspection of royal orders to see if they conformed to the regional -charters. A juridical difference existed between the towns and the -country, for the former were ruled by Castilian law and the latter by -ancient custom, resulting in the economic dependence of the rural -laboring classes, even after serfdom had disappeared. - -[Sidenote: The social and political system in Vizcaya.] - -Until its consolidation with the Castilian crown by inheritance in 1370, -Vizcaya was a _behetra de linaje_ (free town within a family), electing -its lord from a determinate family, but both before and after that date -there was a marked lack of regional solidarity, for various groups were -to a great degree autonomous. There were two principal types of -jurisdiction: the seigniorial estates, with the usual incidents found -elsewhere; and the indigenous Basque settlements, which pretended to the -nobility of their inhabitants, even to the point of refusing to permit -foreigners to dwell among them unless they too were of noble rank. The -indigenous element was to be found in rural districts, and was ruled by -customs, which were written down for the first time in 1452. The -patriarchal form of family life continued to exist here, as evidenced by -the requirement that lands should return to the family from which they -proceeded in case of a failure of direct heirs, and by the right to -leave virtually one's entire estate to a single descendant. Custom -recognized a right of way over the lands of others, even when -enclosed,--which would seem to indicate backwardness in the development -of means of communication. In government the king was represented -principally by a _corregidor_. The inhabitants of Vizcaya were exempt -from any taxes of Castilian origin, but paid certain other contributions -to the king, were subject to both military and naval service, and -acknowledged the right of high justice in the royal officials. The -general assembly of Vizcaya, like that of lava, had a right to inspect -royal decrees. - -[Sidenote: The social and political system in Guipzcoa.] - -The people of Guipzcoa claimed to be of noble rank, and this status was -legally recognized for most of them by laws enacted before, during, and -after this period. Nevertheless the customs of the land itself amounted -to a denial of their claim, and the familiar social differences existed, -even though the majority of the people were legally nobles. There was a -seigniorial class of the usual variety, with dependents in a more or -less servile relation. A middle class nobility existed, composed of -small proprietors or the industrial laborers and merchants of the towns. -This element was very insistent on its noble rank (which indeed carried -with it special privileges, such as the exclusive right to hold public -office and certain exemptions from taxation), and enacted laws excluding -those who were not of noble blood from a right to live in the towns. -These laws were not enforced, however, and a popular class grew up, -composed of Guipuzcoans whose noble rank was not recognized and of -foreigners, many of whom settled in the land. Politically Guipzcoa was -a _behetra_ subject alternately to the kings of Navarre and Castile, -until in 1200 the overlordship became fixed in the Castilian crown. At -first the king was represented by an _adelantado_, who was customarily -ruler at the same time of lava or of the county of Castile; later a -_corregidor_ for Guipzcoa alone was named, while there were a number of -royal _merinos_ as well. There was no other organization for the entire -province until the fourteenth century, but each region dealt separately -with the royal government. Gradually, through the formation of groups of -settlements, a general league and at length a general assembly -developed, with much the same powers as the assemblies of lava and -Vizcaya. The municipalities continued to be the principal centre of -regional autonomy, however, especially the more important towns, which -protected the lesser settlements through an institution similar to the -Catalonian _carreratge_. Like the other Basque provinces Guipzcoa -enjoyed a number of privileges, of which the most prized was the -exemption from general taxation, although certain specified tributes -were regularly collected. More than once the province rose in arms to -resist the imposition of taxes of Castilian origin. - -[Sidenote: Inter-relations of the Basque provinces.] - -Despite community of race and language the three provinces never formed -a political unit. At times Guipzcoa and lava had the same -_adelantado_ or held general assemblies in common, and there were some -instances where the assemblies of all three provinces met to discuss -matters of common interest. Alliances were made between towns of the -same or different provinces, perhaps including towns in France, for such -purposes as the regulation of the use of lands common. In one respect -there was a certain amount of unity (in interest at least): in the -conflict of the towns against the great lords and their allies, the -rural population, in all three provinces. The lords were so turbulent -that the kings joined with the towns in attempts to suppress them, and -the lords even fought one another, wherefore their power was -considerably reduced, though not entirely broken. - - -_Granada_ - -[Sidenote: Social and political decadence of Granada.] - -[Sidenote: Economic wealth.] - -According to modern estimates Granada had a population of three or four -millions in its last days, which bespeaks a great density, due largely -to the migrations of Mudjares from Christian lands. In social and -political organization Granada was a miniature of the early caliphate. -The Arabs reappeared as the principal element, and furnished the ruling -family. They had the same scornful and quarrelsome aristocratic pride as -in other days, and were opposed, as before, by the Berbers, who -outnumbered them. The most numerous element was that of the Renegados, -which was also next in importance to the Arabs. There were many -thousands of Christian slaves as well. Signs of social decay were -everywhere visible, especially in the passion of the wealthy for luxury -and futile diversions at vast expense, while on the other hand there -existed the poverty-stricken proletariat.[51] Internal political history -reduced itself to a series of riots, assassinations, rebellions, acts of -vengeance, and exhibitions of partisan rancor. The influence of -Christian Spain was more and more intense, manifesting itself in general -customs and dress; even the practices of chivalry were introduced. Given -the richness of soil and favoring climate and the great population of -Granada, it was natural that there should have been a considerable -measure of economic prosperity there. This became less as the period -advanced, as a result of political weakness and social decay, but -Granada was still wealthy at the time (in the next era) it disappeared -as a kingdom. - -[Sidenote: Granadine architecture.] - -In sciences and letters Granada continued the intellectual traditions of -Moslem Spain, but it cannot be said that its influence was great. In the -arts, however, Granada introduced features of general importance, and -especially in architecture, of which the outstanding example is the -palace of the Alhambra in the city of Granada. The most salient note in -Granadine architecture was richness in ornamentation, in which it is not -surpassed by any other style in the world. The walls were adorned with -relief work in stucco, and variegated azulejos tiles were also used in -great profusion. The decorative motives were geometrical or floral, and -the _tout ensemble_ was not only brilliant in color, but also -harmoniously appealing. In structural features, too, Granadine -architecture attained to great beauty. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Transition from medieval to modern Spain.] - -The joint reign of Ferdinand (1479-1516) and Isabella (1474-1504), known -as "the Catholic Kings," witnessed the substantial fulfilment of the -aims of medieval Hispanic royalty, and at the same time began in -striking fashion that complexity of life and action which characterizes -the modern age. On the one hand the turbulent elements which had for so -long stood for decentralization and disorder as opposed to national -unity and internal peace were done away with or rendered powerless; on -the other, life in its various institutional phases approximated itself -in a considerable degree to that of our own times, and Spain stood forth -from the domestic bickerings which had formerly absorbed her attention -to enter upon the career and status of a world power. The greatest -single event in the period was undoubtedly the discovery of America, -from which came, directly or indirectly, Spain's principal claims to the -recognition of posterity. Important only in less degree were the -conquest of Granada, the establishment of the Inquisition and the -expulsion from Spain of the non-Catholic elements, and Spain's entry -into the maelstrom of European politics on a greater scale than ever -before, through the medium of Ferdinand's intervention in Italy. -Measured by the success attained in their own day the Catholic Kings -prospered in nearly everything they undertook, but the ultimate result, -which could not have been foreseen at the time, was in many respects to -prove disastrous to Spain herself, if, indeed, there were -counter-balancing advantages and a glorious memory. The wealth and -greatness proceeding from the conquest of the Americas were to be -sacrificed in a fruitless attempt to gain a predominant place in -Europe,--which, indeed, Spain might have had, much as England acquired -it, if she had not pursued it so directly and insistently, but had been -willing to devote her attention to her colonies. On the other hand, the -Americas drained Spain of some of her best resources in manhood, while -the Italian wars brought her into the current of the highest European -civilization. These consequences, whatever attitude one may take with -regard to them, did not become manifest until a much later time, but -they had the most pronounced of their impulses, if not in all cases -their origins, in the reign of the Catholic Kings. - -[Sidenote: Nature of the union of Castile and Aragon.] - -Ferdinand's accession to the crown of Aragon and the recognition of -Isabella as queen of Castile did not at that time bring about a -political union of the two kingdoms, and resulted in no radical change -in the separate institutions of either. They did mean the establishment -of consistent policies in each (especially in international affairs) -which were to bring about a more effectual union at a later day and -produce the Spanish nation. The first problem of the Catholic Kings was -that of the pacification of their realms. Aragon and Catalonia offered -no serious difficulty, but the violence of the Castilian nobility called -for repression of a vigorous type. Galicia and Andalusia were the -regions where such action was most imperatively needed. - -[Sidenote: Overthrow of seigniorial anarchy.] - -The real weakness of the seigniorial class is well illustrated by the -case of Galicia. The lawless conduct of the nobility and even of the -high functionaries of the church was traditional, besides which Juana la -Beltraneja had counted with many partisans there. Petty war, the -oppression of individuals and towns (through the medium of illegal -tributes or the collection of those belonging to the kings), and an -almost complete disobedience of royal authority were the rule. Resolved -to do away with such an evil state of affairs the Catholic Kings sent -two delegates there in 1480, the one a soldier, Fernando de Acua, and -the other a lawyer and member of the _Consejo Real_, Garc Lpez de -Chinchilla, accompanied by three hundred picked horsemen. Without loss -of time and with praiseworthy energy they proceeded to carry out the -royal will. Forty-six castles were demolished, the tributes which the -nobles had been diverting from the king were collected once more for the -royal treasury, many individuals of greater or less degree (both nobles -and ordinary bandits) were put to death, and others were dominated or -compelled to flee the country. Similar action was taken in Andalusia and -Castile proper, wherefore within a few years the pacification of the -kingdom was achieved; the seemingly hopeless anarchy of the period of -Henry IV had been overcome. - -[Sidenote: The conquest of Granada.] - -At the same time that the Catholic Kings were engaged in the -establishment of good order in the realm of Castile, they were giving -their attention to another problem which may well be considered as of -domestic import,--the long delayed conquest of Granada. The last years -of the Moslem kingdom epitomized the history of that government during -its more than two centuries of existence, with the important difference -that it was no longer to escape the bitter pill of conquest which its -own weakness and decadent life had long rendered inevitable once a -determined effort should be made. There appeared the figure of the emir, -Abul Hassan, dominated by the passion which his slave girl, Zoraya, had -inspired in him. Other members of his family, notably his brother, El -Zagal (or Al Zagal), and his son, Abu Abdullah, best known as Boabdil, -headed factions which warred with Abul Hassan or with each other. -Meanwhile, the war with Castile, which had broken forth anew in 1481, -was going on, and to the credit of the Moslem warrior as a fighting man -was being sustained, if not with success, at least without great loss of -territory. Ferdinand, to whom treachery was only a fine art of kingship, -availed himself of the internal disorder of Granada to gain advantages -to which his military victories in open combat did not entitle him. -Twice he had Boabdil in his power as a prisoner, and on each occasion -let him go, so that he might cause trouble for El Zagal, who had become -emir, at the same time making promises of peace and of abstention from -conquest which he disloyally failed to observe. Another time, El Zagal -was similarly deceived. By these means, after ten years of war, -Ferdinand was able to enter the Granadine plain and besiege the Moslem -capital, courageously defended by Boabdil and his followers. The -military camp of Santa Fe was founded, and for months the siege went on, -signalized by deeds of valor on both sides. Overcome by hunger the -defenders were at length obliged to capitulate, and on January 2, 1492, -the Castilian troops occupied the Alhambra. Some time later Boabdil and -his household departed for Africa. It is fitting to observe that many of -the legends concerning this prince, notably those which reflect on his -courage and manliness, are without foundation in fact. - -[Sidenote: Forced conversion of the Mudjares of Castile.] - -The terms of surrender had included numerous articles providing for the -security of the Moslem population. Virtually they amounted to a promise -that the Mudjar, or Moslem, element would not be molested in any -respect, whether in Granada or elsewhere in Castile. Such a treaty could -not long be enforced in the face of the religious ardor and intolerance -of the age. The greatest men of the kingdom, and among them the most -notable of all, the archbishop of Toledo, Ximnez de Cisneros, confessor -of the queen, joined in urging a different policy. Pressure began to be -exerted in direct contravention of the treaty to bring about an enforced -conversion of the Mudjares to Christianity. A Moslem uprising was the -result, and this was seized upon by Ximnez as justifying a complete -disregard, henceforth, of the terms of the capitulation, on the ground -that the Moslems had nullified the treaty by their rebellion,--a -convenient argument which did not enquire into the real causes of the -outbreak. Christianization by force, not without a number of serious -uprisings, now went on at a rapid rate, and was completed by a royal -decree of 1502 which ordered that all Mudjares in the Castilian domains -should accept Christianity or leave the country. Many took the latter -course, but the greater number remained, Christians in outward -appearance if not so at heart. Officially there were no more Mudjares -in Castile except slaves. The newly converted element became known, -henceforth, as "Moriscos," thus attaching them by association of ideas -to their ancient faith, and since their Christianity did not inspire -much confidence they were made subject to the dread Inquisition. - -[Sidenote: Castilian activities in northwestern Africa and the Canary -Islands.] - -The discovery of America in 1492, together with other factors, directed -Castilian attention to the Canary Islands and northwestern Africa, -bringing the Spanish kingdom into contact and rivalry with the -Portuguese, who had devoted themselves to exploration, conquest, and -colonization in that region for nearly a century. It may suffice here to -say that in successive treaties of 1480, 1494, and 1509 Portugal -recognized Castile's claim to the Canaries and certain posts in -northwestern Africa. The security of the American route was not the -principal motive of Castilian interest at that time in northwestern -Africa. The wars with Granada and the danger of fresh invasions, coupled -with the crusading zeal which had been aroused against the Moslems, and -aggravated by the activities of North African corsairs, were perhaps the -leading factors affecting the policy of the Catholic Kings. In 1494 the -definitive conquest of the Canary Islands was made, and at the same time -a post was established on the neighboring coast of western Africa to -serve as a centre for the resistance to the Moslems. Meanwhile, private -attacks by Spaniards on North African ports were being made, but it was -not until 1497 that the Catholic Kings formally embarked on that -enterprise. Bent upon checking piracy in that region they took -possession of Melilla, which thenceforth became an important Spanish -post. - -[Sidenote: Ferdinand's European policy.] - -While Ferdinand had much to do with the events which have thus far been -discussed, he and his subjects of Aragon and Catalonia were more -interested in other affairs. Ferdinand aimed at nothing less than a -predominant place for Spain in European affairs, to be preceded by the -establishment of Aragonese supremacy in the Mediterranean. The principal -stumbling-block was the power of the French kings. Ferdinand schemed, -therefore, to bring about the isolation and humiliation of France. The -entering wedge came through the French possession of the Catalan regions -of Cerdagne and the Roussillon which had been granted to the king of -France by Juan II. Charles VIII of France consented to restore the two -provinces, but in return exacted Ferdinand's promise not to interfere -with the former's designs respecting the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand -readily agreed in 1493 to aid no enemy of the French king save the pope, -and not to form matrimonial alliances between members of his family and -those of the reigning houses of Austria, England, and Naples. With -Cerdagne and the Roussillon in his possession he proceeded with -characteristic duplicity to disregard the treaty. Marriage alliances -were projected or arranged, some of them to be sure before 1493, not -only with the ruling families of Portugal and Navarre but also with -those of Austria and England. Thus Ferdinand hoped to secure -considerable accessions of territory and to avoid any interference on -the part of the Holy Roman Empire and England, the only outstanding -powers which might be able to hinder his plots against France. It is -perhaps poetic justice that these plans, so cleverly made and executed -at the time, were to have an ultimate result which was quite different -from that which Ferdinand had reason to expect. Untimely deaths rendered -the various Portuguese alliances of no effect; the authorities of -Navarre would have nothing to do with Ferdinand's proffer; and Spanish -Catherine in England was to figure in the famous divorce from Henry -VIII, precipitating the English Reformation. One marriage was productive -of results, that of Juana, heir of Ferdinand and Isabella, to Philip the -Handsome of Burgundy. Thus the Spanish kings were brought into the line -of the Hapsburg family and of imperial succession, which was to prove -less a boon than a fatality. - -[Sidenote: The acquisition of Naples.] - -Charles VIII wished to revive the Angevin claim to the Neapolitan -territory held at the time by the illegitimate branch of Alfonso V of -Aragon, related by blood to Ferdinand the Catholic. Alleging that Naples -was a fief of the pope and therefore excepted from the treaty of 1493, -Ferdinand resisted the pretensions of Charles, and formed an alliance -with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and Milan against him. The forces of -the league proving too much for him, Charles was forced in 1497 to -suspend hostilities, whereupon Ferdinand agreed with him in secret to -divide Naples between them, renewing the agreement with Louis XII, who -ascended the French throne in 1498. The division was carried into -effect, but a quarrel sprang up over a certain portion of the territory, -and war broke out. Thanks to the military genius of the great Spanish -leader, Gonzalo de Crdoba, Ferdinand was victorious by the year 1504, -and Naples came under his authority. - -[Sidenote: Juana la Loca and Philip the Handsome.] - -In the same year, 1504, Isabella the Catholic died, leaving her throne -to her elder daughter, Juana, and in case she should prove unable to -govern to Ferdinand as regent until Juana's heir should become twenty -years of age. Since Juana had already given evidence of that mental -instability which was to earn for her the soubriquet "La Loca" (the -Crazy), it was the intention of both Isabella and Ferdinand that the -latter should rule, but Philip the Handsome, husband of Juana, -intervened to procure the regency for himself. This was a serious -set-back to the plans of Ferdinand, but fortunately for him there -occurred the unexpected death of Philip in 1506. On the occasion of the -latter's burial Juana gave such ample proof of her mental unfitness that -it was now clear that Ferdinand would be called in as regent. In 1507 he -was so installed, and he now had the resources of Spain at his back in -the accomplishment of his ambitious designs. Leaving Cardinal Ximnez to -effect conquests in northern Africa and to carry into execution other -Castilian projects Ferdinand once again turned his attention to the -aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy. - -[Sidenote: The aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy and the conquest of -Navarre.] - -In 1508 Ferdinand joined an alliance of the pope, the emperor, and Louis -XII of France against Venice, whereby he rounded out his Neapolitan -possessions. Seeing that the French were gaining more than he desired he -formed a new alliance, in 1511, with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and -Henry VIII of England against France. The French were defeated and -thrown out of Italy. Meanwhile, Ferdinand had taken advantage of the -French sympathies of the ruler of Navarre and the excommunication of -that king by the pope to overrun Navarre in 1512. The pope sanctioned -the conquest of that part of the kingdom lying south of the Pyrenees, -and it was definitely added to the Spanish domain. The French became -dangerous anew with the accession of the glory-loving, ambitious -Francis I in 1515. Ferdinand hastened to concert a league against him, -into which entered the pope, the emperor, Milan, Florence, the Swiss -states, and England, but war had hardly broken out when in 1516 -Ferdinand died. For good or evil he had brought Spain into a leading -place in European affairs. If his methods were questionable they were in -keeping with the practices of his age; he was only worse than his rivals -in that he was more successful. - -[Sidenote: The accession of Charles I.] - -Juana was still alive, but was utterly incompetent to act as head of the -state. The logic of events and the will of Ferdinand pointed to her -eldest son, Charles of Ghent, as the one to rule Aragon and Navarre and -to act as regent of Castile (during his mother's life), although he had -not attained to his twentieth year, a condition which had been exacted -by the will of Isabella. Until such time as he could reach Spain, for he -was then in the Low Countries, Cardinal Ximnez served as regent. With -two acts of doubtful propriety Charles I, the later Charles V of the -Empire, began his reign in the peninsula. He sent word to Ximnez, -demanding that he be proclaimed king of Castile, despite the fact that -the queen, his mother, was living. Notwithstanding the opposition of the -_Cortes_ and his own unwillingness Ximnez did as Charles had required. -In 1517 Charles reached Spain, surrounded by a horde of Flemish -courtiers. Foreseeing the difficulties likely to result from this -invasion of foreign favorites Ximnez wrote to Charles, giving him -advice in the matter, and hastening to meet him asked for an interview. -Instead of granting this request Charles sent him a note, thanking him -for his services, and giving him leave to retire to his diocese "to rest -and await the reward of Heaven for his merits." - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -SOCIAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Leading elements in the social history of the era.] - -The most important events in Spain of a social character during the -period of the Catholic Kings were the expulsion of the Jews and the -conversion of the Castilian Mudjares, with the relations of the new -Inquisition to both of these elements of Spanish society. Other events -of more than ordinary note were the deprivation of the nobility of some -of their former prestige, the settlement of the dispute between the -serfs and lords of Catalonia, the purification of the Castilian clergy, -and the definitive triumph of the Roman principles in private law. -Greater than all of these were the problems which were to arise through -the Spanish subjection of new races in the colonies overseas. - -[Sidenote: Prestige of the nobility, despite their reverses.] - -Though with diminished prestige the nobility continued to be the leading -social class in Castile, sharing this honor with the higher officials of -the church. Much of the former economic preponderance of the nobles was -gone, due to the development of personalty as a form of wealth as -distinguished from land, the fruit of the commerce and industry of the -Jews, Mudjares, and middle classes. They suffered still further through -Isabella's revocation of the land grants they had received at times of -civil war and internal weakness in former reigns, especially in that of -Henry IV. Few nobles or great churchmen, for the decree applied equally -to the latter, escaped without loss of at least a portion of their -rents, and some forfeited all they had. Naturally, the measure caused -not a little discontent, but it was executed without any noteworthy -resistance. On the other hand, through the continuance of the -institution of primogeniture and through new acquisitions of land in -return for services in the war against Granada, the greater nobles -still possessed immense wealth. The Duke of Medina Sidonia, for example, -offered Philip the Handsome two thousand _caballeros_ and 50,000 ducats -($750,000) if he would disembark in Andalusia. Not only in political -authority but also in prestige the nobles were lowered by the measures -of the Catholic Kings. Such practices as the use of a royal crown on -their shields and the employment of royal insignia or ceremonial in any -form were forbidden. On the other hand, the ancient privileges of the -nobility, both high and low, were confirmed to them,--such, for example, -as exemption from taxation and from the application in certain cases of -the penalties of the law. At the same time, the Catholic Kings offered a -new kind of dignity, depending for its lustre on the favor of the crown. -Nobles were encouraged to appear at court and strive for the purely -ornamental honors of palace officialdom. Many came, for those who -remained on their estates consigned themselves to obscurity, being -without power to improve their fortunes by a revolt as their ancestors -had done. In Aragon and Catalonia they still displayed tendencies to -engage in private war and banditry, a condition of affairs which endured -throughout this period and into the next, though it was by no means so -serious a problem as it had been in earlier times. - -[Sidenote: Grades of nobility.] - -The grades of nobility remained much as before, but with a change in -nomenclature. The old term of _ricoshombres_ for the great nobles -disappeared (though not until 1520 officially), and was substituted by -that of _grandes_, or grandees. Among the grandees the title of duke -(_duque_) and marquis (_marqus_) now became of more frequent usage than -the formerly more general count (_conde_). In the epoch of the Catholic -Kings there were fifteen grandees in Castile, but eight of them had been -created, with the title of duke, by Isabella. For the nobility of the -second grade, the terms _hijosdalgo_ (modern _hidalgo_) and _caballero_, -used in a generic sense to denote noble lineage, were employed -indiscriminately. Nobles without fortune lived, as formerly, under the -protection of the grandees, or took service in the military orders or -even in the new royal army. - -[Sidenote: Advance of the rural masses.] - -The situation of the former servile classes of Castile, aside from the -slaves, had been rendered very nearly satisfactory from a juridical -point of view in the previous era, but their new liberty was insecure -and was not freely accorded in practice. The Catholic Kings -energetically cut short the greater part of the abuses, and definitely -decided that a man adscripted to the land (a _solariego_) could sell or -carry away his personalty, and go wherever he willed. In Aragon proper -the problem was more serious, because of the social backwardness of that -region. The first step toward freedom from serfdom was taken at this -time, consisting in the frequent uprisings of the serfs. Ferdinand made -some attempts to modify the _malos usos_, or evil customs, of the -relation of lord and serf, but found the institutions too deeply rooted -in his day for remedy. In Catalonia, Ferdinand inherited the problem of -the warfare of the serfs with the nobles and the high churchmen, against -the latter of whom, particularly the bishop of Gerona, the wrath of the -rural classes was especially directed. At the outset he attempted, as -had Alfonso V and Juan II before him, to utilize the quarrel to serve -his own political and financial ends, accepting bribes from both sides. -Finally, an agreement was reached whereby the king was to serve as -arbitrator, without appeal, between the warring elements. The Sentence -of Guadalupe, so-called because the evidence was taken and the decision -rendered at Guadalupe in Extremadura, in 1486, was the judgment -pronounced by Ferdinand. It went to the root of the matter by abolishing -the _malos usos_ and declaring the freedom of the rural serfs. -Furthermore, the lords were deprived of criminal jurisdiction over their -vassals, this right passing to the crown, and the same privileges as -that just recorded in the case of the _solariegos_ of Castile was -granted to the rural masses of Catalonia. On the other hand, the now -freed serfs were obliged to pay a heavy ransom to their lords. The -decision satisfied neither party to the issue, but was accepted, and -proved in fact the solution of the evil. A rural class of small -proprietors soon grew up, while many other persons occupied lands for -which they paid rent instead of the former irksome services. - -[Sidenote: Policy of the Catholic Kings toward the Mudjares.] - -If a policy of benevolent assimilation had been followed by the -Christians of Spain with regard to the other great elements of the -population, the Mudjar and the Jewish, it is possible that the two -latter might have been made use of to the advantage of the peninsula, -for they were Spanish in most of their habits, and had intermarried with -Christians, even those of high rank. For centuries, however, a different -practice, based primarily on religious intolerance, had tended to -promote the adoption of an opposite course, and it was in the reign of -the Catholic Kings that the first steps were taken to bring the matter -to an issue. The measures by which the Mudjares were compelled to -emigrate from Castile or become converted as Moriscos have already been -chronicled, and the same procedure was taken with regard to Navarre and -the Basque provinces. Ferdinand, who was less zealous in this -undertaking than his pious consort, did not go to the same lengths in -Aragon. On the petition of the lords, who had many Moslem vassals and -feared to lose them, he confirmed the privileges of the Mudjares, -though forbidding the erection of new mosques, and permitted of -preaching to bring about their voluntary conversion. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Jews.] - -The hatred of the Christians for the Jews was so great that the time was -ripe for the final step in the measures taken against them, and early in -the reign of the Catholic Kings it was decided to expel them from the -peninsula. While the religious motive was the principal one, Ferdinand -and Isabella were also actuated, as indeed also in the case of the -Mudjares, by their ideal of a centralized absolutism, wherefore an -element which was not in sympathy with the religion of the state seemed -to them to constitute a political danger. Their action was hastened, no -doubt, by popular fanaticism, which expressed itself in numerous acts of -violence against the hated race. With Granada conquered the Catholic -Kings lost no time in promulgating a decree, dated March 31, 1492, -requiring conversion or expulsion, and applicable to both Castile and -Aragon. The Jews were granted four months to dispose of their affairs -and leave Spain. The blow to them financially was ruinous. Forced -sales, especially when there was so much to be sold, could not be -expected to yield a fair return, and this was aggravated by prohibitions -against carrying away any gold, silver, coin, or other kinds of -personalty, except what the laws ordinarily permitted to be exported. -The full effect of this harsh legislation was avoided by some through a -resort to the international banking agencies which the Jews had -established. A number preferred to become Christians rather than go into -exile, but thousands took the latter course. Some computations hold that -as many as 2,000,000 left the country, but a more careful estimate by a -Jewish historian gives the following figures: emigrants, 165,000; -baptized, 50,000; those who lost their lives in course of the execution -of the decree, 20,000. The exiles went to Portugal, North Africa, Italy, -and France, but were so harshly treated, especially in the two -first-named lands, that a great many preferred to return to Spain and -accept baptism. Portugal and Navarre soon followed the action of Castile -and Aragon, thus completing the cycle of anti-Jewish legislation in the -peninsula. In law there were no more Jews; they had become Marranos. - -[Sidenote: Activities of the Inquisition in Castile.] - -Not a few of the converts, both Mudjar and Jewish, became sincere -Christians, and some of them attained to high rank in the church. -Hernando de Talavera, for example, at one time confessor of the queen -and one of the most influential men in the kingdom, had Jewish blood in -his veins. A great many, very likely the majority, remained faithful at -heart to the religion of their fathers, due partly to the lack of -Christian instruction, and even when they did not, they were suspected -of so doing, or maliciously accused of it by those who were envious of -their wealth or social position. This had led the Catholic Kings to -procure a papal bull, as early as 1478, granting the monarchs a right to -name certain men, whom they should choose, as inquisitors, with power to -exercise the usual authority of ecclesiastical judges. This was the -beginning of the modern Spanish Inquisition. Leaving aside, for the -present, its formal constitution and procedure, its activities against -converts may here be traced. The Inquisition began its work in Seville -in 1480, with the object of uprooting heresy, especially among the -Marranos. Afraid of being accused many fled, but enough remained for -scores to be apprehended. In 1481 the first _auto de fe_ (decision of -the faith) was held, and sixteen persons were burned to death. From -Seville the institution spread to other cities, and the terror became -general. There is no doubt that the inquisitors displayed an excess of -zeal, of which various papal documents themselves furnish ample proof. A -great many were put to death, especially while Juan de Torquemada was at -the head of the institution, 1485 to 1494. Some charge his inquisitorial -reign with the death of 8000 persons, but more dispassionate estimates -reduce the figures greatly, calculating the number to be 2000 for the -reign of Isabella, ending in 1504. Very many more were either burned in -effigy or put in prison, while confiscation of goods was one of the -usual concomitants of a sentence involving loss of life or liberty. -Books were also examined and burned or their publication or circulation -forbidden, and in every way efforts were made to prevent heresy as well -as to stamp it out. By far the greatest number of sufferers were the -Judaizantes, or those Marranos who practised the Jewish faith in secret. -It must be said that public opinion was not by any means on the side of -the Inquisition; in course of time it became universally hated, as also -feared, for nobody was entirely safe from accusation before the dread -tribunal. - -[Sidenote: The Inquisition in Aragon.] - -The Inquisition had existed in the kingdom of Aragon since the -thirteenth century, but Ferdinand now introduced the Castilian body. In -1485 the Inquisition became a single institution for all Spain, although -it was not until 1518 that this became definitive. The new organization -had not been welcomed in Castile, but it found even less favor in -Aragon, not only because of its excessive pretensions and rigors, but -also because it superseded the traditional Aragonese Inquisition, was in -the hands of Castilian "foreigners," and interfered with business. The -city of Barcelona was especially resentful on this last account, because -its prosperity depended not a little on the trade in the hands of Jewish -converts, whom fear was driving away. On the first occasion of their -appearance, in 1486, the inquisitors were obliged to leave Barcelona, -and no less a personage than the bishop joined in the act of ejecting -them, but in 1487 they returned to stay. The fear of the Inquisition and -certain social and political disadvantages of being regarded as of -Jewish or Moslem descent occasioned the introduction of documents of -_limpieza de sangre_ (purity of blood), attesting the Catholic ancestry -of the possessors, although the development of this custom was more -marked in the reign of Charles I. - -[Sidenote: Reform of the Castilian church.] - -One of the most signal reforms of the period, to which the pious -Isabella, aided by Ximnez, gave her attention, was the purification of -the Castilian clergy. The church, like the great nobles, had suffered -from the revocation of land grants it had gained in times of stress, and -was obliged, furthermore, to restore the financial rights, such as the -_alcabala_ and certain rents, it had usurped from the crown. -Nevertheless, its wealth was enormous. The rents of the secular church -in all Spain are said to have amounted to some 4,000,000 ducats -($60,000,000), of which the archbishop of Toledo alone received 80,000 -($1,200,000). The regular clergy were equally wealthy. Vast as these -sums appear, even today, their real value should be considered from the -standpoint of the far greater purchasing power of money in that age than -now. Whether or not the members of the clergy were softened by this -wealth and by the favors they received as representatives of the church -at a time of great religious zeal on the part of the Spanish people, it -is certain that ignorance and immorality were prevalent among them. -Despite the centuries of conflict against it, the institution of -_barragana_ still had its followers, among others, Alfonso de Aragn, -archbishop of Saragossa, and Cardinal Pedro de Mendoza. Laws were passed -imposing fines, banishment, and the lash,--without avail. Church -councils met to discuss the various evils within the church. Ximnez at -length applied to the church of Castile the methods Isabella had used in -suppressing seigniorial anarchy. A Franciscan himself, he proceeded to -visit the convents of the order and to administer correction with a -heavy hand, expelling the more recalcitrant. It is said that some four -hundred friars emigrated to Africa, and became Mohammedans, rather than -submit to his rulings. From the Franciscan order the reforms passed on -to others. Isabella intervened more particularly in the case of the -secular clergy, exercising great care in the choice of candidates for -the higher dignities, selecting them from the lower nobility or the -middle class instead of from the families of great nobles as had -formerly been the practice. At the same time, she took steps with -considerable success to prevent the appointment of foreigners by the -popes to Castilian benefices. In Aragon the same evils existed as in -Castile, but the reforms did not come at this time to modify them. - -[Sidenote: Triumph of Roman principles in Castilian private law.] - -In private law, especially as regards the family, the long struggle of -the Roman principles to gain a predominant place in Castilian -jurisprudence ended in triumph. The victory came with the legislation of -the _Cortes_ of Toledo in 1502, but as it was not published until the -time of the _Cortes_ of Toro in 1505 it became known as the _Leyes de -Toro_ (Laws of Toro). For example, the complete emancipation of children -after marriage, the prohibition of the gift of all one's possessions to -other than the heirs, the increase in the formalities required in the -case of wills, and the lengthening of terms of years on which to base -claims by prescription were all recognized in the new laws. - -[Sidenote: General social customs.] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -In immorality and luxury the reign of the Catholic Kings differed little -from the preceding era; abundant evidence thereof appears in the -literary works of this period and the opening years of the next. The -most extravagant taste was exhibited both by men and women in matters of -dress. Clothing was made up of ruffs and puffs, ribbons and rings, -many-materialed and many-colored component parts, clothes which dragged -behind and clothes which were immodestly short, open-work waists and -cloaks which were not infrequently used to cover adventures, fancy -laces, daggers, purses, pouches, and a host of other accessories which -must have been considered ornamental, since they were only slightly -useful. Isabella herself, serious-minded and religious though she was, -liked to appear in public richly gowned and bejewelled. This lavish -magnificence seems only to have been on display for gala occasions; at -other times Spaniards lived and dressed soberly and modestly. As an -Italian traveller expressed it, the Spaniard was prodigal on holidays, -and lived sadly the rest of the year, for his occasional extravagances -demanded more protracted economies. This was true, even in the palace, -for, numerous as were the employes there, the annual expenditure was the -equivalent of only about $100,000. Other social customs, such as sports, -including bull-fighting, did not undergo any changes sufficient to -require comment. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -POLITICAL REFORMS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Tendency toward Spanish unity under Castile.] - -It has already been pointed out that the union of Castile and Aragon -under the Catholic Kings lacked a real political or institutional basis. -Both monarchs signed papers applicable to the two kingdoms and exercised -personal influence, each with the other, but although Ferdinand assisted -his consort in Castilian affairs, Isabella was clearly regarded as ruler -in Castile, as Ferdinand was in Aragon. The latter's will advised -Charles I to maintain the separation of the kingdoms and to conduct -their affairs through native officials. Nevertheless, the long -continuance of the same royal family at the head of both was bound to -produce a greater unity eventually. Castile was drawn into European -politics through the medium of the Aragonese wars in Italy. On the other -hand, she tended to become the centre of authority and influence on -account of the greater extent of her territory (especially with the -addition of Granada, Navarre, and the Americas), her greater wealth, the -royal practice of residing in Castile, and the more advanced social and -political condition of Castile as the result of Isabella's reforms. - -[Sidenote: Masterships of the military orders incorporated into the -crown.] - -Both sovereigns followed the policy of centralization in their -respective kingdoms. In Castile the major problem was the reduction of -the oligarchical nobility, for the middle classes had already been won -over in great part when Isabella ascended the throne. Her success in -reducing the lawless nobles has already been discussed; it only remains -to point out the significance of the act by which she completed this -task,--her incorporation of the masterships of the military orders into -the crown. The principal element in the three great orders of Santiago, -Calatrava, and Alcntara were the _segundones_ of great noble families -and members of the lesser nobility. Not only by their military power but -also by their numbers and wealth these orders constituted a potential -danger to the crown unless their action could be controlled. An estimate -of the year 1493 showed that there were 700,000 members and vassals in -the order of Santiago, and 200,000 and 100,000 respectively in those of -Calatrava and Alcntara. The first-named had annual revenues of some -60,000 ducats ($900,000), and the two last combined, some 95,000 -($1,425,000). With the masterships in royal hands the probability of -civil strife was greatly lessened. - -[Sidenote: Increase of the royal authority and tendency toward unity in -municipal life.] - -[Sidenote: Decline of the Castilian _Cortes_.] - -As regards the towns the Catholic Kings followed precisely the same -practices which had been employed with such success in the previous era. -It was rare, indeed, that they suppressed charters, but circumstances -like those already recorded[52] enabled the _corregidores_ and other -royal officers to exercise virtual control. Meanwhile, the process of -unification was going on through the ordinances of the _Cortes_ and -royal decrees, fortified by the unrecorded development of similarity in -customs in Castilian municipal life. This was furthered by the -representatives of the towns themselves, for royal and municipal -interests were usually in accord. Noteworthy extensions of royal -authority appeared in the subjection of local officials to the -_residencia_ (or trial during a number of days after the completion of a -term of office, to determine the liability of an official for the -wrongful acts of his administration) and in the sending of royal -_pesquisidores_, or enquirers (in cases of crime), and _veedores_ -(inspectors), later more often called _visitadores_ (visitors), to -investigate matters of government, such as the accounts of financial -agents and the conduct of public officers. These institutions were later -transferred to the Americas, becoming an important means of sustaining -the authority of the mother country. In some instances the Catholic -Kings resorted to force to reduce municipalities which were too -autonomous in character, notably in the case of the _hermandad_ of the -north coast towns, whose decadence dates from this reign. - -The royalist ideal was manifested strikingly in the relations of the -Catholic Kings with the Castilian _Cortes_. From 1475 to 1503 the -_Cortes_ was summoned but nine times, and during the years 1482 to 1498, -at a time when Granada was being conquered, America discovered and -occupied, the new Inquisition instituted, and the Jews expelled, it did -not meet even once. Its decline was evidenced still further in the -increasingly respectful language employed whenever it addressed the -monarch and its growing dependence on the _Consejo Real_, which body -subjected the acts of the _Cortes_ to its own revision and whose -president acted in a similar capacity for the _Cortes_. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the Aragonese _Cortes_ and of the power of -Barcelona.] - -Ferdinand followed the same policy in Aragon. The various _Cortes_ of -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia and the general _Cortes_ of all three -were infrequently called; the king acted in an arbitrary manner in his -methods of raising funds, without observing the spirit of the laws. It -was in his dealings with Barcelona that he most clearly manifested the -royalist tendency, for that city was the most powerful element in the -kingdom. Through his intervention the practice of electing the five -_concelleres_, or councillors, was suspended in favor of royal -appointment, and the _Consell_, or council of a hundred, was altered so -that it was no longer democratic but represented the will of the -monarch. The fact that these changes were made without provoking -resistance and almost without protest shows how utterly dead were the -political ideals of the past. - -[Sidenote: The new bureaucracy.] - -The concentration in royal hands of so many powers which were formerly -exercised by the lords and towns made necessary the development of a -numerous and varied officialdom to assist the monarch. As the basis of -the new bureaucracy in Castile the Catholic Kings had at hand the -_Consejo Real_, which with some changes was admirably adapted to the -purpose. The first step was to rid it of the great nobles. In 1480 the -untitled _letrados_ became a majority in this body. The counts, dukes, -and marquises were still allowed to attend, but were deprived of the -right to vote. Shortly afterward they were excluded altogether, and the -_Consejo Real_ now responded without question to the will of the king. -It served as the head of the various branches of the bureaucratic -organization, with the final decision, subject to the wishes of the -king, in all matters of government. Pressure of work led to the -formation of three additional councils, those of the Inquisition -(_Inquisicin_), the military orders, (_rdenes Militares_), and the -Americas, or Indies (_Indias_), while there were still others in the -kingdom of Aragon. Particularly important among the other officials was -the monarch's private secretary, who came to have a very nearly decisive -influence, owing to the favor he enjoyed with the head of the state. A -horde of other officers, old and new, made up the ranks of the -bureaucracy. Among the older group it is to be noted that the -_adelantados_ were supplanted by _alcaldes mayores_, until only one of -the former was left. Among newer officials the important inquisitors and -_veedores_, or _visitadores_, should be noted. - -[Sidenote: Administration of justice.] - -A similar development to that of the executive branch was experienced in -the administration of justice. The fountain-head was the _chancillera_ -at the capital, Valladolid, to which were subordinate in a measure the -several regional _audiencias_, which were now established for the first -time, besides the hierarchy of the judiciary of lower grades. In -addition to unifying and regulating the judicial system the Catholic -Kings gave attention to the internal purification of the courts, with a -view to eliminating the unfit or undesirable and to checking abuses. The -corrupt practices of those outside the courts were also attacked, -especially powerful persons who attempted to overawe judges or procure a -miscarriage of justice. One of the principal difficulties encountered -was that of conflicts of jurisdiction, notably in the case of the church -courts. Good Catholic though she was, Isabella was determined in her -opposition to ecclesiastical invasions of royal jurisdiction, but -despite her energetic measures the issue was far from being decided in -her day. In line with the royal policy of settling disputes by law -rather than by force the use of firearms was prohibited, gambling was -persecuted, and the _riepto_ (or judicial duel, the last survival of -medieval procedure) was abolished. Good order in the present-day sense -was far from existing, and this led to a revival of the medieval idea -of the _hermandades_ for the punishment of crimes committed in -uninhabited places or small villages as well as for the pursuit and -execution generally of those guilty of felony. The _Santa Hermandad_, -with its capital at Toledo, was created as a kind of judicial body, -sustained by the groups of citizens who formed part of it, employing a -militia of mounted men, and making use of summary methods and extreme -penalties in its procedure. Its life as an effective body was brief, -although it continued to exist for many years. On the other hand the -medieval _hermandad_ of Toledo enjoyed a revival of life and -usefulness.[53] - -[Sidenote: Reforms in Aragon.] - -It is hardly necessary to trace the administrative and judicial reforms -of Ferdinand in Aragon. Suffice to say that they followed the Castilian -pattern much more closely, indeed, than in the matter of social -organization. - -[Sidenote: Procedure of the Inquisition.] - -The Castilian Inquisition, first created in 1478 for specific and -temporary objects, underwent considerable modification when retained as -a permanent body to combat heresy in general. The popes refused to allow -it to be in all respects a royal instrument, and retained the right of -appointing or dismissing inquisitors, permitting the kings to recommend -candidates. The expansion of the institution from Seville to other -cities in Spain and the creation of a supreme council of the Inquisition -have already been mentioned. Ximnez, who became head of the Inquisition -of Castile in 1507, extended its operations to Africa and the Americas. -The methods of trial were harsh, though less so if gauged by the -standards of that time. Torture was used as a means of obtaining -confessions. The accused was kept utterly apart from his family and -friends, who did not learn what had become of him until his liberation -or his appearance in an _auto de fe_. The same secrecy was employed in -dealing with the prisoner, who was informed of the general charge -against him, without the details and without knowing his accuser's name. -He was allowed to indicate those in whom he lacked confidence, and if he -should chance to hit upon an accuser that person's evidence was -eliminated. Two witnesses against him were sufficient to outweigh any -testimony he might give. He might have a lawyer, but could not confer -with him in private. He might also object to a judge whose impartiality -he had reason to suspect, and could appeal to the pope. Penalties varied -from the imposition of a light penance to imprisonment or burning to -death. Burning in effigy of those who escaped or burning of the remains -of those who had died was also practised. The _auto de fe_ represented, -as the words imply, merely the decision in the given case, and not the -imposition of the penalty as has often been stated. The general rule was -for the executions to take place on holidays, which in Spain are indeed -"holy days," or days in celebration of events in church history. A -procession was held, in which the functionaries of the Inquisition took -part. A public announcement of the decisions was made, and those who -were condemned to death were turned over to the civil authorities, who -carried out the execution in the customary place. As has already been -said, the imposition of sentences was accompanied by confiscations or -the levy of fines. Since the Inquisition was supported by these -amercements there were numerous scandals in connection therewith. -Certain royal orders implied, and complaints by men of such standing as -Juan de Daza, bishop of Cordova, directly charged, that the Inquisition -displayed a too great eagerness to insure its financial standing by -confiscations. On one occasion it seems that the estate of a wealthy -victim of the Inquisition was divided between Cardinal Carvajal, the -inquisitor Lucero, the royal treasurer Morales, and Ferdinand's private -secretary. The funds did not belong in law to the Inquisition. That body -collected them and turned them over to the king, who granted them back -again. - -[Sidenote: Financial administration.] - -The new Castilian and Aragonese states required greatly increased funds -and a royal army, and both of these matters received the careful -consideration of Ferdinand and Isabella. In financial affairs their -activities were twofold: to procure more revenues; and to bring about -greater economy in their collection and administration. The revocation -of earlier land grants was one measure productive of income, since the -taxes from them now went to the crown rather than to the lords. Two -sources of revenue of a religious character were procured by papal -grant. One of these was the _cruzada_, or sale of indulgences, based on -the crusade (_cruzada_) against the Moslems. Designed for a temporary -purpose it became an enduring element in the royal income. The other was -the _diezmo_, or tithe, presumably for the same objects as the -_cruzada_, although it too was diverted to other uses. Great attention -was paid to the administration of the remunerative _alcabala_, and to -stamp taxes and customs duties. The treasury department as a modern -institution may be said to date from this era. In addition the Catholic -Kings corrected abuses in the coinage of money. The final result is -shown in the increase in the revenues from about 900,000 _reales_[54] in -1474 to well over 26,000,000 in 1504. Expenses were so heavy, however, -that more than once a resort to loans was necessary. - -[Sidenote: Modernization of the army.] - -[Sidenote: The royal navy.] - -The army kept pace with other institutions in the advance out of -medievalism into modernity. The seigniorial levies, unequal in size and -subversive of discipline as well as a potential danger, were virtually -done away with after the Granadine war, although such bodies appeared -occasionally even in the next era. In their place were substituted a -larger royal army at state expense and the principle of universal -military service. One man in every twelve of those between twenty and -forty years of age was held liable, but did not take the field and was -not paid except when specifically called. The glory of the new -professional army attracted many who had formerly served the great -lords, including a number of the nobility and the adventurous element. -Under the leadership of Gonzalo de Ayora and especially of the "great -captain," Gonzalo de Crdoba, noteworthy reforms in tactics were made. -The army was now an aggregation of equal groups, based on battalions and -companies, while the larger divisions were assigned a proportionate -number of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. From this period date many -current military titles: colonel, captain, and others. Arms and -equipment were much improved and military administration bettered. The -importance of firearms was just becoming recognized; cannon, firing -balls of stone, played a prominent part in the war with Granada. A -similar if less pronounced development appeared in the navy. The admiral -of Castile, who had enjoyed a semi-independent sinecure, now lost much -of his authority, for many of his powers were taken over by the crown. - -[Sidenote: The Ordinance of Montalvo and other codifications of the -laws.] - -The reforms which have been chronicled were the result of a great body -of legislation, most of which emanated directly from the crown, although -some important laws were enacted in conjunction with the _Cortes_. Taken -with the variety of legislation in preceding years it caused not a -little confusion as to the precise principle governing a specific case. -This led to the compilation by Alfonso Daz de Montalvo of the -_Ordenanzas Reales de Castilla_ (1484?), or Royal Ordinances of Castile, -commonly called the Ordinance (_Ordenamiento_) of Doctor Montalvo, in -which were set forth various ordinances of the _Cortes_ since that of -Alcal in 1348 and certain orders of the kings from the time of Alfonso -X, together with some provisions of earlier date. In all, 1163 laws were -included, of which 230 belonged to the era of the Catholic Kings. -Although it is not certain, the _Ordenanzas_ seems to have been -promulgated as law, and in any event was very influential, running -through thirteen editions down to the year 1513. The compilation was far -from meeting the full requirement of the times, however. Besides being -incomplete, as was only to be expected, it contained various -inaccuracies of form and substance. Furthermore, with such varying -elements still in effect as the _Partidas_ and the medieval _fueros_, -besides the unwritten transformation and unification which had been -going on for two centuries (as a result of royalist policies), there was -need for a clear and methodical revision of Castilian legislation. -Various other publications covering special phases of the laws, such as -the _Ordenanzas de Alcabalas_ (1491), or Ordinances of the _Alcabala_, -the already mentioned _Leyes de Toro_ (1505), and the privileges of the -_Mesta_ (1511), date from this era, while there was a similar tendency -toward legislative publication in the Catalonian and Valencian parts of -the kingdom of Aragon. - -[Sidenote: Relations of church and state.] - -Although the piety of Ferdinand and Isabella earned them the sobriquet -of the "Catholic Kings," particularly merited in the case of Isabella, -they did not let their regard for the church interfere with their -conceptions of the royal authority. Something has already been said -about their resistance to the intrusions of ecclesiastical courts and -their objection to appointments of foreigners to Spanish benefices. The -same conflict with the pope was maintained with regard to papal -appointments of Spaniards. In the case of Granada and the Americas the -crown gained the _patronato real_, or royal patronage, in such degree -that the monarch became the virtual administrative head of the church, -but the concession for the rest of Spain was not so complete. -Nevertheless, the royal nominees were usually appointed. The Catholic -Kings displayed great consideration for the church when the interests of -the latter did not run counter to the monarchical ideal, and in Castile -the confessors of the queen obtained a certain ascendency which made -them among the most powerful individuals in the state. They proved to be -well deserving of their influence, however, notably cardinals Mendoza, -Talavera, and Ximnez, of whom the last-named was, after the Catholic -Kings, by far the most important figure of the times. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS, 1479-1517 - - -[Sidenote: Economic medievalism.] - -[Sidenote: Privileges of the _Mesta_.] - -The Catholic Kings attacked the economic problems of their era with much -the same zeal they had displayed in social and political reforms, but -without equal success, for medievalism in material affairs was more -persistent than in social, political, and intellectual institutions. The -same false economic ideas of the past were still operative. Especially -was this manifest in the belief that legislation and state intervention -in business provided a panacea for all evils, when the real needs were -the development of the wealth at hand and the modification of -geographical conditions in such a way as to permit of additional -productivity. Protection and excessive regulation were the keynote of -the laws. As a result manufactures were stimulated on the one hand, and -various cities of the two kingdoms became notable industrial centres, -but on the other hand, these same industries were hindered by -inspections, by laws regulating the fashion and style of goods and -fixing prices, wages, and the hours of labor, and by a host of other -measures which killed initiative and hindered rapidity of work. In part -to promote this artificial industrial life, so that raw wool might be -readily procured, the Catholic Kings recognized and even extended the -privileges of the great corporation of the _Mesta_. Starting from La -Mancha and Extremadura in April, flocks of sheep annually ravaged -Castile, returning in September to the place whence they had come. The -_caada real_, or royal sheepwalk, was set aside for their exclusive -use, and a prohibition was placed on clearing, working, or enclosing any -part of that strip. In fact the sheepmen ventured beyond the legal -limits, and although required by law to pay damages in such cases were -so powerful that they rarely did so. Withal, the stimulus to -manufacturing was almost purely artificial, and the Spanish cities, even -Barcelona, found competition with foreign cloths and other goods too -keen. In the main, Spain continued to be a raw material land, exporting -primary articles to foreign countries, in return for manufactures. - -[Sidenote: Lack of progress in agriculture.] - -Attempts were made to encourage agriculture, but the spirit of -legislative interference and the superior importance accorded the -grazing industry were not conducive to progress. The menace of the -_Mesta_ was responsible for the almost complete destruction of forestry -and agriculture in many regions which were suitable to development in -those respects, while the irrigation ditches of Andalusia and other -former Moslem lands were too often allowed to decay. - -[Sidenote: Vicissitudes of commerce.] - -The same royal solicitude appeared, to assist and to retard commerce. -Interior customs lines were to some extent done away with, notably on -the frontier of Castile and Aragon proper. Shipbuilding was encouraged, -but favors were shown to owners of large ships, wherefore the smaller -ship traffic was damaged, at the same time that the larger boats were -too big for the needs of the trade. A flourishing foreign commerce -developed, nevertheless, but it was in the hands of the Jews and, after -their expulsion, of foreigners of Italian, Germanic, and French -extraction. Many laws were passed subjecting foreigners to annoyances, -lest they export precious metal or in other ways act contrary to the -economic interests of the peninsula as they were then understood. It was -in this period that the commerce of the Mediterranean cities of the -kingdom of Aragon sank into a hopeless decline. Other factors than those -of the false economic principles of the day were primarily responsible, -such as the conquests of the Turks, which ended the eastern -Mediterranean trade, and the Portuguese discovery of the sea-route to -India, along with the Castilian voyages to America, which made the -Atlantic Ocean the chief centre of sea-going traffic and closed the era -of Mediterranean supremacy. - -[Sidenote: Advance in wealth.] - -Nevertheless, the net result of the period was a marked advance in -material wealth,--in part, perhaps, because the false economic ideas of -the Catholic Kings were shared by them with the other rulers of Europe, -wherefore they did not prove so great a handicap to Spain, and, in part, -because some of their measures were well calculated to prove beneficial. -At this time, too, the wealth of the Americas began to pour in, although -the future was to hold far more in store. - -[Sidenote: Extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of -Humanism.] - -Brief as was the span of years embraced by the reign of the Catholic -Kings it was as notable a period in intellectual progress as in other -respects, bringing Spain into the current of modern life. This was due -primarily to the rapid extension of printing, which had appeared in the -peninsula in the closing years of the preceding period, and which now -came into such general use that the works of Spanish and classical -writers became available to all. Through private initiative many schools -were founded which later became universities, although this activity was -limited to Castile. Most notable of these institutions was that of -Alcal founded by Ximnez. This undertaking was due to the great -cardinal's desire to establish a Humanist centre of learning, where -Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and philology could be studied to the best -advantage. The most learned Spanish Humanists assembled there, together -with many foreigners, and works of note were produced, such as the -famous polyglot Bible in Hebrew, Greek, Chaldean, and Latin, with -accompanying grammars and vocabularies. Not a little of the advancement -in intellectual manifestations was due to the encouragement of the -Catholic Kings, especially Isabella. Books coming into Spain were -exempted from duty; ordinances were made regulating university life, and -ridding it of much of its turbulence and abuses; and the court set an -example in showing favor to distinguished scholars, who were engaged as -teachers of the royal children. The great nobles imitated royalty, and -invited foreign savants to Spain, among whom was the Italian, Peter -Martyr of Anghiera, celebrated as the author of the first history of the -Americas, the _De orbe novo_ (Concerning the new world). The most marked -impulse to the spread of Humanist ideals came through Spaniards studying -abroad, and these men returned to give Spain her leading names in -intellectual production for the period. The greatest of them was -Antonio de Nebrija, educated in Italy, a man of such encyclopedic -attainments that he left works on theology, law, archology, history, -natural science, geography, and geodesy, although particularly -noteworthy as a Latin scholar. Cardinal Ximnez is deserving of a high -place in the achievements of the era for his patronage of letters, for -it was through his aid that some of the most valuable work of the period -was accomplished. Education was a matter for the higher classes only; -people had not even begun to think, yet, of popular education. - -[Sidenote: Progress in the sciences.] - -Although the extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of -Humanism were outstanding facts of the period, there were notable -cultivators, too, of the sciences, moral, social, and natural, -especially the last-named. Studies in geography, cosmography, and -cartography received a great impulse through the discovery of America, -and many scientific works along these lines were due to the scholars -connected with the _Casa de Contratacin_ (House of Trade), or India -House. Medical works were even more prominent, not a few of them on the -subject of venereal disease. A number of these works were mutilated or -condemned altogether by the Inquisition, in part because of their -doctrines, but also because of the anatomical details which they -contained, for they were considered immoral. - -[Sidenote: Polite literature.] - -[Sidenote: La Celestina.] - -[Sidenote: History.] - -[Sidenote: The theatre.] - -In polite literature the leading characteristics were the complete -victory of the Italian influence, the predominance of Castilian, the -popularity of the romances, and the beginning of the Castilian theatre. -The Italian influence manifested itself both in the translation of -Classical and Italian Renaissance works and in an imitation of their -models and forms. Castilian was employed, not only in Castile and Aragon -proper, but even in the literary works of Portuguese, Catalans, -Valencians, and not a few individuals (Spaniards in the main) at the -court of Naples, although Catalan and Valencian poetry still had a -vogue. The poetry of the era often exhibited tendencies of a medieval -character,--for example, in its use of allegory. It is curious to note -also the prevalence of two somewhat opposed types of subject-matter, -religious and erotic; in the latter there was a vigorous school which -often went to the extreme of license. The romances of love and chivalry -gained even greater favor than in the preceding period. The _Amads de -Gaula_ (Amadis of Gaul) of Vasco de Lobeira was translated from the -Portuguese by Garc Ordez de Montalvo, and many other novels on the -same model were written. One of these was _Las sergas de Esplandin_ -(The deeds of Esplandin) by Ordez de Montalvo himself, references in -which to an "island California" as a land of fabulous wealth were to -result in the naming of the present-day California, once believed to be -just such an island. Much superior to the amatory or chivalric novels -was a remarkable book which stood alone in its time, the _Tragicomedia -de Calixto y Melibea_ (The tragi-comedy of Calixtus and Melibea), better -known as _La Celestina_ (1499), from the name of one of the characters, -believed to have been the work of Fernando de Rojas. In eloquent Spanish -and with intense realism _La Celestina_ dealt with people in what might -be called "the under-world." This was the first of the picaresque novels -(so-called because they dealt with the life of _pcaros_, or rogues), -out of which was to develop the true Spanish novel. History, too, had a -notable growth. The outstanding name was that of Hernando del Pulgar. -His _Crnica_ (Chronicle) and his _Claros varones de Espaa_ -(Illustrious men of Spain), besides being well written, noteworthy for -their characterizations of individuals, and influenced by classical -Latin authors, showed a distinct historical sense. The already mentioned -_De orbe novo_ of Peter Martyr and the letters of Columbus were the -chief contributions to the history of the new world. As to the theatre, -while the religious mysteries continued to be played, popular -representations in dialogue, some of them religious and others profane -in subject-matter, began to be written and staged. The most notable -writer was Juan del Enzina (1468-1534), who has been called the "father -of Spanish comedy." His compositions were not represented publicly in a -theatre, but only in private houses or on the occasions of royal or -aristocratic feasts. - -[Sidenote: Plateresque architecture.] - -[Sidenote: Sculpture and the lesser arts.] - -The transitional character of the age was nowhere more clear than in the -various forms of art. The principal architectural style was a -combination of late Gothic with early Renaissance features, which, -because of its exuberantly decorative character, was called plateresque, -for many of its forms resembled the work of _plateros_, or makers of -plate. Structurally there was a mingling of the two above-named -elements, with a superimposition of adornment marked by great profusion -and richness,--such, for example, as in the faade of the convent of San -Pablo of Valladolid. At the same time, edifices were still built which -were more properly to be called Gothic, and there were yet others -predominantly representative of the Renaissance, characterized by the -restoration of the later classical structural and decorative elements, -such as the slightly pointed arch, intersecting vaults, columns, -entablatures, pediments, and lavish ornamentation. Sculpture displayed -the same manifestations, and became in a measure independent of -architecture. Noteworthy survivals are the richly carved sepulchres of -the era. Gold and silver work had an extraordinary development not only -in articles of luxury but also in those for popular use, and as regards -luxury the same was true of work in rich embroideries and textures. - -[Sidenote: Advance in painting.] - -[Sidenote: Music.] - -The contest between the Flemish and Italian influences on Spanish -painting resolved itself decidedly in favor of the latter, although a -certain eclecticism, the germ of a national school, made itself apparent -in the works of Spanish artists. Characteristics of a medieval type -still persisted, such as faulty drawing, color lacking in energy and -richness, a sad and sober ambient, and a disregard for everything in a -painting except the human figures. Like sculpture, painting began to be -dissociated from architecture, and was encouraged by the purchases of -the wealthy. It was not yet the custom to hang paintings on the walls; -they were kept in chests or otherwise under lock and key except when -brought out for temporary display. Music, employed principally in song -as the accompaniment of verse, enjoyed a favor comparable with that of -the plastic arts. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -CHARLES I OF SPAIN, 1516-1556 - - -[Sidenote: Historical setting of the era of the House of Austria.] - -From the standpoint of European history the period of the House of -Hapsburg, or Austria, covering nearly two centuries, when Spain was one -of the great powers of the world, should be replete with the details of -Spanish intervention in European affairs. The purposes of the present -work will be served, however, by a comparatively brief treatment of this -phase of Spanish history; indeed, the central idea underlying it reduces -itself to this: Spain wasted her energies and expended her wealth in a -fruitless attempt, first to become the dominant power in Europe, and -later to maintain possessions in Italy and the Low Countries which were -productive only of trouble; what she took from the Americas with the one -hand, she squandered in Europe with the other. Internally there were -changes which were to react on the Spanish colonial dominions, wherefore -a correspondingly greater space must be accorded peninsula history than -directly to the wars in Europe. The greatest feature of the period was -the conquest of the Americas, accomplished in part by the spectacular -expeditions of the _conquistadores_, or conquerors, and in part by the -slower advance of the Spanish settlers, pushing onward the frontier of -profits. Not only was this the most notable achievement when considered -from the American angle, but it was, also, when taken from the -standpoint of Spain, and possibly, too, from that of Europe and the -world. - -[Sidenote: Vast empire of Charles I of Spain, the Emperor Charles V.] - -The Italian venture of the Aragonese kings had yielded probably more of -advantage than of harm down to the time of Ferdinand, and it may be that -even he did not overstep the bounds of prudence in his ambitious -designs. When his policies were continued, however, in the person of -Charles I, better known by his imperial title as the Emperor Charles V, -the results were to prove more disastrous to Spain than beneficial. The -circumstances were in fact different for the two monarchs, although -their aims were much the same. Some writers have supposed that Ferdinand -himself recognized the danger of a union of the Austrian, Burgundian, -and Spanish dominions under one king, and they assert that he planned to -make Charles' younger brother, Ferdinand, ruler of Spain and the Two -Sicilies in case the former should be elected emperor. In his will, -however, he respected the principle of primogeniture, and left all to -Charles, eldest son of Philip the Handsome and Juana la Loca. Through -his mother and Ferdinand, Charles inherited Castile, Aragon, and -Navarre, the Castilian dominions in Africa and America (where the era of -great conquests was just about to begin), the Roussillon and Cerdagne -across the Pyrenees, and Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples in Italy; through -his father he had already become possessed of the territories of the -House of Burgundy, comprised of Flanders and Artois in northern France, -Franche-Comt and Charolais in the east, Luxembourg, and the Low -Countries. This was not all, for Charles was heir of the Emperor -Maximilian, and in addition to inheriting the latter's Austrian -dominions might hope to succeed to the imperial title as ruler of the -Holy Roman Empire. To be sure, the system of electing the emperors by -the electoral princes still obtained, but the Germanic states of the -empire were almost certain to prefer a powerful Hapsburg, with such -dominions as Charles had, to any other candidate, if only to serve as a -counterpoise to the ambitions of France. Nevertheless, the electors did -not miss the opportunity to make a profit out of the situation, and -encouraged the candidacy of Henry VIII of England and especially of -Francis I of France as well as that of Charles, receiving bribes and -favors from all. In the end, following the death of Maximilian in 1519, -they decided in favor of Charles. He was now ruler, at least in name, of -one of the most vast empires in the history of the world. - -[Sidenote: Inherent weakness of his empire.] - -The mere possession of such extensive domains inevitably led to an -imperialistic policy to insure their retention. Each of the three -principal elements therein, Spain, Burgundy, and the Austrian dominions, -was ambitious in itself and especially hostile to France, and all of -these aspirations and enmities were now combined in a single monarch. -Charles himself was desirous not only of conquest but also of becoming -the most powerful prince in the world, thus assuring the Hapsburg -supremacy in Europe, and making himself the arbiter in European -political affairs and the protector of Christianity; he may even have -dreamed of a world monarchy, for if he did not aspire to such a state -for himself he believed its attainment possible of realization. In the -achievement of a less vast ideal, however, Charles was certain to -experience many difficulties, and at some point or other was bound to -encounter the hostility not only of France but also of the other states -of Europe. If this were not enough there came along the unforeseen -dilemma of the Reformation. Finally, his own dominions were none too -strongly held together, one with another or within themselves. They were -widely separated, some indeed entirely surrounded by French territory, -leading to a multiplicity of problems of a military and a political -nature. The imperial rank carried little real authority in Germany, and -the Burgundian realms were not a great source of power. It appears, -therefore, that the empire was more a matter of show than of strength, -and that Spain, who already had a surfeit of responsibility, what with -her conquests in Italy, Africa, and the Americas, must bear the burden -for all. The reign of Charles would seem to be the parting of the ways -for Spain. If she could have restricted herself to her purely Spanish -inheritance, even with the incubus of her Italian possessions, she might -have prolonged her existence as a great power indefinitely. A century -ahead of England in colonial enterprise, she had such an opportunity as -that which made the island of Britain one of the dominant factors in the -world. Even as matters were, Spain was able to stand forth as a first -rank nation for well over a century. Whatever might have happened if a -different policy had been followed, it hardly admits of doubt that -Spain's intervention in European affairs involved too great a strain on -her resources, and proved a detriment politically and economically to -the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: Dissatisfaction over foreign favorites and increased -taxation.] - -Charles had been brought up in Flanders, and, it is said, was unable to -speak Spanish when he first entered the peninsula as king of Spain. His -official reign began in 1516, but it was not until his arrival in the -following year that the full effect of his measures began to be felt. -Even before that time there was some inkling of what was to come in the -appointments of foreigners, mostly Flemings, to political or -ecclesiastical office in Castile. At length Charles reached Spain, -surrounded by Flemish courtiers, who proceeded to supplant Spaniards not -only in the favor but also in the patronage of the king. The new -officials, more eager for personal profit than patriotic, began to sell -privileges and the posts of lower grade to the highest bidders. Such -practices could not fail to wound the feelings of Spaniards, besides -which they contravened the laws, and many protests by individuals and -towns were made, to which was joined the complaint of the _Cortes_ of -Valladolid in 1518. To make matters worse Chivres, the favorite -minister of the king, caused taxes to be raised. The amount of the -_alcabala_ was increased, and the tax was made applicable to the -hitherto privileged nobility, much against their will. In like manner -the opposition of the clergy was roused through a bull procured from the -pope requiring ecclesiastical estates to pay a tenth of their income to -the king during a period of three years. Furthermore it was commonly -believed, no doubt with justice, that the Flemish office-holders were -sending gold and other precious metals out of the country, despite the -laws forbidding such export. Nevertheless the _Cortes_ of 1518 granted a -generous subsidy to the king, but this was followed by new increases in -royal taxation. Opposition to these practices now began to crystallize, -with the nobles of Toledo taking the lead in remonstrance against them. - -[Sidenote: Charles' manipulation of the _Cortes_ in Galicia.] - -The situation in Castile was complicated by the question of the imperial -election. Between the death of Maximilian in January, 1519, and the -election of Charles in June of the same year it was necessary to pay -huge bribes to the electoral princes. Once chosen, Charles accepted the -imperial honor, and prepared to go to Germany to be crowned, an event -which called for yet more expenditures of a substantial nature. So, -notwithstanding the grant of 1518, it was decided to call the _Cortes_ -early in 1520 with a view to a fresh subsidy. Since all Castile was in a -state of tumult it was deemed best that the meeting should take place at -some point whence an escape from the country would be easy in case of -need. Thus Santiago de Compostela in Galicia was selected, and it was -there that the _Cortes_ eventually met, moving to the neighboring port -of Corua after the first few days' sessions. The call for the _Cortes_ -provoked a storm of protest not only by Toledo but also by many other -cities with which the first-named was in correspondence. Messengers were -sent to the king to beg of him not to leave Spain, or, if he must do so, -to place Spaniards in control of the affairs of state, and complaints -were made against the practices already recounted and numerous others, -such, for example, as the royal use of the title "Majesty," an unwonted -term in Spain. From the first, Charles turned a deaf ear, refusing to -receive the messengers of the towns, or reproving them when he did give -them audience, and he even went so far as to order the arrest of the -Toledan leaders. The _Cortes_ at length met, and gave evidence of the -widespread discontent in its demands upon the king. In accordance with -their instructions most of the deputies were disinclined to take up the -matter of a supply for the king until he should accede to their -petitions. Under the royal eye, however, they gradually modified their -demands, and when Charles took it upon himself to absolve them from the -pledges they had given to their constituents they voted the subsidy -without obtaining any tangible redress of grievances. The king did -promise not to appoint any foreigners to Spanish benefices or political -holdings during his absence, but broke his word forthwith when he named -Cardinal Adrian, a foreigner, as his representative and governor during -his absence. This done, Charles set out in the same year, 1520, for -Germany. - -[Sidenote: War of the _Comunidades_ in Castile.] - -Meanwhile, a riot in Toledo, promoted by the nobles whom Charles had -ordered arrested, converted itself into a veritable revolt when the -royal _corregidor_ was expelled from the city. This action was stated -to have been taken in the name of the _Comunidad_, or community, of -Toledo, and served to give a name to the uprising which now took place -in all parts of Castile. Deputies to the _Cortes_ who had been faithless -to their trust, some of whom had accepted bribes from the king, were -roughly handled upon their return home, and city after city joined -Toledo in proclaiming the _Comunidad_. In July, 1520, delegates of the -rebellious communities met, and formed the _Junta_ of vila, which from -that town and later from Tordesillas and Valladolid served as the -executive body of the revolution. For a time the _Junta_ was practically -the ruling body in the state; so complete was the overturn of royal -authority that Cardinal Adrian and his advisers made no attempt to put -down the rebellion. Time worked to the advantage of the king, however. -The revolt of Toledo had begun as a protest of the nobles and clergy -against the imposition of taxes against them. The program of the _Junta_ -of vila went much further than that, going into the question of the -grievances of the various social classes. At length many of the -_comuneros_ began to indulge in acts of violence and revenge against -those by whom they regarded themselves as having been oppressed, and the -movement changed from one of all the classes, including the nobles, -against the royal infractions of law and privileges, to one of the -popular element against the lords. Thus the middle classes, who objected -to the disorder of the times as harmful to business, and the nobles, in -self-defence, began to take sides with the king. City after city went -over to Charles, and late in 1520 the government was strong enough to -declare war on the communities still faithful to the _Junta_. -Dissension, treason, and incompetent leadership furthered the decline of -the popular cause, and in 1521 the revolt was crushed at the battle of -Villalar. Charles promised a general pardon, but when he came to Spain -in 1522 he caused a great many to be put to death. Not until 1526 did he -show a disposition to clemency. Moreover he retained his Flemish -advisers. - -[Sidenote: Social wars in Valencia and Majorca.] - -During the period of the revolt of the _Comunidades_ in Castile even -more bitter civil wars were going on in Valencia (1520-1522) and -Majorca (1521-1523). The contest in Valencia was a social conflict from -the start, of plebeians against the lords, whereas the Castilian -conflict was fundamentally political. In Majorca the strife began over -pressure for financial reforms, but developed into an attempt to -eliminate the nobility altogether. Both uprisings were independent of -the Castilian revolt, although serving to aid the latter through the -necessary diversion of troops. As in Castile, so in Valencia and -Majorca, Charles took sides against the popular element, and put down -the insurrections, displaying great severity toward the leaders. - -[Sidenote: Charles' difficulties in Germany and war with France.] - -While the civil wars were at their height Charles was having more than -his share of trouble in other quarters. The princes of Germany compelled -him to sign a document affirming their privileges, in which appeared -many paragraphs similar to those of the Castilian petitions to the king, -together with one requiring Charles to maintain the empire independently -of the Spanish crown. The acceptance of these principles by the emperor -is an evidence of the weakness of his authority in the subject states of -Germany, for not only was he a believer in the divine origin of the -imperial dignity, a doctrine which would have impelled him to establish -his personal and absolute rule in all of his realms if possible, but he -seems also to have intended to make Spain the political centre of his -dominions, because she was, after all, his strongest element of support. -At the same time, a fresh difficulty appeared in Germany with the -Lutheran outbreak of 1521. Charles himself favored reform in the church, -but was opposed to any change in dogma. Before he could confront either -the political or the religious problem in Germany, he found himself -attacked on another quarter. Francis I of France had seized upon -Charles' difficulties as affording him a rich opportunity to strike to -advantage; so in 1521 he twice sent French armies into Spain through the -western Pyrenees on the pretext of restoring the crown of Navarre to the -Labrit family. With all these questions pressing for solution Charles -was in an exceedingly unsatisfactory position. Thus early in the period -lack of funds to prosecute European policies was chronic. Spain herself, -even if there had been no civil wars, was not united internally like -the compact French nation, and the other Hapsburg dominions could give -but little help. Finally, Charles could not depend on the alliance of -any other power, for his own realms were neighbors of all the others, -and his designs were therefore generally suspected. Nevertheless, -Charles brought to his many tasks an indomitable will, marked energy, a -steadfast purpose, and an all-round ability which were to do much toward -overcoming the obstacles that hindered him. - -[Sidenote: Wars with France, the pope, the Italian states, and German -princes.] - -[Sidenote: The outcome.] - -It is profitless, here, to relate the course of the wars with France and -other European states. In the years 1521 to 1529, 1536 to 1538, and 1542 -to 1544, France and Spain were at war, and at other times, down to the -death of Francis I in 1547, the two countries enjoyed what was virtually -no more than a truce. Meanwhile, Charles was usually in conflict with -the popes, whose temporal dominions in central Italy were threatened by -the growing power of Spain and the empire in the Italian peninsula. -Other states in Italy fought now on Charles' side, now against him, -while the princes of Germany were an equally variable quantity. England -favored each side in turn, but offered little effective aid to either. -As affecting the history of religion these wars gave Protestantism a -chance to develop. Neither Charles nor Francis disdained the aid of -Protestant princes, and the former had little opportunity to proceed -against them on religious grounds. Francis even allied himself with the -Moslem power of Turkey. On the whole, Charles was the victor in the -wars, and could point to the occupation of Milan as a tangible evidence -of his success,--about the only territorial change of consequence as a -result of the many campaigns. Perhaps the most noteworthy fact as -affecting the history of Spain and Spanish America was the financial -drain occasioned by the fighting. Time and again lack of funds was -mainly responsible for defeats or failures to follow up a victory. Spain -and the Americas had to meet the bills, but, liberal as were their -contributions, more were always needed. - -[Sidenote: Wars with the Turks and the Moslems of northern Africa.] - -The wars with Turkey had a special significance because of the ever -impending peril from Moslem northern Africa. The pirates of the Berber, -or Barbary, Coast, as the lands in northwestern Africa are often -called, seemed to be more than ever audacious in the early years of the -reign of Charles. Not only did they attack Spanish ships and even -Spanish ports, but they also made numerous incursions inland in the -peninsula. Aside from the loss in captives and in economic wealth that -these visitations represented, they served to remind the authorities of -the Moslem sympathies of Spanish Moriscos and of the ease with which a -Moslem invasion might be effected. Furthermore the conquests of Isabella -and Ximnez had created Castilian interests in northern Africa, of both -a political and an economic character, which were in need of defence -against the efforts of the tributary princes to free themselves by -Turkish aid. The situation was aggravated by the achievements of a -renegade Greek adventurer and pirate, known best by the sobriquet -"Barbarossa." This daring corsair became so powerful that he was able to -dethrone the king of Algiers and set up his own brother in his stead. On -the death of the latter at the hands of the Spaniards in 1518, -Barbarossa placed the kingdom of Algiers under the protection of the -sultan of Turkey, became himself an admiral in the Turkish navy, and -soon afterward conquered the kingdom of Tunis, whence during many years -he menaced the Spanish dominions in Italy. Charles in person led an -expedition in 1535 which was successful in dethroning Barbarossa and in -restoring the former king to the throne, but an expedition of 1541, sent -against Algiers, was a dismal failure. On yet another frontier, that of -Hungary, Spanish troops were called upon to meet the Turks, and there -they contributed to the checking of that people at a time when their -military power threatened Europe. The problem of northern Africa, -however, had been little affected by the efforts of Charles. - -[Sidenote: Charles' failure to stamp out Protestantism.] - -Meanwhile, the religious question in Germany had all along been -considered by Charles as one of his most important problems. The first -war with France prevented any action on his part until 1529, since he -needed the support of the Protestant princes. The movement therefore had -time to gather headway, and it was evident that Charles would meet with -determined opposition whenever he should decide to face the issue. -Various factors entered in to complicate the matter, such, for example, -as the fear on the part of many princes of the growing Hapsburg power -and the belief that Charles meant to make the imperial succession -hereditary in his family. A temporary adjustment of the religious -situation was made by the imperial Diet held at Spires in 1526, when it -was agreed that every prince should decide for himself in matters of -religion. With the close of the war with France in 1529, Charles caused -the Diet to meet again at Spires, on which occasion the previous -decision was revoked. The princes devoted to the reform ideas protested, -giving rise to the name "Protestant," but without avail. The Diet was -called for the next year at Augsburg, when Charles sat in judgment -between the two parties. The Protestants presented their side in a -document which became known as the confession of Augsburg. The Catholic -theologians replied, and Charles accepted their view, ordering the -Protestant leaders to submit, and threatening to employ force unless -they should do so. The international situation again operated to protect -the reform movement, for the Turks became threatening, and, indeed, what -with the wars with France and his numerous other difficulties Charles -was unable to proceed resolutely to a solution of the religious problem -until the year 1545. At last he was ready to declare war. In 1547 he won -what seemed to be a decisive victory in the Battle of Mhlberg, -resulting in the subjection of the Protestant princes to the Roman -Church. They protested anew, and, aided by the opposition to Charles on -other grounds,--for example, because of his introduction of Italian and -Spanish soldiery into what was regarded as a domestic quarrel,--were -able to present a warlike front again. This time they were joined by -Charles' former powerful ally, Maurice of Saxony, through whose -assistance they successfully defended themselves. Peace was made at -Passau in 1552, ratified by the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, whereby the -Protestant princes obtained equal rights with the Catholic lords as to -their freedom in religious beliefs. - -[Sidenote: Other failures of Charles and his abdication.] - -Great as were to be the results of Charles' reign on its European side, -it had nevertheless been a failure so far as Spain and Charles' own -objects were concerned. Yet other disappointments were to fall to his -lot. He aspired to the imperial title for his son Philip. In this he was -opposed both by the Germanic nobility, who saw in it an attempt to foist -upon them a Spanish-controlled absolutism, and by his brother Ferdinand, -who held the Austrian dominions as a fief of the empire and aimed to -become emperor himself. Unable to prevail in his own policy Charles -eventually supported Ferdinand. For many years, too, he thought of -establishing an independent Burgundian kingdom as a counterpoise to -France, but changed his mind to take up a plan for uniting England and -the Low Countries, with the same object in view. For this latter purpose -he procured the hand of Queen Mary of England for his son Philip. The -marriage proved childless, and Philip was both unpopular and without -power in England. The death of Mary in 1558 ended this prospect. At last -Charles' spirit was broken. For nearly forty years he had battled for -ideals which he was unable to bring to fulfilment; so he resolved to -retire from public life. In 1555 he renounced his title to the Low -Countries in favor of Philip. In 1556 he abdicated in Spain, and went to -live at the monastery of Yuste in Cceres. He was unable to drop out of -political life completely, however, and was wont to intervene in the -affairs of Spain from his monastic retreat. In 1558 he gave up his -imperial crown, to which his brother Ferdinand was elected. Thus Spain -was separated from Austria, but she retained the Burgundian inheritance -and the Italian possessions of Aragon. The marriage of Philip the -Handsome and Juana la Loca was still to be productive of fatal -consequences to Spain, for together with the Burgundian domains there -remained the feeling of Hapsburg solidarity. - -[Sidenote: Greatness of Charles in the history of Spain and Spanish -America.] - -Charles had failed in Europe, but in Spain and especially in the -Americas he had done more than enough to compensate for his European -reverses. His achievements in Spain belong to the field of institutional -development rather than to that of political narrative, however. As for -the Americas his reign was characterized by such a series of remarkable -mainland conquests that it is often treated as a distinct epoch in -American history, the era of the _conquistadores_, and Spanish America -is, after all, the principal monument to the greatness of his reign. The -Emperor Charles V was a failure; but King Charles I of Spain gave the -Americas to European civilization. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE REIGN OF PHILIP II, 1556-1598 - -[Sidenote: Resemblance of the reign of Philip II to that of Charles I.] - -In underlying essentials the reign of Philip II was a reproduction of -that of Charles I. There were scattered dominions and family prestige to -maintain, the enemies of the Catholic Church to combat, the dominant -place of Spain in Europe to assure, the strain on Spanish resources, -and, as glorious offsets to general failure in Europe, the acquisition -of some European domains and the advance of the colonial conquests. Only -the details varied. Philip had a more compact nation behind him than had -fallen to the lot of Charles, although there was still much to be -desired in that respect; France was hostile, though less powerful than -formerly, but England and Philip's rebellious Protestant Netherlands -more than made up for the weakness of France; issues in Germany no -longer called for great attention, but family politics were not -forgotten; on the other hand Philip achieved the ideal of peninsula -unity through the acquisition of Portugal, carrying with it that -country's colonies; and, finally, his conquests in the new world, though -less spectacular than those of Charles, compared favorably with them in -actual fact. - -[Sidenote: Education and character of Philip II.] - -Historians have often gone to extremes in their judgments of Philip II. -Some have been ardently pro-Philip, while others were as bitterly -condemnatory. Recently, opinions have been more moderately expressed. In -addition to native ability and intelligence Philip had the benefit of an -unusually good education in preparation for government. Charles himself -was one of the youth's instructors, and, long before his various -abdications, had given Philip political practice in various ways,--for -example, by making him co-regent of Spain with Cardinal Tavera during -Charles' own absence in Germany. Philip also travelled extensively in -the lands which he one day hoped to govern,--in Italy (1548), the Low -Countries (1549), and Germany (1550). In 1543 he married a Portuguese -princess, Mara, his first cousin. One son, Charles, was born of this -marriage, but the mother died in childbirth. His fruitless marriage with -Mary Tudor, in 1553, has already been mentioned. He remained in England -until 1555, when he went to the Low Countries to be crowned, and thence -to Spain, of which country he became king in 1556, being at that time -twenty-nine years old. His abilities as king of Spain were offset in a -measure by certain unfortunate traits and practices. He was of a -vacillating type of mind; delays in his administration were often long -and fatal, and more than once he let slip a golden opportunity for -victory, because he could not make up his mind to strike. Of a -suspicious nature, he was too little inclined to rely upon men from -whose abilities he might have profited. A tremendous worker, he was too -much in the habit of trying to do everything himself, with the result -that greater affairs were held up, while the king of Spain worked over -details. Finally, he was extremely rigorous with heretics, from motives -of religion and of political policy. - -[Sidenote: War with the pope.] - -The principal aim of Philip's life was the triumph of Catholicism, but -this did not hinder his distinguishing clearly between the interests of -the church and those of the popes as rulers of the Papal States. Thus it -was not strange that Philip's reign should begin with a war against Pope -Paul IV. The latter excommunicated both Charles and Philip, and procured -alliances with France and, curious to relate, the sultan of Turkey, head -of the Moslem world. The pope was defeated, but it was not until the -accession of Pius IV, in 1559, that the bans of excommunication were -raised. - -[Sidenote: Wars with France.] - -There was a constant succession of war and peace with France throughout -the reign, with the campaigns being fought more often in northern France -from the vantage ground of Flanders than in Italy as in the time of -Charles. In 1557 Philip might have been able to take Paris, but he -hesitated, and the chance was lost. Many other times Philip's generals -won victories, but attacks from other quarters of Europe would cause a -diversion, or funds would give out, or Philip himself would change his -plans. France was usually on the defensive, because she was weakened -during most of the period by the domestic strife between Catholics and -Protestants. When in 1589 the Protestant leader became entitled to the -throne as Henry IV, Philip and the uncompromising wing of the French -Catholic party endeavored to prevent his actual accession to power. At -one time it was planned to make Philip himself king of France, but, as -this idea did not meet with favor, various others were suggested, -including the proposal of Philip's daughter for the crown, or the -partition of France between Philip and others. Henry IV settled the -matter in 1594 by becoming a Catholic, wherefore he received the -adhesion of the Catholic party. Philip was not dissatisfied, for it -seemed that he had rid himself of a dangerous Protestant neighbor. Had -he but known it, Henry IV was to accomplish the regeneration of a France -which was to strike the decisive blow, under Louis XIV, to remove Spain -from the ranks of the first-rate powers. - -[Sidenote: War with the Granadine Moriscos.] - -While Philip had no such widespread discontent in Spain to deal with as -had characterized the early years of the reign of Charles, there was one -problem leading to a serious civil war in southern Spain. The Moriscos -of Granada had proved to be an industrious and loyal element, supporting -Charles in the war of the communities, but there was reason to doubt the -sincerity of their conversion to Christianity. The populace generally -and the clergy in particular were very bitter against them, and procured -the passage of laws which were increasingly severe in their treatment of -the Moriscos. An edict of 1526 prohibited the use of Arabic speech or -dress, the taking of baths (a Moslem custom), the bearing of arms, the -employment of non-Christian names, and the giving of lodging in their -houses to Mohammedans whether free or slave. The Moriscos were also -subjected to oppressive inspections to prevent Mohammedan religious -practices; they were obliged to send their children to Christian -schools; and a branch of the Inquisition was established in Granada to -execute, with all the rigors of that institution, the laws against -apostasy. The full effect of the edict was avoided by means of a -financial gift to the king, but the Inquisition was not withdrawn. For -many years the situation underwent no substantial change. The clergy, -and the Christian element generally, continued to accuse the Moriscos, -and the latter complained of the confiscations and severity of the -Inquisition. In 1567, however, the edict of 1526 was renewed, but in -harsher form, amplifying the prohibitions. When attempts were made to -put the law into effect, and especially when agents came to take the -Morisco children to Christian schools, by force if necessary, an -uprising was not long in breaking out. The war lasted four years. The -Moriscos were aided by the mountainous character of the country, and -they received help from the Moslems of northern Africa and even from the -Turks. The decisive campaign was fought in 1570, when Spanish troops -under Philip's half-brother, Juan (or Don John) of Austria, an -illegitimate son of Charles I, defeated the Moriscos, although the war -dragged on to the following year. The surviving Moriscos, including -those who had not taken up arms, were deported _en masse_ and -distributed in other parts of Castilian Spain. - -[Sidenote: Wars with the Turks.] - -[Sidenote: Juan of Austria.] - -The external peril from the Moslem peoples had not confined itself to -the period of the Morisco war. Piracy still existed in the western -Mediterranean, and the Turkish Empire continued to advance its conquests -in northern Africa. Philip gained great victories, notably when he -compelled the Turks to raise the siege of Malta in 1564, and especially -in 1571, when he won the naval battle of Lepanto, in which nearly 80,000 -Christians were engaged, most of them Spaniards. These victories were -very important in their European bearings, for they broke the Turkish -naval power, and perhaps saved Europe, but from the standpoint of Spain -alone they were of less consequence. Philip failed to follow them up, -partly because of the pressure of other affairs, and in part because of -his suspicions of the victor of Lepanto, the same Juan of Austria who -had just previously defeated the Moriscos. Juan of Austria was at the -same time a visionary and a capable man of affairs. He was ambitious to -pursue the Turks to Constantinople, capture that city, and restore the -Byzantine Empire, with himself as ruler. Philip withdrew his support, -whereupon Juan devised a new project of a great North African empire. -Juan even captured Tunis in pursuance of his plan, but Philip would give -him no help, and Juan was obliged to retire, thus permitting of a -Turkish reconquest. Philip was always able to offer the excuse of lack -of funds,--and, indeed, the expenditures in the wars with Turkey, with -all the effects they carried in their train, were the principal result -to the peninsula of these campaigns. - -[Sidenote: Wars in the Low Countries.] - -The greatest of Philip's difficulties, and one which bulked large in its -importance in European history, was the warfare with his rebellious -provinces in the Low Countries. Its principal bearing in Spanish history -was that it caused the most continuous and very likely the heaviest -drain on the royal treasury of any of Philip's problems. The war lasted -the entire reign, and was to be a factor for more than a half century -after Philip's death. It got to be in essence a religious struggle -between the Protestants of what became the Netherlands and Philip, in -which the latter was supported to a certain extent by the provinces of -the Catholic Netherlands, or modern Belgium. Religion, however, was not -the initial, or at any time the sole, matter in controversy. At the -outset the causes were such practices as the Castilian communities had -objected to in the reign of Charles, namely: the appointments of -foreigners to office; the presence of foreign (Spanish) troops; measures -which were regarded as the forerunner to an extension of the Spanish -Inquisition to the Low Countries (against which the nobles and the -clergy alike, practically all of whom were Catholic at that time, made -strenuous objections); Philip's policy of centralization and absolutism; -the popular aversion for Philip as a Spaniard (just as Spaniards had -objected to Charles as a Fleming); and the excessive rigors employed in -the suppression of heresy. The early leaders were Catholics, many of -them members of the clergy, and the hotbed of rebellion was rather in -the Catholic south than in the Protestant north. It was this situation -which gave the Protestants a chance to strike on their own behalf. The -war, or rather series of wars, was characterized by deeds of valor and -by extreme cruelty. Philip was even more harsh in his instructions for -dealing with heretics than his generals were in executing them. Alba -(noted for his severity), Requesens (an able man who followed a more -moderate policy), Juan of Austria (builder of air castles, but winner of -battles), and the able Farnese,--these were the Spanish rulers of the -period, all of them military men. The elder and the younger William of -Orange were the principal Protestant leaders. In open combat the Spanish -infantry was almost invincible, but its victories were nullified, -sometimes because it was drawn away to wage war in France, but more -often because money and supplies were lacking. On various occasions the -troops were left unpaid for so long a time that they took matters into -their own hands. Then, terrible scenes of riot and pillage were enacted, -without distinction as to the religious faith of the sufferers, for even -Catholic churches were sacked by the soldiery. The outcome for the Low -Countries was the virtual independence of the Protestant Netherlands, -although Spain did not yet acknowledge it. For Spain the result was the -same as that of her other ventures in European politics, only greater in -degree than most of them,--exhausting expenditures. - -[Sidenote: The annexation of Portugal.] - -In the middle years of Philip's reign there was one project of great -moment in Spanish history which he pushed to a successful -conclusion,--the annexation of Portugal. While the ultimate importance -of this event was to be lessened by the later separation of the two -kingdoms, they were united long enough (sixty years) for notable effects -to be felt in Spain and more particularly in the Americas. The desire -for peninsula unity had long been an aspiration of the Castilian kings, -and its consummation from the standpoint of the acquisition of Portugal -had several times been attempted, though without success. The death of -King Sebastin in 1578 without issue left the Portuguese throne to -Cardinal Henry, who was already very old, and whom in any event the pope -refused to release from his religious vows. This caused various -claimants to the succession to announce themselves, among whom were the -Duchess of Braganza, Antonio (the prior of Crato), and Philip. The -first-named had the best hereditary claim, since she was descended from -a son (the youngest) of King Manuel, a predecessor of Sebastin. Antonio -of Crato was son of another of King Manuel's sons, but was of -illegitimate birth; nevertheless, he was the favorite of the regular -clergy, the popular classes, some nobles, and the pope, and was the only -serious rival Philip had to consider. Philip's mother was the eldest -daughter of the same King Manuel. With this foundation for his claim he -pushed his candidacy with great ability, aided by the skilful diplomacy -of his special ambassador, Cristbal de Moura. One of the master strokes -was the public announcement of Philip's proposed governmental policy in -Portugal, promising among other things to respect the autonomy of the -kingdom, recognizing it as a separate political entity from Spain. A -Portuguese _Cortes_ of 1580 voted for the succession of Philip, for the -noble and ecclesiastical branches supported him, against the opposition -of the third estate. A few days later King Henry died, and Philip -prepared to take possession. The partisans of Antonio resisted, but -Philip, who had long been in readiness for the emergency, sent an army -into Portugal under the Duke of Alba, and he easily routed the forces of -Antonio. In keeping with his desire to avoid giving offence to the -Portuguese, Philip gave Alba the strictest orders to punish any -infractions of discipline or improper acts of the soldiery against the -inhabitants, and these commands were carefully complied with,--in -striking contrast with the policy which had been followed while Alba was -governor in the Low Countries. Thus it was that a Portuguese _Cortes_ of -1581 solemnly recognized Philip as king of Portugal. Philip took oath -not to appoint any Spaniards to Portuguese offices, and he kept his word -to the end of his reign. Portugal had now come into the peninsula union -in much the same fashion that Aragon had joined with Castile. With her -came the vast area and great wealth of the Portuguese colonies of Asia, -Africa, and more particularly Brazil. If only the Spanish kings might -hold the country long enough, it appeared inevitable that a real -amalgamation of such kindred peoples would one day take place. -Furthermore, if only the kings would have, or could have, confined -themselves to a Pan-Hispanic policy, embracing Spain and Portugal and -their colonies, the opportunity for the continued greatness of the -peninsula seemed striking. The case was a different one from that of the -union of Castile and Aragon, however, for a strong feeling of Portuguese -nationality had already developed, based largely on a hatred of -Spaniards. This spirit had something to feed upon from the outset in the -defeat of the popular Antonio of Crato and in the discontent of many -nobles, who did not profit as much by Philip's accession as they had -been led to expect. It was necessary to put strong garrisons in -Portuguese cities and to fortify strategic points. Nevertheless, Philip -experienced no serious trouble and was able to leave Portugal to his -immediate successor. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the war with England.] - -Philip's relations with England, in which the outstanding event was the -defeat of the Spanish Armada, had elements of importance as affecting -Spanish history, especially in so far as they concerned English -depredations in the Americas. They were more important to England, -however, than to Spain, and the story from the English standpoint has -become a familiar one. From the moment of Protestant Elizabeth's -accession to the English throne in 1558, in succession to Catholic Mary, -there was a constant atmosphere of impending conflict between Spain and -England. Greatest of the motives in Philip's mind was that her rule -meant a Protestant England, a serious break in the authority of Catholic -Christianity, but there were other causes for war as well. English aid -of an unofficial but substantial character was helping to sustain the -Protestant Netherlands in revolt against Spain. In the Americas "beyond -the line" (of Tordesillas) the two countries were virtually at war, -although in the main it was a conflict of piratical attacks and the -sacking of cities on the part of the English, with acts of retaliation -by the Spaniards. This was the age of Drake's and Hawkins' exploits -along the Spanish Main (in the Caribbean area), but it was also the age -of Gilbert and Raleigh, and the first, though ineffectual, attempts of -England to despoil Spain of her American dominions through the founding -of colonies in the Spanish-claimed new world. Incidents of a special -character served to accentuate the feeling engendered by these more -permanent causes,--such, for example, as Elizabeth's appropriation of -the treasure which Philip was sending to the Low Countries as pay for -his soldiers: the Spanish vessels took shelter in an English port to -escape from pirates, whereupon Elizabeth proceeded to "borrow," as she -termed it, the wealth they were carrying. Hard pressed for funds as -Philip always was, this was indeed a severe blow. - -[Sidenote: Why a declaration of war was delayed.] - -Nevertheless, a declaration of war was postponed for nearly thirty -years. English historians ascribe the delay to the diplomatic skill of -their favorite queen, but, while there is no need to deny her -resourcefulness in that respect, there were reasons in plenty why Philip -himself was desirous of deferring hostilities, or better still, avoiding -them. In view of his existing troubles with France and the Low Countries -he drew back before the enormous expense that a war with England would -entail, to say nothing of the military difficulties of attacking an -island power. Though he received frequent invitations from the Catholics -of England and Scotland to effect an invasion, these projects were too -often linked with similar proposals to the kings of France, the leading -European opponents of the Spanish monarch. Philip wished to break the -power of Elizabeth and of Protestantism if possible, however, and gave -encouragement to plots against the life of the English queen or to -schemes for revolutionary uprisings in favor of Mary Stuart, a Catholic -and Elizabeth's rival, but none of these designs met with success. Many -Spanish leaders urged a descent upon England, among them Juan of -Austria, who wished to lead the expeditionary force himself, dreaming -possibly of an English crown for his reward, but it was not until 1583 -that Philip viewed these proposals with favor. - -[Sidenote: Preparations for a descent upon England.] - -Once having decided upon an expedition Philip began to lay his plans. -Mary Stuart was persuaded to disinherit her son, who was a Protestant -(the later James I of England), and to make Philip her heir. The pope -was induced to lend both financial and moral support to the undertaking, -although it was necessary to deceive him as to Philip's intentions to -acquire England for himself; the pope was told that Philip's daughter -was to be made queen of England. The proposed descent upon England was -no secret to Elizabeth, who made ready to resist. With a view to -delaying Philip's preparations, Drake made an attack upon Cdiz in 1587, -on which occasion he burned all the shipping in the bay. This only -strengthened Philip's resolutions with regard to the undertaking, and -tended to make him impatient for its early execution. Plans were made -which proved to be in many cases ill considered. The first mistake -occurred when Philip did not entertain a proposition of the Scotch and -French Catholics that he should work in concert with them, thus -declining an opportunity to avail himself of ports and bases of supply -near the point of attack; political reasons were the foundation for his -attitude in this matter. Against advice he also decided to divide the -expedition into a naval and a military section, the troops to come from -the Low Countries after the arrival of the fleet there to transport -them. The worst error of all was that of Philip's insistence on -directing the organization of the fleet himself. All details had to be -passed upon by the king from his palace of the Escorial near Madrid, -which necessarily involved both delay and a faulty execution of orders. -Evil practices and incompetence were manifest on every hand; quantities -of the supplies purchased proved to be useless; and the officers and men -were badly chosen, many of the former being without naval experience. A -great mistake was made in the appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia -to lead the expedition; the principal recommendation of the duke was -that of his family prestige, for he was absolutely lacking in knowledge -of maritime affairs, and said as much to the king, but the latter -insisted that he should take command. - -[Sidenote: Defeat of the Armada.] - -At length the fleet was able to leave Lisbon, and later Corua, in the -year 1588. Because of its great size it was termed the _Armada -Invencible_ (the Invincible Fleet), a name which has been taken over -into English as the Spanish, or the Invincible, Armada. In all there -were 131 ships, with over 25,000 sailors, soldiers, and officers. The -evil effect of Philip's management followed the Armada to sea. He had -given detailed instructions what to do, and the commander-in-chief -would not vary from them. Many officers thought it would be best to make -an attack on Plymouth, to secure that port as a base of operations, but -Philip had given orders that the fleet should first go to the Low -Countries to effect a junction with the troops held in readiness there. -The story of the battle with the English fleet is well known. The -contest was altogether one-sided, for the English ships were both -superior in speed and equipped with longer range artillery. -Nevertheless, storms contributed more than the enemy to the Spanish -defeat. The Armada was utterly dispersed, and many vessels were wrecked. -Only 65 ships and some 10,000 men were able to return to Spain. - -[Sidenote: Domestic troubles and death of Philip.] - -The decisive blow had been struck, and Spain was the loser. The English -war went on into the next reign, and there were several spectacular -military events, not all of them unfavorable to Spanish arms, but they -affected the general situation only in that they continued the strain on -the royal exchequer. In the final analysis Philip had failed in this as -in so many other enterprises. This fact was clear, even at the time, -although the eventualities of later years were to make the outcome -appear the more decisive. Philip's evil star did not confine its effects -to his international policies. His eldest son, Charles, proved to be of -feeble body and unbalanced mind. Getting into difficulties with his -father, he was placed in prison by the latter's orders, and was never -seen again, dying in 1568. Charges have been made that Philip caused his -death, but he was probably blameless, although he did plan to disinherit -him. Philip had no other son until 1571, when his eventual successor was -born, by his fourth wife. Certain other domestic troubles, not divorced -from scandal (although the evidence is in no case conclusive), may be -passed over, except to mention the crowning grief of all. It early -became clear that his son and heir, the later Philip III, was a weak -character. "God, who has given me so many kingdoms," Philip is reported -to have said, "has denied me a son capable of ruling them." In 1598 -Philip died. His last days were passed in extreme physical suffering, -which he endured with admirable resignation. Philip, like the Emperor -Charles, his father, had been indeed a great king, but he was a victim, -as Charles had been, of a mistaken policy. Nevertheless, they had ruled -Spain in her century of greatness, when Spain was not only the leading -power in Europe, but was planting her institutions, for all time, in the -vast domains of the Americas. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -A CENTURY OF DECLINE, 1598-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Spanish defeats of the sixteenth century.] - -The unfortunate policies of Charles I and Philip II were continued -during the seventeenth century in the reigns of Philip III, Philip IV, -and Charles II, but Spain was no longer able to hold her front rank -position in European affairs, especially after the buffets of fortune -which fell to her lot in the reign of Philip IV. Not only that, but a -decline also set in which affected Spanish civilization in all its -phases. The impetus of Spain's greatness in the sixteenth century -carried her along to yet loftier heights in some manifestations of her -inner life, notably in art and literature, but even in these -characteristics the decline was rapid and almost complete by the end of -the reign of Charles II. Italy, France, and the Low Countries continued -to absorb Spanish effort, but now it was Spain's turn to acknowledge -defeat, while France, the great power of the century, took toll for the -losses she had suffered at the hands of Charles I and Philip II. The -unsuccessful Catalan revolt and the victorious war of the Portuguese for -independence assisted to drain Spain of her resources, financial and -otherwise, while the last-named event destroyed peninsula unity, -carrying with it such of the Portuguese colonies as had not already been -lost. Spain yielded the aggressive to her strongest opponent, and -endeavored herself to maintain the defence. Nevertheless, great -achievements were still the rule in the colonies, even if of a less -showy type than formerly. Spain was still the conqueror and civilizer. -On the other hand, the efforts of other nations to found colonies in -lands claimed by Spain began to be successful, and this movement -gathered force throughout the century, together with the direct -annexation of some lands which were already Spanish. - -[Sidenote: Philip III and Spanish relations with England, the Low -Countries, and the Empire.] - -Philip III (1598-1621) was the first of three sovereigns, each of whom -was weaker than his predecessor. The fifteenth-century practice of -government by favorites was restored. Philip III turned over the -political management of his kingdom to the Duke of Lerma, while he -himself indulged in wasteful extravagances, punctuated by an equal -excess in religious devotions. He had inherited wars with England and -the Protestant Netherlands, but the first of these was brought to an end -in 1604, shortly after the accession of James I of England. The war in -the Low Countries was characterized by the same features which had -marked its progress in the previous reign. Philip II had endeavored to -solve the problem by making an independent kingdom of that region, under -his daughter and her husband as the rulers, with a proviso for a -reversion to Spain in case of a failure of the line. This measure was -practically without effect, for Spanish troops and Spanish moneys -continued to be the basis for the wars against the Dutch, or Protestant, -element. Before the end of Philip III's reign the decision for a -reversion to Spanish authority had already been made and accepted. There -were two factors in the Dutch wars of the period worthy of mention. For -one thing the Dutch became more bold on the seas, and began a remarkable -career of maritime conquest which was to last well over half a century. -As affecting Spain this new activity manifested itself mainly in -piratical attacks on Spanish ships, or in descents upon Spanish coasts, -but a number of Philip's Portuguese colonies were picked up by the -Dutch. The Dutch wars also produced a man who was both a great soldier -(a not uncommon type in that day of Spanish military importance) and a -great statesman, who sensed the evil course which Spain was following in -her European relations and argued against it, all to no avail. This man -was Ambrosio Spnola. Spnola won victory upon victory from the Dutch, -but was often obliged to rely on his personal estate for the funds with -which to carry on the campaigns; so when the Dutch asked for a truce he -favored the idea, and on this occasion his views were allowed to -prevail. A twelve-year truce was agreed upon in 1609, one condition of -which was the recognition of the independence of the Protestant states. -In 1618 the great conflict which has become known as the Thirty Years' -War broke out in Germany, having its beginnings in a dispute between the -Hapsburg emperor, Ferdinand, and the Protestant elector of the -Palatinate. Spain entered the war on the side of Ferdinand, largely -because of family reasons, but also in support of Catholicism. Spnola -was sent into the Palatinate with a Spanish army, where he swept -everything before him. Thus casually did Spain enter a war which was to -be a thirty-nine years' conflict for her (1620-1659) and productive of -her own undoing. - -[Sidenote: Relations with France, the Italian states, Turkey, and the -pirates of the Barbary Coast.] - -Affairs with France were characterized by a bit of good fortune which -postponed the evil day for Spain. Henry IV had reorganized the French -kingdom until it reached a state of preparation which would have enabled -it to take the offensive, a policy which Henry had in mind. The -assassination of the French king, in 1610, prevented an outbreak of war -between France and Spain at a time when the latter was almost certain to -be defeated. Marie de Medici became regent in France, and chose to keep -the peace. Italy was a constant source of trouble in this reign, due to -the conflict of interests between the kings of Spain and the popes and -princes of the Italian peninsula. There was a succession of petty wars -or of the prospects of war, which meant that affairs were always in a -disturbed condition. The Turks continued to be a peril to Europe, and -their co-religionists and subjects in northern Africa were the terror of -the seas. Spain rendered service to Europe by repulsing the attempts of -the former to get a foothold in Italy, but could do nothing to check -piratical ventures. The pirates of the Barbary Coast plied their trade -both in the Mediterranean and along Spain's Atlantic coasts to their -limits in the Bay of Biscay, while English and Dutch ships were active -in the same pursuits. - -[Sidenote: Philip IV and Olivares.] - -The storm broke in the reign of Philip IV (1621-1665). Philip IV was -only sixteen at the time of his accession to the throne. He had good -intentions, and tried to interest himself in matters of government, but -was of a frivolous and dissolute nature, unable to give consideration -for any length of time to serious affairs. The result was the rule of -another favorite, the Count-Duke of Olivares. Olivares was possibly the -worst man who could have been chosen, precisely because he had -sufficient ability to attempt the execution of his mistaken ideas. He -was energetic, intelligent, and well educated, but was stubborn, proud, -irascible, boastful, and insulting. He was able to make plans on a -gigantic scale, and had real discernment as to the strength of Spain's -enemies, but lacked the practical capacity to handle the details. The -times were such as demanded a Spnola, but the counsels of Olivares -prevailed, and their keynote was imperialism in Europe and a centralized -absolutism in the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: Spanish losses in the Thirty Years' War.] - -The truce with the Dutch came to an end in 1621. Spnola urged that it -be continued, but Olivares gave orders for the resumption of -hostilities. No advantages of consequence were obtained by Spain, but -the Dutch were again successful in their career on the seas. The Thirty -Years' War continued to involve Spain. France, though Catholic and -virtually ruled by a Catholic cardinal, Richelieu, was more intent on -the development of the French state than upon the religious question, -and aided the Protestants against their enemies. Richelieu did not bring -France into the war until 1635, but, in the meantime, through grants of -money and skilful diplomacy, he was able to make trouble for Spain in -Italy and in the Low Countries. When at length it seemed as if the -Catholic states might win, due largely to the effectiveness of the -Spanish infantry, France entered the war on the side of the Protestant -princes. Spanish troops continued to win battles, without profiting -greatly because of the incessant difficulties from lack of funds. In -1643 the French, under Cond, defeated the Spaniards at Rocroy. The -moral effect of this victory was tremendous, like the surrender of the -ancient Spartans at the Island of Sphacteria, for it was the first time -in some two centuries that the Spanish infantry had been defeated in -pitched battle under nearly equal conditions. Henceforth defeats were no -novelty. The tide had turned; Rocroy spelled Spain's doom as a great -power. The treaties of Westphalia in 1648 affected Spain only so far as -concerned the war with the Protestant Netherlands. Dutch independence -was reaffirmed, and the colonies which the Dutch had won, mainly from -the Portuguese in the East Indies, were formally granted to them. The -Catholic Netherlands remained Spanish. The war with France went on until -1659. In 1652 Cromwell offered Spain an alliance against France, but the -price demanded was high; one of the conditions was that Spain should -permit Englishmen to trade with the Spanish colonies,--an entering wedge -for an English commercial supremacy which might easily be converted into -political acquisition. Spain declined and Cromwell joined France. The -English conquest of Jamaica in the ensuing war was the first great break -in the solidarity of the actually occupied Spanish domain, marking a -turning point in colonial history, as Rocroy had done in that of Europe. -By the treaty of 1659 Spain gave up the Roussillon and Cerdagne, thus -accepting the Pyrenees as the boundary between herself and France. Spain -also surrendered Sardinia and large parts both of the Catholic -Netherlands and of her former Burgundian possessions. The most fruitful -clause in the treaty was that providing for the marriage of the Spanish -princess, Mara Teresa, with Louis XIV of France. The former was to -renounce for herself and her heirs any rights she or they might -otherwise have to the Spanish throne, while a considerable dowry was to -be paid by Spain on her behalf. The results of this marriage will be -mentioned presently. - -[Sidenote: Catalan discontent.] - -Intimately related to the wars just referred to was the Catalan revolt. -The Catalans had long been a nation so far as separate language and -institutions go, and their traditions compared well with those of -Castile, which had now come to dominate in the Spanish state. The whole -course of the revolt is illustrative of the difficulties under which -Spain labored in this era of European wars. The Catalans had objected -for centuries, even before the union with Castile, to the policy of -centralization and absolutism of the kings, alleging their charter -rights which were thus contravened. Such acts as the failure of the -kings to call the Catalan _Cortes_, the increases in taxation, or the -levying of taxes like those paid in Castile, and the introduction of the -Castilian Inquisition had been unfavorably received in the past. Now -came the monarchical designs of Olivares, coupled with the unavoidable -exigencies of the wars, to heighten the discontent. Aside from the -increased taxation there were two matters to which the Catalans were -strenuously opposed on the ground that they were against their legal -rights,--the maintenance of foreign troops (even Castilians and -Aragonese being so regarded) in Catalonia and the enjoyment of public -office by persons who were not Catalans. Furthermore they objected to -the employment of Catalan troops in foreign countries, holding that -their obligations were limited to defending Catalonia, and similarly -they maintained that funds raised in Catalonia should not be used for -wars outside that province. Philip IV tried to procure a subsidy from -the Catalan _Cortes_ in 1626, but the grant was denied. Another attempt -was made in 1632, on which occasion Olivares imprudently followed the -methods of Charles I at the time of the _Cortes_ of Santiago-Corua. He -got the funds, but his action caused great dissatisfaction in the -province. Meanwhile the danger of an invasion from France had led to the -sending of troops to Catalonia, and constant friction followed their -arrival. The imperfect military discipline of that age, together with -the annoyances usually inseparable from the presence of armies, resulted -in many abuses, which were resented even to the point of armed conflict; -as early as 1629, eleven years before the outbreak, there was a bloody -encounter between the citizens and the soldiery at Barcelona. The -irksome requirement calling upon the towns to lodge the troops was also -productive of ill feeling. By law the most that could be demanded was -the use of a room, a bed, a table, fire, salt, vinegar, and service, -while all else must be paid for. Lack of funds was such, however, that -more than this was exacted. In addition to this there came an order from -Madrid calling for the imposition of the _quinto_, or fifth, of the -revenues of the municipalities. France took advantage of the situation -to fan the flame of discontent and to win certain Catalan nobles of the -frontier to her side. Nevertheless, when the French invaded the -Roussillon in 1639 the Catalans rushed to arms and helped to expel them -early in 1640. - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the Catalan revolt.] - -The questions of lodging the soldiers and of procuring additional funds -continued to provoke trouble. Olivares said in an open meeting of the -_Consejo Real_ that the Catalans ought to be made to contribute in -proportion to their wealth. Later he ordered an enforced levy of Catalan -troops for use in Italy, and stated in the decree so providing that it -was necessary to proceed without paying attention to "provincial -pettiness" (_menudencias provinciales_). The impulse for the outbreak -proceeded, however, from the conflicts between the soldiers and the -peasantry of the country districts, especially on account of the -excesses of the retreating royal troops at the time of the French -invasion of the Roussillon. Curiously enough, the peasantry acted very -largely from religious motives. Many of the soldiers were utter -foreigners to the Catalans,--such, for example, as the Italians and the -Irish, both of which elements were present in considerable numbers. To -the ignorant peasants these strange-mannered people, who were Catholics -in fact, seemed most certainly heretics. Attacks on the soldiery began -in the mountain districts early in 1640, and soon extended to the cities -as well. In June a serious riot occurred in Barcelona, during which the -hated royal viceroy was killed. That act marked the triumph of the -revolution and the beginning of the war. - -[Sidenote: The war against the Catalans.] - -It is possible that a policy of moderation might still have avoided the -conflict, but such action was not taken. The war lasted nineteen years, -and was fought bitterly until 1653. In 1640 the Catalans formed a -republic, and made an alliance with France, putting themselves under the -protection of the French monarchy. The republic was short-lived; in 1641 -the monarchical form returned, with a recognition of the king of France -as ruler. French troops aided the Catalans in many expeditions, but in -this very fact lay the remedy for the grievances against Spain. The -Catalans found that French officials and French soldiers committed the -same abuses as those which they had objected to in the case of Castile. -Coupled with a statement of Philip IV that he had never intended to -interfere with the Catalan _fueros_, or charter rights (although -Olivares certainly had so intended), this proved to be the turning -point. Philip confirmed the charters in 1653, but the fighting went on -in certain regions until 1659, when Catalonia was recognized as part of -Spain in the treaty of peace with France. The war had one good result; -it occasioned the dismissal of Olivares in 1643. Nevertheless, the evil -had been done beyond repair, though the dispute had experienced a turn -for the better, dating from Olivares' deprivation from office. - -[Sidenote: Mildness of Spanish rule in Portugal.] - -Meanwhile, Olivares had involved Spain in another direction. From the -time of the acquisition of Portugal by Philip II that region had been -exceedingly well treated by the Spanish kings: no public offices were -given to any but Portuguese; no military or naval forces and no taxes -were required for purely Spanish objects; the Portuguese colonies were -left to the Portuguese, and the route around Africa to the Far East was -closed to Spaniards; Lisbon continued to be the centre of Portuguese -colonial traffic, as Seville was for Spain; and even the members of the -House of Braganza, despite their dangerous claim to the throne, were -allowed to remain in Portugal, and were greatly favored. Furthermore, -Philip II abolished customs houses between Portugal and Castile, made -advantageous administrative improvements (among other things, reforming -colonial management, on the Spanish model), and attempted something in -the way of public works. The annexation weighed very lightly on the -country. The king was represented by a viceroy; there were a few Spanish -troops in Portugal; and some taxes were collected, though they were far -from heavy in amount. Spain has been charged with the responsibility for -the loss of many Portuguese colonies, on the ground that Portugal became -involved in the wars against the Spanish kings, and therefore open to -the attack of Spain's enemies. There is reason for believing, however, -that the connection served rather as a pretext than a cause; this was an -age when the North European powers were engaging in colonial -enterprises, and it is worthy of note that the Dutch, who were the -principal successors to the Portuguese possessions, continued to make -conquests from Portugal after they had formed an alliance with that -country in the war of Portuguese independence from Spain. In fact, very -little passed into foreign hands prior to the Portuguese separation from -the Spanish crown as compared with what was lost afterward. - -[Sidenote: The imperialism of Olivares and the uprising in Portugal.] - -While the nobility and the wealthy classes favored the union with Spain, -there were strong elements in the country of a contrary opinion, for -whom leaders were to be found in the lower ranks of the secular clergy -and especially among the Jesuits. The masses of the people still hated -Spaniards; several generations were necessary before that traditional -feeling could be appreciably lessened. A current of opposition -manifested itself as early as the reign of Philip III, when the Duke of -Lerma, the king's favorite minister, proposed to raise the prohibition -maintained against the Jews forbidding them to sell their goods when -emigrating, and planned to grant them civil equality with Christians. -This had coincided with a slight increase in taxation to produce -discontent. It was natural that the imperialistic Olivares should wish -to introduce a radical change in the relations of Spain and Portugal. He -early addressed the king on the advisability of bringing about a -veritable amalgamation of the two countries, and suggested that -Portuguese individuals should be given some offices in Castile, and -Castilians in like manner awarded posts in Portugal. When this purpose -became known it was used as one of the principal means of stirring up -opposition to Spain, on the ground that Portugal was to be deprived of -her autonomy. The renewal of legislation such as that proposed by the -Duke of Lerma with respect to the Jews and an increase in taxation added -to the dissatisfaction in Portugal to such an extent that there were -several riots. Spain's financial difficulties arising from the European -wars led Olivares to turn yet more insistently to Portugal, and in the -year 1635 new and heavier taxes began to be imposed, together with the -collection of certain ecclesiastical rents which had been granted to the -king by the pope. This produced the first outbreak against the royal -authority. A revolution was started at vora in 1637 which soon spread -to all parts of Portugal, but the nobles, the wealthy classes, and the -Duke of Braganza were not in favor of the movement, and it was soon -suppressed. The condition of affairs which had provoked it continued, -however, and was accentuated by new burdens and fresh departures from -the agreement of Philip II. Taxes became heavier still; Portuguese -troops were required to serve in the Low Countries; and the Duke of -Braganza, of whom Olivares was unreasonably suspicious, was appointed -viceroy of Milan, with a view to getting him out of Portugal. It was -this last measure which was to bring about a fresh and more determined -uprising than that of 1637. The duke refused the appointment, whereupon -Olivares completely changed front, possibly with a view to concealment -of his real suspicions, and made Braganza military governor of Portugal, -besides sending him funds with which to repair the fortifications of the -kingdom. The duke would almost certainly have been satisfied with this -arrangement, had it not been for his wife, whose ambitious character was -not duly taken into account by Olivares. This lady was a Spaniard of the -family of the dukes of Medina Sidonia, but she was desirous of being a -queen, even though it should strike a blow at her native land. She -conspired to bring about a Portuguese revolution headed by her husband, -who should thus become king of Portugal. The Catalonian outbreak of 1640 -furnished a pretext and the propitious occasion desired. The Duke of -Braganza and the nobility generally were ordered to join the royal army -in suppressing the Catalans. Instead, the nobles rebelled, and the -revolution broke out on the first of December in the same year, 1640. -Fortresses were seized, and the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed as Joo -(or John) IV, king of Portugal. - -[Sidenote: The war of Portuguese independence.] - -The war lasted twenty-eight years, but, although it might well have been -considered as more important than any of the problems of the time, other -than the equally momentous Catalan revolt, it was not actively -prosecuted by Spain. Spain was engaged in too many other wars, to which -she gave perhaps an undue share of her attention, and was more than ever -beset by her chronic difficulty of lack of funds. France, England, and -the Protestant Netherlands gave help to Portugal at different times, -whereby the last-named was able to maintain herself against the weak -attacks of Spain. The decisive battle was fought at Villaviciosa in -1665, but it was not until 1668, in the reign of Charles II, that peace -was made. Portugal was recognized as independent, retaining such of her -former colonies as had not already been taken by the Dutch,--with one -exception; the post of Ceuta, in northern Africa, remained Spanish,--the -only reminder of Spain's great opportunity to establish peninsula unity -through the union with Portugal. - -[Sidenote: Other revolts and plottings.] - -Still other difficulties arose in Italy and in Spain to harass the reign -of Philip IV. There were revolts in Sicily in 1646-1647, and in Naples -in 1647-1648, both of which were put down. An Aragonese plot was -discovered, and there was no uprising. A similar plot in Andalusia was -headed by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, captain general of the province -and brother of the new queen of Portugal. This too was uncovered in time -to prevent an outbreak. In Vizcaya there was a serious revolt, growing -out of an alleged tampering with local privileges, but it was eventually -put down. In fine, the reign had been one of disaster. Olivares had been -the chief instrument to bring it about, but, after all, he only -represented the prevailing opinion and traditional policies. The moment -of reckoning had come. - -[Sidenote: Charles "the Bewitched."] - -[Sidenote: French aggressions.] - -The reign of Charles II (1665-1700) was a period of waiting for what -seemed likely to be the end, unless fate should intervene to give a new -turn to affairs. The king himself was doubly in need of a regent, for he -was only four years old when he succeeded to the throne and was also -weak and sick in mind and body. He was subject to epileptic fits, on -which account he was termed Charles "the Bewitched" (_el Hechizado_), -and many people believed that he was indeed possessed of a Devil. This -disgusting, but pitiful, creature was expected to die at any moment, but -he lived to rule, though little more than in name, for thirty-five -years. The whole reign was one of plotting for the succession, since it -early became clear that Charles II could have no heir. There was a -pro-French party, a pro-Austrian party, and a very strong group which -favored a Spaniard, Juan of Austria, illegitimate son of a Spanish -king, as his predecessor of the same name had been. Juan of Austria -became virtual ruler in 1677, but died in 1679, thus eliminating the -only prominent claimant in Spain. France, at the height of her power -under Louis XIV, was unwilling to wait for the death of Charles II -before profiting by Spanish weakness, and therefore engaged in several -wars of aggression, directed primarily against Spain's possessions in -the Low Countries and against the Protestant Netherlands. In many of -these wars other powers fought on the side of Spain and the Dutch, -notably the Holy Roman Emperor, many princes of Germany, and Sweden, -while England and the pope joined the allies against the French military -lord in the last war of the period. Four times Spain was forced into -conflict, in 1667-1668, 1672-1678, 1681-1684, and 1689-1697. Province -after province in northern Europe was wrested away, until, after the -last war, when Louis XIV had achieved his greatest success, little would -have remained, but for an unusual spirit of generosity on the part of -the French king. Instead of taking further lands from Spain, he restored -some which he had won in this and previous wars. The reason was that he -now hoped to procure the entire dominions of Spain for his own family. - -[Sidenote: Plottings of the Austrian and French parties for the -succession.] - -The leader of the party favoring the Hapsburg, or Austrian, succession -in Spain was the queen-mother, Mara Ana, herself of the House of -Austria. After many vicissitudes she at length seemed to have achieved a -victory, when she brought about the marriage of Charles II to an -Austrian princess in 1689, the same year in which the king's former -wife, a French princess, had died. The situation was all the more -favorable in that Louis XIV declared war against Spain in that year for -the fourth time in the reign. The very necessities of the war, added to -the now chronic bad administration and the general state of misery in -Spain, operated, however, to arouse discontent and to provoke opposition -to the party in power. Thus the French succession was more popular, even -during the war, than that of the allied House of Austria. After the war -was over, the French propaganda was established on a solid basis, for it -was evident, now, that Charles II could not long survive. Louis XIV put -forward his grandson, Philip of Anjou, as a candidate, and the Holy -Roman Emperor urged the claims of his son, the Archduke Charles. Not -only did Philip have the weaker hereditary claim, but he also had the -renunciation of his grandmother, Mara Teresa, wife of Louis XIV, -against him. The last-named objection was easily overcome, since Spain -had never paid the promised dowry of Mara Teresa, wherefore Louis XIV -held that the renunciation was of no effect. - -[Sidenote: Success of the French party.] - -The fight, after all, was a political one, and not a mere determination -of legal right, and in this respect Louis XIV and his candidate, Philip, -had the advantage, through skilful diplomacy. The French party in Madrid -was headed by Cardinal Portocarrero, a man of great influence, assisted -by Harcourt, the French ambassador. The imperial ambassador, Harrach, -and Stanhope, the representative of England, worked together; the union -of France and Spain under Bourbon rulers, who would probably be -French-controlled, represented a serious upsetting of the balance of -power, wherefore England desired the succession of the Archduke Charles, -who at that time was not a probable candidate for the imperial crown. -For several years Madrid was the scene of one of the most fascinating -diplomatic battles in European history. The feeble-minded king did not -know what to do, and asked advice on all sides, but could not make up -his mind about the succession. The Austrian party had his ear, however, -through his Austrian wife, and through the king's confessor, who was one -of their group, but by a clever strike of Portocarrero's the king was -persuaded that his wife was plotting to kill him, and was induced to -change confessors, this time accepting a member of the French party. To -divide his opponents Louis XIV proposed the dismemberment of Spain and -her possessions among the leading claimants, assigning Spain, Flanders, -and the colonies to a third candidate, the Prince of Bavaria. The French -king did not intend that any such division should take place, and in any -event the Bavarian prince soon died, but through measures of this type -Louis XIV eventually contrived to supplant in office and in influence -nearly all who opposed the Bourbon succession. Meanwhile, the -unfortunate king was stirred up and worried, although possibly without -evil design, so that his health was more and more broken and his -mentality disordered to the point of idiocy, hastening his death. -Strange medicines and exorcisms were used in order to cast out the Devil -with which he was told he was possessed, exciting the king to the point -of frenzy. In 1700 Louis XIV abandoned his course of dissimulation to -such an extent that it became clear that he would endeavor to procure -all the Spanish dominions for Philip. Henceforth it was a struggle -between the two principal claimants for exclusive rule. The wretched -Spanish monarch was at length obliged to go to bed by what was clearly -his last illness. Even then he was not left in peace, and the plotting -continued almost to the very end. On October 3, Philip was named by the -dying king as sole heir to all his dominions. On November 1, Charles II -died, and with him passed the rule of the House of Austria. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Principal events in the social history of the era.] - -As compared with the two preceding eras there was little in this period -strikingly new in social history. In the main, society tended to become -more thoroughly modern, but along lines whose origins dated farther -back. The most marked novelty in Spain was the conversion of the -Mudjares of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, followed less than a -century later by the expulsion of the Moriscos from every part of Spain. -The most remarkable phase of social history of the time, however, was -the subjection, conversion, and to a certain extent the civilization of -millions of Indians in the Americas. The work was thorough enough to -mark those lands permanently with the impress of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Gradual approximation of the nobility to present-day -society.] - -By a process of natural evolution from the practices current in the -reign of the Catholic Kings the nobles came to exhibit characteristics -very similar to those of present-day society. They now went to court if -they could, or else to the nearest large city, where they became a -bourgeois nobility. Those who remained on their estates were soon -forgotten. Through social prestige the nobles were still able to procure -not only the honorary palace posts but also the majority of the greater -political and military commands. Now and then, an untitled _letrado_ -would attain to a viceroyalty or other high position, but these cases -were the exception. In this way, the great body of the nobles were able -to counteract the economic losses of their class occasioned by the new -importance of mercantile and industrial wealth. Nevertheless, the -wealthiest men of the times were nobles, with whom the richest of -middle-class merchants could hardly compare in material possessions. -The more extraordinary accumulations of wealth, based on vast lands and -the institution of primogeniture, were confined to a few of the greatest -nobles of the land, however. The vast horde of the _segundones_ and -others of the lesser nobility found service as before at court, or in -the train of some great noble, in the army, and in the church. The -nobles retained most of the privileges they had previously enjoyed, but -except in Aragon proper lost much of the political jurisdiction they had -formerly exercised over their own lands. The sentiment in favor of the -royal authority was now so strong that any limitation on the power of -the sovereign was viewed with disapproval. The jurisdiction which the -lords retained was limited by many royal rights of intervention, such as -the superior authority of the king's law, or the royal institution of -the _pesquisa_. Some remnants of the lords' former political and social -power over their vassals existed, but in general the relation was the -purely civil one of landlord and tenant. In Aragon, despite attempts to -effect reforms, the lords still possessed seigniorial authority, -accompanied by the irksome incidents of serfdom; required personal -services of their vassals; collected tributes of a medieval character; -exercised a paternal authority (such as that of permitting or refusing -their vassals a right to marry); and had the power of life and death. - -[Sidenote: Hierarchy of the nobility.] - -[Sidenote: Social vanity.] - -[Sidenote: Survivals of medievalism among the nobles.] - -The hierarchy of the nobility was definitely established in this period. -At the top, representing the medieval _ricoshombres_, were the grandees -(_Grandes_) and the "titles" (_Ttulos_). The principal difference -between the two was that the former were privileged to remain covered in -the presence of the king and to be called "cousins" of the monarch, -while those of the second grade might only be called "relatives,"--empty -honors, which were much esteemed, however, as symbolic of rank. These -groups monopolized all titles such as marquis, duke, count, and prince. -Below them were the _caballeros_ and the _hidalgos_. The word _hidalgos_ -was employed to designate those nobles of inferior rank without fortune, -lands, jurisdiction, or high public office. The desire for the noble -rank of _hidalgo_ and the vanity marked by the devising of family -shields became a national disease, and resulted in fact in the increase -of the _hidalgo_ class. The people of Guipzcoa claimed that they were -all _hidalgos_, and received the royal recognition of their pretension. -Measures were taken to check this dangerous exemplification of social -pride, but on the other hand the treasury found the sale of rights of -_hidalgua_ a profitable source of income. In 1541 there were less than -800,000 taxpayers in Castile, but over 100,000 _hidalgos_. The nobles -did not at once forget their medieval practices of duelling, private -war, plotting, and violence. There were instances of these throughout -the era, and in Aragon and Majorca they were almost continuous. -Nevertheless, the situation did not become so serious as it had been in -the past; it merely represented the deeply rooted force of noble -tradition, which objected to any submission to discipline. Both the -hierarchy of the nobility, with all its incidents of broad estates, -jurisdictions, class pride, and vanity, and the irresponsible practices -of the nobles passed over into the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Advance of the plebeian classes through the rise of the -merchants and the _letrados_.] - -While there were many different categories of free Christian society the -essential grades were those of nobles (or members of the clergy) and -plebeians. There were many rich merchants of the middle class who aped -the nobility in entailing their estates and in luxurious display, and -there were learned men who received distinguished honors or exemptions -from duties to the state, but in social prestige they could not compare -with the lowest _hidalgo_. Many of them became noble by royal favor, and -especially was this way open to the learned class of the _letrados_. -These men provided lawyers and administrative officers for the state, -and, as such, occupied positions which put them on a level, at least in -authority, with the nobles. The advance of the merchants and the -_letrados_ represented a gain for the plebeian class as a whole, for any -free Christian might get to be one or the other and even become -ennobled. The economic decline of Spain in the seventeenth century was a -severe blow to the merchants, while the _letrados_ were unpopular with -nobles and plebeians alike; nevertheless, thoughtful men agreed that -the regeneration of the country must come from these two elements. - -[Sidenote: Improvement in the legal condition of the masses.] - -The masses were poor, as always, but their legal condition, except in -Aragon, had been improved. There were many social wars in Aragon -throughout the period, but the serfs, unable to act together, could not -overcome their oppressors. Something was done by the kings through the -incorporation into the crown of seigniorial estates where abuses were -most pronounced. The same state of chronic warfare existed in Catalonia, -where the rural population, though now freed from serfdom, was still -subject to certain seigniorial rights. By the end of the period the -victory of the plebeians was clear, and the ties which bound them to the -lords were loosened. The social aspects of the civil wars in Castile, -Valencia, and Majorca at the outset of the reign of Charles I have -already been referred to. These revolts failed, and there were no -similar great uprisings of the Christian masses in these regions, but -the tendency of the nobility to go to court and the expulsion of the -Moriscos were to operate to break down the survivals of seigniorial -authority. - -[Sidenote: Slavery.] - -[Sidenote: The gypsies.] - -Although objections were raised to the enslavement of the Indians in the -Americas, the institution of slavery itself was generally recognized; -even charitable and religious establishments possessed slaves. Moslem -prisoners and negroes (acquired through war or purchase), together with -their children, made up the bulk of this class, although there were some -slaves of white race. Conversion to Christianity did not procure -emancipation, but the slaves were allowed to earn something for -themselves with which to purchase their freedom. Certain -restrictions--such, for example, as the prohibition against their living -in quarters inhabited by newly converted Christians, or against their -entering the guilds--were placed upon them once they had become free. -Only a little higher in status than the slaves were the Egipcianos, or -gypsies. About the middle of the fifteenth century they had entered -Spain for the first time by way of Catalonia, and, thenceforth, groups -of them wandered about the peninsula, stealing and telling fortunes for -a living, and having a government of their own. A law of 1499 required -them to settle down in towns and ply honest trades on pain of expulsion -from Spain or of enslavement, but the gypsies neither left Spain nor -abandoned their nomadic ways, and they were a continual problem to the -kings of the House of Austria. Various royal orders provided that they -must take up an occupation, although their choice was virtually limited -by law to the cultivation of the soil; they were not to live in the -smaller villages, were forbidden to use their native language, dress, or -names, or to employ their customs in marriage and other matters, and -were prohibited from dwelling in a separate quarter of their own. Fear -lest the Christian population become contaminated by gypsy superstitions -and a regard for public security were the guiding motives for this -legislation. Severe penalties were attached, but the evil was not -eradicated; similar laws had to be enacted as late as the eighteenth -century. - -[Sidenote: Forced conversion of the Mudjares of the kingdom of Aragon.] - -After the time of the Catholic Kings there were no free Mudjares in -Castile, although there were many Moriscos, but in Aragon, Catalonia, -and especially in Valencia the Mudjares were numerous. Many elements, -including the majority of the clergy (the officers of the Inquisition in -particular), the king, and the Christian masses were in favor of their -forcible conversion with a view to the establishment of religious unity -in the country, although other reasons were alleged as well. The nobles -were warmly opposed, mainly on economic grounds because the Mudjares -formed the principal element among their agricultural workers. Many of -the higher clergy joined with them for the same reason, although some of -them voiced their objections on the ground that compulsory baptism would -only result in apostasy. During the social war in Valencia early in the -reign of Charles I the popular faction had forcibly converted a number -of the Mudjares who had fought against them on the side of the lords. -The question arose whether these baptisms were valid. Charles decided -that they were, and ordered the children of the Mudjares, who had thus -unwillingly become Moriscos, to be baptized also. This provoked a storm -of protest on the part of the lords, for the continuance of such a -policy might result in emigrations or uprisings, much to their -detriment. They cited the royal oath of Ferdinand and of Charles himself -to the _Cortes_ of Aragon not to compel the Mudjares to abjure their -faith, but this difficulty was easily overcome. The pope was persuaded -to absolve Charles from his oath, and gave his consent to the forcible -conversion of the free Mudjares, on pain of perpetual enslavement or -expulsion from Spain. In 1525 Charles published a decree in accordance -with the terms of the papal license. The objections of the nobles and -the _Cortes_ were overruled, and several isolated rebellions were put -down. While many Mudjares went to Africa, thousands accepted -conversion, and, although it was clear that they did not do so of their -own free will, were at once made subject to the usual rules applying to -converts, including the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Soon afterward, -however, Charles consented to exempt them from religious persecution for -a number of years. - -[Sidenote: Failure of the attempts to Christianize the Moriscos.] - -The problem of religious unity was now officially solved; all Spain -legally had become Christian. The Moriscos were the subject of grave -suspicions, however, as regards their orthodoxy, and with reason, since -most of them continued to be Mohammedans in fact. The harsh legislation -of other days was resurrected, and was applied with even greater -severity. Prohibitions extended to the use of anything reminiscent of -their former religion or customs, such as amulets, the Arabic language, -Arabic names, their special form of dress, their characteristic songs -and dances, and their habit of taking baths. The laws applying to -Granada were particularly harsh, provoking the already mentioned war of -1568-1571. After the suppression of that rebellion and the deportation -of the Granadine Moriscos to other parts of Castile, steps were taken to -prevent their return and to keep them under surveillance. The Moriscos -were not allowed to dwell together in a district of their own; they -might not stay out overnight, or change their residence without -permission; and their children were ordered to be brought up in the -homes of Christians of long standing, or at any rate to be sent to -Christian schools. Prohibitions against carrying arms and other -measures designed to prevent the Moriscos from endangering the peace -were general throughout Spain. Gradually the idea arose that the best -thing to do would be to get rid of the Moriscos in some way. In the -first place the attempt to convert them had been a failure. The Moriscos -were not altogether to blame, for no adequate steps had been taken to -instruct them in the Christian religion. Orders to do so had been -issued, but for many reasons they were difficult to execute. Such a task -would have been enormously expensive, and the funds were not at hand; -few Christian priests were competent to serve as instructors, since not -many of them knew Arabic; there existed the serious obstacle of the -hatred of the Moriscos for the Christian religion, due to the bad -treatment they had received and their fear of the Inquisition; and the -nobles threw the weight of their influence against molesting the -Moriscos in this way as in others. In the second place, the very hatred -of the Christian masses for the Moriscos had rendered their conversion -difficult. Some of the charges made against them would seem to indicate -that prejudice was the real foundation of this animosity. It was said -that the Moriscos ate so little meat and drank so little wine that -Christians had to pay nearly all of the _alcabala_, or the tax on their -sale; they were denounced because they monopolized the industrial arts -and trades, to the disadvantage of Christians; complaints were made that -they always married, never becoming monks, wherefore their numbers -increased more rapidly than those of the Christian population. Thus -their frugality, industry, and domesticity were made the subject of -accusations. Naturally there were more serious grounds of complaint than -these, such as the inevitable private conflicts of old Christians and -Moriscos, but differences in race, religion, and general customs were -enough to cause popular hatred in that day, when intolerance was the -rule. In the third place, it must be said in measurable justification of -Spanish policy that the Moriscos did represent a danger to the state. -They were numerous, and, naturally enough, hostile to the government; -time and again they were proved to have fostered or taken part in -uprisings and to have worked in conjunction with Moslem pirates; -finally, the likelihood of a fresh Moslem descent from Africa, assisted -by Spanish Moriscos, was not to be disregarded. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Moriscos.] - -The failure of the attempts to convert the Moriscos had long been -recognized, and the question arose what to do with them. Some men -proposed a general massacre, or sending them to sea and scuttling the -ships. Others suggested that they be sent to the Americas to work in the -mines,--a solution which might have had interesting consequences. From -about 1582, however, the idea of expelling them from Spain became more -and more general, and was favored by men of the highest character,--for -example, by Juan de Ribera, archbishop of Valencia (canonized in the -eighteenth century). The expulsion was virtually decided upon as early -as 1602, but the decrees were postponed for several years. In September, -1609, the expulsion from Valencia was ordered. All Moriscos except -certain specified groups were required to be at various designated ports -within three days; they were allowed to carry such movable property as -they could, while the rest of their possessions was to go to their -lords,--a sop to the nobles, for whom the expulsion meant great economic -loss; they were informed that they would be taken to Africa free of -charge, but were told to carry as much food as they could. Six per cent -of the Morisco men and their families were excepted by the decree, so -that they might instruct the laborers who should take the place of the -expelled Moriscos. Various other groups, such as slaves, small children -(under certain specified conditions), and those whose conversion was -regarded as unquestionably sincere, were also exempted. The Moriscos -were unwilling to avail themselves of the exceptions in their favor, and -a general exodus began. The decree was cruelly executed, despite the -government's attempt to prevent it. Murder, robbery, and outrages -against women went unpunished; even the soldiers sent to protect the -Moriscos were guilty of these abuses. Many Moriscos were sold into -slavery, especially children, who were taken from their parents. When -news came that the peoples of northern Africa had given a harsh -reception to the first of the Moriscos to disembark there, many -preferred to take the chances of revolt rather than submit to expulsion, -but these uprisings were easily put down. Decrees for the other parts of -Spain soon followed; the decree for Castile proper, Extremadura, and La -Mancha came in the same year, 1609; for Granada, Andalusia, and Aragon -in 1610; and for Catalonia and Murcia in 1611, although the execution of -the decree for Murcia was postponed until 1614. The terms of all, while -varying in details, resembled that of Valencia. More time was given, -usually a month; the permission to carry away personalty was accompanied -by a prohibition against the taking of money or precious metals; and in -some cases all children under seven were required to remain in Spain -when their parents elected to go to Africa. On this account many -Moriscos made the voyage to Africa by way of France, on the pretence -that they were going to the latter country, thus retaining their -children. - -[Sidenote: Failure of the expulsions to stamp out the Morisco and Jewish -elements in Spanish blood.] - -Various estimates have been made as to the number of the expelled -Moriscos. It is probable that some half a million were obliged to -emigrate. Many remained in Spain, forming outlaw bands in the mountains, -or hiding under the protection of their lords, while thousands had long -since merged with the Christian population. Almost from the start a -current of re-immigration set in, for, after all, the Moriscos had in -many respects become Spaniards, and they found that conditions in the -lands to which they had gone were far from agreeable. Throughout the -seventeenth century laws were enacted against returning Moriscos, but -were of such little effect that the government virtually admitted its -powerlessness in the matter. Southern Spain and the east coast below -Catalonia remained strongly Moslem in blood, and the other provinces of -the peninsula were not a little affected as well, but as regards -religion the Morisco element was gradually merged, and this matter never -became a serious problem again. Similar questions arose over returning -Jews, who came back to Spain for much the same reasons the Moriscos did. -They were not nearly so numerous, however, wherefore their return did -not represent such a political danger as did that of the Moriscos. - -[Sidenote: Influence of Roman principles on the institutions of the -family and private property.] - -The legal status of the family underwent no striking change in this -period, except that the victory of Roman principles was more and more -confirmed. The decisions of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), a famous -general council of the Catholic Church, prohibited divorce, clandestine -marriage, and in general any kind of marital union not made according to -the solemnities and forms of the church, and these principles became law -in Spain, but they represented tendencies which had long before appeared -in the _Partidas_ and the _Leyes de Toro_. Unions lacking the sanction -of the law did not disappear; rather they were one of the prominent -features of the immorality of the times. It was in its economic aspects -that the family experienced its most marked change, and this was due to -the exceptional favor with which the institution of primogeniture had -come to be viewed, keeping pace with the vanity and the furor for -ennoblement of the age. The very extension of the practice was its -saving grace, for not only the great nobles but also persons of lesser -note, including plebeians with not too vast estates, were wont to leave -their properties to the eldest son; thus accumulation in the hands of a -very few was avoided. For the same reason the crown often favored the -custom for the smaller holdings, but restricted it in the case of the -_latifundia_,--for example, in the prohibition issued against the -combining of two such great estates. The individualism and capitalism of -the Roman law was most marked of all in matters of property. One -interesting attempt was made to get around the laws against usury -through the purchase of annuities, the _censo consignativo_. Popular -opinion, reinforced by the ideas of the moralists and jurisconsults and -even by a bull of the pope, opposed the practice, and it did not -survive. Despite the supremacy of the Roman ideas there were many -writings of a socialistic character citing the collectivism of the -Peruvian Incas or other such states of society as desirable of adoption -in Spain. The philosopher Luis Vives, for example, favored a -redistribution of natural resources and their equal enjoyment by all. - -[Sidenote: Evolution of the guilds.] - -While the law frowned upon the spirit of association, even prohibiting -the founding of new _cofradas_, the guilds enjoyed their greatest era -of prosperity. This was due in part to the intervention of the state, -which supplanted the municipalities in control of the institution. State -regulation, even in technical matters, went further than it had in the -fifteenth century. Despite government interest, as evidenced by the -according of numerous privileges, the germs of the decline of the guilds -were already apparent at the close of the seventeenth century. The -exclusive spirit of the guilds whereby they endeavored to keep trade in -the hands of their own members and their families, without admitting -others who were competent to belong, was one cause of this decline, -while their loss of liberty (due to government intervention) and the -strife within and without the guild were contributing factors. One -novelty of the era was the growing distinction between the manual arts -and the liberal professions, the latter of which rose to a higher -consideration. Thus lawyers, notaries, and doctors were rated above -those engaged in manual labors, while there was also a recognized -hierarchy among the last-named, from the workers in gold, silver, -jewelry, and rich cloths down to the drivers of mules. The great -association of the _Mesta_ still enjoyed wide powers, as did also that -of the carriers. - -[Sidenote: Low moral tone of the era.] - -In laxness of morals and in luxury this period was much like the two -preceding. It seems worse, but this may be due to the greater variety of -materials at hand for study, such as books of travel, novels, plays, -satires, letters, laws, and the frequently appearing "relations of -events," which in that day took the place occupied by the modern -newspaper. A Spanish writer has characterized the practices of the time -in the following language: "The ideal of an exaggerated sense of honor, -chivalric quixotism, religious fanaticism, and the exalted predominance -of form over the essence of things ruled Spanish society of the -seventeenth century, absolutely and tyrannically. Duels and stabbings at -every moment to sustain the least question of etiquette or courtesy; -scandalous conflicts of jurisdiction between the highest tribunals of -state; absurd and ridiculous projects to make silver without silver, -fomented by the leading ministers; extremely costly and showy feasts to -solemnize ordinary events, while cities, islands, provinces, and even -kingdoms were being lost through bad government and worse -administration; frequent and pompous public processions; blind belief in -the miraculous virtue of some medal, stamp, or old rag of Mother Luisa -or some other impostor; politico-religious sermons within and without -the royal palace; the most abominable and nefarious sins scattered to an -almost unbelievable extent among all classes of Madrid society; the vice -of gambling converted into a profession by many persons; and, in fine, -the censure of our court, by those who formed part of it and by those -who did not, for its astonishing abundance and its depraved life of -strumpets and wenches.... It is true that there were men of high degree -who preferred the coarse sackcloth of the religious to the rich clothing -of brocade and gold, and military leaders who exchanged the sword for -the monkish girdle, but these were exceptions, which by the very fewness -of their numbers stand out the more strongly from the general stock of -that society, so accustomed to laziness, hypocrisy, routine, and -external practices as it was, removed from the true paths of virtue, -wisdom, and progress." If to these characteristics there are added those -of the misery and ignorance of the common people, and if an exception is -made of the men devoted to intellectual pursuits, the above is fairly -representative of Spanish society in this period. Loose practices were -prevalent in excessive degree at Madrid, which had become the capital in -the time of Philip II. While such a state of affairs is not unusual in -all great capitals, immorality infected all classes of society in -Madrid, and little if any stigma attached in the matter. Philip IV had -thirty-two illegitimate children, and Charles I and even the somewhat -sombre Philip II were not without reproach. Much that is unspeakable was -prevalent, and gambling was generally indulged in. Lack of discipline -also manifested itself in frequent duelling, despite prohibitive laws, -and in the turbulence of the people on different occasions; university -students were somewhat notorious in this respect, indulging in riots -which were not free from incidents of an unsavory character. Other -cities were little better than Madrid, and those of the south and east, -where Moslem blood had been most plentiful, especially Seville and -Valencia, had a yet worse reputation; Valencia had even a European -notoriety for its licentious customs. These practices passed over into -the Americas in an exaggerated form. The Andalusian blood of the -conquerors and their adventurous life amidst subject races were not -conducive to self-restraint. These evils were not to be without effect -in the moulding of the Spanish American peoples. In the smaller Spanish -towns and villages there was probably less vice, but there was more -ignorance and greater lack of public security. Bands of robbers infested -the country. - -[Sidenote: Royal extravagance.] - -In luxury as in immorality the example was set by the kings themselves. -Some of its manifestations were meritorious (except that expenditures -were out of proportion to the resources and needs of the state), -especially the encouragement of art through the purchase of paintings -and the construction of palaces. But if Charles I and Philip II were -lavish, Philip III and Philip IV were extravagant. Both of these kings, -in addition to their fondness for the theatre, bull-fighting, dancing, -and hunting, were responsible for the most ostentatious display on -occasions of court celebrations. When Philip III went to San Sebastin -in 1615 to attend the double wedding which was to bind together the -houses of Austria and Bourbon, he was accompanied by a train of 74 -carriages, 174 litters, 190 state coaches, 2750 saddle mules, 374 beasts -of burden (of which 128 had coverings embroidered with the royal coat of -arms), 1750 mules with silver bells, and 6500 persons, besides an escort -of 4000 Guipuzcoans. Equal pomp and extravagance marked the reception to -the Archduchess Mara Ana of Austria when she came to Spain as the -fiance of Philip IV; similarly, the entertainment accorded the Prince -of Wales (the later Charles I of England) and the Duke of Buckingham -when they visited Spain early in the reign of Philip IV; and likewise -the various masquerades during the period of Olivares, one of which is -said to have cost over 300,000 ducats (nearly $5,000,000). It would seem -that war was not alone responsible for the drains on the Spanish -treasury. There was a decline in expenditures in the reign of Charles -II, due principally to the fact that there was little left to spend. - -[Sidenote: Luxury in general.] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -Private individuals could not equal the kings in extravagance, but they -did the best they could. Houses often lacked comforts in the way of -furniture, but made a brave showing in tapestries and paintings. -Naturally, great attention was paid to dress. Under Charles I, just as -in art, so also in dress, clothing was in a stage which may be called -the transition from the "plateresque" to the "Spanish Renaissance." For -example, influenced by German and Swiss fashions, men wore puffs on -their forearm or between the waist and hips, variegated oblong pieces in -their jackets, bright colors generally, and a tall conical hat. In -keeping with the greater sobriety of Philip II, styles became "Herreran" -in that the puffs were abandoned, obscure colors replaced gay, and a cap -superseded its more pretentious predecessor. Philip III inaugurated the -"baroque" in dress with a return to the styles of Charles I, but in an -exaggerated form. - -[Sidenote: Sports and amusements.] - -[Sidenote: General social customs.] - -Men were much given to sports and outings. The duel as a sport passed -out at the beginning of the era, and jousts and tourneys lost their -vogue by the end of the sixteenth century, but a host of new games took -their place, such as equestrian contests of skill in the use of reed -spears, lances, or pikes, but, more than all, the game which has ever -since gripped Spanish interest, the bull-fight. Dances, parties, -excursions, picnics, and masquerades were also in high favor. Dancing on -the stage had a tendency to be indecent,--so much so, that it had to be -prohibited. Tobacco was introduced from America at this time. Bathing -was unpopular, partly because of the stigma attaching to that hygienic -practice as a result of Moslem indulgence therein, but it was also the -subject of attacks by writers on ethics, who complained of the immoral -uses to which bath-houses were put. Public celebrations of feast days -and carnivals were characterized by exhibitions of rough horse-play -which were far removed from modern refinement. People considered it -amusing to empty tiny baskets of ashes on one another, to trip up -passers-by with a rope across the street, to put a lighted rag or a -piece of punk in a horse's ear, to pin an animal's tail or some other -unseemly object on a woman's dress, to loose harmless snakes or rats in -a crowd, to drop filthy waters on passers-by in the streets below, and -to hurl egg-shells full of odorous essences at one another, varying the -last-named missile with what the present-day American school-boy knows -as the "spitball." These were not the acts of children, but of ladies -and gentlemen! Nevertheless, there was a beginning of refinement in -table manners. Napkins were introduced, first as an unnecessary luxury, -and later more generally,--replacing the use of the table cloth! It also -became a polite custom to wash one's hands before eating. The same -progress is to be noted in another respect; Charles I indulged in the -somewhat "plateresque" custom of kissing all ladies who were presented -to him at court; Philip II in true "Herreran" style gave it up. - -[Sidenote: Bad care of cities.] - -Cities were badly cared for. Barcelona, Madrid, and Seville were alone -in being paved. Uncleanly human practices, despite efforts to check -them, led to the accumulation of filth and odors in the streets, and -this condition was not remedied, although there were officials charged -with the duty of street-cleaning. No city had a lighting system worthy -of the name; in Madrid the only street lights were the faintly -glimmering candles or lamps which were placed before sacred images. All -Europe exhibited the same social defects as those which have just been -detailed, but Spain seemed reduced more than other countries to a state -of poverty and misery, displaying every manifestation of mortal decay. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: The establishment of absolutism.] - -Two outstanding features marked the history of Spanish political -institutions in the era of the House of Hapsburg, or Austria: the -absolutism of the kings; and the development of a modern bureaucratic -machinery. The Hapsburgs did not introduce absolutism into Spain, but, -rather, succeeded to a system which the efforts of their predecessors, -especially the Catholic Kings, had made possible. Nevertheless, it was -in this period that the kings, aided by greater resources than former -Spanish monarchs had possessed, by the prestige of ruling the most -extensive and powerful dominions in the world, and by the predominantly -royalist ideas of the age, including the theory of divine right, were -able for the first time to direct the affairs of state much as they -chose. To be sure, they were still supposed to respect the laws and to -rule for the good of their subjects, but in practice it was left to them -to interpret their own conduct. Instances have already been given of -Charles I's infringements of the law,--for example, in his employment of -Flemish favorites. He also introduced a system of personal rule, making -himself the head and centre of all governmental action. It was Philip -II, however, who carried the ideal of personal rule to the greatest -extreme. Suspicion and direct intervention in state affairs were the -basic principles of his government, wherefore he gave no man his full -confidence, but tried to do as much as he could himself. If the methods -of Philip II, the most bureaucratic king in history, often had -unfortunate results,--for example, in the case of preparing the famous -Armada,--those of his successors were far more disastrous. Under Philip -III and Philip IV the royal authority was granted to favorites, while -the power of Charles II had necessarily to be exercised most of the time -by some other than the feeble-minded king himself. Thus these reigns -were a period of continual intriguing by different factions for the -king's confidence, in order that the victors might rule Spain for their -own enrichment. - -[Sidenote: Tendencies toward centralization.] - -At first sight it would seem that the kings were not successful in their -policy of centralization. It was hardly to be expected that the -dominions outside the peninsula could be brought under the same system -of law and custom as governed in Castile, and the case was much the same -as regards Portugal when that kingdom was added to the monarchy. With -respect to the rest of the peninsula, however, Olivares expressed what -was at least a desirable ideal, when he wished to bring about an -amalgamation on the Castilian pattern, both in law and in common -sentiment, of the dominions of the crown. Some changes were in fact made -which tended to promote legal unification, but in essentials the ancient -customs of Navarre, Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque -provinces were left undisturbed. It is possible that the merger might -have been attempted with safety at almost any time before 1640, when -Olivares tried it,--quite probably so in the sixteenth century. That it -was not undertaken may have been due to the attention given to foreign -wars, but in any event the autonomy of the non-Castilian kingdoms of the -monarchy was more apparent than real. The nobility and many of the -people were intensely royalist, and even when they were not so in -principle they supported the kings because, like them, they were -profoundly Catholic. Furthermore, the organization representing the old -rgime had declined internally to such an extent that it was a mere -shadow of its former self. Centralization had in fact been going on -without process of law, and for that very reason it was easy in the next -period to make it legally effective. - -[Sidenote: Submissiveness of the Castilian _Cortes_.] - -[Sidenote: Comparative independence of the other _Cortes_.] - -Nowhere was the absolutism of the kings more manifest than in their -dealings with the Castilian _Cortes_. The principal functions of this -body had always been to grant or withhold subsidies and to make -petitions, which the kings might, or might not, enact into law. In this -period the deputies were so submissive that they never failed to grant -the required subsidy, despite the exhaustion of the country, while their -petitions received scant attention. Under the circumstances, since the -grant of a subsidy by the representatives of the towns was now the only -reason for calling a _Cortes_, the nobles and the clergy were not always -summoned. Charles I encountered some resistance of the _Cortes_ in the -early part of his reign, but in later years the kings experienced no -serious difficulty. The deputies themselves lost interest, and not -infrequently sold their privilege of attendance to some individual who -might even be a non-resident of the town he was to represent. The kings -procured the right to appoint many of the deputies, or else issued -orders to the towns, directing them how to instruct their delegates, and -also gave pensions to the deputies, thus insuring the expression of -their own will in the meetings of the _Cortes_. It is not strange that -the _Cortes_ was called frequently,--forty-four times down to 1665. In -1665 the function of granting subsidies was given directly to the -towns,--with the result that no _Cortes_ was held in the entire reign of -Charles II. The various other _Cortes_ of the peninsula were more -fortunate than that of Castile. Those of the kingdom of Aragon (Aragon -proper, Catalonia, and Valencia) had always participated more than that -of Castile in legislation, and had been more prone to voice their -grievances. The calling of a _Cortes_ in these regions involved -difficulties, especially in Valencia, where the king was obliged to be -present, in order to constitute a legal meeting. The need for funds was -such, however, that a number of _Cortes_ were summoned,--seventeen in -Aragon, thirteen in Catalonia, fourteen in Valencia, and seventy-three -in Navarre,--but the kings did not obtain a great deal from them. Often -the delegates refused to make a grant, or else gave so little that it -hardly covered the expenses of the king's journey to the place of -meeting. No effort was made to join these bodies with that of Castile to -form a national _Cortes_; the force of particularism was as yet too -strong to attempt it. - -[Sidenote: Subservience of the towns to the royal will.] - -Just as in the case of the Castilian _Cortes_, so also in that of the -towns, the absolutism of the kings made itself felt to a marked degree, -for the way had been prepared in previous reigns, and in this instance -the royal authority was equally as noteworthy in Aragon, Catalonia, -Valencia, and Majorca as in Castile. This was brought about principally -through the decline of the towns in political spirit, a movement which -had been going on since the fourteenth century. As a result the -_ayuntamientos_ had usurped the powers which formerly belonged to the -general assembly of citizens, and now their functions became absorbed -more and more by the kings through their officials in the towns, such as -the _corregidores_ and others. So great was the authority of the kings -that they were able to make a profit for the treasury by the sale in -perpetuity of local offices, and when the evils which resulted became -too pronounced they gave orders abolishing all such positions acquired -before 1630. Furthermore, all local legislation of an important -character had to receive the sanction of the _Consejo Real_. Much the -same local officials as in the past administered the affairs of the -municipalities, and the methods of their acquisition of office continued -to be diverse, being in some towns by election, in others by lot, in -still others by inheritance, and in yet others by royal appointment; but -in all of the large royal towns (_realengos_) the king's authority was -paramount. In fine, local autonomy was virtually dead, although the -forms of the period when the towns were a virile political factor still -persisted. In two classes of municipalities the royal victory was not -complete. One was that of the small villages, where the system of the -medieval _villa_, or _concejo_, obtained, but since these units were of -small consequence the retention of their earlier liberties had little or -no effect on the general situation. The other was that of the -seigniorial towns, most of them in Aragon, Catalonia, and Navarre, where -the struggles of past eras, of the citizens against the lords, were -repeated in this. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the bureaucracy.] - -With the advance both in royal authority and in the scope and extension -of government it was inevitable that the new bureaucracy, which had made -its appearance in the modern sense under the Catholic Kings, should -increase in the number of its officials and in power until it absorbed a -great part of the functions which the kings themselves had formerly -exercised in person. Aside from the royal secretaries, the -governor-generals (during the absence of the king), regents, and members -of the various administrative groups there were often individuals -without portfolios who exercised great power as private counselors of -the king. Some of the members of the _Consejo Real_ were also prominent -in this extra-official way. The importance of the royal secretaries, of -whom there were always more than one, was notably great in this period. -Whenever one of them became the favorite, the others were nevertheless -retained, grouping themselves around the one who had the ear of the -king. The office of the latter became a universal bureau and secretariat -of state (_Secretara de Estado y del Despacho Universal_), presiding -over the others. - -[Sidenote: Power of the _Consejo Real_.] - -Meanwhile, the _Consejo Real_ advanced in power, and new councils were -added. The most notable reform in the _Consejo Real_ was its division in -1608 into four sections, or _salas_, respectively of government -(_Gobierno_), justice (_Justicia_), "fifteen hundred" (_Mil y -quinientos_), and the provinces (_Provincia_). The last three had to do -with affairs of justice, while the _Sala de Gobierno_, the most -important of the four, was supposed to concern itself mainly with -politics and administration. Nevertheless, the variety of functions -which had always characterized the _Consejo_ as a whole applied in like -manner to each of the _salas_. Thus the _Sala de Gobierno_ handled such -widely divergent matters as the extirpation of vice and sin, the -economic development of the country, the decision in cases of conflict -of laws or jurisdictions, cases of recourse of _fuerza_, the cleaning -and improvement of Madrid, questions of peace and war, together with a -great number of others. Moreover, many of its functions were judicial in -character. Important affairs, especially those on which the king -requested advice, were taken up by the _Consejo_ in full (_en -pleno_),--that is, by a joint meeting of the four _salas_. While the -_Consejo_ had been in origin a purely consultive body, it now acquired -the privilege of making suggestions to the king of its own volition and -of indicating its objections to any measures he might have taken. It -was natural that the decisions, or _autos_, of the _Consejo_ should have -great weight, both as affecting matters of justice, and as concerned -government and administration in general, since the _Consejo_ might make -new laws and annul or dispense with old ones, although of course -consulting with the king before publishing its decision. The _autos_ of -the _Consejo_ became, therefore, an important source of legislation, and -in 1552 it was decided that they should have the same force as the laws -of the king himself. Late in the sixteenth century it became customary -to call the _Consejo_ the _Consejo de Castilla_ (Council of Castile), by -which name, henceforth, it was more generally known. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Cmara.] - -In like manner other councils were formed (in addition to those dating -from the era of the Catholic Kings) which relieved the monarch of many -of his responsibilities. The most important was the _Consejo de la Real -Cmara_ (Council of the Royal Chamber), more often called the _Cmara de -Castilla_, or simply the _Cmara_. This was founded by Philip II in 1588 -to assist him in handling such matters as the kings had always retained -for themselves, apart from the _Consejo Real_, such as questions arising -in connection with the _patronato real_, or royal patronage, of the -church and appointments generally to the various councils, _audiencias_, -and other important posts in Castilian administration. Men of the -highest character were chosen to compose the _Cmara_, and secrecy as to -their discussions was imposed upon them. In 1616 the _Cmara_ advanced a -step further, in that certain affairs--such as pardons for crime, -authorizations for entailing estates in primogeniture, the -naturalization of foreigners, and the removal of civil and political -disabilities from individuals subject to them--were left for it to -resolve without consulting the king. The king still intervened in the -more important matters. Among the new councils of the era were those of -finance (_Hacienda_), war (_Guerra_), and indulgences (_Cruzada_), all -of Castilian origin. - -[Sidenote: Expansion of the royal judiciary.] - -The expansion of officialdom in the peninsula made its presence felt in -the judiciary as elsewhere. The three judicial _salas_ of the _Consejo -Real_ and in some cases the _Sala de Gobierno_ as well became the -fountain-head of justice, under the king. This was especially true of -the full _Consejo_, which met weekly. This body also named special -judges, such as _visitadores_, both to procure information for the -_Consejo_ and to inspect the tribunals of lower grade. The number of -_audiencias_ was increased until there were five in the peninsula and -one each in Majorca and the Canary Islands, besides a number in the -Americas.[55] Below these was the hierarchy of the lesser officials. -There were still various outstanding jurisdictions, such as those of the -towns, the military orders, the Inquisition, and the church, but one of -the keynotes of the era was the advance of the royal courts at the -expense of the others. The administration of justice left much to be -desired, however. As a result of the wars and civil conflicts and the -general state of misery and lack of discipline, public security was -almost non-existent. Banditry and crime went unsuppressed, and -legislation served for little in the face of the corruption of officials -and the lack of means to make the laws effective. - -[Sidenote: Vastness of the royal expenditures.] - -Frequent references have already been made to the desperate state of -Spanish finances in the era of the House of Austria and to its -importance as an ultimate factor affecting Spanish dominion in the -Americas. Vast sums were expended for political and military ends, the -only compensations for which were extensions of territory and power and -a satisfaction of the desire for glory, without reflecting themselves in -an increase of public wealth, the well-being of Spaniards, or even in -commercial advantage; on the contrary, economic development was checked -or hindered by the continual wars in which the kings engaged. -Expenditures very greatly increased over what they had been before. It -will be sufficient to explain this if some comment is made on two -noteworthy objects to which state revenues were devoted: the maintenance -of the court; and the cost of the wars. The ordinary expenses of the -royal family jumped under Charles I to about 150,000 ducats ($2,250,000) -a year,--more than ten times the amount required by the Catholic Kings. -To this should be added the vast sums granted to the princes; in 1550 -Philip (the later Philip II) received 55,000 ducats (over $800,000) in -the course of four months. The expenditures of the court constantly -increased. In 1562 the ordinary court expenses amounted to 415,000 -ducats (well over $6,000,000), and under Philip III they were 1,300,000 -(nearly $20,000,000) annually. In addition there were the _fiestas_ -(festivities) and royal marriages, on which tremendous sums were -squandered. As for military expenditures the war in Flanders alone -consumed 37,488,565 ducats (nearly $600,000,000) in the space of eleven -years, 1598 to 1609, and other campaigns were costly in proportion,--and -this in spite of the fact that supplies were often not provided and -salaries were left unpaid, leading to tumults on the part of the -soldiery. To gain an adequate idea of the vastness of these sums one -must bear in mind, not only the greater purchasing power of money in -that day and the comparatively small population of the peninsula, -especially the small number of taxpayers, but also the fact that the -resources of the Spanish state then were as little, as compared with -those of the present day, as they were great in comparison with those of -medieval Spain. - -[Sidenote: Tremendous increase in taxation in Castile.] - -It is no wonder that the people through their representatives in the -_Cortes_ began to ask for peace and the termination of military -adventures, even in the period when victories were frequent; the nobles -also favored an end of the wars,--when the kings endeavored to get them, -too, to grant a subsidy. One result of the greater financial -requirements of the state was an increase in taxation, both in the -collection of the existing taxes at a higher rate, and in the imposition -of new ones. The grants, or _servicios_, of the Castilian _Cortes_ were -frequent and large in amount. In 1538 there appeared the new tax of the -_millones_, so-called because it was calculated in millions of ducats. -This was an excise on articles of prime necessity,--meat, wine, oil, and -vinegar. It was extended soon to powder, lead, sulphur, red ochre, -vermilion, sealing-wax, and playing cards, which together were called -the _siete rentillas_ (seven little rents). Salt, gold, silver, mercury, -and many other materials were the subject of a state monopoly, and to -them were added in the reign of Philip IV the monopoly on tobacco, which -was to prove an exceptionally profitable source of revenue. The _diezmo_ -and _cruzada_ (otherwise Bula) continued to be collected from the -church, together with several new rents which were authorized by the -pope. One of these was the _subsidio de galeras_ (subsidy of the -galleys), or _galeras_, so-called because it was theoretically designed -to assist in the expenses of the galleys used in fighting the Moslem -peoples. This was granted in 1561, and consisted of an annual subsidy of -420,000 ducats (over $6,000,000). The _alcabala_ and the various customs -duties were increased. Stamp taxes were extended to new types of -documents. The nobles were required to pay a tax called _lanzas_ -(lances) in lieu of military service. Various offices and titles were -made subject to the _media anata_ (half annates), a discount of a half -year's salary, or rents, in the first year of enjoyment. The -transmission of a title of nobility to one's heir was also taxed. Vanity -was seized upon as likely to yield a revenue, and money was collected in -return for the privilege of using the word "_Don_" before one's -Christian name. In like manner illegitimate children were pronounced -legitimate on payment of a specified sum. Other methods were employed to -obtain ready cash which tended ultimately to dry up certain sources of -revenue: the coinage was debased; portions of the government rents were -disposed of; public offices and royal towns were granted in perpetuity; -and the title of _hidalgo_ was sold to many persons, who thereby entered -the non-taxpaying class. Other ways of acquiring funds were made use of, -ranging from the high-handed to the shameless. Under the name of -_donativos_ (gifts) the government resorted to forced loans, or even -trickery, to exact money from the nobles and churchmen; confiscations of -goods for offences against religion and for other delinquencies were -frequently ordered; and most disgusting of all was the _limosna al rey_ -(alms for the king), which was collected by gentlemen of the court, each -accompanied by a parish priest and a friar, in a house to house canvass -of the citizens, who were asked to give what they could spare. If the -kings and their favorites thought of the most obvious way to accumulate -funds, economy in expenditures, they at least did not try to put it into -practice; the court _fiestas_ were held, even if the king's gentlemen -had to beg the money and the nation had to starve. - -[Sidenote: Taxes in the other kingdoms.] - -The above refers to taxes collected in Castile, but the other dominions -of Spain, peninsula and otherwise, produced considerable amounts for the -state. Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia yielded much less than Castile. -The Low Countries were profitable for a time; Charles I procured 450,000 -ducats a year (nearly $7,000,000) at the outset of his reign. Under -Philip II, however, they were the scene of heavy expenditures. The -Americas have often been considered as the principal financial resort of -the Spanish kings, and although this is not certain and may even be -doubtful they did yield vast sums. Prior to the conquest of Mexico the -annual revenues were only some 70,000 ducats (about $1,000,000), but the -conquests of Corts, followed soon by those of Pizarro in Peru, resulted -in an enormous increase. Under Philip II they amounted annually to about -1,200,000 ($18,000,000) according to some writers, and to as much as -2,000,000 ($30,000,000) in the opinion of others. Castilian taxes were -applied in the new world, together with certain others arising out of -the special circumstances of colonial affairs, such as the royal fifth -on precious metals from the mines and the poll tax collected from the -Indians. Data are not at hand for an accurate estimate of the entire -revenues of Spain, but it seems clear that they increased enormously in -the period. They may have reached their highest point under Philip III, -when it was estimated that they were some 24,000,000 ducats -($360,000,000) a year, of which not more than half reached the Spanish -treasury. An estimate made toward the close of the century gave the -revenues as about 17,750,000 ($270,000,000), of which only a third was -actually available. - -[Sidenote: Growth of the national debt.] - -Despite these relatively great sums the national debt was a constant -factor, and advanced greatly in amount under Philip II, who is said to -have left a debt of 100,000,000 ducats ($1,500,000,000). This was -reduced in later reigns, but was still 70,000,000 (well over -$1,000,000,000) in 1690,--a huge sum as national debts went then, even -though creditors were frequently scaled down or not paid at all. One of -the important elements in the debt was that of the loans made by -Flemish, German, and Italian bankers, especially those of Genoa. The -frequency with which these loans were sought and the high rate of -interest required have caused Spain to be characterized, with accuracy, -as a mere bridge over which the wealth of the Americas (and, to be sure, -that of the peninsula itself) passed to other nations as interest and -part payment of the nation's debts. In 1539 this form of indebtedness -amounted to about 1,000,000 ducats ($15,000,000), and in 1560, some -7,000,000 (over $100,000,000). When the Spanish kings were unable to pay -a note that had become due, as much as 33-1/3 per cent might be charged -for its renewal; indeed, the ordinary rate of interest ranged from 15 to -30 per cent. The inability of Philip II to meet his obligations caused -all but the Genoese bankers to refuse him credit, and they joined with -the others when he suspended the payment of interest on their notes. -Unable to get funds in any other way, Philip surrendered to the Genoese, -who exacted as part payment for fresh loans a share in various revenues -of the Spanish state, such as in that of the salt monopoly and in -certain of the taxes collected from the church,--thus belying the -original object for which the latter had been imposed. The _Cortes_, -though it had declined in other respects, was perhaps the most important -organ of public finance. It not only voted subsidies but also collected -them, a function which it had exercised in previous eras. It had charge -of several other taxes as well, such as the productive _alcabala_ and -the _millones_. For these purposes special committees of the _Cortes_ -were formed. Nevertheless, the _Consejo de Hacienda_, founded in 1593, -grew rapidly in functions and in power, and by the close of the -seventeenth century is said to have had over 60,000 employes. This vast -number was due in part to the variety in the origin and character of the -various tributes. Without taking into consideration the inevitable -accompaniment of graft, such a horde of officials involved the state in -a heavy cost for the collection and administration of the revenues. - -[Sidenote: The Spanish army in the days of its greatness.] - -The principal element in the Spanish army was the volunteer soldiery in -the king's pay. Foreign mercenaries were obtained for stated lengths of -time or for specific campaigns, but Spaniards enlisted for indefinite -service, and thus became the veterans of the army. Military life was -popular during the sixteenth century and the early part of the -seventeenth, and the army abounded in _hidalgos_ and others of yet -higher rank who did not disdain to serve as privates. Later the number -of Spanish recruits grew less, when the state began to fail in its -regularity of payments, and their withdrawal marked the era when defeats -became frequent. Among the noteworthy changes in tactics was the -appearance of the regiment. Firearms had now come into general use, and -cannon were greatly improved, but it was the pikemen of the Spanish -infantry who formed the principal branch of the army until near the -close of the period. Because of the inferiority of their weapons the -troops with firearms were regarded as a mere auxiliary to the pikemen. -Armies were small; 20,000 to 40,000 men was perhaps the usual rule. Even -in the century of Spain's greatness many lands were left without -garrison, as occurred nearly always in the case of the Americas; one -report of the period of Charles I stated that there was not a port in -the colonies which could resist an attack of three hundred men. The -worst evils in connection with the army were those of bad administration -and a lack of regularity in paying the troops and in remitting funds for -munitions and other supplies. Fraud and graft accounted for a great deal -of the money which the state did apply to the army. These factors -contributed to a lack of military discipline; it was not unusual for -ragged and starving soldiers to beg from door to door, and it is not to -be wondered at that the troops occasionally took the matter of the -collection of their wages into their own hands. It was customary for -women of bad repute to accompany the armies, and it sounds strange today -that one of the military manuals of the time recommended that there -should be eight women, who should be common to all, for every hundred -soldiers. Nevertheless, the Spanish infantry, for more than a century, -enjoyed the reputation of being the most capable military unit in -Europe. - -[Sidenote: Naval warfare.] - -Despite the frequency of naval warfare and the necessity of maintaining -communications with the Americas, comparatively little attention was -paid to the marine establishment, and properly speaking there was no -official navy in the entire period. The principal method employed to -assemble a fleet was by renting ships, whether from Spaniards or -foreigners. In addition a few were built by the state, or purchased, and -in times of stress merchant vessels were pressed into service, but this -proved ruinous to commerce and ship-building alike. So long as other -powers used the same methods Spain was not greatly handicapped, but with -the development of national navies in England, France, and the -Protestant Netherlands, she was placed at a disadvantage. Nevertheless, -considerable fleets were often assembled. In 1643 a special fleet called -the _Armada de Barlovento_ (fleet of the Barlovento, modern Windward, -Islands) was organized at colonial expense for the defence of the -Americas. It was soon withdrawn,--but the tax remained. The fleet of the -Catalonian deputation was maintained for a while, but disappeared early -in the seventeenth century. There were also a number of private fleets, -engaged principally in reprisals against the Moslems, a kind of piracy. -While privateering of this sort was forbidden by law the kings -frequently granted dispensations which enabled the traffic to be carried -on almost continuously. Greater strictness was employed in the Americas -lest the privateers should fail to resist the temptation to pick up -Spanish merchantmen, but the prohibition there was at length removed, -and the Spanish boats rendered great service against pirates and -national enemies. During the sixteenth century Spanish fleets were -manned by volunteer forces, but this was changed in the seventeenth to -compulsory service of the fishermen of the coasts. The heavier work, -especially the rowing of the galleys, was done by captives in war and by -criminals, who served terms in the galleys rather than in prison. During -most of the period the galley, with three banks of oars, was the -principal type of vessel. In ocean warfare, the _nao_, or light -sailing-vessel, soon came into use, and this was gradually supplanted by -heavier ships, until late in the era there developed the _fragata_, or -frigate, of over two thousand tons, capable of carrying as many as 120 -cannon. While the artillery was the principal arm of the fleet, Spanish -tactics were at fault in depending on getting close to the enemy and -boarding him, making a military action out of the combat and paying -little attention to the use of cannon of long range. The same evils -which have been described in connection with the army--graft, -irregularity of payments, and laxity of discipline--obtained also in the -navy; in the expedition of Charles I against Tunis, room on board was -found for four thousand _enamoradas_ (sweethearts!) of the soldiers and -sailors. - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of diplomacy.] - -In common with other European countries Spain developed a diplomatic -service in this period. The sending of special embassies and the making -of treaties had been customary since ancient times, but the practice of -appointing ministers to reside at foreign courts and that of receiving -those sent from abroad did not begin in Spain until the reign of Charles -I. The initiative had come earlier from the Italian republics. From this -time forward Spanish diplomacy, like that of other countries, took on a -modern form, and ambassadors sent reports about the state of the -countries to which they were accredited, strove to obtain advantages for -Spain, endeavored to check the intrigues of the ambassadors of other -nations, and made treaties. The use of spies as an auxiliary to -ambassadorial work was general. For a time Spanish diplomacy enjoyed a -high reputation for success, but in the later seventeenth century it was -quite overshadowed by the French. - -[Sidenote: The _Nueva Recopilacin_ and other codes.] - -The absolutism of the monarchy, its bureaucratic character, and the -instinct of the _letrados_ for reducing everything to rules and -regulations produced an abundance of legislation, much of which was -exceedingly minute in detail and casual in subject-matter. It was -natural therefore that there should be a desire for a fresh -codification, and this at length took shape in a compilation by -Bartolom de Arrieta in 1567 of the _Nueva Recopilacin_ (New -Compendium, or Compilation), so-called with reference to the code of -Montalvo, its predecessor, of the period of the Catholic Kings. The new -collection, which was for Castile only, filled nine volumes, and -amounted to little more than an elaboration of the _Ordenanzas_ of -Montalvo, with the addition of laws enacted since 1484. It contained the -same defects, omitting many royal orders or petitions of the _Cortes_ -which had been granted, neglecting to eliminate obsolete laws, and -failing to correct others whose text contained errors. Furthermore, in -perpetuating the hierarchy of legal sources which had been established -in the _Leyes de Toro_ it failed to distinguish between laws in the -so-called supplementary codes (such as the _Partidas_) which were indeed -supplementary or obsolete and those which had in fact come to be in -force as the principal law. As a result the _Nueva Recopilacin_ was -generally discredited, and the Roman law of the _Partidas_, or even of -the code of Justinian, was cited in preference. The force of government -maintained the new code, however, and it ran through four more -editions,--1581, 1592, 1598, and 1640,--and in each case added -legislation since the preceding publication. The zeal for codification -found expression also in Aragon, Catalonia, Vizcaya, and Guipzcoa, -while the laws with regard to the Americas were gathered together, after -various lesser publications had been made in earlier times, in the -_Recopilacin de las Leyes de Indias_, first issued in 1680. The -tendency toward the legal unity of the peninsula was not systematically -striven for by the kings, since the variety in private law did not -greatly affect their political sovereignty. Nevertheless, something was -accomplished along these lines, and within each separate unit a great -deal was effected. Thus, in Castile many of the former privileges which -made for a division into classes and for consequent differences in the -law were done away with, and the same process, though on a smaller -scale, made itself felt in the other kingdoms of the peninsula. - -[Sidenote: Underlying discontent of the people over the Spanish -political system.] - -The submissiveness of the Spanish peoples under absolute rule has often -been greatly exaggerated. In fact, neither then nor ever since were they -loth to criticise the "_mal gobierno_" (bad government). Evidences are -to be found on every hand of complaints against the bureaucratic -organization which was absorbing a great part of the national wealth -and of dissatisfaction with the system of government by favorites, the -evils of which were only too apparent. Not a few went so far as to -desire a republic. Nevertheless, as a general rule, people favored the -principle of monarchy, and did not object to the reigning house, but -they did desire a reform of the existing rgime. The ideal of limited -monarchy found strong support among political thinkers, due in a measure -to the resentment of Catholics over the enforced apostasy of the -subjects of Protestant princes. On this account the _Cortes_ had -numerous defenders, some of whom urged its participation in legislation. -Many treatises also pronounced against such practices as the sale of -public offices or the grant of posts in perpetuity, and against others -which have been described as current in this era. In fine, Spaniards -were well aware of the evils of their political system and, though -patient, were keenly desirous of reform,--despite which, little -attention was paid to their wishes. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -RELIGION AND THE CHURCH, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Outstanding facts in the religious and ecclesiastical history -of the era.] - -Prior to the era of the House of Austria it is possible to deal with the -ecclesiastical institutions in Spain at the same time with other -manifestations of a social, political, economic, or intellectual -character, but the period of Hapsburg rule was so replete with interest -on the religious side and so important in that respect in its ultimate -results on the Americas that this phase of Spanish life in the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries is deserving of separate treatment. Two ideas -dominated the period: the struggle for the maintenance of the Catholic -faith against the inroads of Protestantism and other heretical beliefs; -and the efforts of the Spanish state to acquire a virtual political -supremacy over the church. Few periods of history more clearly -illustrate the distinction maintained in Catholic countries between -Catholicism as a religious faith and the Catholic Church as an -institution, a difference which people of the United States do not -readily grasp. Thus it was entirely consistent that the kings of Spain -should have been almost the most ardent champions in Europe of Catholic -Christianity, officers of the church not excepted, and also most -persistent in their endeavors to limit the ecclesiastical authority in -Spanish domains. The greatest exponent of the latter policy as well as -of the former was Philip II, one of the most devout monarchs who ever -occupied the Spanish throne. In both of these controversies the kings -were successful. Heresy made no headway in Spain or in the colonies, and -the king gained the upper hand in the management of the Spanish and -American church. Meanwhile Spanish missionaries were carrying on one of -the greatest campaigns of proselytism ever waged. The thoroughness of -the conversion of the natives in Spain's colonial possessions has been -questioned, but there is no doubt that something of the external forms -and the glamour--so much, at least--of the Catholic religion was -implanted in the Americas in such a way that it has withstood the -experiences of centuries. Spanish American peoples, like Spaniards, were -to have their conflicts with the church,--very bitter ones in recent -years,--but never, since the Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit Fathers -first preached their doctrine, has favor been shown for any great length -of time to the other exotic faiths, or has any noteworthy success been -met with in the attempts, usually short-lived, at a reversion to the -earlier native creeds. The work of the Spanish missionary was indeed a -permanent factor of indisputable importance in the new world. - -[Sidenote: Religious exaltation and the increase in the prestige and -wealth of the clergy.] - -One of the effects of the attainment of religious unity by the -conversion or expulsion from Spain of the Jews, Mudjares and Moriscos -was to exalt the feeling of religious sentiment in the peninsula. The -Protestant Reformation and the religious wars which accompanied it -tended to keep alive these emotions among Spaniards, partly because of -the spirit of controversy they excited, and partly because of the blows -and suffering they involved, and this spirit of religious exaltation was -sustained by the increasing vigor of the Inquisition and by the -activities of the Jesuit order, founded in this period. In consequence -the power and social influence of the clergy were materially enhanced. -The regular clergy was looked upon with especial favor, with the result -that both in riches and in membership they far surpassed the secular -branch. Many new orders were founded, while the older ones received -fresh stimulus. At the beginning of the seventeenth century there were -some 200,000 members of the regular clergy and over 9000 convents for -men, and in both cases the numbers increased thereafter, while the -population of the peninsula declined,--a factor which caused political -and economic writers, many of whom were churchmen, not a little -concern.[56] Despite this fact the clergy enjoyed the highest social -consideration, and intervened in all phases of Spanish life. This was -due not only to the religious sentiment of the people but also in great -measure to the superior intellectual attainments of some of the clergy. -Thus they distinguished themselves on the one hand as theologians, -students of the canon law, jurisconsults, men of letters, historians, -and university professors, and on the other as members of state -councils, or in high political positions in the Americas. The increase -in the landed wealth of the church, while it was the subject of numerous -unsuccessful petitions of the _Cortes_ to forbid the giving of lands in -mortmain, was largely responsible for the imposition of taxes on the -clergy, thus diminishing the immunities they had formerly enjoyed. The -church could well afford to pay, for if not the richest proprietor in -Spain it was certainly among the first; toward the middle of the -sixteenth century the combined rents of the clergy amounted to some -5,000,000 ducats ($75,000,000) a year, or half the total for the -kingdom, four-fifths of which amount was paid to the establishments of -the regular clergy. Part of the funds was expended in charities for the -benefit of the poor, such as the maintenance of asylums, hospitals, and -soup-kitchens, measures which (disinterested though they might be) -served also to augment their popularity with the masses. - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of loose practices among the clergy.] - -Despite the flourishing condition of the Spanish clergy and their high -standing in the peninsula the state of morality among them left much to -be desired. Abundant evidences on this score are at hand, not only in -the form of unsympathetic attacks and satires, but also in the works of -zealous and devout reformers. The fact that such writings were not -condemned by the Inquisition argues the need for reproof. The practice -of _barragana_ was not unknown, even among bishops, some of whom -entailed estates to their sons. Among the lesser churchmen, more -particularly the secular clergy, the custom was more general. -Solicitation by confessors and the avarice of clerical collectors of -revenues were also frequently censured in the writings of the time. -Nevertheless, it is but fair to consider these evils from the standpoint -of that era. As compared with previous periods this age was one of -marked advance in the average of clerical rectitude, and there were even -writers who could claim that the Spanish clergy surpassed the churchmen -of other countries in moderation and chasteness of life. Meanwhile, -reforms like those instituted in the time of the Catholic Kings by -Ximnez were being pushed on vigorously and effectively, and were -reinforced by the decisions of the great church council of Trent -(1545-1563). - -[Sidenote: Prominence of Spanish kings and prelates in church reform.] - -The Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Reaction, or -Counter-Reformation, belong rather to European and church history than -peculiarly to that of Spain, although Spain played a leading part in the -events connected with them. Much in regard to them may therefore be -omitted, except in so far as they affected problems in the peninsula -itself and, by extension, the Spanish colonies. Charles I was an ardent -partisan of church reform, but was desirous that it should be effected -without change in dogma, and in this attitude he was joined by many of -the greatest Catholic churchmen of the day, including some of the popes, -who recognized the prevalence of abuses of which the Protestant leaders -were able to make capital in the furtherance of their reforms. One of -the principal policies of Charles I was the calling of a general church -council for the discussion of this matter, and despite the resistance of -several of the popes he labored to attain this end until he was at -length successful. In 1545 there began the series of congresses which -are called collectively the Council of Trent. Spanish prelates were one -of the most important elements at these meetings, and in accordance with -the ideas of Charles I and Philip II resisted the attempts made at a -suspension of the sessions and the efforts of certain popes and other -churchmen to bring about their failure. They were not only among the -most frank in their references to the need for reform, but were also -most rigid in their insistence upon disciplinary methods, even -suggesting the application of the Spanish institution of the -_residencia_ to officers of the church. The eventual success of the -council was due in no small degree to Spaniards, who also were among the -most active in executing the corrective measures which were decided -upon. - -[Sidenote: Failure of Protestantism to gain a substantial footing in -Spain.] - -The kings of Spain combated heresy within the peninsula to the fullest -extent of their ability, supported by the general opinion of Spanish -Christians, who were almost unanimously opposed to the new ideas. -Measures were taken to prevent the dissemination in Spain of the works -of Martin Luther or other heretical thinkers. In 1546 Charles I caused -the first _Index_, or list of prohibited works, to be published, and -this was reproduced, with the addition of some other volumes, by the -Inquisition. Later the Bible was included in the _Index_, except the -authorized Latin version, on the ground that the reading of the -scriptures by uncultivated persons might result in misconceptions as to -the true religion. Nevertheless, Protestantism gained devotees in the -various cities of Spain, more particularly in Seville and Valladolid. -The number of heretics was at no time great, but it was recruited from -the highest ranks of society. Churchmen, more often friars, were the -principal element, and they found converts in not a few members of noble -families. Foreigners from northern lands frequently cast in their lot -with the Protestant groups. As was natural, proselytism on a wide scale -could not be carried on; the Valladolid group numbered only about fifty -and that of Seville one hundred and thirty (although there is some -evidence to the effect that the latter body attained a membership of -eight hundred), while those of other cities were still fewer in numbers. -The greatest name in the Sevillian movement was that of Constantino -Ponce de la Fuente, whom a modern writer has ventured to compare with -Martin Luther for his high qualities, within the Protestant movement. -Ponce, who was at one time the confessor of Charles I and Philip II, was -the author of various heretical works. Discovered, at length, he was -imprisoned, and shortly afterward was found dead. In the year 1559 great -activity was displayed by the Inquisition in ferreting out and punishing -the Protestant communities. Some individuals escaped to foreign -countries, but many were condemned to die at the stake, meeting their -fate, almost without exception, with admirable fortitude. The most -celebrated case was that of Bartolom Carranza, archbishop of Toledo. -Head of the Spanish secular church though he was, only the efforts of -Pope Pius IV saved him. After more than seven years of imprisonment he -was allowed to go to Rome. Some years later he was required to forswear -some of his writings which had figured in the original proceedings -against him in Spain, shortly after which he died. In all of this -vigorous persecution of Protestantism, Charles I and Philip II took the -lead. By the end of the sixteenth century the new faith was no longer a -problem in Spain. Under Philip IV a degree of toleration which would not -have been dreamed of in earlier years began to be allowed. By that time -Catholic France was Spain's principal enemy, and this tended to soften -the attitude of Spaniards toward Protestants, although the restrictions -of the laws were still enforced. In 1641 a treaty was made with Denmark, -permitting Protestants of that country to enter the peninsula. From this -time forward Spain was to evolve toward a more lenient policy still. A -discussion of Spanish Protestantism would not be complete without a -reference to the numerous Spaniards who took refuge in Protestant lands, -and even for a time in Italy and France. They wrote a number of works -which were remarkable for the excellent literary qualities of the -Castilian they employed and for the scientific value of their content. -While most of their writings were of a controversial, religious type -they also made translations into Castilian or even wrote volumes of a -scientific character dissociated from religion. Juan de Valds and Juan -Daz were outstanding names among them. Miguel Servet and Pedro Gals, -whose heresies were equally in disfavor with Catholics and Protestants, -were also men of great distinction. - -[Sidenote: The Illuminist and Quietist heresies.] - -Protestantism was not the only heterodoxy to menace the religious unity -of the peninsula. The conversion of the Mudjares of the eastern -provinces and the expulsion of the Moriscos have already been mentioned. -The Jews also gave occasional trouble. Of the other sects the most -noteworthy was that of the _Iluminados_ (Illuminati). The origins of -this faith are obscure. Many believe it to have been purely Spanish, a -conclusion to which the peculiar mystical character of the creed lends -color. Others hold that it was of German extraction. In any event, -though the time of its founding is not clear, it antedated the Lutheran -outbreak, for it was in existence at least as early as 1512. Many of the -doctrines sustained by Luther were a part of its creed, and indeed it -paved the way for the entry of Protestantism into Spain. In addition it -upheld the following tenets: the abdication of one's own will in that of -the divine; and the capacity of the faithful, by means of ecstacies, to -put themselves in personal communication with the divine essence, on -which occasions it was impossible for them to commit sin. The practical -result of these beliefs was an indulgence in all manner of licentious -practices while in the sinless state. As in the case of Protestantism, -so in this, the devotees were usually members of the clergy, especially -friars and nuns. The Inquisition attacked the new faith with vigor, but -found it difficult to extirpate in entirety. A notable derivation from -Illuminism was that of _Quietismo_ (Quietism), or _Molinismo_, founded -in the seventeenth century by Miguel de Molinos, a member of the clergy. -This creed, though similar even in its licentiousness to Illuminism, was -not at first considered unorthodox, wherefore it gained many converts, -but in the end it was condemned. - -[Sidenote: Spanish Mysticism.] - -Similar in some respects to the two heretical creeds just mentioned was -a peculiarly Spanish religious philosophy, that of Catholic Mysticism. -It traces back through the ideas of Raymond Lull to those of the Arabic -philosophers, but in the main it was a product of the Spanish religious -thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The fundamental idea -was that of direct communication with God through prayer, love of God, -and the renunciation of earthly things, which enabled the purified soul -in a state of ecstasy to appear in the divine presence. The whole -process was accompanied by miracles, but without any loss to the -individual of his spiritual existence or of his intelligence for an -understanding of God. At first the ecclesiastical authorities were -suspicious of it, prohibiting the writings of the mystics and conducting -investigations into the conduct of those who professed a belief in it. -At length, however, it was accepted as orthodox, and its devotees were -not molested. They produced a rich literature, in which they set forth -not only the fundamental bases of their belief but also the experiences -they had in journeying to God. One of the mystics, Mara de Jess de -greda, is famous as "the Blue Lady" of the American (United States) -southwest and Pacific coast, for she is said to have visited these -regions while in a state of ecstacy and to have converted many of the -natives, recounting her travels in her published works. She is also -famous for her correspondence with Philip IV. The greatest names, -however, were those of Santa Teresa de Jess[57] and San Juan de la -Cruz, the former notable in literature for the excellence of her prose, -and the latter equally noteworthy as a poet. The writings of these and -other mystics also displayed a profound psychological study, such, for -example, as was required by their ability to distinguish between the -processes of the soul on the way to communication with God, and as was -evidenced by their skill in differentiating between the various elements -in religious sentiment. - -[Sidenote: The Inquisition as an instrument of the kings and an agency -to suppress heresy.] - -The two principal instruments employed to combat heresy were the -Inquisition and the Jesuit order. So far as the former concerned itself -with matters of the faith, it had the support of the Spanish people, who -equally with the kings were desirous of the establishment and -maintenance of religious unity. The Inquisition had acquired various -powers and privileges, however, which were not directly connected with -its principal office. Papal bulls had been procured giving it -jurisdiction in cases of usury, crimes against nature, and improper -solicitations of confessors; it claimed exemption for its officers and -servants from the operation of the civil law courts; and its relations -with these courts, made necessary by the legal incapacity of the -Inquisition to execute its own sentences, often gave rise to conflicts -and misunderstandings. The people of Spain were perfectly able to -distinguish between the Inquisition as an instrument of the faith and -the Inquisition in these extra-jurisdictional phases, and protested -vigorously against that body in the latter sense. The various _Cortes_ -of Castile, Aragon, and Catalonia presented many a petition on this -score to the kings, and it was a prominent factor in the Catalan revolt -of 1640. Nevertheless, the kings consistently sustained the Inquisition. -When the Aragonese _Cortes_ secured a papal license reducing the -Inquisition to the same footing as the other ecclesiastical courts, -Charles I procured the withdrawal of the license. Philip II prohibited -all appeals from or complaints against the Inquisition before the -_audiencias_ or the _Consejo Real_. The decisions of the Inquisition -thus became final, although it is true that cases of appeal and the -recourse of _fuerza_ (also forbidden by Philip) were occasionally -allowed to go beyond that body. When there seemed to be a likelihood -that the Council of Trent might deprive the Inquisition of some of its -authority, Charles I used every effort to cause a failure of the -project. In fact the Inquisition was virtually an instrument of the -kings, who did not hesitate to direct its action as if it were legally -subject to them, and who were always able to procure the appointment of -members of the _Consejo Real_ to the Council of the Inquisition. As -regards heresy the period, naturally, was exceedingly fruitful in -prosecutions and was marked by an excess of suspicion, such that -individuals whose purity of faith was hardly open to question were not -infrequently brought to trial,--among others, Ignacio de Loyola (Saint -Ignatius), and Teresa de Jess, who, like Loyola, was later canonized. -Extreme rigor was displayed in placing the ban on unorthodox books and -in expurgating those which were allowed to circulate. Charles I required -all books to have the authorization of the _Consejo Real_ before they -could be published. Foreign books were also scrutinized carefully, and -libraries were made subject to inspection. The grant of a license by the -_Consejo Real_ did not mean that a book might not be placed on the -Inquisition's _Index_ of forbidden works. It is worthy of note, too, -that the Spanish _Index_ and that of the Inquisition of Rome often -varied from each other in their lists; thus a book condemned at Rome -might circulate in Spain, and vice versa, but this of course was not -the general rule. The Spanish Inquisition did not make its way to -Spain's Italian possessions, but was established in the Low Countries, -where it was very active, and in the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Ignacio de Loyola and the founding of the Jesuit order.] - -The other important agency of the Spanish Counter-Reformation, the -Jesuit order, was the creation of a Spaniard, Ignacio de Loyola (1491 or -1495-1556), who became Saint Ignatius (San Ignacio) with his -canonization in 1609. As a youth Loyola led the somewhat wild life of a -soldier. Wounded in 1521 during the defence of Pamplona from an attack -of the French, he was a long time in recovering his health, devoting the -period of his convalescence to the reading of religious works. He -thereupon resolved to dedicate his life to religion, and as soon as he -was restored to health made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Upon his return -he pursued religious studies at the universities of Barcelona, Alcal, -Salamanca, and Paris. While at Alcal, where he and several companions -made a practice of wearing sackcloth and preaching in the streets, he -was arrested by the Inquisition, but was set free without other penalty -than an order to give up his sackcloth and his preaching. A similar fate -befell him in Salamanca. Eventually Loyola and his companions found -their way to Rome, where they continued their street preaching, despite -the opposition of the Augustinian order and some of the cardinals. They -applied to themselves the name "Company of Jesus" (hence Jesuits), and -in 1539 organized an order in military form, vowing implicit obedience -to their superiors,--especially to the pope,--prescribing the rule of a -general for life, and pledging themselves to the founding of colleges. -The new order was formally approved by the pope in 1540, and Loyola -became the first general. - -[Sidenote: Characteristics of the Jesuit order.] - -While an extended discussion of the characteristics of the Jesuit order -is not necessary, some of the respects in which it differed from the -others should be pointed out, in order to make clear the effect of the -Jesuit appearance in Spain and the Americas. Great emphasis was placed -on the military side; Loyola was wont to say that he had never ceased to -be a soldier,--he had merely become a soldier of God. Obedience to -superiors and to the pope was not a new idea, but with the Jesuits it -was as rigidly literal as in an army. They became one of the principal -supports of the popes at a time when many church leaders were advocating -the reform of the papacy with a view to limiting the powers of the head -of the church. Like soldiers, they attacked the enemies of the pope, -church, and the Catholic religion, and were charged with employing -methods which gave rise to the term "Jesuitry" in an opprobrious sense. -They did not stay in convents, but went forth among the people to fight -for the principles for which they stood. There was no election of their -leaders; the attainment of office came through appointment by the -general, who even chose his own successor. Education was their principal -weapon,--education of the high and the low. In other respects the -Jesuits were at the same time more simple and more mundane in their -exterior practices--at least in the beginning--than the other orders. -They opposed choral singing, the wearing of a distinctive habit, -participation in religious processions, the monastic life, and -asceticism. They believed in the individual poverty of their members, -but were willing that the order and its separate institutions should -prosper in a material way. In other words they were going into the -world, not away from it, and were desirous of the best equipment for the -struggle which lay before them. - -[Sidenote: Spanish opposition to the Jesuits.] - -The influence of the new order soon made itself felt throughout the -world. At first Spaniards were in the majority, and it was natural that -the Jesuits should establish themselves in Spain's dominions. By 1547 -they had five institutions in Spain, and by 1566 sixteen. Soon afterward -they began to appear in the Americas, where they became one of the -principal agencies of the Spanish crown in the conversion and subjection -of the natives, being perhaps the most effective of the missionary -orders. Not only as missionaries but also as theologians, scientists, -and men of letters the Spanish Jesuits were among the most distinguished -men of the age. They were not welcomed by their fellow-countrymen in -Spain, however; rather, they had to contend against some of the most -powerful elements in the peninsula. Members of the clergy, both regular -and secular, were opposed to them,--notably the Dominicans, Franciscans, -Augustinians, and the officers of the Inquisition, the first named -especially,--while the universities and at the outset the kings were -also hostile. Melchor Cano, a Dominican and one of the most influential -men of his day, charged the Jesuits with heresy, claiming that their -vows savored of the doctrines of the _Iluminados_. The archbishop of -Toledo, Cardinal Siliceo, forbade them to preach, confess, say mass, or -administer sacraments, but was obliged by the pope to retract his -decrees. Arias Montano attacked them in the preface of his polyglot -Bible, asserting that the Jesuits claimed that they alone had knowledge -and that they were the nearest of all men to Jesus. These are but a few -instances out of many, showing the difficulties encountered by the -Jesuits in establishing themselves in Spain. It seems likely that -jealousy may have entered into much of the resistance to them, for they -early began to outrank and even supersede other elements in teaching and -in learning. Charles I and Philip II objected to them because they -placed the pope ahead of the king, not acknowledging the latter's -authority over them, and this was not altogether in accordance with the -royal ideal of centralization. Furthermore, the Jesuits were such an -aggressive factor that they were hard to manage. The Inquisition took -exception among other things to the Jesuit claim of a right to absolve -their own members from the charge of heresy, and imprisoned the Jesuit -_provincial_, or commanding official, in Spain, together with other -members of the order. Philip II took sides with the Inquisition, but the -pope sustained the Jesuits. By the seventeenth century the Jesuits had -succeeded in overcoming their rivals, although they never ceased to have -enemies. Their success was due in the first place to the continued -support of the popes; in the second to the change of heart experienced -by Philip II late in life, when he began to realize that they were one -of the most effective instruments for the religious unification of his -dominions, and in so much furthered his ideal of centralization; in the -third place to the backing of the opponents of their enemies, especially -those who were hostile to the Inquisition; and, finally, and perhaps -most of all, to their own superior attainments, whereby they were able -to win a devoted following among all ranks of society. The successors of -Philip II followed the later policy of that king, with the result that -the seventeenth century was the most prosperous era in the history of -the Jesuit order. - -[Sidenote: _Limpieza de sangre_ and the fervor of Spanish Catholicism.] - -One thing Spanish kings failed to do elsewhere in Europe they achieved -in Spain,--their ideal of religious unity. At the same time that they -were suppressing heresy they were giving a welcome to Catholics fleeing -to Spain from Protestant persecution, notably to the Irish, who came to -the peninsula in great numbers. The ideal of Catholic unity was carried -to an excess which transcended unity itself through an extension of the -institution of _limpieza de sangre_. Certificates of _limpieza de -sangre_ (that is to say, sworn statements that the bearer had no Jewish, -Moslem, or heretic antecedents) now began to be required for the holding -of various church offices or for entry into religious orders and often -also for admission to the guilds. As a matter of fact there were few -families which could have withstood a close examination of their -ancestry; the upper classes would almost surely have been found to -contain Jewish blood, and the masses, certainly in the east and south, -would have had a Moslem admixture in their veins. The attainment of -religious unity and the extreme suspicion in which non-Catholics were -held did not succeed in making the Spanish people respond to the moral -code of their faith. Not only such licentious practices as have already -been alluded to were in vogue, but also a surprising lack of reverence -was displayed, as exemplified by the improper use of sacred places and -sacred objects and the mixture of the human and the divine in -masquerades. Nevertheless, it is not too much to say that the principal -preoccupation of Spaniards in the sixteenth and the seventeenth -centuries was the salvation of their souls. The worst of men would want -to confess and seek absolution before they died, and many of them no -doubt believed themselves to be good Catholics, even though their -every-day life would not have borne inspection. One notable religious -manifestation of the era was the ardent insistence of Spaniards on the -mystery of the Immaculate Conception at a time when Catholics of other -countries were not yet ready to accept that view. - -[Sidenote: Conflict of the kings with the popes in matters of temporal -import.] - -In distinguishing between the spiritual and the temporal phases of papal -authority the kings of the House of Austria followed the policy of the -Catholic Kings, but surpassed the latter in their claims of the -superiority, or independence, as the case might be, of the royal power. -Various factors contributed to this attitude in Spain. The monarchical -ideal of a centralized absolutism, now that it had triumphed over the -nobility and the towns, sought out the church in its civil aspects as -the next outstanding element to dominate; the interests of the Spanish -kings in Italy continued to bring them into opposition to the popes as -sovereigns of the Papal States; and the problems of ecclesiastical -reform often found the kings and the popes widely, even bitterly, apart. -Charles I had frequent conflicts with the papacy, but Philip II had even -more serious contests, in which he displayed yet more unyielding -resistance than his father to what he regarded as the unwarranted -intrusions of the popes into the sphere of Spanish politics. When in -1556 it seemed likely that Philip would be excommunicated and his -kingdom laid under an interdict, Philip created a special council to -exercise in Spain such functions as were customarily in the hands of the -pope. In this as in his other disputes of a political nature with the -papacy he was able to count on the support of the Spanish clergy. One -document reciting Philip's grievances against Pope Paul IV, applying -harsh epithets to him, and expressing doubt as to the legitimacy of his -election, is believed to have been written by a member of the clergy. -Another document, the _Parecer_, or opinion, of Melchor Cano, a -Dominican, argued the lawfulness of making war on the pope, and said -that in such cases, when communication with Rome was insecure, the -bishops might decide ecclesiastical questions which were ordinarily left -to the pope. - -[Sidenote: Interference of Charles I and Philip II in papal elections.] - -To avoid such disputes and to assure Spain of an ally in Italian affairs -Charles I and Philip II bent their efforts to procure the election of -popes who would be favorable to them. Charles had much to do with the -choice in 1522 of Adrian VI, who as a cardinal had been one of his -principal administrative officers during his own absence from the -peninsula in the early years of his reign. Philip was successful in the -same way when in 1559 he was able to cause the elevation of his -candidate to the papal throne. This pope, Pius IV, proceeded to annul -the action of his predecessor, Paul IV, against Charles and Philip, and -condemned to death two members of the deceased pope's family, one of -them a cardinal. At the election of 1590 Philip was again fortunate, but -the new pontiff, Urban VII, lived only thirteen days. A fresh conclave -was held, at which Philip went to the extreme not only of excluding the -candidates whom he opposed but also of naming seven Spanish churchmen as -the only ones from among whom the cardinals were to choose. One of the -seven was elected, taking the name Gregory XIV, and no pope of the -century was more unconditionally favorable to the wishes of a Spanish -king. This constant intrusion of Philip ended by exasperating the high -authorities of the church, who a few years later under another pope -condemned Philip's practices and declared him _ipso facto_ -excommunicated. This proved to be a decisive blow to the influence of -the Spanish crown. - -[Sidenote: The _pase regio_ as an aid to the kings in the conflict with -the popes.] - -One of the principal struggles between the popes and the kings was the -royal claim of the _pase regio_, or the right to examine papal bulls and -pontifical letters and, if deemed advisable, to retain them, prohibiting -their publication and therefore their execution in Spanish domains. The -origin of this claim on the part of the Spanish monarchs seems to date -from the period of the Great Schism, when Urban VI (1378-1389) granted -such a privilege to the princes allied with him. It was not officially -decreed in Spain until the early years of Charles I, when provision for -the _pase regio_ in all Spanish dominions was made in a document drawn -up by Cardinal Ximnez. According to this arrangement papal -communications were to be examined in the _Consejo Real_, and if found -to be contrary to the royal prerogative or otherwise objectionable their -circulation was to be postponed and the pope asked to change or withdraw -his dispositions. Usually the retention of such documents took place -without giving official notice to the pope,--which in the case of a -hostile pontiff would have been in any event unavailing. If the popes -insisted on their point of view the royal prohibitions were nevertheless -continued. If any subjects of the king resisted his will in this matter, -even though they were churchmen, they might incur the penalty of a loss -of goods or banishment or both, and notaries or attorneys might even be -condemned to death. When Paul IV excommunicated Charles I and Philip II, -the latter put into effect the _pase regio_. Unable to procure the -publication of his bull in Spain, Paul IV summoned to Rome two Spanish -bishops who were intensely royalist in their sympathies. Philip II -protected them by retaining the papal order, so that the individuals did -not learn officially of the summons. Not only in serious contests of -this character but also in matters of comparatively little moment the -kings exercised the right of retention,--for example, in the case of a -bull of Sixtus V about the dress and maintenance of the clergy. The -above are only a few instances out of many. One of the most bitter -conflicts was waged by Philip II in opposition to a bull of Pius V -excommunicating those who retained papal dispositions. Philip II -retained this bull, and punished some bishops of Spain's Italian domains -who had published it within their dioceses. The pope threatened to put -Spain under an interdict, but Philip declined to yield. The bull was -never published in the peninsula, and the pope did not make use of the -interdict. - -[Sidenote: The case of Cardinal Borja.] - -[Sidenote: Interference of Charles I and Philip II in matters of church -reform.] - -The successors of Philip II were equally insistent upon the royal -prerogative in their relations with the church. One of the most curious -incidents in the disputes of the kings and the popes occurred in the -reign of Philip IV. Cardinal Borja and several other Spanish cardinals -were sent to Rome to present the king's grievances against the pontiff -arising out of matters connected with the wars against the Protestants. -Borja was roughly handled on making his protest; it is said that -Cardinal San Onofre punched him in the face by direction of the pope. -When this event was reported in Spain a general meeting of royal -councillors was held, in which it was even discussed whether it would -be lawful to challenge the pope to settle the matter by means of a duel! -In this and other matters there was talk of an appeal from the pope to a -church council. As the royalist attitude toward the popes was often -defended in books, many of them by churchmen, a practice sprang up at -Rome of placing such works in the _Index_ as writings which the faithful -were forbidden to read, but these volumes did not appear in the _Index_ -of the Spanish Inquisition. Finally the attitude of superiority on the -part of the monarchs made itself evident, as already indicated, in -questions of the reform of the church. Charles and Philip II labored to -establish their views at the Council of Trent not only in matters of -administration but also in those of doctrine. Indeed, many Catholics -believed that it was the duty of the kings to remedy the evils of the -church. With the conclusion of the Council of Trent, Philip II hesitated -for a year before publishing its decisions, because of his belief that -some of the provisions of the council diminished, or might diminish, his -royal authority. When he at length did publish them, he did so with the -reservation that they were not to be considered as introducing any -variation from the usual jurisdiction of the king. Consequently, various -canons of the council remained without effect in Spain and her -possessions. - -[Sidenote: Royal restrictions on the powers of papal nuncios and the -nunciature.] - -The same conflict of authority between the church and the monarch -manifested itself in the relations of the kings with papal nuncios, who -in the reign of Charles I began to reside at the Spanish court as -permanent ambassadors. In 1537 Charles I obtained a license from the -pope for the creation of the tribunal of the nunciature, or court of the -papal embassy in Spain. This court, composed in part at least of Spanish -officials, was to hear the numerous cases in ecclesiastical law which -had customarily been settled at Rome. At the same time, the nuncio was -empowered to grant the benefices which formerly lay within the -jurisdiction of the popes. The nuncio also collected the considerable -sums which went to the popes from ecclesiastical prebends, or livings, -from the _expolios_ of deceased bishops and archbishops (accretions in -their benefices which they had procured out of rents), and from the -income of _vacantes_, or vacant benefices (that which accrued between -the death of a bishop or archbishop and the appointment of his -successor). Once having transferred authority from the pope to the -nuncio and nunciature the kings proceeded to attack these elements near -at hand so as to reduce their power of interference with the royal -authority. In this they were aided by all classes. The churchmen were -royalist and at the same time opposed to papal intervention in -ecclesiastical administration in Spain. People generally objected to -such wide jurisdiction being in the hands of a foreigner, for the -nuncios were usually Italians. There were frequent complaints that the -nunciature was guilty of the advocacy of lawsuits and the collection of -excessive costs, with the result that the court was sustained out of -Spanish funds instead of by the popes. All of these matters were the -subject of criticism in both the _Cortes_ and the _Consejo Real_, and -the inevitable result was the employment of restrictive measures. The -_pase regio_ was applied to the directions by the popes to the nuncios, -and the intervention of the nunciature in ecclesiastical cases in first -instance was prohibited. There were times when the relations of the -kings with the nuncio were indeed strained; Philip II went to the -extreme of expelling a nuncio who had endeavored to publish a papal bull -which the king had decided to retain; the same thing happened under -Philip IV, who closed the papal embassy. Matters were arranged in 1640 -by the Fachenetti concordat, or agreement of the nuncio of that name -with the king. This document reduced the procedure of the nunciature and -the attributes of the nuncio to writing, and although it did not remove -all the causes of dispute served as the basis for diplomatic relations -with the papal embassy until the middle of the eighteenth century. - -[Sidenote: Subjection of the ecclesiastical organization in Spain to the -royal will.] - -The relations of the kings with the popes and nuncios formed only part -of the former's royalist policy with the church. The same course was -followed with the ecclesiastical organization in Spain. The gradual -reduction of the clergy to a tributary state as regards payment of taxes -has already been referred to. Charles I procured various grants of a -financial nature from the popes, such as the right to sell certain -ecclesiastical holdings (whose proceeds were to be devoted to the war -with the Turks), the collection of various church rents yielding over -1,000,000 ducats (some $15,000,000), and finally the gift of _expolios_ -and _vacantes_. On the other hand, despite the petitions of the _Cortes_ -and the opinions of leading jurisconsults, the kings declined to prevent -the giving of lands in mortmain, or in other words the acquisition of -estates by the church. The most serious conflicts arose over questions -of immunities, growing out of the survival of ecclesiastical -jurisdictions of a seigniorial character and out of the relations of the -church courts to those of the king and to the royal authority in -general. Many of the seigniorial groups were incorporated into the -crown, especially by Philip II. As regards the legal immunity of -churchmen it came to be accepted as the rule that it could be claimed -only in cases within the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. This -was diminished still further by royal invasions of ecclesiastical -jurisdiction, as by limiting the scope of the church courts, prohibiting -(under severe penalties) the intrusions of their judges in civil -affairs, and intervening to correct abuses, real or alleged. The king -reserved a right of inspection of the ecclesiastical courts, exercised -for him by members of the _Consejo Real_ or the _audiencias_, and if -anybody were unduly aggrieved by a decision of the church courts he -might make use of the recourse of _fuerza_ to bring an appeal before the -Consejo Real, the _Cmara_, or the _audiencias_. The effect of this was -to suspend the execution of an ecclesiastical sentence, subordinating -the church courts to the royal will. Many matters of a religious -character were taken over into the exclusive jurisdiction of the -_Consejo Real_ or the _Cmara_, such as the inspections of convents of -the regular clergy and the action taken as a result thereof and the -execution of the decisions of the Council of Trent. Laws relative to the -recourse of _fuerza_ were amplified so as to prohibit ecclesiastical -judges from trying cases which were considered by any of the litigants -concerned as belonging to the civil law; other laws forbade the -summoning of Spaniards before foreign judges; and still others -diminished the number of appeals to Rome. Even churchmen took advantage -of the recourse of _fuerza_ to have their cases removed to the royal -courts when it suited their convenience, despite the attempts of the -popes to check the practice. In such instances, as in so many others, -the _pase regio_ was employed to prevent effectual action by the popes. -Even in the case of the provincial councils of the Spanish church the -king sent delegates, on the ground that no conventions or congresses of -any sort could be held without the consent of the king and the -attendance of his representatives. In 1581 Pope Gregory XIII ordered the -archbishop of Toledo not to admit anybody to a council about to be held -at that time who was not a member of the clergy. Philip II sent his -delegate, nevertheless, and his successors followed his example. In like -manner religious processions were forbidden unless authorized by the -civil authorities. - -[Sidenote: The _patronato real_ as a source of royal authority over the -clergy.] - -The royal authority over the Spanish church is largely explained by the -institution of the _patronato real_, or royal patronage. Charles I early -gained a right to make nominations to most of the bishoprics and -abbacies in Spain, although the pope had to approve before the -appointment should take effect. Even in the case of benefices still -reserved by the pope the kings insisted that the appointees should be -Spaniards. As regards the Americas the church was yet more completely -under the king's control, thus giving still other lucrative posts into -his power to grant. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that -the Spanish clergy should favor the king, to whom they owed their rents -and dignities, rather than the pope, and should even consent to -diminutions in the privileges of Spanish churchmen. Indeed, faithful -service as a councillor might be the stepping-stone to a bishopric. -Nevertheless the kings did not allow churchmen to intrude in political -affairs without being asked, and instances of official reproof on this -score were numerous, despite which fact the clergy took a prominent part -in political intrigues, and were possibly the principal factor in the -Portuguese war of independence from Spain. Furthermore, the solicitation -of inheritances by churchmen was insistently forbidden by the king; on -one occasion when accusations of this character were made against the -Jesuits of Flanders the Duke of Alba annulled all testamentary -dispositions to that order and provided for the inheritance of the legal -heirs. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -ECONOMIC FACTORS, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Comparative backwardness of Spain in economic development.] - -While this era was marked by a brief period of prosperity, and while -there was a noteworthy advance out of medievalism in the evolution of -mercantile machinery, the keynote of the times was the failure of Spain -to keep pace in material welfare with her high standing in other aspects -of life. Spain continued to be a raw material country, although -artificial attempts were still made to create a thriving industrial -development. These efforts, when they did not fail altogether, accrued -to the advantage of foreigners or resulted in establishments which were -of slight consequence in comparison with those of other European lands. -A combination of evils at length sank Spain to such a state of economic -degradation and misery as comported ill with her political reputation in -European affairs and with the opportunities she had had and failed to -employ to advantage. Nevertheless, Spain's decadence, overwhelming -though it was, is to be viewed from a relative standpoint. Medieval -Spain at its best, except possibly during the Moslem era, did not attain -to an equally flourishing state with the Spain of the seventeenth -century, which marks the lowest point to which she has fallen in modern -times. On the other hand, with relation to other countries in the -seventeenth century and with due regard to the needs which an expanded -civilization had by that time developed, Spain came to be economically -about the most backward land in western Europe. This occurred, in spite -of the fact that Spaniards found and developed such extraordinary wealth -in their new world possessions that their colonies were the envy of -Europe. Spain did indeed get rich returns from her overseas investment, -but these funds and others were squandered in the ways which have -already been pointed out. - -[Sidenote: Relative prosperity in the early years of the era.] - -[Sidenote: The American trade.] - -[Sidenote: Industrial wealth of Seville.] - -[Sidenote: Grazing.] - -[Sidenote: Fishing.] - -[Sidenote: Mining.] - -At the outset there was a period of undoubted prosperity, due in part to -a continuation of the favoring legislation of the era of the Catholic -Kings, but more particularly to the enormously increased demand -resulting from the rapid and extensive colonization of the Americas, -whose commerce was restricted by law to favored regions of the Spanish -kingdom. The American trade and to some extent the considerable fortunes -gained in the colonies themselves provided capital for a yet further -expansion of the industrial wealth of the peninsula. The effects were -felt principally in Castile, but were reflected also in Aragon and -Valencia. Seville, as the sole port of the American trade, became -extraordinarily rich in its industrial life, and many other cities -shared in the general prosperity. Woollen goods and silks were -manufactured on a large scale, and many other articles, such as hats, -gloves, soap, leathers, arms, and furniture were also made. Grazing and -fishing were notably productive industries. When Philip II ascended the -Spanish throne in 1556, it is said that the corporation of the _Mesta_ -possessed seven million sheep. Part of the wool which they produced was -supplied to Spanish manufacturers, though other sources were also drawn -upon by the makers of woollen goods, but vast quantities of wool were -sent abroad. In 1512 about 50,000 quintals were exported; in 1557 some -150,000; and in 1610 the amount had reached 180,000 quintals. The -whale-fisheries off the northern and northwestern coasts of Spain, at -that time a rich field for this occupation, and the catching of -tunny-fish in the Mediterranean furnished profitable employment to the -people of the coasts, who also made voyages to distant waters, even to -Newfoundland, on fishing ventures. The wars of the reign of Philip II -and the scarcity of boats soon tended to check this phase of economic -expansion. Mining produced but little, in part because the possessors of -_latifundia_--nobles and churchmen--did not care to develop their -estates in this respect and in part because private individuals -generally could not be certain that they would be allowed to enjoy any -profit they might make. Philip II, desirous of remedying this situation, -incorporated all mines into the crown, and encouraged prospecting for -mineral wealth, though exacting certain tributes from those who should -discover and work mines, but even under these circumstances little was -done. - -[Sidenote: Relative character of Spanish industrial prosperity.] - -[Sidenote: Its duration in time.] - -There has been a tendency to exaggerate the state of prosperity to which -Spain attained and to treat it as if it suddenly collapsed. In fact -Spain's industrial wealth was only great by comparison with what it once -had been and with what it was presently to be in the period of decline. -The manufacture of cloth in the entire kingdom in the most flourishing -epoch did not equal the output of the single city of Bruges. That the -growth of manufacturing was only ephemeral and did not take root in the -peninsula is attested by the fact that it was usually necessary, even in -the era of greatest industrial expansion, to depend upon imports to -supply Spain's needs, while the considerable exports of raw materials, -especially wool, show that the domestic demand could not have been -great. Undoubtedly a good industrial beginning was made, which might -have resulted in the economic independence of Spain. It did not -continue, however, and the question arises: How long did the era of -relative industrial prosperity endure? A precise answer is impossible, -because some industries flourished longer than others, or the same -industry prospered in one place after it had ceased to do so in another. -Conflicting accounts began to appear about the middle of the reign of -Charles I, and even in the first half of the seventeenth century there -were documents which testified to instances of prosperity. Speaking -generally, the decline may be said to have made itself felt in the reign -of Philip II and to have become clearly apparent by the middle of the -reign of Philip IV. - -[Sidenote: Handicaps on agriculture.] - -Agriculture did not advance much from its wretched state of the previous -era. The economists, giving undue importance to the accumulation of -specie, and obsessed by a desire to develop manufactures, did not -appreciate the fundamental value of agriculture; grazing was favored at -the expense of farming; agricultural labor, never plentiful, was still -more scarce after the expulsion of the Moriscos; and the evil of -_latifundia_ tended to reduce the amount of land cultivated. The laws -encouraged agriculture only when it did not interfere with what were -considered the more important industries. Legislation was frequent -forbidding the cultivation of lands which had ever been devoted to -grazing and compelling their restoration to that industry, and the old -privileges of the _Mesta_ were maintained to the detriment of the -farmers. The scarcity of agricultural labor caused an immigration from -other countries, especially from France, and this increased after the -expulsion of the Moriscos. It did not solve the problem, as the -foreigners were wont to return home, after they had accumulated savings. -Under the circumstances it is not surprising that agricultural -production did not meet the needs of the peninsula. Something was done -to protect farm laborers, and some government projects of irrigation -were undertaken, but not enough was done to offset the handicaps which -the state itself imposed. Intensive cultivation by small proprietors was -one of the needs of the time, and one attempt to bring this about in -Granada was made. Some 12,500 Castilian, Asturian, and Galician families -were sent there to replace in a measure the several hundred thousand -expelled Moriscos. The experiment was successful, and the colonization -took root, but it was not repeated. Nevertheless, eastern and southern -Spain had their period of relative prosperity, especially through the -cultivation of the vine and the olive. The Americas offered a rich field -for the export of wine, since the growing of vines was prohibited there, -and the soil, climate, irrigation canals, and Morisco labor (prior to -the expulsion) of Valencia, Granada, and Andalusia were well adapted to -provide the desired supply. Even this form of agriculture suffered a -serious decline in the seventeenth century, due largely to the loss of -the Moriscos. - -[Sidenote: Comparative prosperity of Spanish commerce.] - -[Sidenote: Prosperity of Seville and Medina del Campo.] - -Spanish commerce had its era of splendor and its period of decline, but -the former was prolonged much more than in the case of the manufacturing -industry, because of Spain's serving as a medium for distribution -between foreign countries and the Americas, and because of the continued -exchange of raw materials for the foreign finished product after Spain -herself had ceased to be a serious competitor in manufacturing. Seville -was by far the most prosperous port in the country, since it had a -monopoly of the American trade, which also necessitated the sending to -that city of goods from the other parts of Spain and from foreign -countries for trans-shipment overseas. Mercantile transactions on a -great scale, involving the modern forms of credit and the establishment -of branch houses in all parts of the world, were a natural outgrowth of -Seville's great volume of trade. The wealth of the city continued until -well into the seventeenth century. The transfer of the _Casa de -Contratacin_ (which handled Spain's commerce with the Americas) from -Seville to Cdiz occasioned a decline of the former and a corresponding -prosperity of the latter. Possibly next in importance to Seville in -mercantile affairs was the inland city of Medina del Campo, site of the -greatest of Spanish fairs and, except for the east coast provinces, the -contractual centre of the entire kingdom. Purchases, sales, and -exchanges of goods entering or leaving the various ports of Spain were -usually arranged there. Numerous other cities shared with Seville and -Medina del Campo in the commercial activity of the sixteenth century, -even those of the east coast, although the forces which had occasioned -their decline in preceding eras were still operative and were to renew -their effects before the sixteenth century had much more than passed the -halfway mark. The Mediterranean trade of Spain remained largely in the -hands of the Catalans, however. North European commerce, of which that -with Flanders was the most important, was shared generally by Spain's -Atlantic ports, although those of the north coast had in this case a -natural advantage. - -[Sidenote: The _consulados_ and other mercantile machinery.] - -The inevitable result of the commercial activity of the sixteenth -century was the development of a mercantile machinery to handle the -trade. This occurred, in Spain, on the basis of institutions already in -existence, the _consulados_, merchants' exchange buildings (_lonjas_), -and fairs. To the earlier _consulados_ of Valencia (1283), Barcelona -(1347), Saragossa (1391), Burgos (1494), and Bilbao (1511) there were -added those of Seville (1543) and Madrid (1632). Although the -_consulados_ of the ports differed in some respects from those of the -interior the same principles applied to both,--so much so, that the -ordinances of the _consulado_ of Burgos were the model for that of -Bilbao. The _consulado_ of Burgos served as the type, indeed, upon which -the ordinances of many of the later _consulados_ were founded, wherefore -its description may suffice for all. Strictly speaking, the _consulado_ -was only the tribunal of the body of merchants, who together formed the -_universidad_, or association, for purposes of trade, although the term -_consulado_ came eventually to include both. Many cities lacked the -tribunal, but did possess the _universidad_ of merchants. The tribunal, -or _consulado_, of Burgos exercised jurisdiction in mercantile cases, -and also had charge of such important matters as maritime insurance, -charter-parties, and the patronage of certain pious foundations. The -_universidad_ met annually to elect the officers of the _consulado_,--a -prior, two consuls, and a treasurer. The jurisdiction of the _consulado_ -as a court was not limited to cases arising in Burgos, but extended to -other towns and cities for many miles around it. There was an appeal in -criminal cases to the _corregidor_ of Burgos, but in civil cases the -_consulado_ was independent of both the royal and the municipal courts. -The _consulado_ of Madrid introduced some novelties, principal among -which was its close attachment to the national bureaucracy through the -intervention in its affairs of the _Consejo Real_. Various cities -founded merchants' exchange buildings, including some which had no -_consulado_. As for the fairs, the great importance of Medina del Campo -has already been mentioned. Two fairs a year, in May and October, were -held at that city, on which occasions merchants, bankers, and brokers -from all parts of the world gathered there. By the end of the sixteenth -century the fairs of Medina del Campo were already in a state of -decline, and they received a death-blow when by royal mandate Burgos -replaced Medina del Campo as the contractual centre of Spain. Burgos -did not greatly profit, however, for the general mercantile decadence -had begun to affect all commercial institutions in the country. -Mercantile machinery survived after the period of prosperity had passed, -and thus it was only to be expected that a central institution should at -length be founded. Such was the case, for the _Junta de Comercio y -Moneda_ (Junta, or Council, of Commerce and Coinage) came into existence -in 1679. During the remainder of this era it was of slight consequence, -however. - -[Sidenote: Medieval character and inconsistencies of mercantile -legislation.] - -The legislation of the period reflected the prevailing economic ideas, -such as the exceptional importance attached to precious metals, the -insistence that the balance of trade should favor exports (lest imports -should result in specie going out of the country), the favor shown -toward the policy of protection, and in a measure the continuance of the -medieval penchant for government regulation of industry. The state was -not consistent, however, varying its laws according as the needs of the -treasury or of European diplomacy or of any passing crisis might direct. -Thus prohibitions against foreign goods were often maintained, while at -other times the greatest freedom of entry was allowed. In the treaties -of peace of the sixteenth century care to safeguard the commercial -interests of Spain was employed, but in the seventeenth century they -were often sacrificed through the indiscretions of ministers or for -political reasons. Thus Spain's need of allies against France occasioned -the grant of a right for the free entry of goods into Spain (but not -into the colonies) to the Protestant Netherlands, England, Denmark, and -Portugal, with reductions in duties. Treaties of 1665 and 1667 with -England abolished Spain's right to inspect English boats or to search -the houses of British subjects, amounting to a virtual invitation to -smuggling, which was in fact the result. Smuggling in connivance with -Spanish officials became so general (not altogether by Englishmen) that -it was regarded as a necessary evil. The government displayed a tendency -to facilitate internal commerce,--as by the suppression of interior -customs lines,--but the protective and regulative spirit of the Middle -Ages was too often apparent. Thus prices were fixed and exclusive -rights of sale granted. A curious instance of the latter (though not out -of keeping with the age) was the permit given to the religious orders of -Madrid to open taverns for the sale of beverages accruing from their -crops. When certain abuses and some scandal resulted the privilege was -withdrawn, but was later renewed subject to certain conditions, one of -which was that friars should not serve the wines to customers. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties over coinage.] - -Legislation with relation to money was particularly abundant. One grave -error of the past was constantly committed from the time of Philip II to -the close of the era, the debasement of the coinage with a view to -relieving the difficulties of the treasury, but the results were not -more favorable than in former years. Despite governmental care in the -matter of coinage, diversity of coins was still a problem. In addition -to the national moneys there were regional pieces and numerous foreign -coins. Attempts were made to fix the relation between them, but without -great success. One factor which was not appreciated at the time was that -of the cheapening of money through the enormous importation of precious -metals from the Americas, resulting in a corresponding advance in -prices. The high prices were ascribed to the exportation of precious -metals from Spain, and stringent laws were passed to prevent it. It was -difficult, however, to keep the gold and silver in the country. - -[Sidenote: Scant attention to public works.] - -The national record of the House of Austria in public works cannot be -said to have been good. The need for more and better roads was generally -recognized, but unless they suited military purposes or were to be made -use of in a royal progress, or journey, the state would rarely build -them. Municipalities and groups of merchants (especially the -_consulados_) did something, but were hampered by the centralizing -spirit of the government. A license from the _Consejo Real_ was -required, even though the state were not to pay. There were too few -roads, and existing highways were as a general rule in a bad state of -repair. Many bridges were constructed by the government in the sixteenth -century, but only a few in the century following. Plans were also -discussed for deepening the channels of Spain's great rivers, but that -of the Tagus alone received attention, and the work to that end by -Philip II was destroyed by the negligence of his successors. In like -manner irrigation on a large scale was planned, but scarcely anything -was accomplished. On the other hand this period marked the beginning of -a mail service as an auxiliary of economic life; it was due to the state -only in that the government granted a monopoly of the privilege to a -private individual. Between 1580 and 1685 the extension of the service -to foreign countries was brought about. Naturally the whole system was -as yet defective from the modern standpoint. The government did expend -moneys, however, for military objects and state buildings. Forts were -built the length and breadth of the Spanish world, although many of them -were allowed to decay in the seventeenth century. Royal palaces and -houses of recreation and several splendid churches for royal use, all of -which added to the glamor of monarchy, were built at state expense. The -municipalities also erected public edifices, such as merchants' exchange -buildings and city halls. - -[Sidenote: Foreigners in Spain and legislation concerning them.] - -One of the most controversial questions of the era was that of the entry -of foreigners into the economic life of the peninsula. This had begun to -be a factor (without referring now to the earlier arrival of Moslem and -Jewish elements) in the reign of the Catholic Kings, but it was a much -more prominent issue in the period of the House of Austria. It was -complicated by the fact that certain groups of foreigners might be -welcomed (laborers for example), while others (merchants and -manufacturers in particular) were not, but all elements would be both -wanted and opposed by some class of the Spanish people at any given -time. In general, popular opinion whether of rich or poor was adverse to -foreigners. At times the kings yielded to the complaints of the people -and passed restrictive laws, but at other times, urged on by financial -needs and political aims, they took the contrary course. Dependent as -they were upon foreign money-lenders the kings could not refuse to grant -the privileges and monopolies which their creditors exacted as security. -It would seem, however, that by far the greater number of the -foreigners were engaged in the less remunerative occupations. A writer -of the seventeenth century says that there were 120,000 foreigners in -domestic service, and goes on to say that they also engaged in such -occupations as street hawking, the keeping of retail shops of all -varieties (sellers of meat, wine, cakes, etc.), and the mechanical -trades, including even those of porter and vendor of water. In 1680 the -French ambassador estimated that there were 77,000 of his countrymen in -Spain, many of whom were farm laborers, but there were considerable -numbers in various other occupations, ranging from the wealthy merchant -down to the lowly shepherd or peddler. Other nationalities were also -prominent. Laws were passed limiting the number of trades in which -foreigners could engage, but they seem to have been without avail, for -both the complaints and the legislation were often repeated. The victory -of the foreign element began to be more apparent by the middle of the -seventeenth century. Philip IV enacted laws to encourage immigration, -because of the scarcity of labor, and permitted a foreigner who had -lived for many years in Spain and married a Spanish woman to enjoy -privileges little short of those of a native. Similar laws were made in -the reign of Charles II. - -[Sidenote: Statistics of population.] - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of vagabondage.] - -The economic status of Spain in this era could be more clearly set forth -if it were possible to have fairly reliable data as to population. In -the middle of the sixteenth century there may have been about six and -three quarter millions of people in Spain. By the end of the century -some estimates hold that the numbers had increased to perhaps eight and -a half millions, but there is ground for doubting these assertions. -Figures for the seventeenth century are even more uncertain, but there -is a general agreement that the population declined. One estimate makes -the population of Spain 5,700,000 at the end of the era. Misery, -idleness, and vagabondage were characteristic of Spanish life in the -late sixteenth and throughout the seventeenth century; it has been -estimated that there were 150,000 vagabonds at the close of the -sixteenth century whose principal occupations were begging, thieving, -and prostitution. It is true that a like state of affairs existed in -other countries, and that many foreigners were included in this element -in the peninsula, but conditions were probably worse in Spain than -elsewhere in western Europe. - -[Sidenote: Causes of vagabondage.] - -Much has been written about the causes of vagabondage in Spain. The -principal causes undoubtedly were economic. Foreign writers have charged -it to Spanish pride and scorn of manual labor as well as to a certain -native laziness. These allegations are true to some extent, flowing -naturally from the circumstances of the history of Spain. Slavery had -been perhaps more general and long-continuing in the peninsula than in -other parts of Europe, and the slaves had usually been Moslem in faith; -thus Spaniards might naturally be disinclined to do the work of slaves -and infidels, and the same spirit would be present on its religious side -to make them object to working in company with the questionably orthodox -Moriscos. The general desire of Spaniards to be regarded as of noble -blood also tended to make manual labor unpopular, since there was a -strong class prejudice that nobles should not engage in such work. -Finally, the ease of entry into religious orders had rendered escape -from toil possible for a great number, and had increased the sentiment -against laboring with one's hands. The only way out for a great many was -the life of a vagabond. The sudden wealth acquired by individuals in the -Americas reacted psychologically to make the necessarily slow accretions -of property in Spain an irksome prospect. The exaltation of military -glory had the same general effect, but as the Spanish armies were small -this occupation was not open to everybody, and its perils and -irregularities in pay made not a few hesitate to enter it. Furthermore, -there were many contemporary writers, Cervantes among them, who pointed -out that the life of a vagabond had a certain appeal for many Spaniards; -young men of good family not infrequently joined bands of gypsies. - -[Sidenote: Inability of the government to cope with the situation.] - -The poverty of Spain was general by the middle of the seventeenth -century, and the state of the country got steadily worse thereafter. -Bread riots frequently served as a reminder to the authorities, who -indeed made many attempts to remedy the situation. Their measures to -attack the root of the evil were worse than useless, however, being -based on economic misconceptions or being discontinued (when they might -have proved beneficial) if they ran counter to governmental policies. -Direct legislation against vagabondage was frequent, but was evaded as -often as enacted. When people were forbidden to remain in the country -without working, the vagabonds made a showing of becoming porters or of -engaging in other like occupations, under the guise of which they -continued their loose practices. When these occupations were limited -they were to be found as theoretically in the service of the noble or -wealthy, whom social pride induced to have as many in their following as -possible. When this custom was attacked direct evasion of the laws was -rendered possible through charitable institutions, especially through -the free soup-kitchens of the religious orders. On the benevolent side -the problem was also approached through the founding of poor-houses, -although this method was not yet greatly developed, and through the -conversion of the former public granaries (_psitos_), in which stores -of grain were kept to guard against the possibility of famine, into -pious institutions for the gift or loan of food supplies to the poor. - -[Sidenote: Contemporary opinions as to the causes of Spain's economic -decline.] - -The fact of Spain's economic decline has perhaps been pointed out with -sufficient clearness. It is now pertinent to sum up the causes which had -produced it. According to Altamira there was "a great variety of causes, -accumulated upon a country which entered the modern age with weak and -incipient economic energies, a country whose governments let themselves -be dragged into an imperialistic policy (in great part forced upon them -by problems traceable to Ferdinand the Catholic and the fatal -inheritance of Charles I), neglecting, more for lack of means than -intentionally, those measures which could best contribute to better the -productive power and well-being of the country." This is an epitome not -only of the causes for Spain's economic decline in this period but also -of modern Spanish history. It places the fault where it belongs, on -Spanish imperialism with its train of costly wars, a policy which Spain -might have followed so far as the Americas were concerned, but which -proved an impossible strain on her resources when carried beyond the -Spanish peninsula into Europe. This was one of the principal causes -assigned at the tune. Some others may also be enumerated. The increase -in the _alcabala_ and in other taxes was often mentioned as a principal -cause, although it is easy to see how this might have been a result of -the warfare. In like manner another group of causes set forth at that -time might well have been results of the economic decline, such as the -following: emigration to the colonies; the lack of government aid to -industries; the invasion of foreign goods and foreigners into Spain; and -the decline in population. Other causes alleged by contemporaries and -deserving of prominent mention, though less important than that of the -European wars, were these: the repugnance of Spaniards for manual labor; -bad financial administration by the government; the prodigality of the -kings in granting favors and exemptions; the governmental practice of -fixing the prices of agricultural products; the evil of absentee -landlordism, especially in the case of the _latifundia_, which were not -developed to the extent of their resources; waste of the means of -production in luxury; the great number of convents and monasteries; and -the exemptions enjoyed by a vast number of individuals. - -[Sidenote: Causes assigned by later writers.] - -Later writers have put emphasis on other matters. Some present-day -historians assign the expulsion of the Moriscos as the principal cause -of the economic decline. It did leave many trades without hands, and -temporarily depopulated whole districts, but it seems hardly accurate to -regard it as anything more than one of many contributory causes. Writers -of the seventeenth century were impressed by its religious and political -advantages, and do not seem to have regarded it as of serious economic -import. The economic effects of the conquest of the Americas have also -been set forth to account for Spain's decline. That conquest induced the -already-mentioned get-rich-quick spirit among Spaniards, and encouraged -the false economic idea that precious metals are the basic form of -wealth, leading to the assignment of an undue importance to them. More -serious, perhaps, was the fact that the Americas drained Spain of some -of her best and most virile blood. The number of Spaniards who went to -America, however, was not excessive,--little more than the number of -Englishmen who crossed the seas in the seventeenth century. Furthermore, -Spain most certainly secured a vast financial profit out of the -Americas, not only from precious metals, but also from commerce and the -employment which thousands obtained both in Spain and in the colonies. -Spanish soil was indeed not fertile enough to support a policy of -European imperialism, and that argument has been put forward, but the -fault was less in the land itself, which in other days had produced more -richly, than in the methods (or lack of them) employed to develop its -capacities. Foreign commercial vicissitudes, which are also alleged to -account for Spain's economic fall, did indeed help to bring it -about,--such, for example, as the disastrous consequences of the silting -in of the port of Bruges, which city had been one of the best purchasers -of Spain's raw materials. While it is indeed impossible to assign any -single event or condition of affairs as the _sine qua non_ of Spain's -decadence, one factor stands out from the rest, however, as the most -important,--that of the oft-mentioned policy of Spanish imperialism in -Europe. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -THE GOLDEN AGE: EDUCATION, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY, AND SCIENCE, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Causes of Spain's intellectual greatness in this era.] - -The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries represent the highest point in -the history of Spanish intellectual achievement in science, literature, -and art. Two manifestations characterized the era: an abundant -productivity which was as high in quality as it was great in amount; and -the diffusion of Spanish learning in the other countries of the -civilized world, so that for the first time (except for the transmission -of Moslem culture) Christian Spain became a vital factor in European -thought, whereas in former years she had merely received the instruction -of others. The reasons for this intellectual outburst were various. For -one thing the natural evolution from the past seemed to render -inevitable a high degree of attainment. For another, the general effects -of the Renaissance in Europe made themselves felt in Spain. In the third -place, this seems to have been the era of the ripe maturity of the -Spanish people, when they were at the height of their capacity in every -walk of life. Finally, as has happened so many times in the history of -other nations, the very fact of the establishment of a great empire was -bound to react both materially and psychologically to produce an -unwonted expansion intellectually. Spanish imperialism in Europe -undoubtedly contributed much to the civilization of the peninsula, but -it is not too much to say that the greatest influence came from Spain's -conquests in the new world. These operated directly to make Spain an -innovator in scientific thought, and provided the first noteworthy -material for mental stimulus in the era. If the better known -manifestations of polite literature and painting were not directly -traceable to the attainment of a colonial empire, other achievements -were, and the indirect effect of the overseas conquests should not be -left out of consideration even in the case of those factors which -acknowledged Italy as their principal source of inspiration. - -[Sidenote: Social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality and its -duration in time.] - -There were many social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality, such -as the eagerness with which men sought an education, the honors paid to -men of letters in an age when military glory might tend to absorb -attention, the encyclopedic knowledge demonstrated by scholars who were -at one and the same time proficient in widely divergent fields, the -circumstance that women won marked distinction (together with the fact -that their achievements were well received), and the fondness of the -upper classes for social functions of a literary character,--not a few -of which developed from a simple gathering at some noble's house into -the formation of clubs or academies of an intellectual character. This -flourishing state of affairs endured a much shorter time than might have -been expected from the force of its initial momentum; in a broad sense -the intellectual decadence of the country accompanied, or perhaps -resulted from, the political and economic decline, but just as in the -case of these factors it was not equal in celerity or in completeness in -all of the many-sided aspects of Spanish intellectual life. Furthermore, -the fall was so rapid in some respects, and from such a high point in -all, that the ultimate degradation, though deep enough, seemed by -comparison to be worse than it was. At any rate, the state of -intellectuality at its best was sufficiently great to deserve the title -which has been applied to the period of its expression, that of the -_siglo de oro_ (golden century) in Spanish science, literature, and art. - -[Sidenote: Application and duration of the _siglo de oro_.] - -A question arises as to the application of the term and the duration of -the period of the _siglo de oro_. The seventeenth century has usually -been regarded as the golden age, for it was then that the greatest names -in polite literature and painting appeared. In fact, however, the era of -intellectual brilliance dates from an early point in the sixteenth -century in the reign of Charles I, lasting for about a century and a -half, past the middle of the seventeenth century. The general desire for -knowledge, which was so marked in the first half of the sixteenth -century, had already ebbed away by the end of the reign of Philip II. -The greatest achievements in didactic and scientific literature belong -to the sixteenth century, and, indeed, most of the great writers and -painters who won fame in the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV got -their start, or at least were born, in the time of Philip II. Great -results were obtained in both periods, but the stimulus came for the -most part in the sixteenth century. - -[Sidenote: The universities.] - -The aristocratic character of intellectual attainments in the _siglo de -oro_ was reflected in that of the institutions of learning which were -founded. In addition to the eight universities existing in 1516, -twenty-one were added in the sixteenth century, and five in the -seventeenth, making a total of thirty-four in all. Salamanca and Alcal -stood forth as the leading universities, although outranked in legal -studies by Valladolid. Salamanca had the more ample curriculum, with -some sixty professorships, but Alcal, with forty-two professorial -chairs, was distinguished for the scientific labors of its faculty. -Salamanca was more largely attended, having 6778 students in 1584, a -number which had declined to 1955 in 1682, while Alcal had 1949 in -1547, 2061 in 1650, and 1637 in 1700. The medieval type of internal -management remained as the essential basis of university administration, -characterized by the close connection between the university and the -civil authorities (to which latter the former were in a measure -subjected), by an intimate relationship with the cathedral or other -local churches, and by the ecclesiastical origin of many of the -university rents. The universities did not become religious -establishments, however, even though churchmen founded the greater -number of them. As time went on, the kings displayed a tendency to -intervene in university life, as by the sending of _visitadores_, or by -imposing their candidates for professorships upon the universities, but -they did not go so far as to deprive the universities of their economic, -legal, and scientific independence. - -[Sidenote: Jesuit colleges.] - -[Sidenote: Other schools of higher education.] - -[Sidenote: The _Casa de Contratacin_ as a maritime university.] - -There were also various other institutions of higher education. One of -them, the Estudios Reales de San Isidro of Madrid, founded early in the -reign of Philip IV for the education of the sons of the greater -nobility, ranked with the universities. Jesuit teachers were installed. -This was not the first instance of Jesuit instruction in the peninsula. -By their vows the Jesuits were obliged to found "colleges," but this -term meant houses for study, only in that the members of the order -living in these institutions pursued investigations there. Gradually, -outside pupils began to be accepted by the Jesuits, who soon won a great -reputation for their efficiency as teachers. Their teaching was markedly -influenced by Renaissance ideals, for the study of classical authors -formed one of the principal elements in their curriculum. They devoted -themselves to the education of the wealthy classes, leaving the field of -vocational preparation to the universities. Apart from the Jesuit -colleges there were various schools, both religious and secular, -primarily for the study of Latin. They were in essence schools of -literature, at which students were given practice in the writing of -poetry and the reciting of verses, both Latin and Castilian. It is said -that there were more than four thousand of these institutions in 1619, -although their numbers declined greatly with the advance of the century. -In addition there were many schools of a purely professional character, -such as those for the study of religion, war, medicine, and nautical -science. The school of nautical science of the _Casa de Contratacin_ of -Seville merits special attention. Among the manifold functions of the -_Casa_ in its relation to the Americas was that of the pursuit of -scientific studies to facilitate overseas communication, and this was -carried out to such an extent that the _Casa_ was a veritable maritime -university. Mathematics, cosmography, geography, cartography, -navigation, the construction and use of nautical instruments, and -military science (in so far as it related to artillery) were taught at -the _Casa_, and in nearly all of these respects that institution not -only outranked the others in Spain but was able also to add materially -to the sum total of world knowledge. Primary education continued to be -neglected. The current belief was that it was unnecessary unless one -intended to pursue a professional career. The education of the masses -for the sake of raising the general level of culture, or even for -technical advancement, was a problem which was not as yet comprehended. -Such primary schools as there were, were usually ecclesiastical or -private foundations. Reading, writing, arithmetic, and Christian -doctrine were the subjects taught. Taken as a whole it will be seen that -the number of teaching establishments had vastly increased over that of -the preceding eras. An understanding of the superior facilities -available for the upper classes would not be complete without a -reference to the extraordinary diffusion of printing in this era. -Although the publication of works was subject to various conditions, -printed books fairly came into their own, for the first time in the -history of the peninsula. A number of great libraries were formed. It is -worthy of mention, too, that it was at this time that care began to be -taken in the accumulation of public documents in archives. In 1558 -Philip II founded an archive at Rome, and in 1563 made a beginning of -the famous state archive at Simancas. - -[Sidenote: Neglect of primary education.] - -[Sidenote: Great age of printing.] - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of public archives.] - -[Sidenote: Luis Vives and Spanish originality in philosophical studies.] - -The revival of classical studies, which made available the writings of -many Greek philosophers whose works had been unknown to the medieval -scholars, and the complex movement of ideas engendered by the Protestant -Reformation and the Catholic Reaction were the fundamental causes of the -flourishing state of theological and philosophical studies in this -period, especially in the sixteenth century. While this was by no means -confined to Spain, the peninsula furnished its quota to the great names -of the period. The philosopher Luis Vives (1492-1540) may be mentioned -by way of illustration. Vives, who spent most of his life in Flanders -and in England,--in which latter country he was the teacher of Mary -Tudor, the later queen of England,--was regarded by contemporaries as a -philosopher of the first rank, on a plane with Erasmus. Nearly a century -before Francis Bacon (1561-1626) suggested the necessity for the -observation of nature as the basis of knowledge rather than the blind -following of classical texts, Vives had pronounced the same idea. Of -importance, too, were his pedagogical doctrines, which profoundly -influenced Comenius. The case of Vives was not unique, for the ideas -which were later to be made famous by Reid, Descartes, Montaigne, -Charron, and others had already been expressed by Spaniards of the -sixteenth century. The common note in all their works was that of great -liberty of thought in all things other than the Catholic faith, and in -particular that of a reaction against submission to consecrated -authority, which brought them into opposition to the slavish acceptance -of classical writings so much in vogue among the Humanists. In so doing, -the Spanish philosophers were only expressing their national traits, for -the Spaniards have always been able to reconcile their support of -absolutism in government and of the principle of authority in religion -with a degree of individualism that cannot be found in lands whose -political and religious ideas have been more democratic. Partly on this -account Spanish thought has not received due credit, for, though there -were Spanish philosophers, there was no school of Spanish philosophy. -Furthermore, sweeping originality of thought on a universal basis was -precluded by the necessity of subordinating all ideas to Catholic -doctrine, while the philosophers who have attained to the greatest fame -in modern times expressed themselves with independence in that respect, -or at least without the preoccupation of not departing from it. That -Spaniards were capable of originality within the field of religion -itself was proved by the development of Spanish mysticism, already -alluded to. - -[Sidenote: Important character of Spanish writings on jurisprudence, -politics, and economics.] - -In jurisprudence and politics Spanish writers gained an indisputable -title to originality of thought, of positive influence on the -civilization of other countries. This was due in part to the continuous -warfare, the grave religious problems, and the many questions arising -out of the conquest, colonization, and retention of the Americas, but it -was also a result of a natural tendency in Spanish character to occupy -itself with the practical aspects of affairs, directing philosophical -thought toward its applications in actual life,--for example, in the -case of matters to which the above-mentioned events gave rise. Spanish -jurists achieved renown in various phases of jurisprudence, such as in -international, political, penal, and canonical law, in the civil law of -Rome and of the Spanish peninsula, and in legal procedure. Not Grotius -(1583-1645), but his Spanish predecessors of the sixteenth century laid -the foundations for international law, and the great Dutch jurist more -than once acknowledged his indebtedness to Spaniards, who, like Vitoria -and Vzquez, had provided him with rich materials for the thesis he set -forth. Among the writers on political law may be mentioned Solrzano, -whose _Poltica indiana_, or Government of the Indies (1629-1639), was a -noteworthy exposition and defence of the Spanish colonial system. In -economics, too, the Spaniards were necessarily outstanding figures in -their day, since the Spanish empire was the greatest and for a time the -most powerful of the period. National resources, the income and -expenditures of the state, and the method of the enjoyment of landed -property were the three principal questions to engage the attention of -the Spanish economists. When Martnez de la Mata declared that labor was -the only true source of wealth, he was in so much the precursor of Adam -Smith (1723-1790). Some economists expressed ideas which sound strangely -like those set forth by Spencer, Wallace, Tolstoy, and others in the -nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as the following: that -immovable property should be taken away from the private individuals -possessing it, and be redistributed under the control of the state; and -that society should be considered as having legal title to lands, giving -only the user to individuals. Luis Vives was one of the representatives -of these ideas. The principles of these economists found little support -in practice, and cannot be said to have attained general acceptance -among the Spanish writers on these subjects. - -[Sidenote: Pez de Castro and the new sense of historical content.] - -The advance of historical studies in this period, especially in the -sixteenth century, was nothing short of remarkable. For the first time -history won a right to be considered apart from polite literature. Two -novelties marked the era, one of them relative to the content of -history, and the other concerning the methods of investigation and -composition. Formerly history had reduced itself to little more than the -external political narrative, dealing with wars, kings, and heroes, -being more rhetorical in form than scientific. The new sense of content -was represented principally by the philosopher Luis Vives and by the -historian Pez de Castro, one-time chronicler of Charles I. Vives gave -his opinion that history should deal with all the manifestations of -social life. Pez de Castro stands forth, however, as the man who most -clearly expressed the new ideas. According to him the history of a land -should include the study of its geography, of the languages of its -peoples, of the dress, laws, religions, social institutions, general -customs, literature, arts, sciences, and even the aspects of nature of -the land in so far as these things affected the actions of men. Pez de -Castro was also a follower of Prez de Guzmn and Hernando del Pulgar in -his appreciation of the psychological element in history. The most -exacting methodologists of the present day do not require more than did -Pez de Castro nearly four centuries ago. Incidentally, it becomes clear -that the credit ordinarily assigned to Voltaire (1694-1778) and Hume -(1711-1776) as innovators in this respect belongs rather to Spaniards of -the sixteenth century. Vives and Pez de Castro were not alone in their -concept of history. On the other hand they were not able to put their -ideas into practice, and were not followed by the majority of the -writers on methodology. Nevertheless, all were agreed that the education -of the historian should be encyclopedic in character,--an ideal which -necessarily involved a measurable attainment of the plan of Pez de -Castro. - -[Sidenote: Zurita and Morales and the advance in historical -investigation and criticism.] - -If these concepts as to historical content were not fully realized, -those with regard to the methods of investigation and criticism found a -worthy representation in the majority of the historians of the era. To -be sure, some of the great writers, like Florin de Ocampo and Mariana, -displayed too much credulity or a disposition to imagine events for -which they lacked documentary proof. Furthermore, this was a thriving -period of forgeries, when writers invented classical authors, -chronicles, letters, and inscriptions with which to support their -narratives. Still, the evil brought about the remedy; the necessity for -criticism was so great that its application became customary. In -addition, men sought documents, if only to disprove the forgeries, with -the result that the employment of source material and the use of the -sciences auxiliary to history were a factor in the works of the numerous -great historians of the time. The highest representatives of the new -sense of historical analysis were the official chroniclers of Charles I -and Philip II. First in point of time was Florin de Ocampo, whose -_Crnica general_ (General chronicle) was published in 1543. While -giving too free rein to the imagination, his _Crnica_ had a fairly -complete documental basis in some of its parts. Far superior was the -_Anales de Aragn_, or Annals of Aragon (1562-1580), of Jernimo urita, -or Zurita, which in its use of archive material was the greatest -historical work of the sixteenth century. Of equal rank with Zurita was -Ambrosio de Morales, the continuer of Ocampo, whose _Crnica_ was -published in 1574-1575. Morales, who was a distinguished palographist -and archologist, made a notable use of inscriptions, coins, -manuscripts, ancient books, and other ancient evidences. While the -influence of Gibbon (1737-1794) on historiography in these respects is -not to be denied, it is only fair to point out the merits of his -predecessors of the Spanish _siglo de oro_ in precisely those qualities -for which the great Englishman has won such signal fame. - -[Sidenote: The historian Mariana.] - -[Sidenote: The bibliographer Nicols Antonio.] - -[Sidenote: Historians of the Americas.] - -The historian of this era who attained the greatest reputation, though -far from equalling Vives and Pez de Castro on the one hand or Zurita -and Morales on the other, was the Jesuit Mariana. In 1592-1595 he -published his history of Spain in Latin (_Historia de rebus Hispani_), -which he brought out in Castilian in 1601 under the title _Historia -general de Espaa_ (General history of Spain). This work, which is still -one of the most widely read of all Spanish histories, was remarkable for -its composition and style, in which respects it was superior to others -of the period, though otherwise inferior to the best works of the time. -It was intended to be popular, however, on which account it should not -be judged too critically from the standpoint of technique. Mariana's -history was an external political narrative, from the Castilian point of -view, of the events which had developed the national unity of Spain. His -own bias, politically and otherwise, was only too apparent, besides -which he displayed the faults of credulity and imagination already -alluded to. Nevertheless, Mariana made use of manuscripts and the -evidence of inscriptions and coins, though not to the same degree as -Zurita, Morales, and others. His style was tinged with the Humanistic -ideals of the period, being strongly influenced by Livy. Many other -students of history or of the sciences auxiliary to history are -deserving of recognition, and at least one of them demands mention, -Nicols Antonio, the greatest bibliographer of his time. In 1672 he -published his _Bibliotheca hispana_ (republished in 1788 as the -_Bibliotheca hispana nova_, or Catalogue of new Spanish works) of all -Spanish works since 1500, and in 1696 completed his _Bibliotheca hispana -vetus_, or Catalogue of old Spanish works (published in 1788), of -Spanish books, manuscript and printed, prior to the sixteenth century. -Deserving of special notice was a remarkable group of historians of the -Americas, such as Fernando Coln (Ferdinand Columbus), Fernndez de -Oviedo, Lpez de Gmara, Bernal Daz del Castillo, Bernab Cobos, -Gutirrez de Santa Clara, Juan de Castellanos, Acosta, Garcilaso de la -Vega, Herrera, Cieza de Len, Zrate, Jerez, Dorantes de Carranza, -Gngora, Heva, Len Pinelo, Mendieta, Pizarro, Sahagn, Surez de -Peralta, Alvarado, Torquemada, Sols, Corts, Las Casas, Cervantes de -Salazar, Lpez de Velasco, the already cited Solrzano, Prez de Ribas, -Tello, Florencia, Vetancurt, and many others. The works of some of these -men were written in Spain as official chronicles of the Indies, while -those of others were prepared independently in the Americas. Religious -history was abundantly produced, as also were books of travel, -especially those based on the expeditions and discoveries in the Indies. -In all of the historical production of the era, not merely in the work -of Mariana, the influence of classical models was marked. - -[Sidenote: The conquest of the Americas and resultant Spanish -achievements in natural science, geography, and cartography.] - -If the output of Spaniards in the domain of the natural sciences was not -so great as in the realm of philosophy, jurisprudence, and history, it -was nevertheless distinctively original in character,--necessarily so, -since the discovery of new lands and new routes, to say nothing of the -effects of continuous warring, not only invited investigation, but also -made it imperative, in order to overcome hitherto unknown difficulties. -In dealing with the Americas a practice was made of gathering -geographical data which for its completeness has scarcely ever been -surpassed. Explorers were required by law to make the most detailed -observations as to distances, general geographical features, character -of the soil, products, animals, and peoples, with a view to the -collection and the study of their reports at the _Casa de Contratacin_, -for which purpose the post of cosmographical chronicler of the Indies -was created. Equal amplitude of data was also to be found in books of -travel. To enumerate the contributors to geographical knowledge it would -be necessary to name the hundreds of Spanish voyages and explorations in -the new world of which accounts were written by their leaders or by -friars accompanying the expeditions. A noteworthy compendium of these -reports has recently been published, although it was compiled in the -sixteenth century, the _Geografa y descripcin universal de las Indias_ -(Geography and general description of the Indies) for the years 1571 to -1574 by Juan Lpez de Velasco. Something of a like nature was achieved -for the peninsula itself in the reign of Philip II. As was inevitable, -Spaniards were prominent in cartography. Aside from the men who -accompanied the expeditions in the new world, the most famous -cartographers of the time were those of the _Casa de Contratacin_, many -of whom made contributions to cartographical science, as well as -additions to the mapping of the world. One interesting instance was the -use of maps with equi-distant polar projections years before Mercator in -1569 first employed this method, which was henceforth to bear his name. -Spanish innovators have not received the credit they deserve, -principally because their results were in many cases deliberately kept -secret by the Spanish government, which wished to retain a monopoly of -the information, as well as of the trade, of the new world. Spanish -achievements, it will be observed, were designed to meet practical ends, -rather than to promote universal knowledge,--unfortunately for the fame -of the individuals engaged in scientific production. - -[Sidenote: Similarly, Spanish achievements in the mathematical and -physical sciences.] - -Naturally, these accomplishments in geography and cartography -necessitated a solid foundation in the mathematical and physical -sciences, and such a basis in fact existed. The leading scholars, -especially those of the _Casa_, who always stood out from the rest, -displayed a remarkable conjunction of theory and practice. At the same -time that they were writing doctrinal treatises about cosmography, -astronomy, and mathematics, they were able to make maps and nautical -instruments with their own hands, and not infrequently to invent useful -appliances. Problems in connection with the variations of the magnetic -needle, the exact calculation of longitude, the observation of eclipses, -and the perfection of the astrolabe were among those which preoccupied -students of that day. The advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the -facility with which the theory of Copernicus (that the sun, and not the -earth, is the centre of the solar system) was accepted in Spain, when it -was rejected elsewhere. It is noteworthy, too, that when Pope Gregory -XIII proposed to correct the calendar, he sought information of Spanish -scholars, whose suggestions were followed. In the same year (1582) that -the Gregorian calendar went into effect in Rome, it was adopted also in -Spain. In nautical science, as might have been expected from the -practical character of Spanish studies, Spaniards were preminent. Among -the more important names was that of Alarcn, better known for his -voyage of 1540 in the Gulf of California and along the western coast of -the California peninsula. Advance in naval construction accompanied that -of navigation proper. The new world provided Spaniards with an -opportunity, of which they did not fail to avail themselves, for -progress in the sciences of physics and chemistry, always with practical -ideals in mind. Theories were set forth as to such matters as cyclones, -terrestrial magnetism, atmospheric pressure, and even telegraphy, while -mechanical inventions were made, because these things were related to -specific problems. The most remarkable example of the heights to which -Spaniards attained in physics and chemistry was in the application of -these sciences to metallurgy. When the mines of the Americas were first -exploited, it was necessary to resort to German methods, but it was not -long before Spaniards easily took first rank in the world. A work by -Alonso Barba, for example, published in 1640, was translated into all of -the leading European languages, and served as the principal guide of -metallurgists for more than a century. As engineers Spaniards lagged -behind other European peoples; engineering works were not greatly -involved in the colonization of the Americas. It is interesting, -however, to note the numerous studies of projects by Spaniards of the -sixteenth century,--among them, Corts, Saavedra, Galvn, Lpez de -Gmara, Gil Gonzlez Dvila, Salcedo, Esquivel, and Mercado,--with a -view to the construction of a canal at the Isthmus of Panam to -facilitate communication with the Pacific. - -[Sidenote: Progress in medicine.] - -Finally, the science of medicine, which had already entered upon an -experimental stage in the reign of the Catholic Kings, advanced to a -point which enabled it to compare, not unfavorably, with the -achievements in other branches of precise knowledge. Medicine, too, had -the Americas to thank for much of its progress, owing to discoveries of -botanical and mineralogical specimens of a medicinal character. The -universities of Salamanca, Valencia, and Barcelona took the lead in -medical studies, and furnished most of the great names of the era. In -the seventeenth century medical science experienced a marked decline, -due among other things to a return to an imitation of classical methods. -Hippocrates and other Greek writers were regarded as incapable of -mistake, wherefore investigation and experiment ceased to hold the place -they had won in the sixteenth century. Some men endeavored to continue -the experimental tradition, but, as indeed elsewhere in Europe, they -were despised by the classical element, who arrogated to themselves the -honor of possessing the only real medical knowledge, charging their -opponents, usually with truth, with employing experimentation because -they were unable to read the accounts of classical remedies set forth in -Greek and Latin. Nevertheless, it was to experimental methods, -principally in the sixteenth century, that the discovery of many -hitherto unknown cures was due. - - - - -CHAPTER XXX - -THE GOLDEN AGE: LITERATURE AND ART, 1516-1700 - - -[Sidenote: Victory of Castilian over foreign tongues in polite -literature and remarkable outburst of productivity.] - -The general conditions affecting literature and art in the _siglo de -oro_ have already been alluded to in the preceding chapter. The -influence of Humanism and the impulse of the Renaissance were more -directly felt in polite literature than in didactic and scientific -works. Furthermore, this type of literature was more easily understood -by people at large than the more special studies, and it is not -surprising that Spain's intellectual greatness should have been -appreciated by the majority of the educated classes in terms of poetry, -the novel, and the drama, together with the manifestations of the age in -the fine arts. The very men who contributed works of a scientific -character could not resist the appeal of _belles lettres_, and wrote -books which not infrequently demonstrated their double right to homage. -Knowledge of Latin, Greek, and various modern languages, especially -Italian and French, was more or less general among the educated classes, -giving an opportunity for the satisfaction of one's wishes to delve into -a varied literature, and opening the way to foreign influences upon -Castilian work. The day of French influence seemed for a time to have -passed, however (although it returned with the decline in the later -seventeenth century); rather, a current against it had set in. The -effect of the other three languages was so great, however, that -Castilian temporarily lost some of its prestige, which passed over -especially to Latin and Italian. Most works of an erudite character now -appeared in Latin, and that language was the official tongue of most of -the courses in the universities. The church, too, lent its weight to -Latin. Nevertheless, Castilian was at no time in real danger. Anything -intended for popular consumption found its way into Castilian, and not a -few notable scientific works employed that language. Save for a few -inefficacious attempts of the Humanists to use Latin, the field of -polite literature was captured wholly by the native tongue. This victory -for national sentiment carried with it an exuberant outburst of -productivity which affected all classes. Prior to this time the clergy -had provided almost the only representatives to win fame in _belles -lettres_; now, they were joined and rivalled, even outdone, by laymen, -both soldiers and civilians. The noble families caught the enthusiasm -and made their houses centres for gatherings, and the kings themselves -were carried along in the current. Charles I was exceptionally fond of -the novels of chivalry, which he used to have read aloud to him; Philip -II, himself little affected, tolerated the tastes of his daughters which -led them to make poetry form a part of the palace distractions; but it -was under Philip IV that the royal love and patronage of literature -attained to its highest point. Philip IV himself wrote comedies, and -filled the palace with poets, dramatists, and writers of prose. -Meanwhile, the general public got its first real opportunity to attend -the theatre, and bought meritorious books (which printing now rendered -available), while men discussed their favorite authors with the same -ardor that they might their favorite bull-fighters. - -[Sidenote: Spanish contributions to philology.] - -One of the principal studies of the Humanists was that of grammar, Latin -and Greek chiefly. The classical authors and the patristic writings of -the medieval period occupied their attention, together with allied works -in other languages, such as ancient Hebrew or modern Italian. The -Spanish Humanists held a noteworthy place in the development of this -movement in Europe. While many individuals might be named, Arias Montano -was perhaps the greatest of Spain's representatives. Interest in -language study carried Spaniards far afield among contemporary tongues, -and in one respect led to a remarkable contribution to knowledge. As -conquerors and as missionaries Spaniards came in contact with a variety -of peoples hitherto unknown, or little known, to the world, from the -numerous tribes of the Indians in the Americas to the Chinese and -Japanese of the Far East. Many valuable data were accumulated in Spanish -about these peoples and their customs, and their languages were studied -and in many cases written down by Spaniards, who systematized them for -the first time. Much of this material has only recently become -available, but it ranks as an achievement of the _siglo de oro_; perhaps -the more valuable parts were prepared in the sixteenth century. -Meanwhile, the process of purifying Castilian grammar was constantly -going on, and it is interesting to note the strong nationalistic -tendency in favor of a phonetic spelling as opposed to the expression of -the etymological form. Rhetoric was regarded as a part of grammar, and -it is easy to understand that in an age of Humanism the question of -style should be a favorite topic. - -[Sidenote: Lope de Rueda and the development of the national theatre.] - -It was in this period that the national theatre developed, and Spaniards -displayed such originality and forcefulness as to make a profound -impression on the dramatic literature of the world. At the outset of the -reign of Charles I, Gil Vicente and Torres Naharro were continuing the -tradition of Juan del Enzina with crude farces and allegorical religious -plays. Despite the fact that these were generally acted in convents, -they were so frequently of a licentious character that in 1548 their -publication was forbidden. Meanwhile, classical plays and compositions -written in imitation of the Latin and Greek masters were proving -difficult competitors to the weakly groping Spanish stage. The -regeneration of the national theatre was due to Lope de Rueda of -Seville, whose name first appears in 1554. The greatness of Rueda was -due primarily to his own acting, which gave him an opportunity to -re-introduce Spanish plays and make a success of them. While staging -translations of Latin and Italian works, Rueda wrote and played short -acts of a dramatic and episodical character. Others carried on the task -begun by Rueda until the machinery for the Spanish theatre was fairly -well prepared for the works of the great masters,--for example, the -three-act comedy had developed, first employed by Francisco de Avendao. -Cervantes wrote a number of plays, between 1583 and 1587, but while -they were not without merit they were completely overshadowed by those -of the great writers of dramatic literature. - -[Sidenote: The great masters of the Spanish theatre.] - -First of the great masters, chronologically, was Lope de Vega -(1562-1635), who was also one of the most prolific writers of all time. -It is said that he wrote 1800 comedies and 400 religious, allegorical -plays (one of the leading types of the era), besides many shorter -dialogues, of which number 470 of the comedies and 50 of the plays have -survived. His writings were not less admirable than numerous, and marked -a complete break with the past. An inventive exuberance, well-sustained -agreeability and charm, skill in the management of fable and in the -depiction of character, the elevation of women to a leading place in the -dramatical plot (a feature without precedent), an instinct for -theatrical effects, intensity of emotional expression, wit, naturalness -and nobility of dialogue, and realism were the most noteworthy traits of -his compositions, together with a variety in subject-matter which -ventured into every phase of the history and contemporary customs of -Spain. His defects were traceable mainly to his facility in production, -such as a lack of plan and organization as a whole, wherefore it has -been said that he wrote scenes and not complete plays, although his best -works are not open to this charge. In the meantime, the paraphernalia of -theatrical presentation had been perfected. In 1579 the first permanent -theatre was built in Madrid, followed quickly by the erection of others -there and in the other large cities. Travelling companies staged plays -in all parts of Spain, until the theatre became popular. If Lope de Vega -profited from this situation, so also did the stage from him, for he -provided it with a vehicle which fixed it in public favor at a time when -the balance might have swung either way. The fame of Lope de Vega -eclipsed that of his contemporaries, many of whom were deserving of high -rank. In recent years one name has emerged from the crowd, that of Friar -Gabriel Tllez, better known by his pseudonym, Tirso de Molina -(1571-1658). In realism, depiction of character, profundity of ideas, -emotion, and a sense of the dramatic he was the equal and at times the -superior of Lope de Vega. The successor in fame and popularity of Lope -de Vega, however, was Pedro Caldern de la Barca (1600-1681), whose -compositions faithfully represented the devout Catholicism and chivalric -ideals (exaggerating the fact) of his contemporaries. Caldern was above -all a writer of religious, allegorical plays. In the domain of the -profane his plays were too grave and rigid to adapt themselves to the -comic, and they were characterized by a certain monotony and artifice, a -substitution of allegory for realism, and an excess of brilliance and -lyrical qualities, often tinged with rhetoric and obscure classical -allusions. Not only were these three masters and a number of others -great in Spain, but also they clearly influenced the dramatic literature -of the world; it would be necessary to include most of the famous -European playwrights of the seventeenth century and some of later times -if a list were to be made of those who drew inspiration from the Spanish -theatre of the _siglo de oro_. - -[Sidenote: The three types of the sixteenth century novel.] - -The history of the Spanish novel in this era reduces itself to a -discussion of three leading types, those of chivalry, love, and social -customs, the last-named an outgrowth from the picaresque novel, and more -often so-called. The novel of chivalry, descendant of _Amads de Gaula_, -was by far the most popular in the sixteenth century, having almost a -monopoly of the field. Like the reprehensible "dime novel" of recent -American life its popularity became almost a disease, resulting -occasionally in a derangement of the mental faculties of some of its -more assiduous readers. The extravagant achievements of the wandering -knights ended by proving a bore to Spanish taste, and the chivalric -novel was already dead when Cervantes attacked it in _Don Quixote_. -Meanwhile, the amatory novel had been affected by the introduction from -Italy of a pastoral basis for the story, which first appeared in the -middle of the sixteenth century and endured for about a hundred years. -This novel was based on an impossible situation, that of country -shepherds and shepherdesses who talked like people of education and -refinement. Only the high qualities of the writers were able to give it -life, which was achieved by the excellence of the descriptions, the -lyrical quality of the verse, and the beauty of the prose style. The -true Spanish novel was to develop out of the picaresque type, which -looked back to the popular _La Celestina_ of 1499. About the middle of -the sixteenth century and again just at its close there appeared two -other works, frankly picaresque, for they dealt with the life of rogues -(_pcaros_) and vagabonds. The name "picaresque" was henceforth employed -for works which did not come within the exact field of these earlier -volumes, except that they were realistic portrayals of contemporary -life. Such was the state of affairs when Cervantes appeared. - -[Sidenote: Cervantes and _Don Quixote_.] - -[Sidenote: The _Novelas exemplares_.] - -Miguel de Cervantes y Saavedra (1547-1616) had a long and varied career -before his publication of the book which was to place him at a bound in -the front rank of the literary men of all time. He was a pupil of the -Humanist Hoyos in 1568; a chamberlain of Cardinal Acquaviva at Rome in -1569; a soldier from 1570 to 1575, taking part in the battle of Lepanto; -and a captive in Algiers from 1575 to 1580. A devotee of _belles -lettres_ from youth, he produced many works between 1583 and 1602 in -poetry, the drama, and the pastoral novel, in none of which did he -attain to real eminence, though a writer of note. In 1603 he wrote the -first part of the _Quixote_, and published it in 1605. The book leaped -into immediate favor, ran through a number of editions, and was almost -at once translated, at least in part, into all the languages of western -Europe. It is easy to point out the relationship of _Don Quixote_ to the -many types of literature which had preceded it. There was the influence -of Lucian in its audacious criticism, piquancy, and jovial and -independent humor, in its satire, in fine; of Rojas' _La Celestina_ or -of Rueda in dialogue; of Boccaccio in style, variety, freedom, and -artistic devices; of the Italian story-writers and poets of the era; -even of Homer's _Odyssey_; and especially of the novels of chivalry. -Nevertheless, Cervantes took all this and moulded it in his own way into -something new. The case of the novel of chivalry may be taken for -purposes of illustration. While pretending to annihilate that type of -work, which was already dead, Cervantes in fact caught the epic spirit -of idealism which the novelists had wished to represent but had drowned -in a flood of extravagances and impossible happenings, raising it in -the _Quixote_ to a point of sublimity which revealed the eternal -significance in human psychology of the knightly ideal,--and all in the -genial reflection of chimerical undertakings amid the real problems of -life. On this account some have said that the _Quixote_ was the last and -the best, the perfected novel of chivalry. Withal, it was set forth in -prose of inexpressible beauty, superior to any of its models in its -depth and spontaneity, its rich abundance, its irresistibly comic force, -and its handling of conversation. The surprise occasioned by this -totally unlooked for kind of book can in part be understood when one -recalls that in the domain of the real and human, the public had had -only the three picaresque novels already alluded to, before the -appearance of _Don Quixote_. In his few remaining years of life -Cervantes added yet other works in his inimitable style, of which the -two most notable were the second part of the _Quixote_ (1615), said by -many to be superior to the first, and the _Novelas exemplares_, or Model -tales (1612-1613), a series of short stories bearing a close -relationship to the picaresque novels in their dealings with the lives -of rogues, vagabonds, and profligates, but as demonstrably different -from them as the _Quixote_ was from the novels of chivalry, especially -in that Cervantes was not satirizing, or idealizing, or even drawing a -moral concerning the life he depicted, but merely telling his tale, as -an artist and a poet. Well might he say that he was the first to write -novels in Castilian. There were many writers of fiction after him in the -era, but since the novel had reached its culminating point in its first -issue, it is natural that the art did not progress,--for it could not! - -[Sidenote: Lyric and epic poetry.] - -While the Spanish theatre and the Spanish novel were of world-wide -significance, furnishing models which affected the literature of other -peoples, Spanish lyric poetry had only national importance, but it has a -special interest at this time in that it was the most noteworthy -representative of the vices which were to contribute to destroy Spain's -literary preminence. In the first place, lyric poetry was an -importation, for the Italian lyrics overwhelmed the native product and -even imposed their form in Castilian verse. Much excellent work was -done, however, notably by Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536). Eminent on -another account was Luis de Argote y Gngora (1561-1627), commonly -referred to by the name of his mother, Gngora. Gngora affected to -despise popularity, declaring that he wished to write only for the -cultivated classes. To attain this end he adopted the method of -complicating the expression of his ideas, making violent departures from -the usual order of employing words (hyperbaton), and indulging in -artificial symbolism. This practice, called euphuism in English, for it -was not peculiar to Spain but became general in Europe, won undying fame -of a doubtfully desirable character for Gngora, in that it has ever -since been termed _gongorismo_ in Spanish, although the word -_culteranismo_ has also been applied. Similar to it was conceptism, -which aimed to introduce subtleties, symbols, and obscurities into the -ideas themselves. It is natural that the lyric poetry of the later -seventeenth century should have reached a state of utter decline. Epic -poetry did not prosper in this era; its function was supplied by -romance. - -[Sidenote: Achievements in satire, panegyrics, and periodical -literature.] - -In addition to the various forms of prose writing already discussed, -there were many others, and great distinction was achieved in them by -the Spaniards of the _siglo de oro_. Among the many who might be -mentioned was Francisco de Quevedo, especially famous as a satirist and -humorist. One interesting type of literature was that of the panegyrics -of Spain in answer to the Hispanophobe works of foreigners, who based -their characterizations of Spaniards in no small degree, though not -wholly, on the exaggerated condemnation of Spain's dealings with the -American Indians by Bartolom de Las Casas, himself a Spanish Dominican. -The _Poltica indiana_ of Solrzano belongs in this class of literature, -as a refutation, though a reasoned one, of the indictment of Las Casas -and others. In addition to the already-mentioned "relations of events," -forerunner of the modern newspaper, it is to be noted that the _Gaceta_ -(Gazette), the official periodical, began to be published in the -seventeenth century. With regard to the non-Castilian parts of Spain it -need only be said that Castilian triumphed as the literary language, -although works in the vernacular continued to be published in Catalonia, -Valencia, and Majorca. - -[Sidenote: Influence of Spanish intellectual achievements upon western -European thought.] - -In dealing with the various phases of the _siglo de oro_ much has -already been said about the diffusion of Spanish thought in Europe and -its influence in foreign countries. Two factors tended to bring Spanish -intellectual achievements to the notice of the world. In the first -place, Spanish professors were to be found in many foreign universities, -while Jesuit teaching, very largely Spanish, profoundly affected -Catholic Europe. In the second place, Spanish works were widely read and -translated, although not equally at all times or equally in all places. -In general, Italy was the centre for the dissemination of Spanish -thought in the sixteenth century, though often by a double translation, -from Spanish to Italian and from Italian to a third tongue, and France -was the distributing point in the seventeenth century. In addition there -were the works in Latin, which were equally available to all. Spanish -philosophical writings were comparatively little read, abroad, but those -concerning theology and religion were seized upon by friend and foe, -while the offerings of the Spanish mystics were also widely translated. -An even greater diffusion fell to the lot of the works on jurisprudence, -politics, and international law, and the essential importance of Spanish -writings in geography, cosmography, natural science, and kindred -subjects has already been pointed out. The works of the historians -crossed the frontiers, though more particularly those dealing with the -Americas, together with the narratives of American travel. The power of -Spanish arms was sufficient to induce wide reading of military writings -emanating from the peninsula. Naturally, the greatest number of -translations was in the field of polite literature. Every type of the -Spanish novel found its way to other countries, and the novel of -chivalry was almost more admired, abroad, and certainly longer-lived, -than in Spain. Cervantes became a veritable cult in Germany and England, -and in this special case England became the centre for the diffusion of -Spanish genius. In like manner the great dramatists were famous in all -of Europe. While the mere knowledge by Europeans of Spanish works would -not be a sufficient basis to predicate a vital Spanish influence beyond -the peninsula, such information was a condition precedent to its -effectuation, and important modifications of western European thought -did in fact follow. It would be possible to trace this in every branch -of literature and study which has been discussed, but a number of -indications have been given already, and the task is one which does not -fall within the field of this volume. To those who actually produced an -effect should be added the names of those who deserved to do so, but who -were prevented by fortuitous circumstances from so doing; the -achievements of many of these men are only now being brought to light by -investigations in Spanish archives, and in some cases,--for example, in -that of the anthropological group of writers about the Americas,--their -works still represent contributions to universal knowledge. Toward the -close of the seventeenth century Spain's hegemony in the world of -letters began to be supplanted by the rising power of France. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the decline in Spanish intellectual productivity] - -All peoples who have had their period of intellectual greatness have -sooner or later fallen from their high estate, and it was inevitable -that this should occur in the case of Spain. The decline in the -peninsula was so excessive in degree, however, that historians have -enquired whether there were not certain special causes to induce it. The -baleful effect of the Inquisition, exercising a kind of religious -censorship on all works, has usually been regarded as of the first -importance in this respect. Yet the Inquisition existed during the -period of greatness as well as in that of decadence, and to assert that -the prohibitions placed upon the expression of even such important ideas -as those having a religious bearing could dry up the native independence -and freedom of Spanish thought is to confess a lack of knowledge of -Spanish character. The Inquisition was one of a great many factors -having some influence to check production, but it was not responsible to -the degree that has been charged. The same thing is true of the -government censorship independent of the Inquisition. Another factor of -some importance was that the manifestations of the _siglo de oro_ had no -solid foundation in the education of the masses, who remained as -ignorant as in preceding centuries. If any set of causes can be singled -out from the rest, it is probable that those having to do with the -political and economic decline of the country as a whole affected, also, -the intellectual output of the country. A natural aptitude in the -Spanish people, together with the national expansion in resources and -power, had enabled them in the sixteenth century to develop an all-round -intellectual productivity, more especially of a scientific order, and -when this phase of the Golden Age was already dead, private wealth, -refinement, and tradition remained to encourage expression in the realm -of polite literature. Even this prop was removed by the end of the -seventeenth century, and the final decline became inevitable. - -[Sidenote: Great era of the fine arts.] - -The general conditions affecting the history of art were the same as -those already pointed out in dealing with literature. Spain produced -painters whose works were to serve as among the greatest models of all -time, and her attainments in other phases of art, if less inspiring, -were of a distinguished order. Spanish architecture, though rarely -approved by modern critics, was to become a force in the world through -its transmission to the Americas. The so-called "Mission style" of -California is nothing more than a reminiscence of the art forms of Spain -in this period and the next. - -[Sidenote: Spanish Renaissance architecture.] - -[Sidenote: The Herreran style.] - -[Sidenote: Baroque architecture.] - -A continuation of the evolution begun in the preceding era, from Gothic -to Renaissance architecture, resulted in the banishment of the former. -The Renaissance edifices were in three principal styles, which did not -succeed one another rigorously in turn, but which were mixed together, -or passed almost imperceptibly from one to another, although roughly -representing a certain chronological order. The first of these was -characterized by the predominance of Renaissance factors over those -which were more properly plateresque. The faades of San Marcos of Len -and of the _ayuntamiento_ (city hall) of Seville are good examples. By -far the most noteworthy style was that of the second of this period, -called variously "Greco-Roman," "second Renaissance," and "Herreran" -(after Juan de Herrera, its principal exponent), and employed most -largely in the second half of the sixteenth and the first part of the -seventeenth century. The edifices of this group were noteworthy for the -attempt made in them to imitate the Roman architecture of the later -empire through the suppression of adornment and the multiplication of -flat surfaces and straight lines, achieving expression through great -size and massiveness of structure, together with the use of rich -materials. In the matter of embellishment the classical orders were -superimposed, Doric being used in the lower story, Ionic in the next, -and finally Corinthian. The pyramid capped with a ball was the favorite -style of finial, while gigantic statues were also placed in niches high -up in the faade. The whole effect was sombrely religious, often -depressingly so. The greatest example of this type of art is the -Escorial, the famous palace of Philip II, built by Juan de Herrera, -possibly the most noteworthy single edifice of Christian Spanish -architecture in existence, and certainly the most widely known. In the -reign of Philip IV there was a pronounced reaction against the sobriety -of the Herreran style, and the pendulum swung to the other extreme. -Adornment and movement of line returned, but were expressed in a most -extravagant way, as exemplified by the excessive employment of foliage -effects and by the use of broken or twisted lines which were not -structurally necessary and were not in harmony with the rest of the -edifice. Variety and richness of materials were also a leading -characteristic. This style, usually called "baroque," also -"churrigueresque" (from Churriguera, its leading architect), has -numerous examples, of which the faade of the palace of San Telmo in -Seville may be taken as a type. - -[Sidenote: Vigorous development of sculpture and the lesser arts.] - -Sculpture developed into a vigorous art, though still employed mainly as -auxiliary to architecture or in religious statuary. Gothic sculpture in -both the pure and the plateresque form struggled against Italian -influences until the middle of the sixteenth century, when the latter -triumphed. Berruguete, Montas, and Alonso Cano, the first-named -largely responsible for the just-mentioned Italian victory and the two -latter flourishing in the time of Philip IV, were the leading names of -the era. A peculiarity of the Spanish sculptors was that they worked in -wood, being especially noteworthy for the images (many crucifixions -among them) which they made. The realism of the image-makers saved -Spanish sculpture from the contamination of baroque art, which took root -in other countries. The decline came, however, with the introduction -later in the seventeenth century of the practice of dressing the images, -so that only the head, hands, and feet were in fact sculptured. From -this the sculptors went on to attach false hair and other false -features, going even to the extreme of affixing human skin and finger -nails. Other factors combined with this lack of taste to bring on the -decay of the art. The excellent work in this period of the -_artesonados_, or ceilings of carved woodwork, should not pass -unnoticed. Meanwhile, work in gold, silver, iron, and bronze was -cultivated assiduously, of which the principal manifestations of a -national character were the shrines and gratings. In general, the -Renaissance influences triumphed in these arts, as also in the various -allied arts, such as the making of tapestry. The gold workers enjoyed an -expansion of output springing naturally from the surplus wealth in -secular hands, and a similar lot fell to the workers in silks and -embroideries; both industries produced materials of a high artistic -quality. In ceramic art Arabic tradition had one noteworthy survival in -the azulejos, or varnished bricks painted by hand in blue and white and -used as tiles. Renaissance factors at length appeared to change the -geometric designs, reminiscent of the Moslem past, to the more prevalent -classic forms. Aside from azulejos proper other tiles of many colors, -often gilded, were employed. - -[Sidenote: Appearance of an independent Spanish school in painting.] - -In the early years of this period the Italian influence on Spanish -painting held full sway. The leading factors were the Florentine school, -headed by Raphael, and the Venetian school, of which Titian was the most -prominent representative. The latter, notable for its brilliant coloring -and effects of light, was by all odds the more important of the two. -Spaniards went to Italy to study, and not a few Italian painters came to -Spain, while many works of the Italian masters, especially those of -Titian, were procured by Charles I and Philip II. Nevertheless, the -signs of a truly Spanish school began to appear about the middle of the -sixteenth century, and before the close of Philip II's reign the era of -Spanish independence in painting and the day of the great masters were -at hand, to endure for over a century. With characteristic -individuality, Spaniards did not separate into well-defined local -schools, but displayed a great variety, even within the same group. -Still, in a general way the Andalusians may be said to have accentuated -the use of light and a warm ambient, while the Castilians followed a -more severe style, employing darker tones. All devoted themselves to the -depiction of religious subject-matter, but with no attempt at idealism; -rather, the mundane sphere of realism, though in a religious cloak, -preoccupied them, with attention, too, to expression and coloring more -than to drawing and purity of form. - -[Sidenote: El Greco, first of the great masters in painting.] - -[Sidenote: Ribera.] - -[Sidenote: Zurbarn.] - -[Sidenote: Velzquez, greatest of the masters.] - -[Sidenote: Murillo.] - -[Sidenote: Coello.] - -[Sidenote: Other notable painters.] - -The era of splendor began with Domenico Theotocopuli (1545?-1625), -better known as "El Greco." As indicated by his name this artist was not -Spanish in origin, but Greek. The character of his works, however, was -so original and its influences were so powerful in the formation of the -Spanish school that he may truly be claimed for Spain, where he lived -and worked. He established himself at Toledo in 1577, which city is -still the best repository of his paintings. His early style was marked -by a strong Venetian manner, with warm tones, great richness, firm -drawing, and an intense sentiment of life. Toward 1581 he began to -change to a use of cold, gray, shadowy tones, and the employment of a -kind of caricature in his drawing, with long and narrow heads and -bodies. By this method, however, he was able to attain wonderful results -in portraiture. Aside from his own merits no painter so profoundly -influenced the greatest of the masters, Velzquez. Chronologically next -of the great painters was Ribera (1588-1656), called "Espagnoletto" in -Italy, where he did most of his work in the Spanish kingdom of Naples. -Naturalism, perfect technique, and the remarkable bodily energy of the -figures he depicted were the leading qualities of his work. The -diffusion of his paintings in Spain tended to make him influential in -the Spanish school, to which his individuality, as well as his birth, -entitled him to belong. Zurbarn (1598-1663) was the most rigorous of -the realists, including all the accessories in his paintings, even to -the minute details of a person's dress. Less vigorous than Ribera he was -best in his portrayal of monks, in which subject-matter his sombrely -passive, exceedingly religious atmosphere found a suitable vehicle. He -was nevertheless a brilliant colorist. Next in point of time came Diego -Velzquez de Silva (1599-1660), greatest of Spanish masters and possibly -the greatest of all painters. Velzquez had various periods and various -styles, in all of which he produced admirable works. Unlike his -predecessors and those who succeeded him as well, he was as diverse in -subject-matter as it was possible to be, within the law, and was far -less notable for his religious works than for his many others. He -depicted for all time the court life of Philip III and Philip IV, -including the portraits of those kings and the other leading figures of -the court. Some of his greatest work appeared in these portraits, which -he knew how to fit into a setting of landscape, making the central -figure stand out in a way that no other painter has surpassed or perhaps -equalled. He also painted common people (as in his _Los borrachos_, or -Intoxicated men) and queer people (as in his paintings of dwarfs), and -drew upon mythology (as in his composition entitled "the forge of -Vulcan") and upon contemporary wars (as witness the famous "surrender of -Breda"). Once only, during a lapse of the prohibitory law, did he paint -a nude,--the celebrated Venus of the mirror, now in London, one of the -greatest works of its kind. In many of his paintings he revealed himself -as a wonderful landscape painter. His landscapes were characterized by -the use of a pale, yet rich, pervading blue, and by effects of distance -and atmosphere. No painter is more inadequately set forth by -photography. To know Velzquez, one must see his works.[58] After -Velzquez came Murillo (1618-1682), an Andalusian, who well represented -the traits of southern Spain. His leading characteristics were a -precise, energetic drawing, fresh, harmonious coloring, and a religious -sentiment which was a remarkable combination of imaginative idealism, or -even supernaturalism, of conception with realism of figures and scenes. -His biblical characters were represented by the common people of the -streets of Seville. Few painters have more indelibly stamped their works -with their own individuality. Last of the masters was Coello -(1623?-1694), who maintained the traditions of the Spanish school, -though under strong Venetian influence, amidst a flood of baroque -paintings which had already begun to corrupt public taste. Other names -might well be included in the list of great Spanish painters in this -era, such as Pacheco, Roelas, Herrera, and especially Valds Leal and -Alonso Cano. Indeed, it would be difficult to overestimate the -importance of the Spanish school. It is not unthinkable that a list of -the ten greatest painters in the history of the world would include the -names of Velzquez, El Greco, and Murillo, with a place reserved for -Goya (of the eighteenth century), and with the claims of Ribera -deserving consideration. - -[Sidenote: Noteworthy character of Spanish music.] - -Spanish music, though not so important in the history of the world as -that of Italy or Germany, had a notable development in this period, and -displayed an individuality which distinguished it from that of other -lands. For the first time it came into a place of its own, apart from -recitation or the merely technical presentation of medieval church -ceremonial, and was characterized by a certain expressiveness, -approaching sentimentality and having a flavor which has led many to -assert that its roots were to be found in the song and dance of Spanish -Moslems. To be sure, the influence of Italy was greatest at this time. -The _siglo de oro_ in Spanish music was the sixteenth century, in the -time of the four great composers of the era, Morales, Guerrero, Cabezn, -and Victoria. The greatest works were in the field of religious music, -in which various parts were sung to the accompaniment of the organ. -Music of the court occupied a half-way post between church and popular -music, displaying a combination of both elements, with song to the -accompaniment of the viola, which filled the rle of the modern piano. -At the close of the sixteenth century the viola was replaced by the -guitar, which became the national instrument of Spain. Popular music -found its fullest expression in the theatre. It got to be the fashion -for the entire company to sing as a preliminary to the play, to the -music of the viola, the harp, or the violin. This song had no necessary -connection with the play, but song in dialogue soon began to be employed -as an integral part of one-act pieces of what might be termed a -vaudeville type. In the seventeenth century, song invaded the legitimate -stage, and some operas were sung in which the dialogue was entirely in -music or else alternated with recitation. The last-named type, the -_zarzuela_, became particularly popular. Unfortunately, none of the -examples of this music which would have been most interesting, such as -that employed in the _zarzuelas_ of Lope de Vega and the other masters, -has survived. Its true character therefore remains unknown, although its -use in theatrical representation is an important fact in the history of -the art. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -THE EARLY BOURBONS, 1700-1759 - - -[Sidenote: Basis and consequences of Spanish reforms of the eighteenth -century.] - -The eighteenth century in Spain was of intense import as affecting the -ultimate interests of the Americas. It was an era of regeneration, of a -somewhat remarkable recovery from the decadent state which Spain had -reached by the time of the reign of the last Hapsburg monarch. It was -accompanied, however, by Spain's engaging in a series of wars, due in -some cases to unwise ambitions of an imperialistic character in European -affairs and in others to unavoidable necessity as a result of the -aggressions of foreign powers. It was a period when international -morality with its attendant diplomatic intrigue and unprovoked attacks -was in a low state, and Spain was often a sufferer thereby; indeed, many -interesting parallels might be drawn between European diplomatic -practices in the eighteenth century and those of William II of Germany -in the twentieth. England, Austria, and France were at various times the -opponents of Spain, but the first-named gradually emerged as the most -persistent, aggressive, and dangerous of her enemies. If the prospects -of wars were the principal motive force which induced the life-giving -reforms,--so that Spain might acquire wealth and efficiency which could -be converted into military strength,--the wars themselves tended to -increase the needs of the state. Thus in the case of the Americas the -very improvements which were introduced were to contribute to bring -about the eventual separation of Spain from her colonies, in the first -place because they occasioned a development in resources and capacity -which gave prospects of success when the revolts should come, and in the -second because Spain drew too heavily upon the colonies in promoting -European objects without giving an adequate return, wherefore discontent -was fostered. Nevertheless, her efforts were at least to have the merit -of saving those colonies to themselves, thus conserving the influence of -Spanish-speaking peoples in the world, with indirect effects on the -history of the United States. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the War of the Spanish Succession.] - -With the exception of Austria, whose candidate for the Spanish throne, -the Archduke Charles, was unwilling to recognize the validity of the -document which had chosen the grandson of Louis XIV, the European -nations were disposed to view the accession of Philip V (1700-1746) with -favor, especially since the French monarch consented to the conditions -imposed in the will of Charles II that the crowns of France and Spain -should be independent and never be united in a single person. This -seemed to insure a maintenance of the equilibrium in Europe almost more -certainly than the crowning of the Archduke Charles would have done, -wherefore most of the powers recognized Philip V. It was at this time -that the autocratic Louis XIV, whose many victorious wars had given him -an undue confidence, made one of the serious mistakes of his life. In -certain formal letters he recognized in Philip V such rights of -succession to the French throne as he would ordinarily have had but for -the terms of his acquisition of Spain, and caused these documents to be -recorded before the Parlement of Paris. Other events also tended to show -that Louis XIV meant to dispose of Spain as if that country belonged to -him. When he presented the Spanish ambassador at Versailles to Philip V -the Castilian envoy exclaimed: "God be praised! The Pyrenees have -disappeared! Now we are all one!" This remark was indicative of the -opinions which by that time had become current. This new element in the -situation, together with certain other impolitic acts of the French king -against the interests of England and the Protestant Netherlands, caused -the countries just named to join with Austria and the Holy Roman Empire -in 1701 in an alliance for a war against Louis XIV and Philip V. Austria -wished to acquire the crown of Spain for the archduke, while the -English and the Dutch were primarily desirous of avoiding a -Franco-Spanish union, wherefore they insisted on the dethronement of -Philip V, accepting the pretensions of Charles. England was particularly -inspired by a fear that her commerce and expansion in the new world -would be prejudiced, or even crushed, by the joint power of France and -Spain. Furthermore, the profits of contraband trade with the Spanish -colonies were likely to be cut off under the energetic rule of the king -of France, then the most powerful monarch in Europe, and direct -indications to that effect occurred in 1701, when the _asiento_ -(contract), or right to introduce negro slaves into America, was granted -to a French company and several South American ports were occupied by -French ships. - -[Sidenote: The war in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: The Catalan espousal of the archduke's cause.] - -[Sidenote: The capture of Gibraltar by the English.] - -[Sidenote: Events leading to peace.] - -The War of the Spanish Succession, as the great conflict beginning -actively in 1702 has been called, had Spain as one of its principal -battle-grounds, since both Philip V and the archduke were there. The -struggle was one of great vicissitudes, as evidenced by the number of -times Madrid itself changed hands. Most of the people in the peninsula -favored Philip V, but the Catalans early displayed a tendency toward the -other side. Their resentment over the injuries received at the hands of -their French allies in the revolt of 1640 had not yet cooled, and they -especially objected to being governed by a king who represented the -absolutist ideals of the French Bourbons, for it was logical to expect -that it might mean a danger to their much cherished _fueros_, or -charters. Certain conflicts with royal officials seemed to indicate that -the government of Philip V intended to insist on the omnipotence of its -authority, thus increasing the discontent, to which was added the -encouragement to revolt arising from the greatness of the forces aligned -against the Bourbons, for in addition to the powers already mentioned -Savoy and Portugal had cast in their lot in 1703 and 1704. An allied -attempt of 1704 to land in Catalonia having proved a failure the Bourbon -officers employed rigorous measures to punish those Catalans who had -aided in the movement. The principal effect was to rouse indignation to -such a point that in 1705 a determined outbreak took place. Henceforth, -Catalonia could be counted on the side of the allies. In the same year -an alliance was contracted with the English, who made promises to the -Catalans which they were going to be far from fulfilling. Meanwhile, the -allied failure to get a foothold in Catalonia in 1704 had been -compensated by an incident of that campaign which was to be one of the -most important events of the war. On its way south from Catalonia in -that year the English squadron, under the command of Admiral Rooke, -seized Gibraltar, which happened to be poorly defended at the time. -Numerous attempts were made to recover it, but neither then nor since -were the Spaniards able to wrest this guardian of the strait from -English hands. In 1708 the island of Minorca was captured, to remain in -the possession of England for nearly a century. In 1711 the Holy Roman -Emperor died, as a result of which the archduke ascended the imperial -throne as the Emperor Charles VI. This event proved to be decisive as -affecting the war, for it made the candidacy of Charles for the Spanish -crown almost as unwelcome as had been the earlier prospect of a -Franco-Spanish union. Other factors contributed to make the former -archduke's allies desirous of peace, chief of which was that Louis XIV -had been so thoroughly beaten that there was no longer any danger of his -insisting on the rights of Philip V to the crown of France. - -[Sidenote: The peace of Utrecht.] - -[Sidenote: Abandonment of the Catalans by the allies.] - -England (in which country a new government representing the mercantile -classes and the party of peace had just come into power) took the lead -among the allies in peace negotiations, and was soon followed by all the -parties engaged, except Charles VI and a few of the German princes. -Between 1711 and 1714 a series of treaties was arranged, of which the -principal one was that of Utrecht in 1713. As concerned Spain the most -noteworthy provisions were: Philip V's renunciation for himself and his -heirs of any claim to the French throne; the cession of Gibraltar and -Minorca to England; the grant of the negro slave-trade _asiento_ in the -Americas to the English, together with accompanying rights which made -this phase of the treaties a veritable entering wedge for English -commerce in the Spanish colonies; and the surrender of the Catholic -Netherlands, Milan, Naples, and Sardinia to Austria, and of Sicily to -Savoy. In 1720 Austria and Savoy exchanged the two islands which had -fallen to their lot, and the latter took on the official title of the -kingdom of Sardinia. On the above-named conditions Philip V was allowed -to retain the Spanish dominions of the peninsula and of the Americas. If -Spain could have but known it, the treaties were altogether favorable to -her, but ambition was to undo their beneficial effects. One troublesome -point in the various peace conferences was the so-called case of the -Catalans. It had been generally believed that England in accordance with -her earlier treaty with the Catalans would insist on the preservation of -the much mooted _fueros_ and that Philip V would make the concession, as -had Philip IV before him. Philip V showed himself to be obstinate on -this point, for, not once, but several times, he positively refused to -yield. Furthermore, the English government, desirous of peace, the -prospective advantages of which for England were already clear, -repeatedly charged its ambassadors not to hold out for the Catalan -_fueros_. Some attempts to secure them were made, but when they failed -to overcome the persistent objections of Philip V provision was made for -a general amnesty to the Catalans, who were to enjoy the same rights as -the inhabitants of Castile. The rights of Castilians, however, together -with the duties which were implied, were precisely what the Catalans did -not want. The conduct of Charles VI was equally unmoral. He did, indeed, -make repeated attempts to save the _fueros_, and declared that he would -never abandon the Catalans. Yet he signed a convention withdrawing his -troops from Catalonia, and left the people of that land to their fate. -The latter were not disposed to yield without a struggle, and sustained -a war against Philip V for more than a year. The fall of Barcelona in -1714 put an end to the unequal conflict. - -[Sidenote: The French influence in Spain during the War of the Spanish -Succession.] - -[Sidenote: Madame des Ursins.] - -[Sidenote: Instances of resistance by Philip V to domination by Louis -XIV.] - -One of the interesting factors of the era of the war was that of the -French influence in Spain, which was to have a pronounced effect on the -internal development of the country, and, by extension, on that of the -colonies. Philip V was seventeen years of age when he ascended the -throne, but, though he many times proved his valor in battle, he was in -other respects a weak and irresolute character, without striking virtues -or defects, fond of hunting, and exceedingly devout,--in fine, of a type -such that he was inevitably bound to be led by others. These traits -fitted in with the policies of Louis XIV, who fully intended to direct -the affairs of Spain in his own interest. He charged Philip V never to -forget that he was a Frenchman, and, indeed, with the exceptions -presently to be noted, Philip was quite ready to submit to the will of -his grandfather. From the first, Louis XIV surrounded the Spanish king -with French councillors, some of whom occupied honorary positions only, -while others filled important posts in the government of Spain, and -still others, notably the French ambassadors and French generals, -exercised actual authority without having any official connection with -the country. One of the most important of all was Madame des Ursins, -maid of honor to the queen, sent to Spain by Louis XIV because as the -widow of the Duke of Braciano, a Spanish grandee, she was familiar with -the customs of the country. This lady won the complete confidence of the -queen, who in turn was able to dominate her husband. It may be said for -Madame des Ursins that she was faithful to the interests of the Spanish -monarchs, though promoting the entry of French influences, at that time -much to be desired in Spain. Indeed, she not infrequently sided with -Philip V against the wishes of Louis XIV, which on one occasion led to -her recall by the French monarch. Finding, however, that he could not -control Spanish affairs without her aid, Louis allowed her to return to -Spain. Despite the enormous pressure exercised against him in favor of -France, Philip V occasionally rebelled. One instance of his obstinacy -has already been cited respecting the case of the Catalan _fueros_. A -more important issue arose out of the presumptions of Louis XIV to -dispose of Philip's crown, as an avenue of escape for himself. In every -year from 1706 to 1712 Louis XIV endeavored to sacrifice the interests -of Spain or of Philip V in order to propitiate the allies into a grant -of peace. In particular he was desirous of procuring the resignation of -Philip from the throne of Spain in favor of the House of Austria, saving -to Philip the Spanish dominions in Italy. Philip was obdurate when -suggestions were made of his abandoning Spain, and more than once, even -when the situation looked hopeless, declared his intention of dying at -the head of his troops, rather than abdicate the throne to which he felt -divinely entitled. Louis XIV was even disposed to compel him by force of -arms to acquiesce, and several times withdrew his military support, but -the Spanish king would not yield. Fortunately for Philip the allies -played into his hands by demanding too much, with the result that Louis -XIV on such occasions would renew his support of Philip. Nevertheless, -it was the urgings of Louis XIV which prevailed upon Philip to surrender -the Spanish dominions in Italy and the Low Countries as well as to -renounce his claim to the throne of France. In all of these tribulations -of the Spanish king credit should be given to Mara Luisa of Savoy, the -spirited young queen of Spain. Not yet fourteen at the time of her -marriage, in 1701, she at all times displayed a courage and ability -which endeared her to the Spanish people. Though her father, the Duke of -Savoy, joined the allies against France and Spain, she did not waver in -her attachment to the land of her adoption. Inspired by her the Spanish -people (except the Catalans) displayed an ardent spirit of nationalism -for the first time in history, and were loyally devoted to the king and -queen. Nevertheless, despite Spanish patriotism and Philip's obdurate -resistance to Louis XIV's plans concerning the peninsula, there was the -underlying truth of a profound French influence over Spain. This was -best represented by men who, like Orry and Amelot, were responsible for -far-reaching reforms, the effects of which will be discussed in the -chapters on institutions. - -[Sidenote: The popular young queen, Mara Luisa of Savoy.] - -[Sidenote: Isabel Farnesio and the resumption of a policy of imperialism -in Italy.] - -Unfortunately for Philip and for Spain the queen died, early in the year -1714. A young Italian abbot named Alberoni happened to be at court in -that year and he suggested to Madame des Ursins that a certain Isabel -Farnesio (Elizabeth Farnese) of Parma would make a suitable wife for -Philip V. According to him the sweet gentleness of her character would -enable Madame des Ursins to maintain her power at the Spanish court. In -December of the same year the wedding took place. Thus did the lady who -has received the sobriquet, the "Termagant of Spain," become the wife of -Philip V. On her first meeting with Madame des Ursins she dismissed her, -and proceeded to become herself the dominant influence near the crown. -Isabel Farnesio was in fact a woman of extraordinary energy and force of -character, besides being so attractive as to be irresistible to the weak -king, who was so violently and capriciously attached to her that he even -chastised her with blows, at times, in a kind of jealous fury. -Nevertheless, she submitted to anything, provided she could retain a -hold on her husband, for she was ambitious for her children and for -Italy, and meant to utilize Spanish power in furtherance of her aims. -Early in 1715 she procured the elevation of Alberoni (soon to become a -cardinal) to the direction of affairs in the Spanish state, as the -instrument to procure her objects. The chief tenets in her policy were -the breaking of the intimate relation with France and the recovery of -the Italian possessions, based on the twofold desire of throwing the -Austrians out of Italy (a patriotic Italian wish, possibly more -attributable to Alberoni than to the queen) and of creating -principalities for the children of her own marriage with Philip. These -aims were furthered by playing upon the wishes of Philip to recover his -rights to the French throne. Philip V had not willingly renounced his -claim at the time Louis XIV had persuaded him to do so, and many of the -events for the next few years are explained by his aspirations to obtain -that crown for himself or for one of his sons. The Italian ambitions of -Isabel Farnesio, however, were the enduring keynote of Spanish policy -for some thirty years. - -[Sidenote: Diplomatic intrigue and war in the first period of the -Italian pretensions of Isabel Farnesio.] - -The break with France was not long in coming. In 1715 Louis XIV died, -and, contrary to the expectations of Philip, not Philip V, but the Duke -of Orleans, whom the Spanish king regarded as a personal opponent, was -named as regent for the sickly Louis XV, who was not expected to live -very long,--though in fact he was to reign for fifty-nine years. The -breach was widened by a series of treaties between England, the -Protestant Netherlands, and France in the next two years with a view to -the execution of the treaty of Utrecht. To assure the peace of Europe it -was necessary to procure the adhesion of Philip V and Charles VI, who -alone of the parties to the War of the Spanish Succession had not made -peace with each other, although no hostilities had taken place for some -time. Such a peace did not fit in, however, with the plans of Isabel -Farnesio, and when the emperor furnished a pretext in 1717 for the -renewal of hostilities a Spanish army was suddenly dispatched to -Sardinia which overran that island. England as guarantor of the -neutrality of Italy protested, and endeavored to effect a peace between -the two contestants by an offer to Philip of Charles' renunciation of -his claims to the Spanish crown, together with a promise of the duchies -of Parma and Tuscany and a vague suggestion of England's willingness to -restore Gibraltar and Minorca. The English proposal was rejected, and in -1718 an expedition was sent into Sicily (then in the possession of -Savoy, although the already mentioned exchange with Austria had been -discussed). The Spaniards were received with enthusiasm, and soon had a -mastery of the island. Meanwhile, Austria entered the triple alliance, -which thereby became quadruple, on the basis of the emperor's offers to -renounce his pretensions to the throne of Spain and to consent to the -succession of Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio and Philip V, to the -duchies of Parma, Plasencia, and Tuscany in exchange for Philip's return -of Sicily and Sardinia and his renunciation of all dominion in Italy and -the Low Countries. These terms were offered to Philip, who refused them, -despite the English ambassador's insinuation of his country's -willingness to return Gibraltar and Minorca if Philip would accept. -While the British government was thus negotiating for peace through -diplomatic channels it also took steps in another way to insure Spanish -acquiescence in the allied proposals. An English fleet under Admiral -Byng was ordered to attack the Spanish fleet without previous -announcement of a warlike intent, managing the affair, if possible, so -as to cast the blame on the Spanish commander. Byng found the Spanish -fleet in Sicilian waters, destroyed it, and landed Austrian troops in -Sicily. Several months later, in December, 1718, England declared war on -Spain, which was followed in January, 1719, by a declaration of war -against Philip V on the part of France. Hopelessly outnumbered, Spain -nevertheless displayed a surprising capacity for resistance. Defeat was -inevitable, however, and late in 1719 Alberoni, whose extraordinary web -of intrigues was deemed responsible for the existing situation, was -dismissed from power, a condition exacted by the allies, and in 1720 -peace was made on the basis of the earlier proposals of the quadruple -alliance. Philip was ready to comply with these terms, but the emperor -was now unwilling to grant what had been required of him. The result was -a new alliance in 1721 of England, France, and Spain, of which the most -noteworthy terms were England's definite promise to restore Gibraltar to -Spain and an agreement for a double matrimonial alliance between the -French and Spanish courts; a Spanish princess aged three was betrothed -to Louis XV, then eleven years old, while a French princess was to marry -Philip's eldest son, Luis. In addition the rights of Isabel's son -Charles to the Italian duchies were reaffirmed. The marriage of Luis and -the French princess was duly celebrated in 1722, and the Spanish -princess was sent to the French court to be educated. - -[Sidenote: Abdication of Philip V and reasons therefor.] - -[Sidenote: Brief reign of Luis I and Philip's resumption of the throne.] - -For several years Philip had been expressing a desire to abdicate. In -January, 1724, he carried his previously announced intention into -effect, declaring that he proposed to consecrate the remainder of his -life to the service of God and the important work of maintaining his own -health. There has been much speculation as to whether these were his -real designs,--all the more so, since the ambitious queen at no time -protested against this step. Although there is no direct evidence to -that effect, it is more than probable that Philip and Isabel wanted to -be ready to take advantage of the situation which might arise if Louis -XV should die, as was expected. At any rate Philip's eldest son was -proclaimed king, as Luis I, but the reign was of brief duration. In the -same year 1724 Luis contracted smallpox and died. As there was a -general disinclination to the succession of Philip's second son, -Ferdinand, then a minor, the former king was asked to accept the crown -again, and despite certain compunctions he felt in the matter he at -length agreed to do so. - -[Sidenote: Ripperd and the Austrian alliance.] - -The second reign of Philip V was dominated as before by the Italian -ambitions of Isabel Farnesio, with the French aspirations of the king -remaining a factor. By this time the Baron of Ripperd, an adventurer -who had previously been the Dutch representative at the Spanish court, -had become the agent through whom Isabel hoped to achieve her ends. Few -more unconscionable liars and intriguers are recorded in history than -this audacious courtier, who was able to deceive even Isabel Farnesio. -It occurred to the queen that the vexed question of the Italian duchies -might be settled through an embassy to Vienna. Accordingly, Ripperd was -sent, with the principal object of procuring the betrothal of two -Austrian archduchesses to Isabel's sons, Charles and Philip. Ripperd -found Charles VI disinclined to consent to the betrothals, but lied both -to the emperor and to Philip, telling each that the other accepted his -petitions. His deceptions would certainly have been unmasked, had it not -been for an unexpected turn in events. In 1725 the French regent, -fearful lest Louis XV might die without issue, sent back the Spanish -princess who had been betrothed to him, because she was still too young -to marry. The natural consequence was a rupture between France and -Spain, facilitating a treaty between Charles VI and Philip V. The matter -of the marriage was now secondary to the political need of support. -Charles and Philip agreed to the terms proposed to the latter in 1718 by -the quadruple alliance. In addition Philip guaranteed the Pragmatic -Sanction, whereby the succession of Charles VI's eldest daughter to his -Austrian estates was to be secured, and gave extensive commercial -privileges to Austria, particularly to the Ostend Company of the -Catholic, or Austrian, Netherlands, enabling that company to secure -trading rights in Spain and the Americas. A defensive alliance was -arranged, one feature of which was the emperor's agreement to use his -good offices to cause England to fulfil her promised restoration of -Gibraltar and Minorca to Spain. Finally, Charles VI definitely abandoned -his oft-repeated demand for the recognition of the Catalan _fueros_. For -his triumphs of 1725 Ripperd was made a grandee of Spain, owing his -promotion, in part at least, to his assurance that the marriage -alliances were practically secure. He became first minister at the -Spanish court, a post which he asked for, falsely asserting that Charles -VI desired it. Such a tissue of lies could not be sustained -indefinitely. His duplicity having been discovered he lost his position -in 1726, and was imprisoned when he seemed to confess guilt by taking -refuge in the English embassy. Escaping in 1728 he went to northern -Africa, where he passed the remaining nine years of his life. - -[Sidenote: The acquisition of Naples for Isabel's son Charles.] - -The Austrian treaties of 1725 were to have important consequences. -England, France, the Protestant Netherlands, Prussia, Sweden, and -Denmark immediately formed an alliance, and war seemed imminent. Spain -desired it, but Austria declined to engage, much to the resentment of -the Spanish court. Spain made a fruitless attempt to recapture -Gibraltar, however, in 1727, but consented to peace in the same year -without attaining her ends, although the definitive treaty was not -signed until 1729. One factor in the agreement was the desire of Isabel -Farnesio to avenge herself on Charles VI, not only for his failure to -join in the recent war, but also to requite his refusal to accept the -marriage projects she had proposed. Even when the emperor consented to -the attainment in 1731 of Isabel's ambitions for her son concerning the -three duchies of northern Italy, she did not put aside her vengeful -plans. Charles of Bourbon in fact landed in Italy in that year to take -possession of the duchies. A fresh step in the plans of Isabel was the -treaty of 1733 with France, often called by analogy with the later -treaty of 1761-1762 the "first Family Compact." The opportunity to -strike at Austria, which both France and Spain desired, was now at hand, -for Austria was in the meshes of a war over the Polish succession. Spain -declared war on Austria late in 1733, and in the next year overran -Naples and Sicily. In 1734, too, Prince Charles was brought from his -duchies to be crowned king of Naples, or the Two Sicilies. Thus had -Isabel Farnesio restored the questionably desirable Italian inheritance -to Spain, but the duchies were lost. France was ready to make peace in -1735; so she calmly offered Charles VI the three duchies in exchange for -a recognition of Spanish Charles as king of the Two Sicilies. Spain -protested, but could do nothing more than submit. These terms were -accepted in 1735, although peace was not signed until three years later. -It is interesting to note that the Catalans had not yet given up hope of -their _fueros_. A body of Catalan patriots visited England in 1736 to -ask for the fulfilment of the earlier English promise to maintain the -_fueros_, but the British government paid no attention to the petition. - -[Sidenote: The War of Jenkins' Ear.] - -War was not long in making its reappearance on the Spanish horizon. For -a long time there had been various causes of dispute with England, the -most important of which arose out of the English contraband trade in the -Spanish colonies. The _asiento_ treaty had been used by English -merchants as the entering wedge for British commerce, and their -violations of the law had met with reprisals at times, especially when -English smugglers were caught by the more faithful of the Spanish -officials in the colonies. One Englishman, named Jenkins, brought home -his ear preserved in alcohol, claiming that the Spaniards had cut it -off. Such acts as this, whether of actual occurrence or not, fitted in -with English conceptions of Spanish cruelty, and furnished a pretext for -war to the rising party of British imperialists, headed by William Pitt. -Indemnities were demanded by England and agreed to by Spain, but when -the latter put in a counter-claim the British government threatened war, -which was soon declared, late in 1739. This conflict, called in English -histories the War of Jenkins' Ear, demonstrated that the internal -reforms in Spain had not been without effect. The West Indies were the -principal field of the struggle, but Spain was able to defend -herself,--as witness the successful defence of Cartagena, which Admiral -Vernon was so sure he was going to capture that he had commemorative -medals struck off in advance. In Europe the most noteworthy events were -the Spanish attempts to capture Gibraltar and Port Mahn, Minorca, both -of which ended in failure. France soon came into the war on Spain's -side, and the conflict became European when it merged into the great War -of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748). - -[Sidenote: The War of the Austrian Succession and the acquisition of the -North Italian duchies for Isabel's son Philip.] - -The various princes of Europe had guaranteed Charles VI's Pragmatic -Sanction one or more times, but when the emperor died, in 1740, each of -them proceeded along the line of political interest. Urged on by Isabel -Farnesio, Philip V renewed his pretensions to the duchies in northern -Italy and to other Italian territories in Austrian hands which had -formerly belonged to Spain. France, Prussia, and other states of lesser -importance also made certain claims. England's interest lay with the -opponent of France and Spain, wherefore she joined with Austria. In a -military way the war was very nearly indecisive, and there was a general -desire for peace by the year 1746. This attitude received a fresh -impulse by the accession of Ferdinand VI to the Spanish throne in that -year, for he was a determined partisan of peace. The treaty of 1748 was -entirely favorable to Isabel Farnesio in that she obtained the duchies -of Parma, Plasencia, and Guastalla for her son Philip; Tuscany was no -longer available, having been in other hands since the agreement of -1735. The dispute with England was settled by a recognition of -commercial advantages in favor of that country, especially those growing -out of the _asiento_; two years later the _asiento_ was annulled in -exchange for a heavy payment by Spain. Meanwhile, the voyage of Anson -around the world, 1739-1742, had in fact dealt a blow to Spain in -America, revealing the Spanish secrets of the Pacific. The peace of 1748 -marked the culminating point in the aspirations of Isabel Farnesio. -After more than thirty years of effort she had almost completely -attained her ends. Spain had paid the bills, with little to compensate -her except glory and at the cost of losses in the colonies, which though -not translated into cessions of territory were to have ultimate effects -to the disadvantage of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the peaceful reign of Ferdinand VI.] - -The reign of Ferdinand VI (1746-1759) looms little in external -narrative, because it was an era of peace, but on that very account it -was important in institutions. The achievements of Charles III were made -possible by the policies of economic regeneration which were so strongly -to the fore in the reign of Ferdinand VI. Ferdinand, who may have been -deficient enough in some respects, who took very little part himself in -affairs of government, and who displayed tendencies to melancholia and -even insanity, was firmly of the opinion that Spain needed peace, and at -a time when Europe was engaging in another great conflict, the Seven -Years' War, he declined the overtures of both France and England, the -leading opponents in the struggle, even when accompanied by such -tempting bait as the latter's offer of the restitution of much-desired -Gibraltar and Minorca. In 1759 he died without issue, and his -half-brother, Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio, came to the throne of -Spain, after a long experience as a ruler in Italy. Thus did the -"Termagant of Spain" achieve yet a new victory to reward her maternal -ambition,--and meanwhile the Two Sicilies were not lost to her line, for -that kingdom passed to her grandson Ferdinand, the third son of -Charles. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII - -CHARLES III AND ENGLAND, 1759-1788 - - -[Sidenote: Greatness of the reign of Charles III and principal factors -therein.] - -Under Charles III, Spain reached the highest point she has attained -since the sixteenth century. In many respects the internal situation was -better at this time than in the great days of the _siglo de oro_, but -Spain's relative authority in Europe was less, because of the striking -advances which had been made by the other powers. One of them, England, -was particularly dangerous, and it will be found that Spain's foreign -policy in this reign was directed primarily toward meeting the -possibility of war with that country. Other difficulties, such as those -with Portugal and Morocco, particularly with the former, were cogent -factors because of the relations which England bore, or was believed to -bear, to them. Contrary to the impression usually to be derived from the -histories of the American Revolution, Spain was intensely hostile to -England throughout this reign. To oppose that country the Family Compact -with France was formed, and continued to be the basis of Spain's foreign -policy, although it early became manifest that France would honor the -treaty only when it suited her purposes. In the end the policies of -Charles III were crowned with success,--not so great as Spain could have -wished, but sufficiently so to make this reign the most pleasingly -satisfactory to Spaniards of any since the days of Isabella, next to -whom Charles III has some claim to rank as the greatest Spanish monarch -of modern times. This becomes the more worthy of belief when one -investigates the sweeping character of and the success attained in the -social, political, and economic reforms of the period. These were at the -basis of Spain's victories in European councils, for they provided the -sinews of war. Nevertheless there was one drawback. The reforms in the -Americas, following the precedent of nearly three centuries, were -undertaken more with a view to the production of revenues for Spain than -for the contented development of the colonies themselves. Spain also ran -counter to a new force in world history, which she herself was obliged -by circumstances to assist in establishing itself. The spirit of world -democracy was born with the American Revolution, and appeared in France -soon afterward. This meant that the autocratic basis of Spanish -greatness was presently to be destroyed. The success of the American -Revolution was to be related in no small degree to the loss of Spain's -colonial empire. The failure of the French Revolution was to produce a -powerful despot who was to bring Spain, under Charles IV, to the lowest -point she had reached since the days of Charles II. Nevertheless, the -reign of Charles III is to be considered as something more than a -brilliant moment in history without ultimate effect. The internal -reforms were of permanent benefit to Spain and even to the Americas, -capable of utilization under the more democratic systems of the future. -Finally, the part played by Spain in the successful issue of the -American Revolution deserves to bulk large, even though she could not -look with sympathy upon a movement which, she clearly saw, might bring -about her own ruin. - -[Sidenote: Causes of Charles III's policy of opposition to England.] - -Many writers have ascribed Charles III's policy of opposition to England -to his hatred of that country, growing out of certain humiliations -forced upon him by an English fleet while he was king in Naples. There -is no reason to believe, however, that this feeling, if indeed it did -exist in unusual degree, dominated his political action, and in fact -Charles was always a partisan of peace; far from plunging into war he -had rather to be convinced of its necessity. There were reasons in -plenty to induce him to such a course, irrespective of any personal -spite he might have felt. Prior to the reign of Charles, Spain had -already engaged in four wars with England (1702-1713, 1718-1720, -1727-1729, 1739-1748) in the course of half a century, and at no time in -the Bourbon era had the two countries been on nearly cordial terms. The -gist of the trouble lay in the British ambition to possess the greatest -colonial empire and the richest commerce in the world. For the -realization of these aims it seemed necessary to destroy the colonial -importance of France and Spain, and any advances in wealth or military -power on the part of either of those countries was regarded as -detrimental to the imperialistic designs of England. With respect to -Spain, British contraband trade in the Americas under the cover of the -_asiento_ treaty had tended to break down the Spanish commercial -monopoly, and the annulment of the _asiento_ had not put an end to the -smuggling. While no territories in the Americas had been wrested from -Spain under the Bourbons, the previous century had recorded many -conquests by England in the Caribbean area, principal of which was that -of Jamaica, and along the Atlantic coast strip of North America, the -southern part of which had been not only claimed but also occupied by -Spain in earlier days. Meanwhile, the losses of France and the -aggressive character of English foreign policy under Pitt made it appear -that Spain might expect to be deprived of her colonies whenever the -opportunity to secure them should seem ripe to England. - -[Sidenote: Continuance of England's affronts to Spain.] - -[Sidenote: The Family Compact and Spain's entry into the Seven Years' -War.] - -From the outset of the reign of Charles III there occurred many -incidents to heighten Spain's suspicion or anger with respect to -England. The exigencies of the war with France led the English to adopt -many arbitrary measures against the as yet neutral power of Spain. -English vessels stopped Spanish ships on the high seas, claiming a right -of search, and seized many of them, often without justification in -international law; the English government occupied a bit of Spanish -territory, and did not abandon it with a good grace; and there were -instances when Spanish merchants in England were treated badly. -Meanwhile, British acts of aggression and smuggling in the Americas -continued to take place; the English placed difficulties in the way of -Spanish fishing off the coast of Newfoundland, though beyond the -territorial waters of the British domain; they founded establishments in -Honduras without authorization from Spain, and began to cut the valuable -dyewoods there; and Gibraltar and Minorca still remained in English -hands, a standing affront to Spanish pride and a danger to the -peninsula. Nevertheless, the underlying factor which influenced Spain -was the imperialism of England, backed up as it was by her vast -resources and her almost invincible navy. Charles did not wish to bring -Spain into the war, but it was clear that an overwhelming defeat for -France would be almost equally disadvantageous to Spain, who might -expect to receive the next shock from the English arms. France had -gotten much the worst of it in the Seven Years' War when Charles III -ascended the Spanish throne, wherefore Charles endeavored to mediate -between that power and England. The British government's arrogant -rejection of his proffer tended only to make him the more disposed to -consider an alliance with France. When, therefore, the French -authorities approached him with the proposal for an alliance he resolved -to join with them if England should refuse to meet Spain's demands -relative to the release of captured Spanish ships, the free use of the -Newfoundland fisheries, and the abandonment of the English settlements -in Honduras. England not only refused to give satisfaction, but also -asked for an explanation of the naval preparations Spain was making. -Thereupon, Charles prepared for war. Two treaties, called jointly the -Family Compact, were made with the Bourbon king of France. The first of -these, signed in August, 1761, was a defensive alliance against such -powers as should attack either of the two crowns. The second, dated in -February, 1762, was an offensive and defensive alliance directed -specifically against England. War, meanwhile, had already been declared -in January. - -[Sidenote: Spanish losses in the Seven Years' War.] - -In the ensuing campaign France and Spain were badly beaten. Manila and -Havana were taken by the English, although Spain won a notable success -in the capture of Sacramento, a Portuguese colony on the Ro de la -Plata,--for Portugal had entered the war on the side of England. -Twenty-seven richly laden English boats were taken at -Sacramento,--significant of the profits which the English merchants were -making in contraband trade, using Sacramento as a base. In 1763 a peace -which was in many respects humiliating to Spain was signed at Paris. -England restored Manila and Havana, but required the cession of Florida -and all other Spanish territories east of the Mississippi; Sacramento -was returned to Portugal; Spain gave up all rights of her subjects to -fish in Newfoundland waters; questions arising out of the English -captures of Spanish ships prior to Spain's entry into the war were to be -decided by the British courts of admiralty; and the English right to cut -dyewoods in Honduras was acknowledged, although England agreed to the -demolition of all the fortifications which British subjects might have -constructed there. France, who had lost practically all her other -colonies to England, now gave the scantily settled, ill-defined region -of French influence west of the Mississippi, all that remained of French -Louisiana, to Spain. According to the terms of the grant it was to -compensate Spain for her loss of Florida, but in fact it was in order to -ensure the continued alliance of Spain with France. - -[Sidenote: Preparations for a renewal of the war.] - -[Sidenote: Pretexts for war.] - -[Sidenote: The Falkland Islands affair.] - -The peace of 1763 was looked upon by France and Spain as a truce, for if -England had been dangerous before, she was doubly so now. France wished -revenge and the restoration of her overseas domains, while Spain's -principal motive was a desire to save her colonies from conquest by -England. Both countries therefore bent their energies to preparations -for another war; in Spain the next decade and a half was a period of -remarkable economic reforms tending to the regeneration of the peninsula -as the basis for an army and navy. Meanwhile, steps were taken to avoid -the possibility of an English descent upon the Spanish West Indies, -which were regarded as the principal danger-point, both because of the -strength of England's position in the Caribbean area, and because that -region was the key to the Spanish mainland colonies of the two Americas. -Pretexts for trouble were not lacking. The English dyewood cutters of -Honduras did not observe the restrictions placed upon them by the treaty -of Paris, and the British government neglected to satisfy Spain's -complaints in that regard; the French settlers of Louisiana refused to -acknowledge their transfer to the Spanish crown, wherefore it was -necessary to employ force against them, and it was believed that -English agents had instigated them to resist; on the other hand England -repeatedly demanded the payment of a ransom which the English conquerors -of Manila had exacted from that city, but Spain refused to pay the -claim. The principal diplomatic interest down to 1771, however, was the -so-called question of the Falkland Islands (called Malouines by the -French, and Maluinas by Spaniards). This group, lying some 250 miles -east of the Strait of Magellan, seems to have been discovered by Spanish -navigators of the sixteenth century, for a description of the islands -was in the possession of the Spanish authorities at an early time. The -first English voyage to this group was that of Captain Cowley, as late -as 1686, but no claim could be made on this basis, for in 1748 England -formally recognized the rights of Spain. Not much attention was paid to -the Falklands until after the Seven Years' War, although various -navigators visited them, but in 1763 a Spanish pilot, Mathei, made the -first of a series of voyages to these islands. In 1764 a French -expedition under Bougainville landed at one of them, and formed a -settlement, and in the next year the English captain, Biron, touched at -a place called Port Egmont by him, took formal possession for England, -applying the name Falkland to the group, and proceeded on his way to the -Pacific Ocean and around the world. Not long afterward an English -settlement was made at Port Egmont, and the governor no sooner heard of -the presence of the French than he ordered their withdrawal. Meanwhile, -the Spanish government had lodged a complaint at the French court -against the occupation of the islands by France, and an agreement was -reached, whereby the French should abandon the group and a Spanish -settlement there should be formed. This was done, and the English and -Spanish governors began mutually to demand each other's withdrawal, the -Englishman setting a time limit of six months. The Spanish government -directed the captain-general of Buenos Aires to expel the English -settlers, and accordingly, though not until June, 1770, these orders -were carried out. When the news reached England the British Parliament -voted funds in preparation for war, and made excessive demands for -reparation for what was considered an insult to England as well as for -the restitution of the colony. Spain, in reliance upon the Family -Compact, was not inclined to avoid the issue, and matters even went so -far as the retirement of the Spanish and English ambassadors, when an -unforeseen event occurred, changing the whole aspect of affairs. This -was the fall of Choiseul, the French minister who had negotiated the -Family Compact and who was believed by Spain to be ready to bring France -into the war. It was on this occasion that Louis XV is reported to have -said "My minister wanted war, but I do not," thus calmly disregarding -the treaty with Spain. Consequently, Spain had to yield, and in 1771 the -Spanish ambassador to London signed a declaration disapproving the -removal of the English colonists and promising to restore Port Egmont, -although without prejudice to Spain's claim to the islands.[59] - -[Sidenote: Revival of the Family Compact as a force in European -politics.] - -Spain might justly have abandoned the Family Compact after the Falkland -incident, and for a time that treaty did suffer a partial eclipse. -Charles III felt that in future he could count only on his own forces, -but he continued to increase and equip them, for the danger from England -was as great as ever. Self-interest inevitably brought Spain and France -together, and with the appearance of the warlike Aranda in France, late -in the year 1773, as Spanish ambassador to that court, plans with a view -to meeting the common enemy were again discussed. The death of Louis XV, -in May, 1774, brought matters still more to a head, for it resulted in a -change of ministry in France, whereby Vergennes, believed to be an -enthusiastic partisan of the Family Compact, became minister of foreign -affairs. Vergennes was in fact an ardent supporter of the Franco-Spanish -alliance, although his enthusiasm was tempered in moments of crisis by a -clear view of what most favored France, and he did not fail to see that -he might employ it as the basis for trade concessions from Spain, the -better to build up the resources of France. Nevertheless, the opinion -was general that Vergennes intended to adhere to the Family Compact, and -consequently England planned to occupy Spain with other affairs, so as -to separate her from France, or at least divert her from pursuing a -common policy with the last-named country against England. Two matters -were at hand, of which they might avail themselves: Spain's disputes -with the sultan of Morocco; and her quarrels with Portugal over -boundaries in South America. - -[Sidenote: Relations with the Moslem states of the Barbary Coast.] - -The never-ending wars with the Moslems of northern Africa were inherited -from the preceding era, and continued to occupy Spanish troops and -fleets down to the reign of Charles III. In 1767 satisfactory relations -between Spain and Morocco seemed to have been reached when the latter -agreed to abandon piracy and recognized Spain's title to her -establishments on the North African coast. Late in 1774, however, the -sultan announced that he would no longer tolerate Christian posts in his -empire, and commenced a siege of Melilla. The attack was beaten off, and -it was decided to strike what was hoped might be a decisive blow against -the dey of Algiers, the ally of the Moroccan sultan. An expedition of -some 18,000 men was prepared, and placed under the command of General -O'Reilly, reformer of the Spanish army and a man of tremendous -reputation, but in the ensuing operations before Algiers O'Reilly was -crushingly defeated with a loss of several thousand men. Rightly or -wrongly, England was believed to have instigated the Moslem rulers to -attack Spain. Years later, Charles came to an understanding with the -Moslem states of the Barbary Coast. Between 1782 and 1786 treaties were -made, whereby the rulers of those lands agreed once again to give up -piracy and also the institution of slavery, besides granting certain -religious and commercial privileges to Spaniards in their lands. This -was not the last of piracy and warfare in North Africa, however; the -former endured for another generation, and the end of the latter, even -in the restricted Spanish area, is not yet. - -[Sidenote: Disputes with Portugal over boundaries in South America.] - -There was a much stronger case against England with regard to Portugal, -whose exaggerated claims were supported by the British government. The -boundaries between the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in South America -had been an unending source of dispute, ever since the treaty of -Tordesillas in 1494, and the question was complicated by that of British -and Portuguese smuggling into Spain's colonies. The principal scene of -conflict was the Portuguese post of Sacramento, founded in 1679 on the -eastern bank of the Ro de la Plata. The Spanish-owned region of -Paraguay was also a field for Portuguese aggressions. Domestic animals -to the number of hundreds of thousands were driven off from the Spanish -settlements, while thousands of Indian families were captured and sold -into slavery. Ferdinand VI endeavored to solve these problems through a -treaty which he made with Portugal, in 1750, according to which Spain -acquired Sacramento in exchange for territories in the Paraguayan -region. The treaty met with the spirited opposition of leading Spanish -ministers, and with that of the Jesuit missionaries, the Indians, and -the Spanish settlers in the regions affected, and after many -vicissitudes, including a war in Paraguay, it was annulled in 1761, but -the troubles on the border continued. One of the underlying difficulties -was the ambition of Portugal. Under the direction of the Marquis of -Pombal, Portuguese minister of state, she was desirous of making -conquests in South America, for which purpose Pombal was willing to go -to any length in bad faith to achieve his end, relying upon the support -of England in case Spain should declare war. Pombal secretly directed -the Portuguese officials in the Sacramento region to seize desirable -Spanish territories, and when reports of these captures came to Europe -pretended that they were false, or that they were nothing more than -inconsequential affrays between the Spanish and Portuguese soldiery. He -promised to order his troops to desist from such actions, and asked -Charles III to do the same. The Spanish king complied with his wishes, -while Pombal on the contrary continued to give orders for hostilities -and to send reinforcements, hoping that the Portuguese might secure -posts from which it would be impossible to dislodge them by the time his -duplicity should be found out. Not only did he deceive Charles III for -a while, but he also misled the English ministers, pretending that -Portugal was a victim of Spanish ambition when the facts were quite the -contrary. England supported Pombal with vigorous diplomatic action. By -the close of the year 1775, however, England was so busily engaged in -the disputes with her own colonies that she was far from desiring a war -in Europe. The British Cabinet announced that it would take no part in -the quarrel between Spain and Portugal, provided Charles III should make -no attempts on the territorial integrity of Portugal and Brazil. Pombal -now made peaceful overtures to Charles III, hoping to delay the sending -of Spanish troops to South America, but the proofs of Pombal's perfidy -were by this time so clear that the king of Spain would not trust him. -In fact, a Portuguese fleet in South America attacked the Spanish fleet, -in February, 1776, and shortly afterward the Portuguese captured the -Spanish post of Santa Tecla. In November a Spanish expedition left -Cdiz, and on arrival in South America put a check to the Portuguese -aggressions, and captured Sacramento. Fortune played into Spain's hands -in another respect when Mara Victoria, sister of Charles III, became -regent of Portugal on the death of the king in 1777. This occasioned the -dismissal of Pombal, and in October of that year a treaty was arranged -between Spain and Portugal entirely favorable to the former. The -much-disputed Sacramento colony was awarded to Spain, while Paraguay was -retained. This treaty, supplemented by another in 1778, put an end, -after nearly three centuries, to the disputes between Spain and Portugal -with regard to their American boundaries. - -[Sidenote: Disputes of England with her American colonies as a factor in -Spain's foreign policy.] - -In the midst of Spain's preparations for a war against England there -loomed up a new factor, the troubles between England and her American -colonies. Down to 1774 Spain had proceeded without reference to these -disputes, ardently desirous of war whenever France should be ready, -although Charles III himself was conservative with regard to a -declaration. Until late in the year 1774 France and Spain, together with -most Englishmen, believed that the colonial situation was merely a Whig -device against the Tories. The first inkling of the seriousness of the -situation seems to have come in a report of the French ambassador, in -June, 1774, quoting a remark of the British minister, Lord Rochford, -that the Boston rioters were descendants of Cromwell's Puritans, -implying that they would fight. Both France and Spain welcomed the news, -believing that it would keep England engaged until the Bourbon powers -could get ready to strike. In December, 1774, Garnier, the French -_charg d'affaires_ in London, had become convinced that the American -dispute was the most important event in English history since the -revolution of 1688, and he suggested that France should give secret aid -to the Americans. In January, 1775, he reported that an army of 9000 men -was being sent to the colonies, and sounded a warning lest they make a -descent upon the French West Indies, whether in the flush of victory, or -in order to gain a recompense in case of defeat. The Spanish court was -informed of this opinion, and in March, 1775, received a similar message -from Escarano, the Spanish minister in London, who stated that England -had 11,736 soldiers in America (a great force as colonial armies went) -and could easily attack Spain's possessions, both because they were -near, and because the British had so many transports at hand. He was of -the opinion that England could not defeat America with her "three -million souls, guided by the enthusiasm of liberty, and accustomed to -live in a kind of independence," a people "who had given so many proofs -of valor." The danger of a return to power of William Pitt, the -imperialist, now Lord Chatham, was also alluded to. Spain at once -consulted with France whether it would not be advisable to break with -England immediately, but Vergennes was not ready. So the matter was -dropped, although a remark attributed to Lord Rochford that the -Americans could be won back to allegiance by an English declaration of -war against France did not tend to allay the Bourbon feeling of -insecurity. - -[Sidenote: Disadvantages to Spain of a victory by either the United -States or England and effect on Spain's policy.] - -At about this time the Spanish authorities began to be impressed by the -idea, first expressed by Aranda in July, 1775, that the American -outbreak would endanger Spain's colonial empire. According to Aranda an -independent America would be a menace, as her population was increasing, -and consequently she needed lands, which she would be apt to seek in a -region with a temperate climate like New Spain, rather than by expansion -northward. Thus the Anglo-Americans might eventually dominate North -America, or help Spain's colonies to become independent. On the other -hand, if England should defeat the colonists, the latter would join with -her in her wars as in the past, and the danger would be equally great. -Thus Spain seemed to be between two horns of the dilemma. Up to this -time she had been ready for a declaration of war whenever France should -announce her willingness. Henceforth there was a more conservative note -in Spain's attitude, while France, who had everything to gain and -nothing to lose, threw off her former conservatism and became -increasingly enthusiastic. Up to the close of the year 1776, however, -Spain still leaned toward war, and France remained undecided as to the -moment to strike. During this period Spain was influenced largely by the -question with Portugal. In September, 1776, Vergennes informed Aranda -that in his opinion the war ought soon to be begun, before England -herself should declare it and make an attack on France and Spain. -Spain's attitude was expressed by Grimaldi, the Spanish minister of -state, in a letter to Aranda in October. The war was inevitable, he -said, and it would be an advantage to begin it several months before -England was ready to undertake it. Spain would leave it to the decision -of France whether the declaration should be made at once. Incidentally, -Spain hoped to conquer Portugal in course of the war. This frank -statement found Vergennes less enthusiastic. Moreover, he objected to -Spain's designs on Portugal, lest other European powers should be -unfavorable to them. Once again the matter was dropped. Some of the -higher Spanish officials were disappointed over these continued refusals -by France, but Charles III said that for his part he believed the right -moment had not come. Meanwhile, since June, 1776, Spain had been aiding -the Americans secretly with money, arms, and ammunition, much of which -was made available through shipment to New Orleans by way of Havana, -and thence to destination. Nevertheless, Vergennes' refusal, in -November, to begin the war marked the turning point in the attitude of -both France and Spain. The disadvantages, henceforth, loomed larger and -larger in the eyes of Spain, while the successful resistance of the -Americans to England made the way more and more easy for France. - -[Sidenote: Spain's divergence from France over the American Revolution.] - -The new attitude of Spain was represented by both Charles III and -Floridablanca, who succeeded Grimaldi early in 1777. According to -Floridablanca the most immediate advantages which Spain might hope to -gain from the war were the recovery of Florida and the expulsion of the -English from Honduras. War ought not to be declared, however, until both -France and Spain should have considerable forces in the West Indies. -Furthermore, if the rebellious English colonies should establish their -independence, Spain ought to contrive to keep them divided in interests, -so that there might not grow up a formidable power near Spanish America. -Clearly there was no enthusiasm in Spanish governmental circles on -behalf of the Americans. This appears also from the cold reception -accorded Arthur Lee, the American representative, who at about this time -arrived in Spain, but was not received by the Spanish court. The breach -between the respective courses of France and Spain was still further -widened as a result of Burgoyne's surrender to the Americans at -Saratoga. The British government began to make offers with a view to -conciliating the colonists. France acted quickly to prevent it, for it -was believed that a reconciliation would mean a loss of the commercial -favors France hoped to get and perhaps a war with England in which the -colonies would join on the English side. In December, 1777, therefore, -France declared herself ready to enter into a treaty of commerce and -alliance with the American government, specifically stating that her -willingness was due partially to a desire to diminish the power of -England by separating her from her colonies. In February, 1778, a treaty -was signed. All of this was done, in violation of the spirit of the -Family Compact, without any official notification to Spain. Spain's -opinion of this procedure was voiced by Floridablanca, who recommended -to Charles III that Spain should continue her preparations, as if war -were inevitable, but should avoid a declaration as long as possible, for -under existing circumstances, one of which was the inconstancy of -Spain's allies, the war could not result favorably for Spain. -Henceforth, Spain pursued an independent policy. The English government -was informed that Spain's attitude would depend upon England; Spain -neither wished war nor feared it. France, meanwhile, had entered the -conflict. - -[Sidenote: Failure of mediation and Spain's entry into the war.] - -Charles III now began to attempt the part of a mediator, in hopes that -he might get Gibraltar and Minorca as the price for bringing about -peace. In May, 1778, Escarano suggested to Lord Weymouth, a member of -the British ministry, that Gibraltar would be a fair equivalent for -Spain's services, but was told that the price was too high, and that -affairs had probably gone beyond the point where mediation would serve; -England wanted no more from Spain than that she remain neutral. In -making this reply Lord Weymouth rather brusquely thanked Charles III for -the magnanimity of his offer,--a type of answer which was not calculated -to be pleasing to the Spanish ear, as Floridablanca very plainly -intimated to the English ambassador. To add to Spain's displeasure -England's conduct on the sea gave cause for complaint. Nevertheless, -Charles still hoped to serve as arbitrator,--all the more so, when news -came of French naval victories over the English. He prevailed upon Louis -XVI to submit the terms upon which he would make peace. The conditions, -which included an acknowledgment of American independence and the recall -of England's land and sea forces, were presented to Lord Weymouth, who -haughtily rejected them. Late in the same year, 1778, Spain's proposal -of a twenty-five or thirty year truce between England and her colonies -was also rejected. Nothing could exceed the patience of Charles III, who -then offered Weymouth an indefinite armistice, to be guaranteed by a -general disarmament. Again the Spanish king's proposals were arrogantly -rejected. To make matters worse, England had delayed her reply from -January to March, 1779, and her ships had continued to attack those of -Spain. On April 3, Charles renewed his offer of a suspension of -hostilities, this time in the form of an ultimatum. England did not -answer for nearly two months, and in the meantime, seeing that war was -inevitable, planned attacks on the Spanish colonies. On May 28 the -ultimatum was rejected, and on June 23 war was declared. - -[Sidenote: The war with England and its favorable issue.] - -Spain was well prepared for the war, besides which the favorable state -of her relations with Portugal, and indeed with other countries, was a -source of strength. France and Spain planned an invasion of England -which did not materialize, but it did cause the retention of the English -fleet in British waters and a diminution in the military forces sent to -America,--a factor in the American war not to be overlooked. The -attempts to retake Gibraltar were unsuccessful, but in 1782 Minorca fell -into Spanish hands. In America, Florida was reconquered from the -British, the establishments in Honduras were taken, and the English were -expelled from the Bahama Islands of the West Indies. Meanwhile, England -displayed great eagerness to remove Spain from the list of her enemies. -Late in 1779 she offered to restore Gibraltar for the price of Spanish -neutrality, and to add Florida and the right to fish in Newfoundland -waters if Spain would aid her against the United States. Not only this -time but also on two other occasions when England endeavored to treat -separately with Spain her offers were rejected, even though they -embodied favorable terms for withdrawal from the war. In an age when -international faith was not very sacred, Spain preferred to remain true -to France, with whom she had renewed her alliance, although to be sure -England's promises never equalled Spain's hopes. It is also interesting -to note, not only that the Americans had a representative in Spain (John -Jay), but also that there were agents of Spain in the United States -(Miralles and Rendn), besides which Bernardo de Glvez, the conqueror -of Florida, had dealings with American agents at New Orleans. The -general relations of the two governments cannot be said to have been -cordial, however, and at no time was there anything approaching a -veritable alliance; Bourbon Spain could not possibly approve of the -democratic United States. By the treaty of 1783, which ended the war, -Spain got Florida and Minorca, and limited the dyewood privileges of the -English in Honduras to a term of years. On the other hand Spain restored -the Bahamas to England. An interesting period of relations between Spain -and the United States, having to do primarily with the regions of the -lower Mississippi valley, began in the closing years of the reign of -Charles III, but the story belongs rather to the colonial side of the -history of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Death of Charles III.] - -In December, 1788, Charles III died. As will be made more clear in the -chapters dealing with institutions, he had brought Spain forward to the -position of a first rank power again,--even though her enjoyment of that -high station was to be of brief duration. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII - -CHARLES IV AND FRANCE, 1788-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Dominating character of relations with France and their -effects upon Spain] - - -IF the reign of Charles III, despite the close union of the Bourbon -crowns, had been characterized mainly in its external manifestations by -the hostility of Spain to England, that of Charles IV (1788-1808) was -dominated by relations with France. Unaffected for a while by the -principles underlying the French Revolution, Spain was toppled from her -position as a first-rate power by the Emperor Napoleon, whose designs -for world power and whose methods in seeking it were not unlike those -followed over a century later by William II of Germany. Meanwhile, the -ideas of the American and the French revolutions were permeating the -Spanish colonies, and as the wars with England continued during much of -this reign, shutting off effective communication between the colonies -and Spain, a chance was offered for putting them into effect in the new -world. The way was well prepared in the reign of Charles IV, though the -outbreak was postponed until after his fall. The blow struck by Napoleon -was not without its compensations, which in the long run may be -considered to have outweighed the loss of prestige. Napoleon, quite -without intention, gave Spain an impulse to national feeling, in the -uprising against French domination, which was greater than any she had -formerly experienced, and of sufficient force to endure to the present -day. In the same roundabout way Napoleon gave the Spain of the _Dos de -Mayo_, or Second of May (the date of the revolt against Napoleon, and -the national holiday of Spain), her first opportunity to imbibe -democratic ideas. - -[Sidenote: The Nootka affair and the virtual repudiation of the Family -Compact.] - -To cope with the great forces of the French Revolution and the -Napoleonic Empire, Spain had to rely on the leadership of the weak, -timid, vacillating Charles IV. His predecessor had left him a legacy of -able ministers, but these were not long sustained by the king. At the -outset Floridablanca still ruled as first minister of state. He was -liberal-minded as concerned social and economic institutions, but was -profoundly royalist in his political ideas and an enemy of anything -which represented a diminution in the prerogatives of the crown. He was -alarmed by the ideas which were being spread broadcast in France, and -took steps to prevent their introduction into Spain, becoming recognized -as an opponent of the French Revolution. In the midst of this situation, -there occurred the Nootka affair, which obliged him for a time to change -his policy. A Spanish voyage of 1789 to the northwest coast of North -America had resulted in the discovery and capture of two English ships -at Nootka, on the western shore of Vancouver Island. Floridablanca -informed the English government of this event, in January, 1790, -complaining of the frequent usurpations of Spanish colonial territories -by British subjects, and asking for the recognition of Spain's ownership -of Nootka, which had been discovered by a Spanish voyage of 1774. What -followed was very nearly a duplicate of the Falkland incident, twenty -years before. England claimed that the British flag had been insulted, -and demanded satisfaction, which Floridablanca refused to give, as it -involved the acknowledgment of a doubt concerning Spain's ownership of -Nootka. War seemed imminent, and the French government was invoked to -stand by the Family Compact. The National Assembly, then in actual -control in France, acknowledged the obligation, but attached conditions -(having to do with the revolution) to their willingness to declare -war,--with the result that Charles IV and Floridablanca decided that it -was better to avoid a rupture with England. A series of three treaties, -from 1790 to 1794, arranged for the payment of an indemnity by Spain, -and among other matters agreed that the ships of both nations should -have a right to sail the waters and make landings freely in regions not -already settled by either power. In effect, therefore, the lands north -of the Spanish settlements were thrown open to the entry of England. -These treaties had a significance which was wider than that of the -matters directly involved. They marked a new spirit in the direction of -colonial affairs. In the early years of the conquest Spain had played an -aggressive part, followed soon by the adoption of what might be termed -an aggressive defensive, or a willingness to fight for the retention of -what she had, leading also to further conquests in order to ward off -foreign attack. The Nootka affair was the beginning of a spiritless, -waiting kind of defensive, the inevitable outcome of which was -disintegration. - -[Sidenote: Floridablanca and Spanish opposition to the French -Revolution.] - -The Nootka treaties left Spain free, however, to stand in opposition to -the French Revolution. Louis XVI of France had written secretly to -Charles IV, in 1789, that he had been compelled to agree to measures of -which he did not approve. Other European monarchs were also acquainted -with the perils of Louis XVI's position, and in the general interests of -kingship, all desired to save him, although in the case of Spain there -was the strong bond of family ties as well. In 1790 Floridablanca -directed a note to the French Assembly requesting greater freedom of -action for Louis XVI, making thinly veiled threats in case of a refusal -to comply. This action only served to enrage the French government. In -1791 Floridablanca ordered the taking of a census of all foreigners in -Spain, about half of whom were Frenchmen, compelling them to swear -allegiance to the king, the laws, and the religion of the peninsula. A -subsequent order prohibited the entry of any literature of a -revolutionary bearing, even going so far as to forbid foreigners to -receive letters. When Louis XVI accepted the constitution of 1791 -Floridablanca announced that Charles IV refused to recognize that the -French king had signed the document of his own free will, and asked that -Louis XVI and his family be allowed to go to a neutral land, threatening -war if the French government should fail to accede to Charles' wishes. -Here was a direct challenge to the revolution, but instead of accepting -the gauntlet France sent an agent to Spain who was able to persuade -Charles IV that Floridablanca's policy was in fact contributing to the -dangerous position of Louis XVI. Floridablanca was therefore relieved -from power early in 1792, and Aranda became first minister in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Brief ministry of Aranda.] - -Aranda, who sympathized to some extent with the revolutionary ideas, -placed the relations with France on a more cordial basis, although -without relinquishing the efforts which were being made in company with -other European sovereigns to save Louis XVI. When the news came of the -revolutionary excesses of the summer of 1792 Aranda, who had not -expected such a turn of affairs, became more stern, and began to -consider the advisability of joint military action with Austria, -Prussia, and Sardinia. Meanwhile, the French government demanded the -alliance of Spain or offered the alternative of war. Induced in part by -a doubt with regard to the best policy to pursue for the sake of Louis -XVI, Spain hesitated, and suggested a treaty of neutrality. France -imposed conditions which it was impossible for Spain to accept, among -them the recognition of the French Republic, which had just been -proclaimed. Before Aranda could meet the problem in a decisive manner he -was dispossessed of his post as the result of a palace plot in favor of -Manuel Godoy. - -[Sidenote: Godoy and the significance of his relations with the queen.] - -At the time of his accession to the headship of the Spanish ministry in -1792 Godoy was a mere youth, twenty-five years of age. Formerly a -soldier of the royal guard, he had been selected by Charles IV with the -specific idea of training him to be his leading minister, for the king -believed that the plebeian Godoy would, out of necessity, be devotedly -attached to the royal interests. The queen, Mara Luisa, was influential -in the choice of Godoy, for there is little doubt that she was already -the mistress of this upstart youth. Godoy's abilities have perhaps been -condemned too harshly. He was a man of ambition and some talent, and had -studied assiduously to fit himself for his eventual post. Nevertheless, -his sudden rise to high rank in the nobility (for he had been made Duke -of Alcudia) and in political office, together with the notoriety of his -relations with the queen, caused an indignation in Spain which was to -result in the forming of a party opposed to him,--a group which the -enemies of Spain were able to manipulate to advantage. - -[Sidenote: War with France and the treaty of Basle.] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties with England and alliance with France.] - -Godoy continued the efforts of his predecessors to save Louis XVI, -without more success than they, and when he declined to accede to the -conditions imposed by the French Convention, then ruling in France, that -body early in 1793 declared war on Spain. The war against France was -joined by most of the countries of western Europe. One by one, however, -the continental princes fell away, and urged Spain to do the same. The -war itself, so far as Spain was concerned, was not decisive either way, -although France had a little the better of it. In 1795 negotiations were -undertaken which resulted in the treaty of Basle. The Pyrenean boundary -was maintained, but Spain ceded that portion of the island of Hayti, or -Santo Domingo, which still belonged to her, thus acknowledging the -French title to the whole island.[60] The government of England, with -which Spain had allied for the war with France, was exceedingly annoyed -by Spain's acceptance of peace, and very soon began to act in a -threatening manner. Even as an ally in the recent war England had not -been altogether cordial toward Spain. On one occasion a Spanish treasure -ship which had been captured by the French was retaken by the English, -and retained as a prize; Englishmen had continued to engage in -contraband trade, not only in Spanish America, but also in the peninsula -itself; they had been responsible for encouraging separatist feelings in -Spanish America, well knowing that the independence of Spain's colonies -would result in advantages to British commerce; and England had refused -to grant Spain a subsidy for the 1795 campaign,--a factor with a bearing -on Spain's action, whatever the merits of the case. The resentment of -the Spanish court was now provoked by insults which were offered to the -Spanish ambassador to London and by attacks on Spanish ships, just as -formerly in the reign of Charles III. The natural effect was to drive -Spain into the arms of France. An alliance was formed in 1796 which was -followed by a declaration of war against England. It is highly probable -that Charles IV was induced to form this union by a belief, fostered -perhaps by French intrigue, that the French Republic was about to -collapse, in which event it seemed likely that a Spanish Bourbon might -be called to the throne of France. - -[Sidenote: Unsatisfactory results from the French Alliance.] - -Spain's experience as an ally of France was not more happy than her -previous union with England. France excluded her from representation at -several conferences looking to treaties of peace between France and her -enemies, and made slight efforts to secure the interests of Spain, going -so far as to refuse her sanction to many of the pretensions of her -Bourbon ally. Most annoying of all was the dispossession of the Duke of -Parma, a relative of Charles IV by descent from Isabel Farnesio. The -French government endeavored to calm Spanish feelings on this point by -offering to make Godoy the Grand Master of the Knights of Malta,--an -honor he was disposed to accept, subject to certain conditions, one of -which was that he be absolved from the vow of chastity. In fact, -however, the French authorities were suspicious of Godoy, believing that -he was secretly plotting with England, because he did not insist on -Portugal's refusing to allow the English fleets to remain in Portuguese -ports. A French representative was sent to Spain in 1797, and the -dismissal of Godoy was procured from Charles IV. Nevertheless, Godoy -continued to be the principal force at the Spanish court, backed as he -was by the powerful influence of the queen. The policy of truculence to -France went on, however, due in part perhaps to Charles' continued hopes -of acquiring the Bourbon crown, but even more, very likely, to his -pusillanimity in the face of the threats of the French Directory. In -1799 his hopes were dashed when Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the -Directory and became first consul of France, a title which a few years -later he converted into that of emperor. - -[Sidenote: Early relations with Napoleon and the war with Portugal.] - -The change of government in France was welcomed at the Spanish court, -for it was believed that Spain would receive more consideration at the -hands of Napoleon than she had obtained from the Directory. Events -proved that Spain was to be even more an instrument in French hands than -formerly, and that Napoleon was to be more powerful and despotic and -less courteous and faithful in international affairs than the French -rulers who had preceded him. One of his earliest acts was an attempt to -employ the Spanish fleet to conserve French ends. When the Spanish -admiral refused to carry out the wishes of Napoleon, a matter in which -he was sustained by his government, the French ruler brought about the -dismissal of Urquijo, at that time first minister of state in Spain, and -shortly afterward the offending admiral was relieved from his command. -Meanwhile, a treaty had been arranged in 1800 whereby Napoleon agreed to -enlarge the dominions of the Duke of Parma (who had regained his duchy) -in exchange for the recession of Louisiana to France and the gift of six -ships of war. By a treaty of 1801 Tuscany was granted to the family of -the Duke of Parma, whose whole domains were now called the kingdom of -Etruria. It was provided that in case of a lack of succession of the -reigning house a Spanish prince of the royal family should inherit the -Etrurian throne, and this was to be the rule forever. Another treaty of -1801 required Spain to issue an ultimatum to Portugal demanding an -abandonment of the English alliance. The name of Godoy was signed to the -later treaties in the series of which the above have been mentioned. He -had not ceased to be influential during his absence from power, but -henceforth until 1808 he was definitely in the saddle. Though his -military experience was slight he was appointed general of the Spanish -army which was to invade Portugal, and when war was presently declared -he entered that country. The campaign, although comparatively -insignificant, resulted in victory. Portugal agreed to close her ports -in return for the Spanish king's guarantee of the territorial integrity -of Portugal. A celebration was held at Badajoz, at which the soldiers -presented the queen with branches of orange trees taken from Portuguese -groves, resulting in the application of the name "war of the -oranges,"--which fittingly described its inconsequential character. -Napoleon was furious over such a termination of the war, and went so far -as to threaten the end of the Spanish monarchy unless the campaign were -pursued. At length he decided to accept the result, after Portugal had -consented to increase the indemnity which she had originally agreed to -pay to France. This marked a beginning, however, of the French ruler's -distrust of Godoy. Shortly afterward it suited Napoleon's purposes to -make peace. In 1802 a treaty was signed with England, and, naturally, -Spain too made peace. Minorca, which had been occupied by the English, -was restored to Spain, but the island of Trinidad was surrendered to -England,--another bit chipped off Spain's colonial empire. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties of neutrality and declaration of war against -England.] - -Godoy had emerged from the Portuguese campaign as general-in-chief of -the armies of the land and sea, and was again the dominating power at -court. By this time a strong opposition had grown up around Ferdinand, -the eldest son of the king, directed by an ambitious canon, named -Escoiquiz. Napoleon now had a political force at hand, to employ -whenever he should desire it, against Godoy. Early in 1803 Napoleon was -again at war with England, and proceeded to woo Spain's support by -charges that she was favoring England and by threats of war. In the same -year, too, he sold Louisiana to the United States, although he had -promised Spain at the time of the recession that France would never -transfer that region to any country other than Spain. Spain protested, -but soon accepted the situation. Later in 1803 Napoleon compelled Spain -to consent to a so-called treaty of neutrality, which in fact amounted -to the paying of a monthly tribute to France. England objected, and -followed up her complaints by capturing three Spanish frigates and -stopping merchantmen, without a declaration of war. England announced -that she was holding the frigates as a guarantee of Spanish neutrality. -Thus courted with equal roughness by France and England, Spain was again -under the necessity of choosing which of her enemies to fight. England -was selected, and in 1804 war against that country was declared. - -[Sidenote: Napoleon and Godoy, and the project to partition Portugal.] - -In 1805 there occurred the great battle of Trafalgar, in which the -French and Spanish navies were virtually destroyed by the English under -Nelson. The immediate results of this defeat as affecting Spanish action -was the decision of Godoy, who had never enjoyed cordial relations with -Napoleon, to seek an alliance with England. Through this agency he -hoped to bolster up his own power as against the rapidly growing body of -his enemies in Spain. In the midst of his plans came Napoleon's great -victory over Prussia at Jena in 1806, which, following that of -Austerlitz over Austria in 1805, once again made the French emperor -dangerously predominant on the continent of western Europe. Godoy, who -had already compromised himself, made haste to explain. Napoleon -pretended to be satisfied, but decided then that he would make an end of -the Bourbon monarchy. The unpopularity of Godoy and the strength of the -party of Ferdinand, who was now a popular favorite, were among the means -of which he availed himself; Ferdinand even wrote him letters in which -he alluded freely to his mother's adulterous relations with Godoy. -Meanwhile, Napoleon profited by Godoy's willingness to do anything to -win the favor of the emperor by arranging for the conquest of Portugal. -A partition of that territory was projected whereby the Bourbon monarch -of Etruria was to have northern Portugal, Godoy (as Prince of Algarve) -was to have the south, and the centre was to be exchanged for Gibraltar, -Trinidad, and other colonies which England had taken from Spain. The -usual ultimatum having been sent and rejected, the war began for what -seemed a brilliant objective for Spain,--if Napoleon had had any -intention of his keeping his word. - -[Sidenote: Plottings of Napoleon and the abdication of Charles IV.] - -The campaign of 1807 resulted in a rapid, almost bloodless conquest of -Portugal by the French general Junot, placing Napoleon in a position to -fulfil his treaty obligations. Nothing was further from his plans, -however, and, indeed, Godoy and the king had recently had cause to -suspect his sincerity; action had been taken against Ferdinand and his -party, resulting in the exposure of the prince's correspondence with -Napoleon. Napoleon occupied Etruria,--and gave the queen of that country -to understand that she need not look for compensation in Portugal. -Godoy, meanwhile, remained without Algarve, although hoping against hope -that he might yet get it. All this time, French troops were pouring into -Spain, and through deceit were possessing themselves of the Spanish -strongholds in the north. To the credit of Godoy it must be said that -he divined the emperor's intentions, and favored a demand for the -withdrawal of the French troops, with the alternative of war. Charles IV -and his other leading advisers were opposed to this idea; the king was -frightened at the very thought of fighting Napoleon. The emperor now -began to unmask himself. The Spanish ambassador to France returned to -Madrid as the bearer of a message from Napoleon, asking for the cession -of certain Spanish provinces in the north as far as the Ebro, or else -for the recognition of the emperor's title to Portugal, together with a -military road thereto across Spanish territory; the ambassador added -that he believed Napoleon intended to possess himself of the northern -provinces and perhaps of all Spain, though possibly not until the death -of Charles IV. It was now perfectly clear to Godoy and the king what -Napoleon meant to do, but the party of Ferdinand, unaware of all the -facts, was wedded blindly to the emperor, believing that his sole desire -was to get rid of Godoy and assure the succession of Ferdinand. Charles, -Godoy, and the queen thought of escaping to the Americas, and as a -preliminary step moved the court from Madrid to Aranjuez. A riot -followed at Aranjuez in which Godoy was captured by the followers of -Ferdinand, and was with difficulty saved from death. Realizing that the -army and the people were almost wholly on the side of Ferdinand, and -unable to see any way out of his difficulties, Charles IV decided to -abdicate, and accordingly on March 19, 1808, did so. All Spain rejoiced, -for Godoy had fallen, and the idolized prince had now ascended the -throne as Ferdinand VII. - -[Sidenote: Duplicity of Napoleon and the journeys of Ferdinand VII and -Charles IV to Bayonne.] - -Napoleon was much displeased at the course of events in Spain. The -flight of Charles would have fitted in with his plans, whereas the -accession of Ferdinand placed him under the necessity of exposing his -hand. Temporarily he saved the situation by one of the most remarkable -exhibitions of successful duplicity in history. On March 23 General -Murat entered Madrid with a French army, and the next day Ferdinand made -his royal entry, and was received by the people with delirious joy. The -foreign diplomats at once recognized him as king,--except the French -ambassador. Uncertain yet what to do, Napoleon was on the one hand -giving indications of an intention to restore Charles IV, and on the -other planning to set up one of his own brothers as king of Spain. -Charles IV gave the emperor the opening he desired. In order to obtain -some material advantages from his abdication and to save Godoy, who was -still in prison, he entered into communication with Murat, and as a -result secretly retracted his abdication, placing himself entirely in -the hands of Napoleon. Meanwhile, Murat told Ferdinand that the emperor -was coming to see him, and suggested that Ferdinand should go to Burgos -to meet him. When Ferdinand decided against the journey, lest it produce -a bad effect in the minds of the people, Napoleon sent General Savary -with orders to bring Ferdinand whether he wanted to come or not. Savary -succeeded in persuading the young prince to go to Burgos, and when -Napoleon was not found there to Vitoria. Beyond this point Ferdinand was -at first not disposed to go, but, urged on both by Savary and Escoiquiz, -who still believed in the French emperor, the party proceeded across the -boundary line to Bayonne. There indeed they found Napoleon,--and -Ferdinand was informed that he must abdicate the throne. A few days -later, on April 30, Charles IV, Mara Luisa, and Godoy arrived; they had -been easily persuaded to go there by Murat. The reunion of the royal -family at Bayonne was accompanied by disgraceful quarrels of the parents -and the son and by the humiliating weakness of all in the presence of -Napoleon. Charles IV was again induced to abdicate, and was given a rich -pension and estates in France to which he and his family, Godoy, and the -royal servants might repair. Ferdinand was also granted rents and lands. -To Napoleon was given the right to name a king of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Uprising of the Dos de Mayo against Napoleon.] - -Meanwhile, the French troops in Madrid and elsewhere had been conducting -themselves like conquerors, and had aroused considerable hostility in -the people, who were not so easily deceived and dominated as their -rulers had been. After the departure of Ferdinand from Madrid the French -officers did not hesitate to say that Napoleon would not recognize -him,--which only increased the popular discontent. The climax came when -an order was received from Napoleon for the young Bourbon prince, -Francisco de Paula, and for the queen of Etruria with her children to be -sent to France. The departure from Madrid was set for the morning of the -second of May. A crowd gathered to see the royal party off, and heard -rumors which excited it to a feeling of frenzy,--for example, that the -young Francisco (then only thirteen) had protested in tears against -going. Insults were offered the French soldiery, and the harness of the -coaches was cut. These scenes were interrupted by the appearance of a -French battalion, which fired without warning into the crowd. The crowd -scattered, and spread the news over the city. This was the signal for a -general uprising against the French. The Spanish troops were under -strict orders from the government to stay in barracks, but a number of -them declined to obey. Prominent among those joining the people against -the French were Captains Pedro Velarde and Luis Daoiz, the heroes of the -day. When the people were driven out of the central square of the city, -the Plaza del Sol, by the French artillery, Velarde hastened to the -battery commanded by Daoiz. Convincing the latter that the interests of -the country were superior to discipline he joined with him and a certain -Lieutenant Ruiz in directing the fire against the French troops. -Superior in numbers and armament, the French were successful after a -battle lasting three hours in which Velarde and Daoiz were killed. The -dramatic events of the _Dos de Mayo_, or the second of May, were the -prelude to a national uprising against the French. Without a king or a -government Spain began the war which was to usher in a new era in -Spanish history,--for, just as Americans look back to the Fourth of July -in 1776, so the Spaniards consider the _Dos de Mayo_ of 1808 as the -beginning of modern Spain. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV - -SPANISH SOCIETY, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Social characteristics of the era.] - -FUNDAMENTALLY, there was no change in the classes of Spanish society in -this period as regards their legal and social standing, except in the -case of the rural population of Aragon. One of the characteristic notes -of the era was a certain democratic sentiment of a philanthropic kind, -exhibiting itself vaguely in a desire for the well-being of mankind, and -practically in the social, economic, and intellectual betterment of the -masses, without any attempt being made to improve their juridical -position. This ideal, which was not confined to Spain, became more and -more widespread with the increase in influence of the French -encyclopedists, and got to be a fad of high society, being encouraged by -the kings themselves. Many of its manifestations will be taken up later -in dealing with economic institutions, but the sentimental discussion of -the ideal may be remarked upon here; this at length went so far as to -result in the formulation of political doctrines of a democratic -character, but they were not yet translated into law. Such social -reforms as were made came for the most part in the last three reigns of -the era, especially in that of Charles III. - -[Sidenote: Pride, wealth, and privileges of the nobles.] - -[Sidenote: Real decline of their power.] - -The description of the nobility in the period of the House of Austria -might almost be repeated for this era. The nobles had long since lost -their political power, but the wealth of the grandees and the privileges -and the prestige of all ranks of the nobility were so great that this -class was a more important factor in Spanish life than it is today. -Pride of noble rank continued to be almost an obsession, despite the -attempts to check it; with a view to diminishing petitions for the -recognition of rights of _hidalgua_, a law was passed in 1758 calling -for the payment of a large sum of money when the petitioner's title -dated back to the fourth or fifth grandfather. On the other hand, the -kings were responsible for acts which tended to encourage the eagerness -for noble rank. Ferdinand VI officially recognized that the people of -Vizcaya were all of _hidalgo_ rank; Charles III created the order which -bears his name, and Charles IV founded that of the "noble ladies of -Mara Luisa"; various societies of nobles for equestrian exercises, in -imitation of the military orders, were formed, and they were given -certain privileges in criminal jurisdiction. To be sure, the grant of -these honors was a source of revenue to the state. The recognition of -the privileged character of the nobles was manifest, even in the case of -the more degraded members of that class; a law of 1781 provided that -nobles who were arrested as vagabonds should be sent to the army with -the rank of "distinguished soldiers." The grandees and the other nobles -possessed of seigniorial estates still controlled the appointment of -many municipal functionaries; in 1787 there were 17 cities, 2358 -_villas_, and 1818 _aldeas_ and _pueblos_ in seigniorial hands, in some -of which the king shared jurisdiction with the lords. Similarly, the -military orders had the right to appoint the clergymen of 3 cities, 402 -_villas_, 119 _pueblos_, and 261 _aldeas_. Many monopolies of a medieval -type still survived in favor of the lords, such as those of hunting, -fishing, the baking of bread, the making of flour, and the use of -streams and forests, and in some cases the lord's vassals were subject -to medieval tributes and services. It is rather by comparison with -matters as they are today, however, that these incidents loom large; -they were but the survivals of a system which was already dead. The -worst of these seigniorial rights, the Aragonese lord's power of life -and death over his villeins, was abolished by Philip V. The kings did -not dare to suppress all of the seigniorial privileges, but took steps -to overcome them, as by submitting the rights of certain lords to -rigorous proofs, by hindering sales of jurisdiction, by subjecting the -appointments of the lords to the approval of the _Cmara_, by naming -special royal officials for the various seigniorial holdings, and in -general by facilitating the reincorporation in the crown of such -estates. By this time the lesser nobility enjoyed few exemptions of a -financial character, but the great nobles still possessed such -privileges. The kings employed indirect methods to cause them to submit -to taxation. Thus payments were demanded in lieu of military service, -and the _media anata_ (half annates) was required for the recognition of -the title of a successor to landed estates; certainly the immensely -wealthy grandees were able to pay these tributes without serious -economic loss to themselves. Furthermore, the great nobles continued to -be a court nobility, and were jealously proud of the special privileges -of an empty character which marked them off from the classes below them. -For example, a grandee had the right to keep his hat on and to sit down -in the presence of the king; to be called "cousin" by the king; to have -a private guard; to preside over the sessions of the noble branch of the -_Cortes_; to be visited and saluted by _ayuntamientos_, viceroys, and -other authorities; to have a better place than others, both indoors and -out; and to be free from imprisonment except by a special decree of the -king. - -[Sidenote: Slight gains of the working classes.] - -There was no essential change in the composition and character of the -middle classes in this era. The working classes of the cities attained -to a little more liberty than formerly, as a result of the decline of -the guilds, while those of the country, if they had improved their -juridical position, continued nevertheless in a state of misery and -poverty. The rural wars of past reigns were missing, however. The evil -lot of the rural classes was due more to the backwardness of -agriculture, the vast extent of unworked lands common, and the -widespread practice of entailing estates, than to bonds of a social -character. An interesting attempt, at once to raise the urban laborer, -and to break down the sharp dividing line between the nobility and the -plebeian classes, was a law of 1783, which declared that the trades of -artisans--such as those of the carpenter, tailor, and shoemaker--were to -be considered honorable, and since municipal offices were usually in the -hands of the _hidalgo_ class it was also enacted that the practice of -these trades did not incapacitate a man from holding positions in the -local government or even from becoming an _hidalgo_. This well-meant -law was not able to overcome social prejudices, however, and when an -endeavor was made to interpret it in the sense that it authorized the -entry of artisans into the military orders, which had always been -composed only of nobles, it was decreed in 1803 that it had never been -intended to raise them to that degree, for the military orders were -founded on the necessity of maintaining the lustre of the nobility. - -[Sidenote: Benevolent legislation affecting gypsies, descendants of -Jews, and slaves.] - -A spirit of racial tolerance for the despised classes made its -appearance in this era. Laws placing prohibitions on the gypsies were -repeatedly enacted until the time of Charles III, but in 1783 that -monarch declared that the gypsies were not to be considered a tainted -race, and ordered that they be admitted to the towns and to occupations -on the same basis as other Spaniards, provided they would abandon their -dress, language, and special customs. Similarly, in 1782 Charles III -endeavored to free the descendants of Jews from the stigma of their -ancestry by enacting that they should not be obliged to live in a -separate quarter or wear any device indicative of their origin. A law of -1785 permitted them to serve in the army or navy,--a right which had -previously been denied them. These generous laws for the gypsies and the -descendants of Jews were as little capable as those just mentioned -concerning artisans of overcoming social prejudices, wherefore they -failed of their objects. In matters of religion the laws affecting the -despised classes were more in keeping with general sentiment. In 1712 it -was ordered that Moslem slaves who had been set free must leave the -country; in 1802 the prohibition against Jews returning to the peninsula -was reaffirmed as absolute in the case of those who retained the Jewish -faith. Slavery continued to be legal, but laws were passed that slaves -escaping to Spain from other lands, except from the Spanish colonies, -became _ipso facto_ free. The treaty of 1779 with Morocco provided that -prisoners of war should not henceforth be enslaved. The institution of -slavery existed on a great scale in the Americas, though Charles III -alleviated the rigors of the situation by his beneficent legislation. - -[Sidenote: Tightening of the bonds of family.] - -[Sidenote: Influence of the physiocratic school on legislation affecting -property.] - -Legislation affecting the family aimed to tighten the bonds between -parents and children, which had become loosened as a result of the -increasing spirit of individualism. Thus a law of 1766 ordered that the -prior consent of parents should be obtained before children could marry, -although a remedy was provided for an unreasonable withholding of -consent; in the preamble it was stated that the law was due to the -frequent occurrence of "unequal marriages." Several later laws upheld -the same principle. Legislation concerning property was characterized by -the ideas of the physiocratic school of thinkers, who referred all -social and economic problems to the land as the fundamental basis. Among -the Spanish physiocrats (for the physiocratic ideal was widespread in -western Europe) were Campomanes, Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who were -among the greatest of Spanish reformers in the reign of Charles III and -the early years of Charles IV. In keeping with physiocratic views the -laws tended to the release of realty from incumbrances and to the -distribution of lands among many persons. The practice of entailing -estates in primogeniture was one of the institutions attacked by the -physiocrats. It was admitted that it was necessary in the case of the -great nobles, in order to maintain the prestige of the family name, but -it was held to be desirable to check the extension of the institution in -other cases and to facilitate the extinction of entails. Thus a law of -1749 permitted of the sale of entailed estates for an annuity in the -case of financially ruined houses; a law of 1789 prohibited the founding -of new entails, and facilitated the sale of realty already so held; a -law of 1795 imposed heavy taxes on existing entails; and a law of 1798 -authorized the sale of entailed estates, provided the funds should be -invested in a certain loan announced at that time. Still other laws were -passed in this period, with the result that many entails disappeared and -others were diminished in size. The nobles resisted the change, and the -greater number of the entails remained in existence, although reduced in -income. In the same way municipal and ecclesiastical holdings were -attacked. In the case of the former (_propios_), laws were passed -repeatedly--for example in 1761, 1766, 1767, 1768, and especially in -1770--for the partition of the cultivable and pastoral lands and for -their assignment to a number of individuals. Nevertheless, the majority -of this type of municipal lands continued in the possession of the -towns, for the laws were not fully executed. As concerns lands utilized -for the promotion of religious objects, pious foundations were attacked, -and either compelled or else permitted to sell their real property, but -there was considerable hesitancy about applying the same practice to -lands held in mortmain by the regular and secular clergy, although the -prevailing opinion of jurisconsults was opposed to these holdings. Some -steps were taken, however, to free these lands, as well as other -measures to hinder the giving of realty in mortmain. In the various -colonization schemes of the century it was customary to forbid the -transfer of lands to ecclesiastical institutions. A law of 1763 -prohibited further conveyances to the church, and a law of 1798 called -for the alienation of lands owned by charitable institutions, even -though they might belong to the church, and some estates accordingly -were sold. The resistance of the clergy, together with a certain -repugnance to laying hands on the property of the church except in case -of extreme necessity, operated to prevent these laws from having their -full effect. It will be noticed that all of these measures were markedly -individualistic, in accord with Roman principles as opposed to those of -medieval society, and favorable to the change in ownership of landed -estates and to their division into small holdings. This spirit was -manifested even more insistently in attacking titles of a medieval -character. Thus the right of farmers to fence lands for their own use -was sustained, serving as a check upon the abuses of the _Mesta_, and -the various methods of tribute from vassals to a lord (_censos_, -_foros_, etc.) were the subject of legislation tending to relieve the -former from their burdens. To this epoch, also, belong laws requiring -the registry of titles to land. Nevertheless, the spirit of collectivism -was still alive, as expressed in doctrines favoring the condemnation of -individual property and the establishment of communal inclosures with -the drawing of lots for land, but the followers of Roman principles -were victorious in the controversy. - -[Sidenote: Triumphs of Roman principles.] - -[Sidenote: Decline and fall of the guilds.] - -The spirit of individualism appeared, also, to give a deathblow to the -guilds, even though they actually increased in number; there were ninety -guilds in Barcelona at the close of the eighteenth century. Among the -factors contributing to the decline were the following: the continuance -of the exclusive spirit of the past, making entry into the guild a -difficult matter; the accentuation of social differences within the -guilds, such that certain elements had special privileges based on rank -in the guild,--for example, a right that their sons might enter the -institution without serving as apprentices; the failure of the guilds to -observe their own ordinances; the frequency of lawsuits between guilds, -or even between a guild and its own members; and especially the -continued intervention of the state, taking over the former municipal -control of the guilds and unifying the ordinances of each trade -throughout the country. The relation of the state to the guilds -facilitated the application of the new economic ideas which were -favorable to the freedom of labor and hostile to the guilds. Thus in -1772 foreign artisans were permitted to establish themselves, without -paying a special tax and without having to undergo examinations; in 1782 -a general law introduced reforms facilitating apprenticeship, freeing -applicants for entry into a guild from the necessity of proving the -Christian faith of their ancestry (_limpieza de sangre_), permitting of -the sale of masterships, and abolishing the distinction between the sons -of masters and those of the other members; in another law of the same -year painters, sculptors, and architects were authorized to work -independently of guilds; in 1783 the _cofradas_ attached to the guilds -were suppressed, and their place was taken by benefit societies -(_montepos_); in 1784 women were given a general permission to engage -in any trade they wished; in 1790 it was enacted that any artisan of -recognized ability could work at his trade without the need of an -examination; and in 1793 a law dissolving the guilds of the silk -manufacturers announced that it was neither necessary nor fitting that -persons should be grouped together in guilds for carrying on such an -industry. From this point it was only a step to the death of the -institution. The great name in the legislation against the guilds was -that of Campomanes. - -[Sidenote: Dull routine of daily life.] - -If the social customs of the two preceding eras may be said to have -represented the virile youth of the Spanish peoples, followed by a -seemingly mortal sickness resulting from a too great indulgence in "wild -oats," this period stands for the recovery of the race (just as occurred -in other aspects of peninsula life) in a conventional, outwardly -respectable, and on the whole fairly wholesome, if also somewhat -monotonous, middle age. Simplicity, regularity, and subordination to -principles of authority (as represented by king, church, and parents, -checking initiative and making long-established custom the guiding rule -in daily life) were the dominating social characteristics. Both in the -city and in the country, people arose early; the _Consejo de Castilla_ -met at seven in the morning from April to September, and at eight from -October to March. It was the custom also to go to bed early, to perform -one's daily tasks in precisely the same way each day, to hear mass -daily, to have family prayers each day, to salute one's parents -respectfully on the same daily recurring occasions, and to display a -like respect in the presence of official personages or of clergymen. If -people now and then indulged in gossip about their neighbors, they gave -little thought to persons or events beyond their immediate circle; they -were in no hurry to learn the news of the world, waiting tranquilly for -the arrival of the mails, which were usually infrequent and meagre. - -[Sidenote: Monotony of the life at court and among the nobles.] - -The kings themselves helped to make this monotonous type of life -fashionable. Philip V was domestically inclined, retiring, and -melancholy, and from the time of his marriage with Isabel Farnesio was -nearly always at the side of his wife, who even accompanied him when he -received his ministers before he had arisen from bed. His daily life was -passed in pious exercises and in hunting, with music to vary the -monotony. Ferdinand VI, also domestic, retiring, and God-fearing, was -very fond of music, with the result that the court was brightened by -frequent concerts, operas, and theatrical representations, on which vast -sums of money were expended. Charles III was a man of very simple -tastes, an enemy of the theatre and of music, but passionately devoted -to hunting. He was so methodical that every moment of the day within the -palace was regulated by royal ordinances, and the annual journeys and -changes of residence of the royal family took place each year on the -same day. In monotonous regularity of life Charles IV resembled his -illustrious predecessor, but passion for hunting amounted in his case -almost to a disease; after having breakfast and hearing mass he would -hunt until one o'clock, and would return to that sport after having -partaken of dinner. The sameness of court life in this period was broken -by various receptions and royal feast days, but even these were cold and -formal, following prescribed courses, although celebrated with great -pomp. In 1804 there were eight greater gala days and seventeen lesser -ones, besides those arising from unforeseen events, such as the -reception of a foreign ambassador. Furthermore, royal journeys -necessarily involved festivities and heavy expense. Balls, banquets, and -other diversions found no place at court, and the accession of Charles -III put an end to concerts and plays. The ordinary life of the nobles -followed that of the kings. Comparing it with that of France, a French -duke who came to Spain in the reign of Philip V said that it was -tiresome, almost unsociable, and lacking in comforts, despite the fact -that great sums of money were often spent for entertainments of a formal -nature. Toward the close of the century the more genial practices of -other European countries began to percolate into Spain. Godoy was one -who took pleasure in giving balls. Others followed his example, and the -austere simplicity of Spanish life began to yield to comforts, -diversions, and dissipation. Nevertheless, the old conventions still -ruled, especially in the country districts, where the poorer nobility -resided, occupying themselves in hunting and in local politics and -intrigues. The penurious nobles of the _hidalgo_ class continued to be -found at the capital in the train of the greater representatives of the -titled element. - -[Sidenote: Simplicity of domestic life.] - -Some clue to the modesty of life in general may be obtained from the -cheapness of rents and the scantiness of furniture in the houses of the -capital. The average annual rental was 1504 _reales_ ($94), and there -were many houses of an inferior type to be had for 45 _reales_ ($2.81) a -month, although, of course, money values were much greater then than -now. House decorations and furniture were poor to the point of -shabbiness. Walls did not begin to be papered until the close of the -eighteenth century. Usually they were white-washed and hung with a few -pictures of a religious character or with brass candlesticks. The floor -was of unpolished wood, covered over in winter with mats, and there was -a like simplicity in chairs. Writing-desks were often present, but were -opened only when visitors were being received. Candles were employed for -lighting, and the odorous, scantly warming brazier was the principal -resource against cold. The same sobriety manifested itself as regards -the table. The _puchero_, or _cocido_, made up primarily of chickpeas -(_garbanzos_), was the basis of the meal, and usually was the only -element. Inns were equally uninviting, and it was not until the close of -the era that the example of foreign countries prevailed upon the -Spaniards to introduce somewhat more comfortable hostelries.[61] - -[Sidenote: Struggle between the French and the native styles in dress.] - -The simplicity and severity of Spanish customs were not maintained in -matters of dress. There was a century-long conflict between the French -and the native styles, the former represented by the military cut of -clothing more in keeping with that of the present day, and the latter by -the slouched hat and long cape, as symbolic of the indigenous modes. On -grounds of morality and public safety the government opposed the native -type, which lent itself too easily to the facilitation of disguise, and -the methodical Charles III even considered the imposition of a national -dress which should omit the traditional features. A law of 1766 ordered -their abandonment and the adoption of a short cape or riding coat and -the three-cornered cocked hat. The decree was the occasion of riots -throughout Spain, and had to be recalled, while Squillace, the minister -who had proposed it, lost his post. Aranda, his successor, achieved the -desired end by indirect methods. He caused the slouched hat to be made -the official head-piece of the hangman, wherefore it began to lose -prestige, and the French styles were soon decisively victorious. It is -to be noted, however, that the three-cornered cocked hat and other -French styles of the Bourbon era were retained in Spain after they were -no longer in fashion in republican and imperial France. Women's dress -was also reformed in a similar direction. Three outstanding features -characterized the well-dressed woman: the skirt of silk or velvet; the -_mantilla_, or veil, worn over the head instead of a hat; and the fan. -Fans of a most luxurious type were used, with ribs of shell, -mother-of-pearl, or ivory, and with ornaments of gold, while the -principal part was hand-painted, often by artists of note, to represent -scenes of a mythological, pastoral, or historical character. Even among -the common people, especially among the so-called _majos_, or low-class -dandies (both male and female) of Madrid, there were special types of -elegant dress. Ladies' dress-combs of unusual size, not infrequently -half a foot or more in height above the hair, may be mentioned as one -phase of the _majo_ styles, which stood for a reaction against French -modes, though with scant knowledge or regard for ancient Spanish -customs. _Majismo_, both in dress and in customs, invaded the -aristocracy, and has been immortalized in some of the paintings of Goya. -The common people of the country were much more conservative in -maintaining the earlier styles of dress, which have survived to the -present day, although the uniformity of modern life has tended to make -them peculiarities, rather than the prevailing modes of the different -regions in which they are found. - -[Sidenote: Fondness of the general Spanish public for diversion and -sport.] - -The monotony of Spanish life did not prevent Spaniards from being fond -of diversions. On the contrary they seemed to welcome a chance to escape -from the narrow course of their humdrum existence. Public feast-days -were numerous and very popular; events in Christian history were the -occasion of most of them. People generally, unlike the monarchs, the -nobles, and their imitators among the wealthy bourgeoisie, were very -fond of dancing, the theatre, and bull-fighting. Dances to the -accompaniment of the guitar were held on every possible occasion; on -Sundays they took place in the public square of the city. The days of -the waltz, onestep, and other dances now in vogue in many lands (though -not in Spain) had not yet come; rather, the dances were very largely -national or regional, such as the _seguidillas_ or _boleros_, the -_fandango_, _guaracha_, _zorongo_, _arlequn_, _chacona_, _zarabanda_, -the Aragonese _jota_, the Valencian _dansetes_, and the Catalonian -_sardana_, all of which gave great play to the individual and -represented harmonious action of the entire body. Many of these dances, -or their derivatives, survive in Spain today. Professional dancing girls -were popular favorites--and not infrequently the mistresses of the great -gentlemen of the court. Charles III detested dancing, but neither he nor -his successor could check it, though they did regulate it to some -extent. In like manner the theatre continued to be a national passion, -despite the disapproval of certain great churchmen as well as of Charles -III. Three great theatres were built in Madrid in the reign of Philip V. -Governmental regulations were as unavailing in this as in the case of -dancing. The popularity of bull-fighting got to be greater than ever, -though Philip V and Charles III disliked the sport. Ferdinand VI was a -devotee, and Charles IV was not unfriendly. The repugnance felt by -Philip V had the effect of causing the withdrawal of the nobles from -taking part in the contests, with the result that a professional class -of bull-fighters developed. Charles III went so far as to prohibit the -sport in 1785, but Charles IV, in 1789, consented to its return. Godoy, -however, was opposed to bull-fighting, and procured its abolition in -1805. The period from 1789 to 1805 is a famous one in the history of -this game. Just as happens today, so then, the names of the favorite -bull-fighters were on everybody's lips. This was a period when many of -the feats of the bull-fighters which still form a part of the contest -were invented. Possibly the most widely known name was that of Pepe -Illo, or Hillo (great bull-fighter and writer of a treatise on the -so-called art of bull-fighting), who was killed in the bull-ring at -Madrid in 1801, an event which Goya reduced to canvas in one of his -most famous paintings. Madrid, Aranjuez, Granada, and Seville were the -only cities which had bull-rings (_plazas de toros_), but fights were -held in all parts of Spain by utilizing the principal square of the -city. Certain athletic exercises were very popular, among which the -Basque game of ball, still played in Spain, is especially worthy of -mention.[62] Performances of professional acrobats, jugglers, and -magicians were frequent, as well as the playing of pantomimes. - -[Sidenote: Marked advance in the care of cities.] - -The policing of cities for the first time became worthy of commendation. -At the opening of the eighteenth century Madrid was ugly, extremely -dirty, without architectural monuments, driveways, or promenades, and -lacked a good water system. The great reforms of Aranda under Charles -III and of Godoy in the next reign transformed the city, resulting in -the opening of new streets, the organization of an efficient -street-cleaning system (despite opposition on the ancient ground that -the filthiness of the streets was a preventive of epidemics), the -completion of the work of paving begun in the previous era, the -development of a good water supply, the inauguration of a lighting -system, the building of noteworthy edifices, the bettering of old -promenades (_paseos_) and the opening of new ones, and the issue of -numerous ordinances intended to preserve the good order and public -health of the city. It was at this time, too, that the institution of -the _sereno_ (night-watchman in Spanish streets) was introduced from -abroad; contrary to the usual opinion the _sereno_ is not Spanish in -origin, but of foreign importation. The walk, or drive, along the great -_paseos_, just at evening before nightfall, became more popular among -all classes than ever, and has remained a Spanish custom to the present -day. Barcelona, Seville, and Cdiz were also much improved. - -[Sidenote: Continuance of loose practices and bad habits.] - -But the dances, masked balls, the theatre, evening parties, and -promenades furnished occasion for vicious practices. Immorality was not -so brazen and unashamed as formerly, but was very nearly as prevalent. -In vain were laws passed with a view to checking the evil. The lax -practices continued, and received a kind of sanction during the reign of -Charles IV from the example set by the queen, of which everybody except -the king seemed well aware. Gambling was also the subject of restrictive -legislation which failed of its design. In this respect the state was -morally estopped from making complaint, because it was in this period -that the national government lottery was founded. This institution, -which still exists, was established, strange to say, by Charles III, in -1763, following the example of the court of Rome. Gambling, and -especially the lottery, soon became the passion it has ever since -remained. Smoking had long before gotten to be general among the lower -classes, particularly among the already mentioned _majo_ element; but -the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie had been little inclined to the -habit. They were soon to surrender to the influence of _majismo_, -however, with the result that Spaniards and their Hispanic kinsfolk have -come to be enumerated among the most inveterate smokers in the world, so -far as the men are concerned. Drunkenness was not a very prevalent vice, -any more than it is today, although the same could not be said with -respect to the Spanish colonies. - -[Sidenote: Influence of Spanish customs on the Americas.] - -It only remains to add that these social practices were to be found in -much the same form in the Americas. Fondness for showy feast-days was -even greater there, and it is also to be noted that the improvements in -Spanish cities had their counterpart in the embellishment of several of -those overseas. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV - -POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Overwhelming success of the absolutist ideal.] - -The Bourbon kings aimed to complete the long evolution, dating from -centuries before, toward the personal authority of the monarch in a pure -absolutism. This movement had gone farther in other countries, although -the current had set the other way in England. France under Louis XIV, if -not the most extreme example of an absolute government, was certainly -the most influential, and the phrase "I am the state!" attributed to the -great French monarch, was (whether in fact uttered by him or not) -symbolic of his ideal. It was in the atmosphere of the court of -Versailles that Philip V spent his youth, wherefore it was the most -natural thing in the world for him to desire the establishment in Spain -of a system which he had always been accustomed to believe was the only -true method of rule. Even had Philip ever doubted it, Louis XIV took -care to inculcate in him the concept of absolutism. Philip showed on -various occasions that he understood the French ideal of kingship,--as -in his opposition to the calling of the Castilian _Cortes_, his denial -of the right of the _Consejo_ to share in certain governmental -functions, and his habitual employment of such phrases as "for such is -my will" in royal decrees. The same criterion was followed by his -successors. Charles IV ordered certain laws which were inconsistent with -the absolutist ideal to be stricken out of the _Novsima Recopilacin_, -or Latest Compilation of the Laws (1805), before he would allow that -code to be published, stating that those acts (which had been -incorporated in the _Nueva Recopilacin_ of 1567) were representative of -a time when the weakness of the monarchy had compelled the kings to make -concessions which were inconsistent with their sovereign authority. The -laws referred to concerned the intervention of the _Consejo_ in royal -donations, the obligation of the king to consult with the three estates -of the _Cortes_ in dealing with momentous affairs, and the injunction -that no new taxes should be levied without the grant of a _Cortes_. In -the statement of their ideal the kings met with little opposition, for -this view was generally supported by all classes of society. Men who -were liberal reformers in other ways were rigid in their maintenance of -the principle of absolutism, and the people themselves, not only -Castilians, but others as well, even including the Catalans, were -intensely royalist. - -[Sidenote: Democratic manner and philanthropic rule of the Bourbons.] - -Nevertheless, the Bourbons were more democratic in their manner than the -less autocratic kings of the House of Austria. It is said that Philip V -was the first to inaugurate the practice of allowing his higher -government officials to be seated while talking business with him, -whereas the Hapsburg custom had been to require them to remain on their -knees. The kings' advisers now became veritable ministers, with a more -frank participation in government than had been the case with the -secretaries and favorites of the preceding era. Furthermore, the -Bourbons represented the "enlightened despotism," which had so many -remarkable manifestations in eighteenth century western Europe. In -keeping with this ideal the kings showed marked interest in social, -economic, and intellectual reforms of a philanthropic character, without -yielding an iota of their political prerogative. A great revolution took -place, having a fundamental groundwork of democracy in it (which was to -find expression at a later time in the field of politics), but which was -accomplished wholly from above. The idea might have been expressed: -"Everything _for_ the people, but nothing _by_ them." The only exception -to this rule was the royal program whereby the popular element gained an -entrance to the _ayuntamientos_, or municipal governing bodies. - -[Sidenote: Unimportance of the Cortes and the suppression of democratic -machinery.] - -Naturally, all machinery of a democratic character was viewed with -suspicion, and such was the case with the _Cortes_. Only at the -accession of Luis I was a _Cortes_ called to swear in the new king, -although that body was several times asked to acknowledge the princes of -Asturias. The _Cortes_ of Castile was summoned four times by Philip V -and once each by Charles III and Charles IV, but in two of the meetings -under Philip not all of the elements were called, and in the dismissal -of the _Cortes_ of Charles IV it was made apparent that the nobles and -clergy had no necessary inclusion in that body. Furthermore, the -_Cortes_ was called to perform some specific act,--such as the -recognition of the princes above-named, the making and later the -revocation of the so-called Salic law, and the approval of Philip's -renunciation of his rights to the French throne,--after which it was -dismissed, without having an opportunity to discuss other matters. When -the _Cortes_ of 1789 was retained in session to treat of certain -economic questions, some of the deputies formulated petitions concerning -affairs of government,--whereupon the authorities hastened to bring the -sittings to a close. The _Cortes_ of other regions were equally lacking -in importance. The _Cortes_ of Aragon met once, and that of Valencia not -at all; both were incorporated into the Castilian _Cortes_ in 1709. The -_Cortes_ of Catalonia met twice, but after 1724 it followed the course -already taken in the case of Aragon and Valencia, and the same was true -of the representatives from Majorca. The _Cortes_ of Navarre continued -to meet separately, being called eleven times, but it took no action of -conspicuous importance. Nevertheless, the memory of the former power of -the _Cortes_ was not dead, and many persons saw in its restoration, -possibly with new functions, a means for the reform of the country. In -addition to having rendered the _Cortes_ completely innocuous the kings -took other steps to check popular intervention in national affairs. It -had been the custom for the municipalities to send special commissioners -to the capital to negotiate for them with the crown. This practice -(which reminds one of the colonial agent of American history) was -forbidden by a law of 1715 (repeated in 1804), on the alleged ground of -avoiding unnecessary expense to the towns. A law of 1777 allowed the -sending of special agents, however, for one purpose,--that of witnessing -the births of royal children! Thus did the kings contribute both to the -security and to the glamour of royalty. - -[Sidenote: Royal opposition to the entry of the encyclopedist and -revolutionary ideas from France.] - -If the Spanish kings were so careful to avoid any diminution in their -authority through the restoration of the former powers of the _Cortes_, -it may well be imagined that they were alarmed over the political ideas -of the French encyclopedists of the later eighteenth century and still -more so over those of the French revolutionaries after 1789. The works -of such French writers as Diderot, Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, and -Mirabeau, or of the Englishmen Hobbes, Locke, Hume, and others were in -many libraries of Spain, and some of them were translated. The -Encyclopedia itself found its way into the peninsula. High Spanish -officials, like Aranda, maintained correspondence with some of the -French reformers, as did also some of the great Spanish nobles,--for -example, the Duke of Alba with Rousseau, and the Marquis of Miranda with -Voltaire. It was the fashion, too, for Spaniards to get part of their -education in France, or for French professors, French laborers, and, -later, French revolutionary propagandists to cross the Pyrenees. Thus -the new ideas gained a footing in Spain, where they were taken up at -educational institutions, especially at the University of Salamanca, and -by some newspapers (for that type of periodical had begun to appear), -although expressions were naturally somewhat guarded. With the outbreak -of the French Revolution, Floridablanca sent troops to the northern -frontier to prevent the entry of political agitators. The Inquisition -issued edicts against the introduction of prohibited books, and -published a new index in 1790, followed by a supplement in 1805, for the -rationalist ideas of the French reformers were not in accord with those -of the church. The civil authorities took similar action; the -Encyclopedia was barred in 1784, and many other works at other times; in -1792 officials were placed at customs-houses to examine all writings, -whether printed or manuscript; and in 1805 a tribunal of printing -(_Juzgado de Imprenta_) was created, independent of the _Consejo_ and -the Inquisition. These measures failed to prevent the dissemination of -French literature and thought, but were successful in checking any -effective expression of democratic or republican ideals during this -period. While men of influence approved the philanthropic side of the -new ideas, very few of them accepted their political tenets. It was -quite the usual thing for men to say that the contract between monarch -and people was equally binding on both, or to express admiration for the -freedom of thought permitted in England, while they opposed the forming -of deliberative assemblies in Spain, and stood solidly behind the -principle of absolutism. Some of the younger men went completely over to -revolutionary ideas, and in 1795 some republican clubs were discovered, -while many of the inhabitants of Guipzcoa gave substantial aid to the -French army of invasion in 1794. The reaction came quickly, as a result -of the tyrannical conduct of the French military authorities. Thus the -spirit of democracy in Spain seemed crushed, but it was not in fact -destroyed, as was amply proved a few years later in the radical outburst -of the _Cortes_ of Cdiz. - -[Sidenote: Pronounced acceleration of the tendencies toward a -centralized state.] - -Side by side with the development of absolutism there had been an effort -on the part of the kings for many centuries to promote the -centralization of political and administrative authority in the state as -represented by the crown, and to bring about uniformity in the law. -These tendencies were accelerated by the Bourbons, whose first -opportunity came as a result of the War of the Spanish Succession, when -Philip V was opposed by many of the non-Castilian parts of Spain. In -1707 the special statutes and privileges of Aragon and Valencia were -abolished and their place taken by the laws and practices of Castile. In -both regions a royally appointed _audiencia_ and captain-general were -set up. This action was not taken for Catalonia until 1716. In that year -it was provided by the so-called decree of the "new plan" (_Nueva -Planta_) that the laws and customs of Castile were to apply in -Catalonia; that the Catalan language was not to be used in the -administration of justice; that an _audiencia_ and captain-general of -royal selection were to serve as the principal governmental agencies of -the region; that Catalonia was to be divided into twelve districts, over -which _corregidores_ named by the king should rule; and that the -twenty-four _regidores_ (councilmen) of the _ayuntamiento_ of Barcelona, -which city had been deprived of its former type of government, should -also be royally appointed. The decree of 1716 did not attempt to -establish complete unification with Castile, however. Many former -Catalan rights continued to exist until the nineteenth century,--such, -for example, as the Catalan system of criminal law and the issue of -Catalan coins. Furthermore, there was no appeal from the decisions of -the _audiencia_ to the central government,--an exceptional case. -Nevertheless, the principles of centralization and unification had been -in the main attained, and later measures tended to secure these ends -still more completely. Philip's opponents in the War of the Spanish -Succession were persecuted, and the royal ideas were furthered by the -acts of the influential partisans of the king; in 1717 the bishop of -Gerona, Taverner, summoned a provincial council with a view to -"threatening with the wrath of God and the excommunication of the -church" whoever should be unfaithful to Philip V and to ordering -confessors to treat such infidelity as a sin. In Majorca the king placed -an _audiencia_ and a commandant-general, appointing also the local -councillors of Palma and Alcudia, while the _audiencia_ named those of -the other towns. The special privileges of the Basque provinces were -respected in theory, but, without apparent change in the laws, the -central government gradually obtained control through the inspection or -the intervention of ministers of state and the _Consejos_. Much the same -course was followed with Navarre, in which the former agencies of -government were left apparently undisturbed. The policy of -centralization was also manifested in other respects than those of a -purely regional application. Thus exemptions from military service were -limited; the reversion of seigniorial rights to the king was -facilitated; and, in fine, the tendency was to reduce all forms of -jurisdiction, territorial or otherwise, to the king or his -representatives in the central administration. Many regions continued to -have at least the vestiges of their former institutions, but enough was -done so that the Spanish kingdom may fairly be said to have become -unitary for the first time in history. - -[Sidenote: Changes in administrative machinery.] - -The most notable change in the machinery of government concerned the -development of the secretariats. There got to be five of them, -corresponding to the more important of the _Consejos_ under the _Consejo -de Castilla_, as follows: state (_Estado_); grace and justice (_Gracia y -Justicia_); war and finance (_Guerra y Hacienda_); navy (_Marina_); and -the Indies (_Indias_). There were variations from this arrangement at -different times; for example, the navy and the Indies were often a -single secretariat in the first half century of the era. Gradually it -became the custom to call the secretaries ministers, and these officials -began to absorb the powers formerly confided to the _Consejos_, -presaging the disappearance of the latter and the development of modern -ministries. As already pointed out, they also acquired a greater liberty -and initiative in the performance of their duties, especially in the -reigns of Ferdinand VI and Charles III. It was customary for them to -consult with the king every morning, however. No new _Consejos_, or -councils, were added in this period, and the _Consejo de Aragn_, last -of the councils of the former crown of Aragon, was suppressed in 1707. -Essentially, the _Consejos_ continued to exercise the same functions as -formerly, although losing ground to the rapidly advancing secretaries, -or ministers. The _Consejo de Castilla_ retained its importance, -however, and its president, or governor, was the leading officer of -state. It is to be noted that both the _Consejo_ and the _Cmara_, -despite their retention of the name Castile, dealt with the affairs of -other regions of the peninsula, quite as much as did the councils with -more general names. Except for Navarre, which continued to be a -viceroyalty, the other regions of Spain apart from New Castile (Aragon, -Catalonia, Valencia, Majorca, Granada, Andalusia, Old Castile, Galicia, -Asturias, Extremadura, and the Canary Islands) were placed under -captain-generals or commandant-generals with military and administrative -powers. A number of _audiencias_ were added, until now there were eleven -such bodies (Valladolid, Granada, Galicia, Seville, the Canaries, -Majorca, Valencia, Saragossa, Barcelona, Asturias, and Extremadura), -exercising both civil and judicial functions. In 1718 the institution of -the intendancies was created to take over financial administration in -the various regions, although this reform was not put into effect -definitely until 1749. There were twenty-three intendants, of whom six -were military. Under the captain-generals there were smaller districts -ruled by _corregidores_, most of whom were civilians. The judicial -functions of the _corregidor_ were gradually taken over by _alcaldes -mayores_, who ranked under the _corregidores_, leaving the executive -power in the hands of the latter. In some cases these lesser districts -were ruled over by officials called military governors. The term -"province" was applied to districts of very unequal size. While there -were only eight in the combined realms of Aragon, Navarre, and the -Basque provinces, there were twenty-four in Castile. Charles III planned -to divide Spain into a number of provinces of about the same size, but -did not carry out his idea. - -[Sidenote: Increased royal control over the towns and the -democratization of local political machinery.] - -While municipal life as a virile factor which might withstand the king -had long since been dead, there was too much local authority still in -existence to please the autocratic Bourbons. Furthermore, abuses in -administration had developed which caused the kings to be -philanthropically desirous of a remedy. To accomplish these ends they -aimed at a more complete subjection of the towns to the royal authority -and the democratization of the _ayuntamientos_. The principal difficulty -in the way of these objectives was the fact that many municipal offices -were held as a perpetual right by specific families, especially in the -case of the _regidores_,--for which state of affairs the kings of the -House of Austria had not infrequently been responsible by their sales of -such privileges. This resulted in an aristocratic control of the -municipalities, with consequent usurpations of land by the rich and the -placing of the burdens of taxation on the poor. Unable to buy up these -hereditary rights the royal government chose to follow what was in -effect a policy of legal confiscation. This was easily accomplished for -Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca; as already pointed out, the -king took advantage of the outcome of the War of the Spanish Succession -to take all of these appointments into his own hands or into those of -the _audiencias_. As for Castile, laws were passed requiring the -approval of the central authorities before an heir to municipal office -could succeed to such an inheritance. As a result the government was -enabled to refuse its assent in a number of cases. Meanwhile, the -_alcaldes_ continued to be appointed by the king or by the lord, -according as they were royal (_realengos_) or seigniorial (_seoros_) -towns. Even the seigniorial towns were attacked, for a law of 1802 -provided with regard to them that the servants or dependents of the lord -could not exercise jurisdiction in his place; that the royal institution -of the _residencia_ was never to be dispensed with; and that the -_alcaldes mayores_ of the large towns must be lawyers who had been -licensed to practice by the royal _consejos_ or _audiencias_. No attempt -was made to disturb the composition of the _ayuntamientos_ of Navarre -and the Basque provinces, although these regions, like the rest of -Spain, were subject to laws of a general character concerning -municipalities. One such general law, in 1751, required all -municipalities to send their accounts annually to the _Cmara de -Castilla_ for inspection, and this was supplemented by a law of 1764, -ordering them to deposit their surplus funds with the royal intendant of -the province. Another decree, dated 1760, assigned the direction of -municipal finance to the _Consejo_. Yet other laws were enacted, the -total effect of which, together with those just mentioned, was to place -the whole question of municipal income and expenditures in royal hands. -The initiative for the democratization of the _ayuntamientos_ came in -the reign of Charles III. In 1766 he created the post of deputy of the -common people (_diputado del comn_), which official was empowered to -examine the financial accounts of the towns. These officers, of whom -there were to be two in the smaller towns and four in the larger, were -chosen by a body of men who had previously been elected by the people. -In like manner a popular syndic (_sndico_) was elected who represented -the masses before the _ayuntamiento_, with a right to take part in -deliberations and to propose reforms. At the same time, the office of -_regidor_ was thrown open to plebeians. This law was a blow at the -_caballero_ class of the nobility, which had monopolized the holding of -municipal office. There was much dissatisfaction over the enactment, -and the Basque provinces went so far as to protest. Nevertheless, there -was no outward resistance; the aristocracy of the towns limited itself -to opposing the election of plebeians and to hindering their action in -office. - -[Sidenote: Important ministers of the first half century of Bourbon -rule.] - -Despite the thoroughgoing nature of the Bourbon absolutism, it is -fitting for the first time to award special credit to the secretaries of -state, or ministers, although the kings were responsible for their -selection as well as for their acts. This was an age of great reformers. -The initiative came from France on the accession of Philip V, and the -first great name is that of a Frenchman, Orry. When he came to Spain, in -1701, he found that the income of the state was about 142,000,000 -_reales_ ($8,875,000) while expenditures were 247,000,000 ($15,437,500). -The outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession made the situation -still worse. Yet he displayed such ability that national receipts -actually advanced in course of the war, and were some 160,000,000 -($10,000,000) at its end. Amelot, another Frenchman, was an even more -remarkable figure. He coperated with Orry to increase the revenues, and -reorganized and bettered the administration of the army. The Italian -Alberoni and the Dutchman Ripperd were less notable as reformers. With -the fall of the latter in 1726 there began an era of great ministers of -Spanish birth. First of these was Patio, who, though born in Italy, was -of a Galician family. He was especially prominent for his financial -reforms, but was also noteworthy for his measures to develop commerce -and improve the army and navy. In an age when graft was general, and in -a country which has rarely been backward in this particular, Patio was -able to achieve the distinction of dying poor; his death occurred in -1736. The next notable financial reformer was Campillo, an Asturian who -had been born poor, though of _hidalgo_ rank. More important, however, -was Somodevilla, a Castilian of very humble birth who became Marquis of -Ensenada, by which name he is more generally known. The period of his -power was from 1743 to 1754, and his reforms covered the same matters as -those mentioned above in the case of Patio, although he was especially -remarkable in his endeavors on behalf of the Spanish navy. His fall in -1754 (as a result of his disagreement with Ferdinand VI with regard to -the treaty with Portugal concerning Sacramento and Paraguay) was -received with rejoicing in England; the English ambassador reported -exultingly that Spain would build no more ships. Ensenada was -responsible, also, for the construction of important public works, and -once suggested the idea of single tax as worthy of trial in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Great reformers of the reigns of Charles III and IV.] - -The greatest reformers, however, belonged to the reign of Charles III -and the early years of Charles IV. Earlier ministers had increased the -national revenues and cut down expenses, but the deficit had not been -wiped out. One of the great names of both of the above-named reigns was -that of the Count of Aranda, of a distinguished Aragonese noble family. -Aranda was obstinate, brutal in speech, aggressive, and energetic, but a -man of vast information and clear foresight,--as witness his prediction, -in 1775, of the future greatness of the yet unborn United States. Aside -from his connection with Spain's foreign policies he particularly -distinguished himself while president of the _Consejo de Castilla_ by -the reforms, already referred to, whereby Madrid became a clean and -acceptable city. Yet more famous was Jos Moino, son of an -ecclesiastical notary of Murcia, who was ennobled as the Count of -Floridablanca. An honorable man in every sense of the word, just, -intelligent, and solicitous for his friends, he was hot-tempered, and -unbending in his hostility to his opponents. His action made itself felt -in the improvement of the means of communication in the peninsula and in -his economic reforms of a commercial nature, such as the great free -trade decree of 1778, which abandoned certain phases of the narrowly -monopolistic policy which Spain had always followed in her trade with -the colonies. Campomanes was an Asturian and, like Somodevilla, of very -humble birth, but he rose to be, many hold, the greatest of the men who -labored for the social and economic regeneration of Spain in the -eighteenth century. He was also the most representative of his age, for, -in addition to his measures to develop a better system of internal -communications and to foster industry, commerce, and technical popular -education, he was a determined royalist,--the embodiment, therefore, of -the ideal of the enlightened despotism. Like Aranda and Floridablanca he -served for a time under Charles IV, although his greatest work belonged -to the reign of Charles III. Three names deserve mention for the reign -of Charles IV. Jovellanos was an Asturian of an illustrious family. He -distinguished himself by his reforms in finance in conjunction with one -Saavedra, but both were early deprived of their posts, as a result of -the hostility of Godoy. The third name is that of Godoy, who introduced -notable reforms in public instruction and in the organization of the -army and navy,--whatever may be the judgment with regard to his foreign -policy. The names of some of the great ministers of the Indies are also -worthy of record. In addition to Patio and Ensenada the most noteworthy -were Julin de Arriaga (1750 or 1751-1776) and Jos de Glvez -(1776-1787), especially the former. The results, in terms of revenue, of -the activities of the great ministers may serve to give some indication -of the effectiveness of their work. In 1766, receipts exceeded -expenditures by about 133,000,000 _reales_ ($8,312,500). In 1778 -revenues amounted to 630,000,000 ($39,375,000); in 1784 to 685,000,000 -($42,812,500); and in 1787 to 616,000,000 ($38,500,000). Though annual -expenditures were much less, the government was never able to overcome -the deficit, although the national debt reached its lowest point in the -reign of Charles III. In 1791 revenues were some 800,000,000 -($50,000,000), but they fell to a general level of about 600,000,000 -($37,500,000) in the years 1793 to 1795, while expenditures, which had -reached 708,000,000 ($44,250,000) in 1793, were 1,030,000,000 -($64,375,000) in 1795. Thus the deficit began to increase again, and in -1808 it was over 7,200,000,000 _reales_ ($450,000,000), an enormous sum -as national indebtedness went then. - -[Sidenote: Opposition of vested interests to the reforms.] - -The efforts made by the great reformers appear the more commendable when -one considers the difficulties they had to overcome. Great changes -always run counter to vested interests, but this was more than usually -the case in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of graft.] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties over questions of etiquette and of -jurisdiction.] - -The nobles and the church were the most powerful elements in opposition; -even though their authority was but little, as compared with that of -earlier years, they were still able to hinder the execution of laws -which damaged their interests. Nearly everyone seemed to have an -exemption from taxation, or desired it, but the reformers set themselves -resolutely against that state of affairs. Their success against the -force of vested interests was only fair, for that element was too great -to overcome; the very bureaucracy itself displayed a weakness in this -particular, for it insisted on the maintenance of a custom which had -sprung up that government officials might buy certain articles at a -fixed price, whatever the charge to others. This calls to mind the -overwhelming evil of graft, which it seemed impossible to eliminate; -indeed, high officials were altogether too prone to regard it as a more -or less legitimate perquisite, and did not hesitate to accept large -gifts of money from foreign diplomats. Difficulties over questions of -etiquette, inherent in a centralized bureaucratic government, also stood -in the way of the proper execution of the laws. For example, a serious -dispute arose in 1745 between the bishop of Murcia and the Inquisition, -when the latter claimed that the members of that body should have a -better place in church than others. It was at length decided that they -should not. In 1782 the commandant-general of Majorca complained that -the wives of the _oidores_ of the _audiencia_ had not called on his wife -on the occasion of the king's birthday. He was sustained, and the -_regente_ (regent, or president) of the _audiencia_ was imprisoned for a -number of months by way of punishment. Several years later the ladies of -Palma complained that the wife of the commandant-general was in the -habit of going out in the street with an armed escort and demanding a -military salute. This time the ladies were upheld, and the escort was -prohibited. These are only a few instances out of thousands, and if -there was so much stir over such trifling matters it can well be -imagined how much more serious the problem was in the case of disputes -between officials as to jurisdiction. Official etiquette is an important -matter in all countries, but Spaniards have always been insistent on -the letter of their rights and very sensitive over the omission of any -act to which their position entitles them. Furthermore, these -controversies carried in their train vast files of papers, of charges, -answers and countercharges, and the evidence of witnesses. These -questions had to be resolved, causing great expenditure in both time and -money. No country was ever more diligent than Spain in the -multiplication of state papers over affairs which ranged from those of -vital importance to the most trivial incidents. The historian may have -cause to rejoice over the existence of so much material, but the nation -suffered,--although it is difficult to see how its contemporary -accumulation could have been avoided in an absolutism like that of the -Spanish Bourbons. - -[Sidenote: Improvement of the army and ineffectual attempts at -additional reforms.] - -One of the principal objects of the reforms was the rehabilitation of -the army and navy so that Spain might be in a better position in -international affairs. In the army the volunteer system was employed for -a while, but it was effective only in procuring contingents of foreign -mercenaries and in filling the ranks of the royal guard. Gradually the -idea of the draft came into favor, and it was tried several times, -becoming a definitive law in the reign of Charles III. The law of -Charles III provided that one man in every five--hence the term _quinta_ -for this institution--should become subject to military service for a -term of eight years. This system was resisted in all parts of the -peninsula, but was allowed to stand, although it proved impossible of -enforcement. Through graft or favor, whether of the local officials -charged with administering the law or of doctors who examined the -individual drawn, practically nobody was required to serve except those -totally lacking in influence. It was customary to seize tramps and petty -criminals and send them instead of the legitimately drafted men. The -government itself adopted the principle of forced levies, or -impressment, of vagabonds and bad characters, but these men proved to be -poor soldiers and deserted frequently. Thus the number of troops was not -great, but in any event it would have been difficult to support more -numerous contingents, owing to the lack of funds; even as matters were -it was customary to grant a four months' furlough at the season when -crops were gathered. In times of war, rigorous methods were used to get -the needed men, or else they came forward voluntarily, out of -patriotism. The reserve was formed by regional bodies of militia, which -did not draw back when their services were needed in war. At the -beginning of the era it is said that there were 20,000 poorly equipped -soldiers in the Spanish army; in 1737 the total of infantry and cavalry -was 42,920; in 1758 the total of all arms, 108,777. Numbers increased -under Charles III, but declined under Charles IV. In 1808, at the moment -of the outbreak against Napoleon, there were from 136,000 to 147,000 but -only about 100,000 effective troops, and even these were badly armed. -The situation becomes clear in the light of the expense involved; the -army of 1758, in a time of peace, cost some 205,000,000 _reales_ -($12,812,500), a saving of 34,000,000 ($2,125,000) over the expenditures -required prior to the enactment of certain reforms by Ferdinand VI. It -will be seen that a considerable portion of the annual revenue was -needed. In this period the hierarchy of officials (from the -captain-generals down through the various grades of generals, colonels, -captains, and lieutenants) and of military units (such as brigades, -regiments, battalions, and companies) was established in, broadly -speaking, the form it has retained ever since. The gun with the bayonet -had now become the principal infantry weapon, and artillery had been -developed to a high point as compared with the previous era. Flags and -uniforms varied; the latter were picturesque, but adapted more to -encouraging the soldier's morale than to developing his freedom of -action. A number of military schools were founded for the different -branches of the service,--the infantry, cavalry, artillery, and -engineers. - -[Sidenote: Birth of a real Spanish navy, but difficulties attending its -improvement.] - -The eighteenth century marked the birth of a real Spanish navy. At the -outset, and during the great war which opened the era, there was -virtually none at all, but in 1714 Orry took steps, which were later -furthered by Alberoni, Patio, and especially by Ensenada, to develop an -effective fleet. In 1761 there were 49 men-of-war (_navos_), 22 -frigates, and a number of smaller ships; in 1788, 64 men-of-war, 53 -frigates, and 60 boats of other types, with 50,000 sailors, 20,000 -infantry, 3000 artillerymen, and numerous officials of the navy -department. Each war with England during the century resulted in the -destruction of a considerable portion of the fleet, and the battle of -Trafalgar, in 1805, destroyed it as a fighting unit, even though Spain -still had 42 men-of-war, 30 frigates, and 146 other ships in 1806. The -man-of-war was the principal type of vessel employed in this era, -carrying from sixty to a hundred cannon, while the faster sailing -frigate had from thirty to fifty cannon. Many auxiliary -vessels--transports and smaller fighting ships, such as brigs and sloops -of war--were used. The galley went out of service, although one was -built as late as 1794. The Spanish navy suffered from a number of -defects, however, which made it distinctly inferior to the English, or -even to the French. The wood for the masts was fragile and the material -for the sails was of bad quality, while boats were so poorly taken care -of, that they deteriorated rapidly. The provision of food supplies and -effects for the men was faulty, and the men on board, especially the -artillerymen and the infantry, were of very poor calibre. Ensenada -remarked that the Spanish navy of his day was all appearances, without -substance, but set about to the best of his ability to rectify the -situation. He improved shipyards, sent officers of talent abroad to -study the methods employed elsewhere, gave inducements to English -shipbuilders to come to Spain, built shops for the making of rigging and -other equipment needed on ships of war, endeavored to improve the -personnel of Spanish crews, and surrounded himself with the most -competent naval men he could find. Ensenada and the other reformers did -a great deal, but they could not overcome the never-ending difficulties -in the way of obtaining men in sufficient numbers and of suitable -quality for the requirements of the navy. The fishermen of the Spanish -coasts continued to be drafted as sailors, and became less unwilling to -serve than formerly when efforts were made to be punctual in payments of -wages and to protect the families of the mariners. The recruiting of -marine infantry and artillerymen, however, suffered from the same evil -as the raising of the land forces, with one important result, which was -that Spanish cannon were badly served. - -[Sidenote: Legislation of the era and the _Novsima recopilacin_.] - -Naturally, a period so rich in reforms as this was bound to have a great -body of legislation. In Castile this was almost exclusively in the -various forms of royal orders, recording the directions given by the -king and his ministers, and the decisions of the _Consejos_. Thus the -work of the _Nueva Recopilacin_ of 1567 got to be out of date, although -five new editions were published in the eighteenth century, with the -addition of some of the recent laws. Finally, a proposal for another -codification was approved, and the compilation was made by Juan de la -Reguera, who brought it out in twelve books, under the title of the -_Novsima recopilacin de las leyes de Espaa_ (Newest, or Latest, -Compilation of the Laws of Spain). Reguera claimed to have solved the -problem of the concentration of legal material, but in fact his work -suffered from the same defects as the earlier codes of Montalvo and -Arrieta. His distribution of the laws was faulty, and he failed to -indicate many important acts which were still in force. Furthermore, he -reproduced the ordinance of Alcal (1348), repeated in the laws of Toro -and the _Nueva Recopilacin_, according to which the laws of various -earlier codes, such as the _Fuero Real_, remained in effect in so far as -they had not been repealed by later legislation, and the _Partidas_ was -valid as supplementary law. Thus the old evils of the lack of unity of -the law and lack of clearness subsisted. Nobody could be certain whether -a law was still in effect or not, and it remained the practice to cite -textbooks and the ancient codes of Justinian on the ground that they -might have a bearing as supplementary law, unless there was something -clearly stated to the contrary in the _Novsima Recopilacin_. In -Catalonia there was a new codification in 1704, and in Navarre in 1735. -In most of the formerly separate legal jurisdictions, however, the laws -of Castile applied, henceforth, as a result of the changes brought -about, as already mentioned, at the close of the War of the Spanish -Succession. - -[Sidenote: Reforms in the Americas and their results.] - -It remains to deal with the relations of the crown and the church, to -which the next chapter is devoted, and to allude to the important -reforms in the Americas. Much that was beneficial to the colonies at the -time was achieved, and much else which in fact helped them to be the -better prepared in the approaching combat with the mother country. In -the main, however, the policies of subjection and of the development of -the revenues in the supposed interests of Spain were followed, with the -result that resentments were kept alive and ultimate disaster invited. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI - -STATE AND CHURCH, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Pronounced zeal of the Bourbons in subjecting the church.] - -[Sidenote: The elements in controversy.] - -If the kings of the House of Austria had displayed zeal in diminishing -the range of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Bourbon monarchs, with -their accentuated ideal of absolutism, were even more insistent in that -respect. The kings were assisted by elements to which they themselves -were otherwise hostile, such as the Jansenists[63] and the -encyclopedists, whose partisans furnished arguments for the royal -authority, because they opposed the rule of the church. Nevertheless, -the monarchical ideal of the kings was sufficient to induce them to -attack the church, except as concerned the purely spiritual interests of -the Catholic religion, and the absolute patronage which the kings -enjoyed in the Americas became the model of what they wished to -establish in Spain. There were two principal angles to the problem, that -of overcoming the intervention of the popes in the affairs of the -Spanish church, and that of lessening the power and the privileges of -the Spanish clergy. As for the intervention of the popes, they exercised -the right of appointment to Spanish benefices which became vacant in any -of the so-called eight "apostolic months," and also to those vacated in -the four "ordinary months" (March, June, September, and December) if the -death of the holder occurred at Rome; considerable sums of money were -also collected for papal dispensations to marry, papal pardons, and -other papal acts of an irregularly recurring character, although -government officials charged that a large part of these moneys remained -in the hands of Spanish and Italian intermediaries without reaching the -coffers of the pope; the tribunal of the nunciature, despite the -provisions of the papal brief of 1537, had come to be composed of -foreign priests, and besides exercising its judicial functions -independently of the royal courts administered the rents of vacant -benefices (_vacantes_), which gave rise to accusations of abuses in the -management of the funds; the tribunal of the _Cruzada_, for the -collection of the tax of that name, was still in papal hands, although -the income had frequently in the past been granted to the kings of -Spain; and finally, there existed the old question of the _pase regio_, -about the necessity for royal consent prior to the publication of papal -bulls and briefs, or in fact even for the delivery of pontifical -letters. As concerned the relations with the local clergy, the kings -were preoccupied with such matters as the great numbers of churchmen -(especially the regular clergy), the immunities they enjoyed, the -immensity of their landed estates held in mortmain, the extent of the -right of asylum in ecclesiastical edifices, and the power of the -Inquisition and, far more, that of the Jesuits. - -[Sidenote: Conflict of the kings with the popes in the first half -century of the era.] - -The conflict with the papacy began at the outset of the reign of Philip -V, for the popes favored the candidacy of the Archduke Charles to the -Spanish throne. Philip V expelled the nuncio, suspended the court of the -nunciature, and gave orders against the circulation of papal bulls in -Spain. These measures were only temporary, during the course of the war. -Nevertheless, Alberoni, who restored matters to their former basis, had -occasion, even though he was a cardinal himself, to banish the newly -appointed nuncio. Finally, an agreement was reached in the concordat of -1737 from which the crown obtained some advantages, such as the -suppression of the right of asylum in some cases and its restriction in -others, the limitation of the number of churchmen with rights of -personal immunity, and the giving of guarantees against false -allegations with a view to extending the immunities of church estates, -together with the derogation of this right for such properties as the -church should acquire in future. The concordat satisfied nobody, and -moreover most of its provisions were not observed. When Ferdinand VI -ascended the throne, he took steps to procure a more acceptable -arrangement, for though an exceedingly devout Catholic he was unbending -as concerned matters affecting the royal authority. The result was a -fresh concordat with the pope, dated 1753. Several important rights were -gained at this time: in return for a heavy money indemnity Ferdinand -obtained a recognition of the royal right of patronage in appointments -to all church offices, except some fifty-two dignities and the naming of -bishops to benefices vacated in the four "ordinary months"; various -kinds of papal taxes were renounced in favor of Spain; the tax of the -_cruzada_ was granted in perpetuity to the crown; and the right of -exemption from the taxation of lands held in mortmain was abolished. -Nevertheless, the partisans of royalty were not yet satisfied. - -[Sidenote: Success of Charles III in the conflict with the popes.] - -[Sidenote: Subjection of the Spanish church by Charles III.] - -Charles III was a pious Catholic, but carried the reform movement -against the church further than any of his predecessors. The first step -was taken as a result of a papal brief against a book written by -Mesenghi, a French theologian. When the Spanish Inquisition was about to -publish the condemnatory document, the king issued a decree of -prohibition. This was followed by royal orders of 1761 and 1762 making -the following enactments: that no papal bull, brief, or other pontifical -letter should be allowed to circulate or be obeyed, whatever might be -its subject-matter, unless it should previously have been presented to -the king, or in certain cases of lesser moment to the _Consejo_, so that -a decision might be reached whether it interfered with the royal -prerogative, before a license to publish would be granted; that the -Inquisition should publish only such edicts as were forwarded to it by -the king; and that it should condemn no book without giving the author a -chance to defend himself. Through the influence of his mother, Isabel -Farnesio, Charles was persuaded to suspend these decrees, but they were -put into effect in 1768 when the pope issued a bull censuring the -Bourbon Duke of Parma, a relative of Charles III, for his application -of the _pase regio_ in his domain. A further step was taken in 1771, -when the pope consented to the reform of the nunciature, whereby that -tribunal, henceforth called the _Rota_, was to be composed of six -Spanish judges nominated by the king and appointed by the pope. A great -many measures were also undertaken in this reign to subject the Spanish -clergy to the royal authority, and to better economic and religious -conditions. The following enactments were representative of this phase -of the royal policy: the recourse of _fuerza_ was frequently employed in -cases of conflict of laws between the civil and the ecclesiastical -courts, and the jurisdiction of the former was favored; a law of 1766 -required bishops to exercise vigilance to see that priests should say -nothing against the government or the members of the royal family, and -even the _alcaldes_ were given authority to assist in this regard in -conserving the good name of the state and its rulers; the rights of -asylum in churches and the personal immunities of churchmen were -limited, as by a law of 1774, according to which such rights were not to -obtain in the case of those guilty of participation in riots; in 1780 it -was ordered that the profits of vacant rural benefices should be applied -to the repair of churches of the diocese or to the repopulation of -abandoned districts; bishops were prohibited by a law of 1781 from -appointing vicars without the prior consent of the king; an attempt was -made in 1786 to do away with the custom of burying deceased persons in -churches, but the effort was unsuccessful, owing to the opposition of -the clergy; in the same year ecclesiastical judges were forbidden to -handle the temporal aspects of matrimonial cases, being restricted to -decisions affecting the canonical bonds established by marriage; and in -1787 all cases of smuggling were removed from the jurisdiction of the -ecclesiastical courts, even though a churchman were involved. In the -reign of Charles IV there were intervals when the church was less -rigorously dealt with, but the majority of the ministers followed the -tradition of their predecessors. - -[Sidenote: Royal action diminishing the power of the Inquisition.] - -There had been many complaints against the Inquisition in the period of -the Hapsburg kings, but they became more frequent in the far more -tolerant eighteenth century, and now that the monarchs no longer -regarded the danger of heresy as serious they were reinforced by the -royal policy of reducing all outstanding phases of authority. The -conflict with the Inquisition was fought out over the following issues: -questions of jurisdiction between the civil courts and that of the -Inquisition; abuse of power by the Inquisition, which was accused of -using its authority in matters of religion as a political arm; decrees -of the Inquisition inconsistent with those of the king, or failures to -observe the royal claims of a right to apply the _pase regio_; arbitrary -condemnations of books by the Inquisition; and the extraordinary -amplitude of cases falling within the purview of its tribunals, such as -those of usury, smuggling, the importation of coin into the kingdom, and -the raising of horses, all of which were far removed from the primary -objects of the institution. Not much was done until the reign of Charles -III. That monarch had already shown himself hostile to the Inquisition -while king of Naples, prior to his accession to the throne of Spain. One -of his earliest acts as king of Spain was the banishment of the -inquisitor general when the latter protested against the royal edict in -the already mentioned Mesenghi case, followed by the legislation of 1761 -and 1762 referred to above. When the inquisitor was allowed to return, -Charles warned the other officers of the Inquisition not to disobey the -king in future. In 1770 many of the cases of a secular character were -removed from inquisitorial jurisdiction, and in 1784 it was ordered that -all processes against grandees or the ministers or employes of the king -should be submitted to the monarch. The reduction of the Inquisition was -carried still further under Charles IV. Godoy, Jovellanos, and Urquijo -thought of abolishing it, but fortunate turns in the political situation -intervened to postpone such action. It was provided in 1799 that no -subject of the king should be arrested by the Inquisition without royal -authorization, and the methods of trial employed by that institution -were modified in the interests of doing away with the former secrecy and -the seclusion of the accused. In 1804 the king banished several members -of the Inquisition who had opposed the freeing of an individual whom one -of the lesser branches of that organization had pronounced guiltless. -Its decline was also evidenced by the falling off in its revenues as -compared with the yield of earlier times. Many of its buildings were in -a state of bad repair, and its employees often died in poverty. -Nevertheless, its properties were said to be worth nearly 170,000,000 -_reales_ (over $10,000,000) at the end of the era, and a state offer of -2,000,000 a year ($125,000), in exchange for its right to confiscate the -goods of persons convicted of crimes against religion, was refused. In -addition, there was the wealth of the Inquisition in the colonies; the -great German traveler and naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, estimated -that the annual income of the Inquisition in New Spain alone was 800,000 -_reales_ ($50,000). Although the Inquisition of the eighteenth century -had but a shadow of its former power, it was able to bring influential -persons to trial, including great churchmen, members of the higher -nobility, and ministers of state, but it did not always take effective -action in these cases. Godoy was accused on three occasions, being -charged with atheism, immorality, and bigamy, but the queen would not -consent to his arrest, and he was able to procure the banishment of -several of those who had intervened in this matter. - -[Sidenote: Increased hostility against the Jesuits.] - -The case of the Jesuit order was similar to that of the Inquisition, but -the result of royal action was even more decisive. The hostility to the -Jesuits in Catholic countries, already very great in the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries, was even more intense in the eighteenth. The -other religious orders and the secular clergy were almost a unit in -opposing them, for the Jesuits occupied a dominant place in church -affairs, and were charged with tyrannizing over the others both in -matters of theology and in questions of a temporal character. The ranks -of their enemies were swelled by the continued adhesion of the -universities to the Jesuit opposition and by the encyclopedists. The -former complained because the youth were attending the Jesuit colleges, -especially the nobility, from whom the leading ministers of state were -chosen, thus continuing the Jesuit influence, while those who were more -or less addicted to encyclopedist views were hostile to the order both -because of its power in the church and because of its partisanship in -favor of papal jurisdiction and authority. In defending themselves the -Jesuits had the support of many royal ministers and of the kings -themselves for over half a century; Philip V and Ferdinand VI as well as -Isabel Farnesio and the children of Charles III had Jesuit confessors. -Furthermore, the once hostile Inquisition became an instrument in Jesuit -hands when that order got control of the institution. Finally, the -Jesuits had achieved vast power as a result of their hold on the -affections of great numbers of the people, high and low, and in -consequence of the extraordinary wealth which they had accumulated. - -[Sidenote: Expulsion and suppression of the Jesuits.] - -It was not until the reign of Charles III that any effective action was -taken against them. While yet king of Naples, Charles had demonstrated -his lack of cordiality toward the Jesuit order, and had begun to feel a -suspicion, in common with other European monarchs, that the Jesuits -might prove to be a danger to the state; in view of the actual power -which the Jesuits possessed, it is not to be wondered at that the -ultra-absolutist statesmen and kings of the eighteenth century should -look upon them with disfavor. In the very year that Charles became king -of Spain they were expelled from Portugal, and in the years 1764 to 1767 -similar action was taken in France. The accession of Charles was a blow -to the Jesuits in Spain, who now lost their influential place at court. -Four events of a political character tended to increase the feeling of -hostility toward them. One of these occurred in the reign of Ferdinand, -when the Jesuits of Paraguay opposed the cession of that territory to -Portugal in exchange for Sacramento. The Indians of Paraguay rose in -rebellion against the transfer, and it was believed that the Jesuits -were in some way concerned. The second of the events was the attempted -assassination of the kings of Portugal and France, which was attributed -to the Jesuit order on account of the hostility of those monarchs to the -Jesuits. Many were of the opinion that Charles might be in danger of a -like fate. In the third place friction arose between Charles and the -Jesuits as a result of the former's advocacy of the canonization of Juan -de Palafox, a seventeenth century bishop of Puebla de los ngeles in -New Spain. The Jesuits opposed the king in this matter, and even -procured the removal from the palace of the works of Palafox which -Charles had given to members of his family. The fourth matter was of far -more consequence,--the riots of 1766 at the time when the proposals of -Squillace with regard to the modification of Spanish dress were enacted -into law. On that occasion there was grave disorder in Madrid, including -an attack on the king's guards, a number of whom were cruelly put to -death. The king was obliged to yield to the demands of the mob, and a -few days later unexpectedly left Madrid for Aranjuez,--a virtual flight, -taken as a measure of precaution. Not only in Madrid, but also in -Saragossa, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Alicante, Salamanca, Daroca, Tobarra, -Mombeltrn, Murcia, San Lcar, Huesca, Borja, San Ildefonso, Azcoytia, -Villena, Ciudad Real, Jumilla, Corua, Alcaraz, Quero, Las Mesas, -Aranjuez, Palencia, and Navalcarnero there were similar outbreaks, and -it seemed likely that Barcelona might also give trouble. In fine, there -appeared to be an organized attempt at rebellion, and Charles and his -ministers believed, or at least pretended to believe, that the Jesuits -were behind it. Most probably the order itself did not promote the -riots, although several of its members were compromised, but late in -1766 it was formally charged with responsibility by the _Consejo_. In -January, 1767, the _Consejo_ proposed the expulsion of the Jesuits from -Spain. The matter was submitted to a special _junta_, or council, which -concurred in the recommendation of the _Consejo_, after which the -decision was presented to various ecclesiastical personages, who -likewise expressed their approval. It was decided, however, to say -nothing of the motives, and the part of the proceedings concerning them -has disappeared. Nevertheless, a document of Campomanes is at hand -summing up some of the charges made at the meeting of the _Consejo_. -They were the following: responsibility for the Squillace riots; the -diffusion of maxims contrary to the royal and the canon law; a spirit of -sedition (of which some evidence was introduced); treasonable relations -with the English in the Philippine Islands; monopolization of commerce -and excess of power in the Americas; a too great pride, leading them to -support the doctrines of Rome against the king; advocacy by many Jesuit -writers of the right of tyrannicide; political intrigues against the -king; and aspiration for universal monarchy. While the evidence in -support of these charges is no longer available, it is clear that they -were exaggerated, or even without foundation,--at least in the case of -their supposed relations with the English. On the other hand, the -intensely royalist ministers of the era of the enlightened despotism -would have felt grave concern where a more democratic age might have -found no cause for worry. Some historians claim that Charles hesitated -to sign the decree, because the Jesuit general was said to have -threatened the publication of documents purporting to show that the king -was the illegitimate son of Isabel Farnesio and Alberoni, and others -assert that Charles was given reason to believe that the Jesuits planned -to assassinate him and the members of his family if the expulsion were -promulgated. Whatever the truth may be, he delayed only a few days, -signing the decree on February 27, 1767. The Count of Aranda was charged -with its execution, and proceeded to fulfill that duty with great -secrecy and despatch, so that the blow should fall simultaneously and -without warning in all parts of Spain's dominions. Never was a decree -more carefully carried out. On the night of March 31 in Madrid, and on -the next night in the provinces, the Jesuits were surprised in their -establishments and told that they must leave Spain. There were at this -time 2746 Spanish Jesuits in 120 institutions, scattered through 117 -towns. In the Americas the decree was carried out later in the same year -or early in 1768, and in some cases there was popular resistance to -their expulsion, although no untoward incidents of that character had -occurred in Spain. Without consulting the pope, Charles decided to send -the Jesuits to the Papal States, although on the eve of the expulsion he -informed the pope of his intention, promising also to pay the Jesuits -enough to permit them to live in a fitting manner. Despite the pope's -entire sympathy with the Jesuits, there were reasons why he did not wish -them to land in his territory, and when the boats which were carrying -them arrived off Civita Vecchia, the port of Rome, Cardinal Torrigiani -ordered them to keep away, threatening to open fire on them if they -should not. Thereupon, they went to Corsica, where the Jesuits were -landed, being joined later by their American brethren. Finally, the pope -consented to their establishing themselves in Bologna and Ferrara, where -some ten thousand from Spain and the Americas found a haven,--much -against the will of the secular clergy of those places. Charles now set -about to procure the dissolution of the order, and in this he was aided -by the kings of Portugal, France, and Naples, from which last-named -country the Jesuits had also been expelled late in 1767. In 1773 their -efforts were at length successful, as a result, very largely, of the -skillful diplomatic achievements of Jose Moino, Spain's special -representative at the papal court. For his work in this matter Moino -was rewarded with the title of Count of Floridablanca. - -[Sidenote: Royal attempts to reduce the financial immunities of the -church.] - -One of the leading preoccupations of the kings in dealing with the -Spanish clergy was to reduce the immunities of a financial character -which they enjoyed. Ever since the thirteenth century, efforts had been -made with that object in view, and considerable success had been -attained by the Hapsburg kings, while the attempts of the Bourbon -monarchs to check the acquisition of lands by the church or to render at -least a portion of them subject to taxation have already been traced in -the chapter on social institutions. A great deal remained to be done, -however, before the church would be reduced to the level of the -bourgeois class in the payment of tributes. For a proper appreciation of -this subject it is necessary to bear in mind the many sources of income -of the Spanish church. In addition to the profits from their lands, -cattle, and quit-rents (_censos_), churchmen received tithes -(_diezmos_), first-fruits (_primicias_), fees for masses, marriages, -funerals, and burials, alms for the mendicant orders, gifts, and still -other forms of contributions from persons and lands not under their -economic control. Their seigniorial rights were still extensive, for as -late as 1787 there were 3148 towns of one type or another under their -rule. To be sure, portions of these revenues were already being paid to -the crown, while many former ecclesiastical earnings had altogether -disappeared, or had been taken over by the state. In some places the -clergy were subject to certain taxes, and in others they were not; in -Castile churchmen paid part of the _alcabala_; in Catalonia they paid -all the royal tributes. The laws of the century displayed a consistent -intention on the part of the kings to reduce their financial immunities -still further. Thus in 1721 the clergy of Castile and the Canaries were -required to pay customs duties which had not previously been exacted -from them; in 1737 a tax of thirty-three per cent was levied on all new -landed possessions of the church in Valencia; in the concordat of the -same year the pope granted that all lands thenceforth coming into the -possession of ecclesiastical institutions might be taxed in the same -manner as those of lay individuals, if the king should so decide; when -Charles III was about to ascend the Spanish throne, Pope Benedict XIV -granted him the eventual subjection of the clergy to the same tributary -basis as laymen; in 1763 the clergy of the crown of Aragon were ordered -to pay the _alcabala_ from that time forth; in 1765 churchmen in general -were made subject to the military tax of the _milicias_ (militia), and -in 1780 the pope authorized the king to collect up to one third of the -income of benefices to which the king had the right of nomination. These -provisions were not carried out in full; there would no longer have been -any financial question between the kings and the church if they had -been. Aside from the royal gains of a legislative character the clergy -were often induced, or compelled, to make special grants to the state in -times of war, and occasionally they came forward of their own free will. -When the Jesuits were expelled in 1767, their properties were -confiscated, although the government announced that in applying the -proceeds it would bear in mind the objects of donors to the Jesuits, the -interests of religion, and public utility. Nothing definite is known as -to the amount of wealth this yielded to the state, although it must have -been considerable. Many writers have made fanciful estimates as to the -Jesuit properties, especially with regard to their holdings in the -Americas, some of them exaggerating their value, and others going to -the opposite extreme to make them appear inconsequential. Nevertheless, -despite the progress made by the Bourbons, the church was still -enormously wealthy at the end of the era; it is said that their annual -income reached 1,101,753,430 _reales_ (about $70,000,000). - -[Sidenote: Reduction of the number of persons in religious service.] - -The statesmen and economists of the Bourbon era gave considerable -attention to the problems arising from the great numbers of the clergy, -taking steps to prevent an increase in the membership of religious -orders and to bring about a reduction in the list of benefices and -chaplaincies. The reign of Charles III was especially notable in this -regard, and much was achieved. Still, though there were more churchmen -and religious institutions in the Hapsburg period at a time when the -population was not so great, there were 2067 convents for men and 1122 -for women in 1787, with 61,998 who had taken vows and 71,070 others who -had not (though living at the convents), besides 70,170 members of the -secular clergy. Thus there were over 200,000 persons in religious -service in a total population of about 10,400,000, or one for every -fifty-two persons.[64] By 1797 the numbers had been materially lessened. -At that time there were 93,397 men and women connected with the -institutions of the regular clergy, in 2051 convents for men and 1075 -for women, and 58,833 priests. In 1808 there were eight archbishoprics -and fifty-two bishoprics in Spain, sustaining 648 dignitaries, 1768 -canons, 216 prebends, and 200 half prebends. - -[Sidenote: Attempts at internal reform of the church.] - -The question of the numbers of the clergy was closely related to the -never-ending problem of reform in the internal life of the church. While -matters were not so bad as they had been in earlier times, and while -Spanish churchmen compared very favorably with those of some other -countries,--for example, those of France,--the necessity for correction -was nevertheless clear. Despite the fact that the church furnished many -of the most distinguished names of the era in intellectual attainments, -the mass of the lower clergy was decidedly uncultivated. There was a -marked relaxation in discipline. Many churchmen absented themselves -from their livings to become hangers-on at court,[65] with the result -that the kings seven times in less than fifty years expelled all priests -from Madrid whose parishes were not in that city. It was also deemed -necessary to pass laws forbidding clergymen to wear lay dress, for it -was claimed that they used it as a disguise, enabling them the more -easily to indulge in immoral practices. Many clergymen were punished for -improper solicitations in the confessional. Steps toward reform were -taken by the popes in 1723, 1737, and 1753,--the two latter times in -connection with the concordats of those years. The measures of the pope -provided rules for the instruction and discipline of the clergy and -sought to diminish the numbers of clergymen and of benefices and -chaplaincies. - -[Sidenote: Diminution in the rigor of religious persecutions.] - -Outwardly there was little difference between this period and the one -before it in the persecution of heresy and the effort to attain -religious unity. Both of these ideals continued to be proclaimed in the -laws, and the Inquisition made its accusations and condemnations and -published its indices of prohibited books as formerly, but in fact a -great change had come over the spirit in which the laws were -interpreted. Such a rigorous policy to stamp out heresy as that employed -by Philip II in the Low Countries was no longer thinkable, and while the -Hapsburg kings had based their international policy on the -re-establishment of Catholic unity, cost what it might, the Bourbons -completely abandoned that idea. The treaties of Westphalia in 1648 -seemed to have settled the question of religious warfare, with an -acknowledgment of the right of Protestant nations to exist apart from -the Catholic Church. Henceforth, wars were to be for various objects, -mainly political and economic in the eighteenth century, but not for -religion. - -[Sidenote: Inter-relations of the different religious elements.] - -The new spirit was manifested in, and was to some extent caused by, the -frequency of communications between Catholics and Protestants or between -Catholics and anti-church elements, such as the encyclopedists and -Jansenists. In earlier times, such a correspondence would have been a -serious religious crime which even the most prominent would have been -afraid to attempt; now, it was not generally regarded as seriously -reprehensible, though far from being looked upon with favor, and many -churchmen themselves might have been held guilty if charges on this -account had been brought. The quarrels of different factions in the -church among themselves, notably the opposition to the Jesuits, and the -intensely royalist policy of the kings tended in the same direction. -Some evidences of the new attitude toward religion were also to be found -in the laws. A treaty of 1713 with the Netherlands allowed Protestants -of that country having business in Spain to reside in the peninsula, and -a like privilege was granted to Spanish Catholics in the Netherlands. -The _asiento_ treaty with England in the same year did not, as had at -first been proposed, restrict to Catholics the privileges thereby -granted to Englishmen. A series of treaties with Morocco, Tripoli, -Tunis, and Turkey in the reign of Charles III allowed of Catholic -worship by Spaniards in those countries, and agreed that Moslems coming -to Spain should be respected in their religion. A general law of 1797 -provided that any foreign artist or artisan could establish himself in -the peninsula, and in case he were not a Catholic he was not to be -molested in his religious opinions. The Jews were excluded from the -operation of the law, however. Charles III had been favorable to a -policy of toleration toward them as well, and had issued a decree in -1741, when he was king of Naples, permitting of their entry into his -kingdom, but public opinion was still too strongly opposed to them, and -he was obliged to recall his decree. Two ministers of Charles IV, -Urquijo and Varela, made a like proposal, but he did not dare to follow -their advice; rather, he expressly declared in a decree of 1802 that the -existing laws and practices with respect to the Jews should continue to -be observed. The Inquisition directed its activities in this period to -attacking the new philosophic and religious ideas and to defending -itself as well as it could from the inroads of royalism, while there -were still numerous processes against superstitious practices, Jewish -worship, and the crimes of bigamy and notorious immorality. The number -of cases before the Inquisition was not less than formerly, and not a -few persons, especially Jews and Illuminati, were put to death. In -general, however, greater leniency was displayed, and the Inquisition -was no longer the much feared institution it once had been. - -[Sidenote: Underlying spirit of intolerance and Catholic fervor.] - -Nevertheless, both the clergy and the great majority of the people -remained as intolerant as ever. Ignorance played no small part in this -feeling; thus French priests expelled from their country at the time of -the revolution were suspected of heresy, and the general opinion of the -Spanish common people with regard to Frenchmen was that they were all -not only heretics or atheists but also cannibals. The ideal of -toleration hardly passed beyond the narrow circle of the upper classes, -but it was they who decided the policy of the state; indeed, the -attitude toward religion in this period perfectly exemplified the -workings of the benevolent despotism. The very men who expressed -tolerant views and framed legislation to that end were pious in their -private life, furnishing numerous proofs thereof, every day. Thus -Spaniards still gave a multitude of Christian names to their children, -in order to procure for them the protection of many saints; they -observed religious ceremonies, such as processions, baptisms, and -saints' days of individuals, as the most important events of social -life; they prayed daily, and at the sound of the Angelus all work -stopped, even theatrical performances, and every one bowed his head in -prayer; phrases with a religious turn were a part of everyday speech; -sacred images and chapels were as abundant as formerly; and in a -thousand ways, from the king to the lowest peasant, men continued to -manifest their devotion to the Catholic faith. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII - -ECONOMIC REFORMS, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: Bases of the economic reforms of the era.] - -[Sidenote: Economic reforms in the Americas.] - -If a review of the political and ecclesiastical institutions of this -period displays the enlightened despotism on its despotic side, a study -of the economic reforms effected, or tried, reveals the benevolent or -enlightened attitude of the autocratic state endeavoring to improve the -lot of the people. In addition to the philanthropic aspect of these -attempts, they were influenced, also: by the general current of -eighteenth century thought, giving attention to economic problems; by -the very evident necessity for reforms in Spain, which country had found -itself in a condition of utter misery at the close of the preceding era, -with the result that a multitude of pamphlets had been written to -explain the decline and suggest remedies; and by the desire to attain -other ends, such as that of defence against the aggressions of England, -which had to be based in the final analysis on the economic recovery of -Spain. Not only in Spain but also in the Americas, and almost more -strikingly, this was an age of economic reform, based primarily on -Spain's need of the colonial markets as a factor in her own -regeneration. Nevertheless, this was the period when the old monopoly -utterly fell, in part because of the entry of foreigners into the -colonies or their establishment in Spanish ports to take over the goods -coming from the Americas, and in part as a result of a deliberate -policy, throwing open the commerce of the new world, if not directly to -all nations, at least indirectly through the intervention of the many -Spanish cities which came to enjoy the privilege of the overseas trade. -The American situation cannot be dealt with here, but it must be held in -mind as one of the vital elements in Spain's economic progress. - -[Sidenote: The reformers and their achievements.] - -[Sidenote: Statistics of population.] - -The most genuine representative of the century's political economists in -Spain was Campomanes. Although a follower of the French physiocratic -school, which maintained that agriculture was the principal sustain of a -nation's wealth, he did not fail to recognize the importance of -manufacturing, and endeavored to foster that industry through the -dissemination of works of an educative character, the enactment of -protective laws, and the founding of model establishments. Of equal rank -with Campomanes, though not as effective in achieving reforms, was -Jovellanos, while there was hardly a minister of prominence in the -entire period who did not attain to some distinction as an economist. -The general effect of the reforms was beneficial, making itself felt in -all branches of the production, exchange, and consumption of goods, as -well as in an increase in population. Thus the 5,700,000 inhabitants of -Spain at the beginning of the era had nearly doubled by 1787, when the -total was 10,409,879 (or 10,286,150 by another estimate), and had still -further increased to 10,541,221 in 1797. The following table of -occupations for these two years is interesting both as showing the -economic distribution of the population and as indicating the direction -of the reforms. - - -------------------------------+------------+----------- - | 1787 | 1797 - -------------------------------+------------+----------- - Ecclesiastics | 182,425 | 168,248 - Nobles | 480,589 | 402,059 - Employees (of the government?) | 41,014 | 31,981 - Soldiery | 77,884 | 149,340 - Students | 50,994 | 29,812 - Farmers and (farm?) laborers | 1,871,768 | 1,677,172 - Manufacturers and artisans | 310,739 | 533,769 - Servants | 280,092 | 174,095 - Merchants | No figures | 25,685 - -------------------------------+------------+----------- - -The discrepancies between the two columns are in part accounted for by -the fact that Spain was at peace in 1787, and at war with England in -1797. In a total of some 3,000,000 workers it is notable that the -majority were devoted to agricultural pursuits (including about 100,000 -engaged in pastoral labors), showing that the cultivation of the soil -was the principal basis of the national life. The vast number of -ecclesiastics, nobles, and servants, nearly a third of the total, is -eloquent of the social problem which the government had to face. In the -course of ten years they had fallen away to less than a fourth of the -whole. Statistics as to density of population showed Guipzcoa, -Valencia, Asturias, Navarre, and Vizcaya in the lead, with respectively -eighty, forty-eight, forty-seven, forty-three, and forty-two inhabitants -to the square kilometer. Andalusia had thirty-nine, Granada and -Catalonia thirty-four each, Aragon only twenty-one, while Extremadura -with fourteen and La Mancha and Cuenca with thirteen each brought up the -rear. In total population Galicia led with 1,345,000. Catalonia had -814,412, Valencia 783,084, Andalusia 754,293, Granada 661,661, and -Aragon 623,308. Large urban groups were rare; there were fewer than -forty cities with a population of 10,000, and seventeen of them were in -Andalusia. The four largest cities were Madrid (156,000), Barcelona -(115,000), Seville (96,000), and Valencia (80,000). Economic prosperity -did not correspond exactly with these figures, for the factors of -climate, soil, irrigation, and nearness to the sea entered into the -situation. - -[Sidenote: Wretched state of domestic life.] - -[Sidenote: Obstacles in the way of economic reforms.] - -Despite the great body of reforms carried out, the problem was -overwhelming, and much of the country was still in a backward state at -the end of the era. Aragon and Old Castile were in a miserable -condition, not nearly equalling their agricultural possibilities, and La -Mancha was in a far worse plight. The number of large-sized towns in -Andalusia gave that land an appearance of wealth and prosperity which -was not borne out by the facts, if the situation of the country -districts were taken into account. The character of Spanish houses at -this time was also expressive of the national economic shortcomings. -Cave houses and adobe huts with roofs of straw abounded in Castile. The -houses of Galicia were described as having walls of unpolished stone, -often without cement, reaching scarcely higher than a man's head, with -great slabs of rock for a roof; the doorway and a hole in the roof -served as the only means for the penetration of light and for the escape -of smoke; and the domestic animals and the family made common use of the -wretched house. In the Basque provinces, Navarre, and Valencia the homes -were much better, besides being cleaner, although a lack of glass -windows, chimneys, and furniture was quite general in all parts of -Spain. Through French influences these defects were beginning to be -overcome as the era approached a close. If to this miserable state of -the domestic life there is added the ignorance of the people (who -resisted innovations designed to benefit them), the economic inequality -resulting from the concentration of vast landed estates in a few hands, -the difficulty of communications, the burdens of taxation, the -mismanagement of the administration (despite the efforts of enlightened -ministers), the frequency of wars, and the persistence of a spirit of -repugnance to labor (leading to a resort to mendicancy or vagabondage or -to a reliance upon a somewhat questionably desirable charity) it becomes -clear why the economic situation should have been considered perhaps the -most urgent problem which the Spanish ministers had to solve, and their -failure to overcome all of the difficulties can be understood. According -to Campomanes there was an army of 140,000 beggars and vagabonds in -Spain in his day, most of whom were able to work and might have found -something to do. He and the other ministers of Charles III endeavored to -solve the matter by putting the physically able women in workhouses, the -men in the army and navy, and the old and infirm in homes for the aged -and in hospitals, but owing to the lack of funds these projects could -not be carried out in entirety. - -[Sidenote: Constructive attempts of the state and private individuals to -overcome economic evils.] - -The evils of the economic situation being clear, efforts were made, -especially in the reign of Charles III, to correct them at their -sources. To combat the ignorance, indifference, and in some cases the -laziness and prejudice of the masses with regard to labor technical and -primary schools were founded and model shops and factories established; -prizes were awarded for debates and papers on various industrial -subjects; printed manuals, including many translated from foreign -languages, were scattered broadcast; teachers and skilled laborers from -foreign lands were induced to come to Spain, and Spaniards were -pensioned to go abroad to study; privileges, exemptions, and monopolies -were granted to persons distinguishing themselves by their initiative -and zeal in industry; and laws were passed to raise the dignity of -manual labor. In this campaign the government received substantial aid -from private individuals. In 1746 the first of the _Sociedades -Econmicas de los Amigos del Pas_ (economic societies of the friends of -the country) was founded. In 1766 its statutes were published, serving -thenceforth as the model for other like institutions in Spain, all of -them devoted philanthropically to the encouragement of agriculture and -other phases of the economic life of their particular district. Nobles, -churchmen, and members of the wealthy middle class formed the backbone -of these societies, of which there were sixty-two in 1804. Many of them -published periodicals, or founded schools for the study of such subjects -as agriculture, botany, chemistry, the various trades, stenography, and -economics. To promote the cultivation of the soil the state itself -assisted in schemes for the colonization of waste lands. The most famous -instance was that of the government colonies in the Sierra Morena -country of northern Andalusia. In 1766 a certain Bavarian adventurer -offered to bring six thousand German and Flemish laborers to settle that -district. Charles III favored the project, and it was at once -undertaken. For a time it was successful; a number of settlements were -made,--there were forty-one in 1775,--and considerable crops were -raised. In the end the project failed, due to bad administration, lack -of funds, the imposition of heavy taxes, the opposition of the clergy to -the predominantly lay spirit of the undertaking, the jealousies arising -between the Spanish and foreign elements (for many of the colonists were -Spaniards), and the failure to provide adequate means of communication -whereby the colonists could export their surplus products. Some of the -towns continued to exist, however, and the project was influential in -causing private individuals to attempt colonizations, several of which -were successful. Among other constructive governmental measures were -the removal of the legal obstacles to the sale or division of waste -lands or lands common, the restriction of the privileges of the _Mesta_, -the betterment of the conditions surrounding leases (favoring the -prolongation of the period of the lease, and aiming to assist the -individual who actually cultivated the soil), and the reduction of -customs duties or a grant of complete freedom of entry in the case of -certain raw materials used in Spanish manufacturing establishments. -Public works were also undertaken, such as the construction of -irrigation canals, though many were not completed or were made so -imperfectly that they soon went to ruin; great highways to open up the -peninsula were planned, and under Charles III much work upon them was -done, though not enough to meet the needs of the country; an efficient -mail service was developed by Floridablanca; shipbuilding was -encouraged; banditry and piracy were to a great extent suppressed; -government support was given to commercial companies; and a national -bank was established by Charles III,--which failed in the reign of -Charles IV. The government also intervened in problems of local -subsistence, with a view to maintaining articles of prime necessity at a -low price and in sufficient quantity, but its action in this particular -did not always produce the desired result. Finally, the government -interested itself in charity. Benevolent institutions were founded, not -only with a view to checking mendicancy and vagabondage, but also to -provide homes for unfortunate women, insane persons, and orphans. -Private individuals gave liberally for these purposes, or founded -charitable organizations, which rendered service of a somewhat -remarkable character in succoring the poor, building hospitals, and -rescuing children. Mutual benefit societies were formed, reaching into -every walk of life, and some of these, termed _montepos_ or _montes de -piedad_, were made compulsory for the employes of the government; thus -the _montepo_ for soldiers, dating from 1761, served as a pension -system whereby some provision was made for the widows and orphans of the -deceased. All of these reforms encountered the difficulties arising from -ignorance, conservatism, the resistance of vested interests, graft, and -bureaucratic cumbersomeness which have already been discussed. The very -immensity of the reforms projected was against their satisfactory -execution, for more was tried than could be done well. Other obstacles -already mentioned, such as bad administration, insufficiency of funds, -and lack of persistence, contributed to the same result. Nevertheless, -though plans outran accomplishment, a vast amount was done, especially -in the reign of Charles III, when the spirit of the era reached its -culminating point. - -[Sidenote: Obstacles to agricultural development and attempts to -overcome them.] - -To form a correct idea of the state of agriculture in this period it is -necessary to note how the lands of the peninsula were distributed. At -the beginning of the nineteenth century, after a hundred years of effort -directed to the release of realty, the church possessed 9,093,400 -_fanegas_[66] of land, the nobles 28,306,700, and the plebeian class -17,599,000, but the greater part of the estates of both the nobles and -the plebeians was entailed, and therefore impossible of alienation, -closing the door to the growth of a class of small proprietors. The -proportion of proprietors to population was only one in forty. In vila, -for example, the church owned 239,591 _fanegas_, 157,092 were entailed, -and only 8160 were cultivated by owners who resided in the neighborhood. -The small proprietor was to be found principally in the north and east, -but he was far outnumbered, even in those regions, by the lessees of -lands, who were also the overwhelmingly strongest element numerically in -Castile. The forms of renting were various, both as to the type of -payment required and as to the length of term. Where the term was -practically hereditary, conditions were much better, approximating those -of the small proprietor. In Andalusia _latifundia_ were the rule, -cultivated in only a portion of the estate by day laborers, who were -employed at certain seasons of the year, living in a state of great -misery at other times. This evil was tempered in Extremadura by the -utilization of lands common. Despite the sincere attempts of the -government to encourage agriculture, that industry was still in an -extremely backward state at the close of the era, with only a little of -the cultivable ground planted, an insufficient development of -irrigation, and a lack of fencing. Valencia and the Basque provinces -were the most nearly prosperous regions; the others were in a wretched -state. In addition to the governmental reforms already referred to, the -following may be mentioned: several laws of Charles III forbade owners -to dispossess tenants arbitrarily, and even went so far as to prohibit -ejectments unless the owner should consent to reside on his lands and -cultivate them; attempts were made to procure reforestation, partly with -a view to conserving the water supply, but the national repugnance to -trees was so great that the laws were not carried out; and the abusive -privileges of the _Mesta_ were attacked by Charles III, and in the next -reign, in 1795, the separate jurisdiction of that organization was taken -away, but as the laws did not clearly authorize the enclosure of -cultivable lands the relief to agriculture was slight. Wheat was the -principal crop, supplying more than enough, in normal years, for the -needs of the peninsula. Grapes were also raised in large quantities, and -were made into excellent wines, many of which were exported. For the -rest there were fruits, vegetables, the silkworm, and other things of -the sort which had always been cultivated in the peninsula. Various -kinds of beans, and especially chickpeas (_garbanzos_), were grown in -large quantities, and furnished an important element in the nation's -food. An estimate made in 1812 calculated the total value of farm -products as 72,476,189,159 _reales_ (about $4,500,000,000) yielding -annually some 3,600,000,000 _reales_ (about $225,000,000). - -[Sidenote: Revival of manufacturing.] - -[Sidenote: Mining.] - -[Sidenote: Fishing.] - -[Sidenote: Unsatisfactory state of the laboring classes.] - -In their efforts to revive manufacturing the kings continued during most -of the period to follow the old ideal of state protection and state -initiative in placing industries upon a firm foundation, intervening, -also, to regulate the work on its technical side. In the second half of -the century, especially in the reign of Charles III, the liberal ideas -of the physiocratic school, hostile to all forms of government -regulation, brought about the employment of a new system, leaving -matters to the decision of the individuals concerned. Laws were now -passed removing the prohibitions of earlier years. Joined with the -educative measures already referred to, such as the establishment of -model factories and the importation of foreign workmen, the new methods -brought about a revived intensity of industrial life. Much the same -things as formerly were made; the textile factories of Catalonia and -Andalusia were the most prosperous. The chemical industries and those -having to do with the preparation of foods did not develop equally with -others. The Americas continued to be one of the principal supports of -Spanish manufacturing, as a purchaser of the goods made in the -peninsula. After centuries of scant productivity in mining, Spain began -again to yield more nearly in accord with her natural wealth. A great -variety of mineral products was mined, although very little of precious -metals. On the other hand the formerly prosperous fishing industry was -in a state of decline. In 1803 it was estimated that the total -industrial yield for that year was 1,152,660,707 _reales_ (about -$72,000,000). The revival, however, was of an ephemeral character, for -the social factors affecting labor were too grave a handicap. -Thoroughgoing popular instruction was necessary before there could be -any permanent advance; the Spanish laborer was able enough, but needed -to be rescued from his abysmal ignorance. Wages were low. In 1786 the -ordinary laborer of Seville earned four and a half _reales_ (about $.28) -a day; in Barcelona the average was eight _reales_ ($.50). Agricultural -laborers in Andalusia made from three and a half to five _reales_ ($.22 -to $.33) a day; shepherds got two pounds of bread daily and 160 _reales_ -($10) a year. To be sure, money was worth more than now. Work was not -always steady, with the result that famine and beggary were frequent. -There was no such thing as organized labor; to go on strike was a crime. -The only remedy of the laborer against his employer was an appeal to the -_corregidor_, but this was so ineffectual that it was rarely tried. - -[Sidenote: Obstacles to Spanish commerce and efforts to overcome them.] - -Attempts were made to combat the obstacles which hindered Spanish -commerce. Unable to compete with other European countries in the export -trade, except as concerned small quantities of certain raw materials, -Spain was hard pressed to maintain an advantage in her own domestic and -American field. At the beginning of the century many of the laws tended -in fact to discriminate against Spaniards, as witness the heavy export -duties, which were collected according to bulk, thus operating against -the type of products which Spain most frequently sent abroad. Charles -III changed this system, collecting duties according to the nature of -the goods as well as paying regard to weight, and charging a higher rate -against foreign cargoes. Taxes were numerous in kind and heavy in -amount, wherefore smuggling and graft overcame some of the beneficial -effects which might have been expected from this legislation. Protective -tariffs and prohibitions were also employed to encourage Spanish -manufactures and trade, but particular exigencies often caused a -reversal of this policy in the case of certain items of foreign make. -Thus the importation of foreign muslins was forbidden in 1770, but in -1789 the prohibition was removed when it was found that local -manufacture did not suffice for the country's needs. A series of decrees -by Charles III endeavored also to reduce the coinage to systematic -order, but the multiplicity of coins and the retention of provincial -moneys militated against complete success. The prohibition against the -export of coin was maintained, but licenses to take out certain -quantities were granted on payment of a three per cent duty. -Practically, the prohibition was a dead letter, owing to the prevalence -of smuggling, and it served as a hindrance to commerce. An ineffectual -attempt was made in 1801 to unify the system of weights and measures. -Lack of an adequate merchant marine and an insufficiency of good ports, -despite the efforts to remedy the situation in both cases, were still -further obstacles to Spanish trade, whereas such an excellent port as -Vigo had no suitable highway to connect it with the interior. Bands of -mules continued to be used as the principal carrying agency in land -commerce. Improper methods of keeping books were a handicap, but the -paternalistic nature of the government made itself felt, requiring -business men to employ a good method of accounting, and specifying the -precise way in which they should do it. Finally, trading had usually -been considered incompatible with nobility. The stigma was in a measure -removed, although only in the case of business on a large scale, and -some of the nobles became merchants. - -[Sidenote: Mercantile machinery of the era.] - -Mercantile machinery found its highest official expression in the _Junta -de Comercio y Moneda_. This was reorganized in 1705, at which time it -was provided that the Councils of Castile, the Indies and Finance -(_Hacienda_) should be represented respectively by three, five, and two -members, the _Casa de Contratacin_ by one, and the French nation by -two, besides one of the royal secretaries. The importance of the -American and French trades was clearly manifested in this arrangement. -This body served as a court with jurisdiction in all matters concerning -trade. In 1730 it was succeeded by the _Junta de Moneda_ (_Junta_, or -Council, of Coinage), to which was added jurisdiction in matters -concerning mines (1747), foreigners (1748), and the "five greater guilds -of Madrid" (1767 and 1783). Regional _juntas_ were also created. The -_consulados_, though of private origin, occupied an intermediate -position between the other private and the official bodies, owing to the -intervention of the state and to the reorganization of the _consulados_ -in the middle and later eighteenth century. In addition to their -functions as a mercantile court they acquired a vast number of duties of -a public character, such as the care of ports and the creation of -schools of navigation. Certain _consulados_ had special functions,--for -example, the _consulado_ of Cdiz attended to supplying the province -with grain and flour, and had charge of the establishment of tariffs and -lotteries. The _consulados_ were repaid for these services by a grant of -a portion of the customs duties, a right worth 6,000,000 _reales_ -($375,000) a year in Cdiz and one third of that amount in Alicante. -They compromised their wealth by making loans to the crown, which -brought about their ruin. At the end of the eighteenth century there -were fourteen _consulados_ in Spain, each differing from the others but -all following rather closely the new ordinances (1737) for the -_consulado_ of Bilbao as a type. In the smaller cities and towns local -officials were wont to appoint two men as _diputados de comercio_ -(commercial deputies) to act for that neighborhood in the capacity of a -_consulado_. There were various other mercantile groups of a more -clearly private character, and their associations were encouraged by the -government. The so-called "five greater guilds of Madrid," including -dealers in jewelry, silks, gold and silver ware, cloths, linens, spices -(and groceries?), and drugs, was the most important of these -organizations. Its business was so enormous that it extended beyond -Madrid to other cities, and put up factories for the manufacture of the -goods it sold. In 1777 there were 375 merchants in this corporation, -with a capital of some 210,000,000 _reales_ ($13,125,000). Other -associations were formed for special objects, such as to buy goods in -great quantities and therefore more cheaply, or to carry merchandise in -their own ships. Many companies were organized specifically for trading -with the Americas. In the fluctuations of commerce one fact stood out -consistently: the balance of trade was heavily against Spain. In 1789 -exports were valued at 289,973,980 _reales_ (about $18,000,000) as -against imports of 717,397,388 (nearly $45,000,000). Internal commerce -amounted to an estimated 2,498,429,552 _reales_ (about $156,000,000). -The wars of the reign of Charles IV almost destroyed Spanish commerce. -Cdiz in particular was a heavy loser. - -[Sidenote: Important place of foreigners in Spanish commerce.] - -The intervention of foreigners in the commerce of Spain, which had given -so much concern in the previous era, was an even greater problem under -the Bourbons. Many factors contributed to make this the case: the -industrial decline of the seventeenth century, which favored the -importation of foreign goods; the eighteenth century efforts for an -economic revival, which led to the seeking out of foreign models and -foreign teachers or workmen; the encouragement given to Frenchmen as a -result of the Bourbon entry into Spain; and defeats in war, which -necessitated Spain's submission to the exactions of her opponents (many -of whom insisted upon commercial privileges) or the legalization of -trade usurpations which they had indulged in without right. In the -Americas the English were the most prominent element, but in Spain the -French were. The leading French merchants established themselves in -Cdiz, the gateway of the Americas, whence they proceeded to absorb a -great part of Spain's profits from the new world. In 1772 there were -seventy-nine French wholesale houses in Cdiz, making an estimated -annual profit of 4,600,000 _reales_ (nearly $300,000). In 1791 there -were 2701 Frenchmen in that city out of a total foreign population of -8734. Numerically, the Italians were more in evidence, for there were -5018 of them, mostly Genoese. There were some Englishmen, too, whose -aggregate capital made up for their small number. In general the -legislation of the era was favorable to foreigners. Their knowledge and -labor were so greatly desired that they were even granted special -privileges or exemptions to take up their residence in Spain, and the -religious bar was ameliorated or utterly withdrawn. Popular opinion was -against them, however, and the laws were not wholly free from this -influence. Men complained, as formerly, that the foreigners were making -immense profits and stifling Spanish competition, while the hatreds -engendered by the wars with England and France and by the scant respect -and haughty manners which some foreigners displayed for the laws and -customs of Spain tended to increase the feeling of opposition. -Foreigners were often ill-treated, although the acts were rarely -official. Even the government did not recognize consuls as having any -special rights or immunities differentiating them from others of their -nation. A further accusation against foreigners was that they engaged in -contraband trade. This was true, although as a rule it was done in -complicity with corrupt Spanish officials. Foreigners justified -themselves on the ground that unless they were willing to make gifts to -Spaniards in authority they were obliged to suffer a thousand petty -annoyances. "Money and gifts," said the French ambassador, Vaulgrenant, -"have always been the most efficacious means of removing the -difficulties which can be raised, on the slightest pretext, against -foreign merchants. That has been the recourse to which the English have -always applied themselves, with good results." The fact remains, -however, that the French, English, and others had entered the commercial -field in Spain and Spanish America to stay. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII - -INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITIES, 1700-1808 - - -[Sidenote: General characteristics of intellectual life in Spain and the -Americas.] - -In intellectual expression, as well as in other phases of Spain's -national life, the eighteenth century was a period of recovery from the -degradation which marked the close of the preceding era. Spain placed -herself abreast of the times, but not as formerly in a leading position; -among the many who distinguished themselves by their achievements there -were few who attained to a European reputation, and perhaps only one, -the painter Goya, may be reckoned with the immortals. On the other hand -Spain entered more definitely into the general current of western -European thought than at any previous time in her history; intellectual -activities in France reacted almost at once in Spain, and the influences -springing out of Italy and England were potent. The Americas began to -take over the intellectual side of their Spanish heritage much more -completely than before, and while not nearly approximating the mother -country in the amount or excellence of their contributions furnished -illustrious names in almost every branch worthy to stand beside those of -their contemporaries in Spain. Education there became more general, more -secular, and more highly regarded than ever before. Two obstacles, -however, were a serious check upon the development of a broad culture in -the colonies: the problems of race, reducing the number of those able to -participate, and lessening the desirability of a propaganda for the -ideal involved; and the suspicions of the Spanish-controlled government, -lest ideas convert themselves into thoughts of revolution. - -[Sidenote: Progress in education.] - -Cultivated Spaniards of the eighteenth century had a clear understanding -of the national problem of education, realizing (just as they did with -regard to matters having an economic bearing) the profound ignorance of -the masses and the decadent state of the institutions upon which they -had to rely to combat it. The mass of the people were not only -illiterate but also full of almost ineradicable superstitions and the -conservatism of the undeveloped mind. In 1766 Queen Amalia, the wife of -Charles III, wrote to Tanucci (one of Charles' leading ministers while -he was king of Naples), "In everything (in Spain) there is something of -barbarism, together with great pride." As for the women, she said, "One -does not know what to talk about with them; their ignorance is beyond -belief." This pessimistic view finds ample corroboration in the writings -of the Benedictine Feyjo, or Feijo (1676-1764), and Jovellanos, both -of whom devoted themselves to the struggle against the defects in -Spanish mentality and its expression, leaving published works which -touched upon virtually every phase of the intellectual life, or its -lack, in the Iberian Peninsula. The endeavors of these men and numerous -others to regenerate the country were not wholly in obedience to the -national necessity or to patriotism, but responded also to the general -current of humanitarianism and philanthropy characteristic of the -eighteenth century. The close relationship of Spain with France during -most of the era and the conditions of peace imposed by Protestant -countries as a result of their military successes had favored the -penetration of these ideas into Spain, where they were taken up by the -well-to-do elements of the nobility, the clergy, and the wealthy middle -class. The great nobles furnished few of the illustrious names of the -period, although there were some exceptions (for example, the Count of -Fernn-Nez and the Count of Aranda), but they gave both financial and -moral support to the efforts for intellectual reform. Some of those who -held high office, notably Godoy, aided authors in the publication of -their works or the continuation of their studies, giving them official -employment, or subsidies, or bringing out their volumes through the -royal printing establishment. Despite the characterization of them by -Queen Amalia, the women shared in the intellectual activities of the -age. Thus there was a revival of interest in education, but with a -difference from the spirit which had dominated the works of Vives and -others of the Hapsburg era; now the ideal was that of secular education -without the intervention of the clergy. Encyclopedism and monarchism -worked together to this end, while the expulsion of the Jesuits helped -greatly to make its attainment possible, although the new attitude did -not go so far as to oppose religion; indeed, that remained the basis of -primary education. All this manifested itself with especial force -beginning with the reign of Charles III, but precedents were not lacking -in earlier years. It made itself felt chiefly in the sphere of -professional training, in instruction in the humanities, and in -university education, but it did not fail to produce effects of -undoubted value on the primary schools. - -[Sidenote: Efforts for the betterment of primary and secondary -education.] - -Primary education, which had always received scant attention, was the -subject of some legislation under Charles III, both to expand and to -better it. To make certain of the capacity of the teachers examinations -were required of them in reading, writing, and arithmetic. In 1768 -orders were given for the establishment of primary schools for girls in -the principal towns of Spain, and some of the confiscated Jesuit funds -were applied to this object. An important law of 1780 went into the -whole matter of primary education in the city of Madrid. In the early -years of the reign of Charles IV the _corregidores_ and _alcaldes_ of -all towns were ordered to inspect schools, and were requested to inquire -what towns, including those of the lords, the church, and the military -orders, lacked them or were failing to provide sufficiently for those -which they had. In 1795 the _Cortes_ of Navarre voted in favor of -compulsory education. Furthermore, private individuals followed the -example of the public authorities, and founded schools. Nevertheless, -the census of 1787 showed only about a fourth of the children between -the ages of seven and sixteen attending school. Conditions were still -very bad for the teachers, whose salaries were so small that they could -not live on them, while vexatious regulations were also a handicap to -the free development of the schools. The teachers were imbued with the -pedagogical ideas of Rousseau, while Godoy attempted to bring about the -introduction of the methods of Pestalozzi. Both Godoy and Jovellanos had -extensive plans for the spread of primary education, but political -exigencies interrupted the projects of the former, while the latter's -brief period of rule gave hardly time enough for the execution of his -ideas. The interest of the government, of individuals, and of the -_Amigos del Pas_ societies in popular technical education has already -been discussed. The institutions for the study of the humanities, -roughly corresponding with the modern secondary schools (at least in -that they were a grade below the universities), were also reformed by -the government, following the expulsion of the Jesuits. In the same year -(1767) it was provided that the places of the former Jesuit teachers in -the Jesuit-taught schools of nobles and in the nineteen Jesuit colleges -should be filled by competitive examinations. In 1768 similar -institutions were ordered to be founded in such _villas_ and cities as -had no university. Meanwhile, the municipal, conventual, and private -schools continued to exist, as in earlier times; Ferdinand VI and -Charles III enacted legislation with a view to limiting their numbers -and alleviating the bad condition of some of them. - -[Sidenote: Royal attempts at reform in university education.] - -The twenty-four Spanish universities of this period were leading a life -of languor and scant utility down to the reign of Charles III, -struggling against the handicaps of a diminution in rents and students -and the competition of the Jesuits, More serious still was the decline -of university instruction. Studies were reduced to little more than the -memorizing of books, without any attempt at scientific investigation; -such little effort was made to keep abreast of the times that the great -University of Alcal had in a library of seventeen thousand volumes only -some five hundred setting forth the current doctrines of other -countries; and many professorships had become sinecures for indigent -nobles. The reformers were eager to overcome these evils, and took the -course which seemed most natural in their day, that of bringing the -universities under royal control so that the benevolent state might -introduce the desired changes. In 1769 Charles III appointed a director -for each university, to whom the life of the particular institution was -to be subject; later in the same year he gave orders for a new and -better plan of studies; in 1770 a censor was added to each university by -royal appointment, with the duty of watching over the program of studies -and assuring himself of the correctness of the religious and political -views (favoring absolutism) of prospective graduates, and at the same -time the universities were asked to suggest further reforms. Most of -them delayed their replies as long as possible, for the greater number -of the university officers were opposed to change, but the king -proceeded to make reforms, nevertheless. Between 1771 and 1787 the -greater universities were subjected to such revisions of their former -methods as the following: the presentation of new courses and the -amplification of old ones; the provision of a better opportunity to win -professorships by merit; the introduction of new texts; changes in the -methods of obtaining degrees; and the virtual appointment of the rector, -or president, by the _Consejo_. Godoy and Jovellanos in the next reign -carried on the reforming spirit of the ministers of Charles III. In all -of these reforms attempts were made to better the methods of teaching as -well as the programs of study. Thus, in 1774 professors were invited to -reduce their lectures to writing and make a gift of them to their -university, and prizes were offered for the publication of new texts or -the translation of foreign volumes. Nevertheless, the majority of the -reforms produced but a slender result, for the men charged with putting -them into effect were already trained in the old ideas, finding it -impossible to enter into the spirit of the new. - -[Sidenote: Special institutions of learning and scientific production.] - -Possibly because they realized that the universities could not be -depended upon to solve the problem of higher education and scientific -output, the reformers created a long series of institutions of a special -character to attain these ends. Thus, schools of medicine, surgery, the -physical sciences, mathematics, jurisprudence, military art, astronomy, -engineering of various types, botany, mineralogy, natural history, -machinery, and others were founded, while a number of royal academies, -or learned societies, were established, among which may be mentioned -those of the Spanish tongue (1713), history (1738), and the fine arts -(1752). Many foreign teachers and scientists were brought to Spain, but -since any permanent advantage had to come from the efforts of Spaniards -a number of students from the peninsula were sent abroad. Similarly, the -government paid the expenses of numerous expeditions, which were largely -or often wholly for objects of a scientific character. As examples of -this phase of the state's activity may be mentioned the visit of Juan -and Ulloa to South America in 1735 with several French academicians, to -measure various degrees of the meridian at the equator in order to -determine the shape of the earth; that of the astronomers Doz and Medina -to Baja California in 1769 in company with the Frenchman Chappe -d'Autereche, to observe the transit of Venus; and the numerous Spanish -voyages to the northwest coast of North America in the last quarter of -the eighteenth century, of which the best known, perhaps, is that of -Malaspina, who set out in 1791 to prove the existence or non-existence -of the alleged Strait of Anian through the continent of North America. -This was an age, too, of official accumulation of libraries; the royal -library, forerunner of the present-day Biblioteca Nacional, was thrown -open to the public in 1714. Archives, also, were reorganized and their -contents put in order. Such was the case with those of Simancas and the -crown of Aragon, while many documents relating to the Americas were -taken from the former in 1785 to make a beginning of the great Archivo -General de Indias at Seville. Manuscripts were utilized, as well as -merely arranged, resulting both in documented volumes and in printed -collections of papers,--such, for example, as the _Espaa sagrada_, or -Sacred Spain (1747-1773), a collection of diplomas, chronicles, -charters, and other old manuscripts in ecclesiastical archives, with a -view to making accessible the more important materials for the history -of the church; this great work, begun by Father Flrez, eventually -reached fifty-one volumes. This period also marked the beginning of -scientific periodical literature in Spain, occasionally as the result of -private initiative, but often as a government enterprise, or at least at -state expense wholly or in part. The outbreak of the French Revolution -caused the royal authorities to suspend most of these periodicals, but -there was a return to a more liberal policy under Godoy. - -[Sidenote: Slight effect of educational reforms.] - -All of these efforts to rouse the nation from its intellectual lethargy -encountered such obstacles as have already been mentioned in dealing -with other phases of Spanish life in this period. Principal among them -was the ignorance of the people. Great as were the endeavors of the -reformers, they were unable to make the masses respond as quickly as -could have been wished, while even on the bourgeois and upper classes -the effect of the reforms was slight. Many interests directly opposed -the new ideas, finding danger in them for the institutions which they -represented. This was particularly true of the clergy as regards -innovations in the intellectual life of the country. The state itself, -prime mover in so many of the reforms, drew back when anything was -suggested which seemed to impinge upon the royal prerogative. In the -reign of Charles IV a distinct note of reaction began to make itself -felt, coming to its full fruition at a later time under the autocratic -Ferdinand VII. - -[Sidenote: Spanish contributions to experimental science.] - -One of the principal characteristics of the intellectual movement of the -eighteenth century was the reawakened interest in the experimental -sciences, representing a return to the Spanish traditions of the -sixteenth century. If Spain furnished fewer great names and achievements -at this time than formerly, nevertheless she made a notable recovery -from the low position she held at the close of the seventeenth century, -and in some respects, especially in natural science, produced men able -to rank with their contemporaries in other lands. In keeping with the -practical bent of Spanish character Spaniards were more famous for their -applications of scientific discoveries than for their contributions to -pure science. Just as in the previous era, the Americas furnished a -prominent field for scientific investigations. In the realm of botany, -perhaps more than in anything else, Spaniards distinguished themselves. -A list of the greatest names of the period would include Mutis, Mocio, -Sess, Ruiz, Pavn, and Molina, whose works dealt with the _flora_ of -Bogot, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Chile, especially in their -practical applications in medicine and otherwise. To their names should -be added those of Cavanilles and Sarmiento, whose writings had to do -with the _flora_ of Valencia and Galicia. Under Philip V a botanical -garden was projected, and it was founded at Madrid in the reign of -Ferdinand VI. Other cities soon followed this example. Zoology and -mineralogy were less prominently studied, and in the latter field Spain -began to make more use of foreign specialists than in the Golden Age. A -considerable impulse to the natural sciences was given by the founding, -by Charles III, of the important museum at Madrid, in which existing -collections were brought together and to which various specimens from -the Americas were added. Another factor was the sending out of -scientific expeditions, mostly in or to the Americas, in which respect, -according to the testimony of Humboldt, Spain expended more than any -other European government. Meritorious work in physics and chemistry was -also done by Spaniards,--for example, the discoveries of Ruiz de -Luzuriaga and Salv in the realm of magnetic fluids and electricity, the -discovery of tungsten by the Elhuyar brothers, and the demonstration by -Antonio de Ulloa of the existence of platinum,--even though foreigners -were to carry these findings still further. Medicine advanced out of the -stagnation which had characterized it in the later seventeenth century, -although it continued to be in a backward state in the Americas. - -[Sidenote: Mathematics and geography.] - -The scientific movement of the eighteenth century reached the field of -mathematics and kindred branches, producing much valuable work, though -usually in the field of their practical applications. In the case of -mathematics the decline had even reached the point of the negation of -that science as a field for study. The Jesuits reintroduced it in their -colleges, but it remained for the ministers of Charles III to restore it -to its earlier strong footing by creating professorships of mathematics -in the universities and in the schools of higher learning devoted to -special fields. Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, better known for their -expedition to South America and their authorship of the _Noticias -secretas_, or Secret notices (not published until 1826), about -conditions there, were among those who distinguished themselves in this -subject. Geographical productivity was not so great as in the preceding -era, since colonial conquests were less far-reaching than before, but -for the single reign of Charles III there was almost as much in the way -of geographical accounts and maps as at any time in the past. The names -of Prez, Heceta, Bodega, Ayala, Arteaga, Lpez de Haro, Elisa, and -Fidalgo are only a few of the many who commanded expeditions in the new -world designed in part for the acquisition of geographical information, -though with political motives involved as well. In 1797 the Depsito -Hidrogrfico was founded in Madrid to serve as a centre for the -preparation and storing of maps. This institution published many notable -maps of the various parts of Spain's colonies. - -[Sidenote: Philosophy.] - -[Sidenote: Jurisprudence.] - -[Sidenote: Economics and politics.] - -Philosophical studies were influenced by the current ideas of the age. -At the outset educational institutions maintained what they termed the -traditional doctrine, which was in fact no more than the dry bones of -the past, serving only as a hindrance to the entry of anything new, even -in the field which the philosophers pretended to represent. Men -ambitious of knowledge resorted to the theories which then enjoyed high -repute in countries considered as leaders in the world of thought, and -even churchmen, who were usually among the more conservative elements, -were influenced by such of the philosophic systems as seemed least -dangerous to orthodox beliefs,--such as a certain sensationalism and -experimentation in philosophy,--and they were even affected by an -infiltration of encyclopedic ideas. This roused orthodox thinkers to an -active reaction which produced many writings of a polemic character, -although there may hardly be said to have been a veritable philosophic -renaissance. It is interesting to note, however, that even those who -combated the new ideas showed by their works that their own views were -modified by them. Only one name stands out from the rest as worthy to be -ranked with the great thinkers of other lands, that of the logician -Andrs Piquer. In jurisprudence this was a particularly flourishing -period, for juridical studies were more in keeping with the thought and -propaganda in Europe at that time. The writings of Spaniards were -directed to propagating or resisting the new juridical ideas, to the -jurisdictional struggle between state and church, to the questions -arising concerning the government of Spain and the reforms needed, and -to the preparation of manuals for the teaching of law which the -introduction of fresh materials required. The same activity was -displayed in the fields of economics and politics, as has already been -pointed out. The greatest names in these branches were those of -ministers of state like Campillo, Ward, Ensenada, Campomanes, -Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who distinguished themselves by their -writings as well as by their acts in office. In the field of economics -Spanish thinkers, while strongly influenced by the current physiocratic -ideas, were not so completely given over to them as the economists of -other countries; they inclined toward giving an equal consideration to -industrial development, thus foreshadowing the ideas which were soon to -become supreme. - -[Sidenote: Advanced state of historical studies.] - -Many factors contributed to make this a brilliant period in Spanish -historical literature. Indeed, in this field of studies more than in any -other Spaniards attained to renown, even though they fell short of the -glorious achievements of the historians of the preceding era. The -disputes arising from the various aspects of eighteenth century thought -led men to look up precedents and to cite their authorities, while the -frequency with which certain writers set forth false documents -necessarily sharpened the instinct for criticism. A school of critics -sprang up which attacked errors and false statements wherever they found -them, although the intensity of religious life and the power of the -church caused most of the historians to abstain from overthrowing such -legends of a sacred character as had become firmly rooted in the popular -mind. Gregorio Mayns and the Jesuit Masdeu were among the leading -exponents of this school. Books or articles on historical method were -frequent, and most authors of histories were wont to express their -views in the preface to their volumes. These writers, in addition to -their exposition of the rules for criticism and style, displayed a broad -concept as to the content of history, holding that it should be -expressive of the civilizations of peoples. Thus, Masdeu entitled his -history _Historia crtica de Espaa y de la cultura espaola_ (Critical -history of Spain and of Spanish culture). While these ideas had been set -forth by the great writers of the sixteenth century they were now -predominantly held, both in Spain and in Europe generally. This was a -great age for the collection and publication of documents. The already -mentioned _Espaa sagrada_ was a noteworthy example. The new Academy of -History began to perform noteworthy service in this regard. Numerous -copies were made and abundant notes taken by writers like Burriel (real -author of the _Noticia de la California_, or Account about California, -ascribed to Venegas, though a prolific writer also on subjects having -nothing to do with the Americas) and Muoz (first archivist of the -Archivo General de las Indias and author of an _Historia del nuevo -mundo_, or History of the new world) whose materials still remain in -great part unpublished. Reprints of old editions were brought out and -foreign works translated, while vast gatherings of bibliographical data -(in the shape of catalogues, dictionaries of various types of -subject-matter, and regional or subject bibliographies) were made. Many -works of original investigation were written, like those of Masdeu and -Muoz already cited, or the _Vida de Carlos III_ (Life of Charles III) -of Fernn-Nez. A special group of legal and economic historians whose -writings were very important in their bearings on the times might be -made up. Martnez Marina was the principal historian of this class, -although Burriel, Asso, Capmany, Jovellanos, Llorente, Cornejo, and -Campomanes are worthy of mention. Literary history attracted the -erudite. Among the works of this group were studies concerning the -origin and history of the Castilian tongue, including the first -dictionary of the language, published by the Academy (1726-1739), with a -statement of the authorities for the sources of each word. Many of the -writings of the historians already named, besides those of numerous -others, had some reference to the Americas, but the colonies themselves -were the source of a prolific historical literature. Kino, Arlegui, Mota -Padilla, Espinosa, Villa-Seor, Ortega, Burriel, Alegre, Baegert, -Beaumont, Palou, Clavigero, Arricivita, Revilla Gigedo, and Cavo (all -dealing with New Spain, or provinces of that viceroyalty) are only a few -of the writers (most of them colonials) who left volumes which serve -today as a rich source of materials and as an enduring monument to the -names of their authors. - -[Sidenote: Neo-classic influences upon polite literature.] - -The regeneration of Spain made itself felt to a certain extent in the -realm of polite literature, as well as in other forms of Spanish -intellectual life. Cultivated men of letters were desirous of rescuing -Spanish literature from the vices which had fastened upon it at the -close of the seventeenth century, and they turned to the so-called -neo-classic influences then dominant in western Europe, but represented -more particularly by France. Ronsard, Montaigne, Corneille, and others -had already begun to affect Spanish writers of the seventeenth century, -and in the period of the Spanish Bourbons the works of Corneille, -Racine, Marmontel, and Voltaire were offered to Spaniards in -translation. The writings of other foreigners were in like manner made -accessible, such as those of Alfieri, Young, and Milton. So devoted were -the Spanish neo-classicists to their trans-Pyrenean models that they -were unable to see any value in the great Spanish works of the _siglo de -oro_, especially those of the dramatists. They went so far as to propose -the expulsion of the national drama from the Spanish stage (except such -works as could be arranged according to neo-classic tastes) and the -substitution of plays from the French and Italian. Among their tenets -were that of the three unities (of time, place, and action) and one -which required that the action should be reduced to the amount of time -it took to represent it. The greatest of the neo-classicists was Ignacio -de Luzn, whose _Potica_, or Poetics (1737), was the highest and most -creditable example of the doctrine of his school. Naturally, if only -from motives of patriotism, a group of nationalistic authors sprang up -in opposition to the neo-classicists and in defence of the Spanish -literature of the preceding era, but the French influence was so strong -that even this group was much affected by the precepts of the new -school. The public remained faithful to the national writers of the -_siglo de oro_, whose plays formed the principal element in theatrical -representations. Abroad, Spanish writers of the golden age still enjoyed -a repute which their countrymen were seeking to deny them. English and -German writers continued to translate or avail themselves of the works -of Cervantes and the picaresque novels, while the _Gil Blas_ of the -Frenchman Lesage was a clear-cut, if brilliant, imitation of Spanish -models. The expulsion of the Jesuits, who took up their residence in -Italy, helped to convert Italy from the Hispanophobe attitude which in -company with France she had maintained with regard to Spanish -literature, for the more learned Jesuits were able to demonstrate the -false basis of this feeling, both by their own works, and by their -exposition of the merits of the Spanish writers of the past. The German -Humboldt and the Frenchman Beaumarchais, both of them men of wide -reputation, also took up cudgels in defence of Spain. - -[Sidenote: Achievements of the era in polite literature.] - -Despite the vigorous conflict of the two schools of literature, Spain -was unable to produce writers who could rank with those of the _siglo de -oro_. Epic poetry practically did not exist; oratorical literature, -whether secular or religious, was of slight account; and only one -notable novel appeared in the century, the _Fray Gerundio_ (Brother -Gerund) of the Jesuit Isla. This work, which aimed to ridicule the -sacred oratory of the times, was nevertheless defective in that it -introduced much material foreign to the narrative, but it was in -excellent Spanish and teeming with witty passages. Both in this work, -and in his translation of Lesage's _Gil Blas_, Isla won a place along -with Feyjo as one of the best writers of the day in the handling of -Spanish prose. There were several notable lyric poets, such as Melndez -Valds, Nicols Fernndez de Moratn (usually termed Moratn rather than -Fernndez), the latter's son Leandro, and Quintana. Except for the -younger Moratn all belonged to the patriotic Spanish school. Quintana, -with his philanthropic and liberal note, his solemn, brilliant, and -pompous style, and the rigidity and coldness of his classical rhetoric, -was perhaps the most typical representative of the age. The most marked -achievements in the field of _belles lettres_ were in the drama. At the -beginning of the century Spanish theatres had been closed as the result -of a moral wave which left only the great cities, like Madrid, -Barcelona, Cdiz, and Valencia, with an opportunity to attend dramatical -representations. The entry of French influences and the polemics to -which they gave rise led to a revival of the drama, until it became the -favorite form of literature with both the public and the writers. Only -four dramatists may be said to have displayed unquestioned merits: -Garca de la Huerta, who employed a mixture of the old Spanish methods -with the newer French; the younger Moratn, the most distinguished -representative of the French school; Ramn de la Cruz, who depicted the -life of the Spanish people, and for the first time placed the customs of -the Madrid proletariat on the Spanish stage; and Gonzlez del Castillo, -a worthy rival of the last-named in the same field. This was an era of -great actors, both men and women. - -[Sidenote: Conflict between the baroque and neo-classic styles in -architecture and sculpture.] - -The fine arts experienced the same influences and were the subject of -the same conflicts as occurred in the field of polite literature. At the -outset the baroque style in an even more exaggerated form than in the -preceding era was the principal basis of architecture. This was -vanquished by the classical reaction, born in Italy, and coming to Spain -by way of France. The new art, called neo-classic, or pseudo-classic, -endeavored to return to Roman and what were considered Greek elements, -interpreting them with an artificial and academic correctness which was -entirely lacking in sentiment and warmth. The Academy of Fine Arts -(_Bellas Artes de San Fernando_), established in the reign of Ferdinand -VI, became the stronghold of the neo-classic school, and was able to -make its views prevail, since it was the arbiter as to the style of -public buildings and the dispenser of licenses to engage in the -profession of architecture. The museum of the Prado, Madrid, the work of -Juan Villanueva, may be taken as an example of the neo-classic -edifices. In sculpture the traditional use of painted wood remained a -dominant factor throughout most of the century, although there were -evidences presaging its abandonment. While some small figures -representing popular types were made, the majority of the works of -statuary were for the church, which was by far the most important -customer of the sculptors. Some of the most notable results were those -obtained in the groups for use in the _pasos_, or floats, carried in the -processions of Holy Week. Especially meritorious were those of Salcillo, -greatest of the baroque sculptors. The profuse ornamentation of baroque -art helped to cause a continuance of the use of stone in sculpture, -since it was difficult, with wood, to procure the effects of foliage. -The baroque was soon swept away, however, in favor of the neo-classic -style, of which lvarez was the most distinguished exponent. The same -influences, in both architecture and sculpture, operated in the Americas -as in Spain. Both arts prospered more than they had in the past. - -[Sidenote: Mediocrity of Spanish painting in this era.] - -[Sidenote: Greatness of Goya.] - -At the close of the seventeenth century Spanish painting had fallen -away, until nothing of consequence was being done. A revival commenced -with the accession of Philip V, but the results were not great. The -entire era was filled with the dispute between French and Italian -influences. In the reign of Charles III the German painter Mengs, who -represented a kind of eclecticism which endeavored to combine the -virtues of the masters in the various Italian schools of the great era, -became the idol of Spanish artists and the arbiter of the Academy. No -Spaniard, unless possibly Bayeu and Menndez, is even worthy of -mention,--with one glorious exception. Into an age of painting which had -sunk to mediocrity, when artists were endeavoring to treat their themes -only according to prescribed rules and manners, came Francisco Jos Goya -(1746-1828), the greatest painter of his time and one of the greatest of -all history, deserving of a place with Velzquez, El Greco, and Murillo, -perhaps ranking ahead of the two last-named in the list of superb -exponents of the pictorial art whom Spain has given to the world. The -keynote of his work was the free expression of his own personality, -unhampered by convention. A thorough-going realism, both in -subject-matter and in manner of treatment, was a distinctive feature of -his painting, which sought to represent character, movement, and life. -Even his religious pictures set forth matters as his own eyes saw them, -resulting in the anachronism of scenes from sacred history in which the -figures and the atmosphere were Spanish of Goya's day. He was a most -prolific painter, leaving a vast number of portraits, ranging from those -of members or groups of the royal family from Charles III to Ferdinand -VII (notably the family of Charles IV) to persons of lesser note, some -religious paintings (which are not so convincing as his other works), an -exceptionally large number of scenes depicting popular customs (an -invaluable collection, in which respect Goya was at his best), the -stirringly patriotic pictures of the _Dos de Mayo_ in 1808 and the -executions of the following day, and the two remarkable _majas_ (the one -dressed and the other nude, each being the same person in the same -attitude). Hundreds of his cartoons are still in existence, many of them -exhibiting such freedom from convention and such unrestraint as to have -shocked his contemporaries and many others ever since. Withal he was a -most brilliant, clear, and harmonious colorist, able to get audacious -effects which were extraordinary in his day, a forerunner of the modern -schools. It is worthy of note that the Americas stepped forth in this -period to supply several notable artists comparable with those of the -age in Spain, Goya excepted. - -[Sidenote: The industrial arts.] - -As for the various lesser arts of an industrial character, such as the -making of furniture, articles of gold and silver, rich fabrics, and -vases, the same succession of baroque and neo-classic styles is to be -noted. Thus the furniture of the earlier years affected twisted and -grotesque forms, while it was later shaped upon stiltedly correct lines. -The azulejos industry remained in existence, making use of blue, yellow, -green, and occasionally rose. Gold work was of scant importance, but the -making of tapestries was rather notable; they were combined with the -paintings of leading artists, many of which were supplied by Goya. - -[Sidenote: Spanish music.] - -In the realm of music the realistic and popular indigenous type had to -contend against the Italian school. The latter found favor at court and -among the erudite, but the national product held its own with the -people, appearing especially in the plays of dramatists of the Spanish -school, such as Ramn de la Cruz. Some of the native songs were -mythological or idyllic in character, but usually they were satirical or -funny, interwoven with popular melodies and even with the musical cries -with which street vendors called out their wares, admirably adapted to -the realistic plays in which they were sung. It was to the national -Spanish music that the great foreign masters looked, and this, -therefore, was able to contribute notably to the progress of the art; -Mozart and Rossini were among the composers affected by Spanish -influences. Despite the construction at this time of magnificent organs, -religious music in Spain remained in a state of corruption and decay. -The guitar continued to be the favorite musical instrument. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX - -THE GROWTH OF LIBERALISM, 1808-1898 - - -[Sidenote: The Spanish American wars of independence and the virtual -completion of Spain's gift to the Americas.] - -With the outbreak of the Spanish "War of Independence" against Napoleon -the interest of Spain proper as affecting the Americas almost if not -wholly ceased. Her gift to the new world was by this time complete -except as regards the island dependencies of the West Indies and the -Philippines in the Far East. She was still to have important relations -with the Americas, such as her vain endeavor to suppress the revolutions -of her colonies and her relations with the United States concerning -Florida and Cuba, but those matters belong to the field of Hispanic -American history rather than to that of Spain as conceived in the -present work. In 1808 the news of the accession of Joseph Bonaparte to -the throne of Spain, after Napoleon had wrested the abdication of their -rights from Charles IV and Ferdinand VII, was received in the colonies -with hostile demonstrations, for the majority of Spanish Americans were -loyal to Ferdinand. When in 1809 all the peninsula seemed lost, many -began to hold to the view that relations with Spain, which had always -been rather with the king than with the nation, were severed, and in the -next year certain regions set up governments of their own, thus starting -the movement for independence which ended only with the battle of -Ayacucho in 1824.[67] Circumstances, skilfully directed by separatist -leaders, had led the Americas to proceed out of what was at first a -feeling of patriotism to the royal government to what eventually -resulted in embittered wars against it. The wars were fought largely, -though not wholly, by the colonists themselves, one faction supporting -the newly constituted governmental machinery in the Americas, and the -other following the lead of the changing national rgimes in -Spain,--just as if the war of the American Revolution had been a -conflict of Whigs and Tories. It becomes pertinent, then, to enquire why -Spain did not make a more strenuous effort to overcome the rebellions in -her colonies, which she had always regarded as vital to her, and why she -did not seriously attempt to reconquer them in the course of the -nineteenth century. The answer lies in a statement of the internal -affairs of Spain, who went through one of the most trying periods in the -annals of the peninsula, characterized by an incessant recurrence of -disturbances and even civil war. For Spain herself, however, it was a -period of advance along Liberal lines. Spain gained, though it cost her -an empire. - -[Sidenote: Patriotic Spanish uprising against Napoleon.] - -The years 1808 to 1814 are almost the only time in the century to which -Spaniards may look back with satisfaction and pride, but the glory of -their war against Napoleon may well be regarded by them as compensation -for their losses and degradation in other respects. It took several -weeks for the news of the treachery of Bayonne, followed by the events -of the _Dos de Mayo_, to circulate throughout Spain. When at last the -people comprehended what had happened, a wild outburst of rage against -the French swept the peninsula. Between May 24 and June 10 every region -in the country rose in arms against the invaders, each district acting -independently, but all actuated by the same motives. As an English -writer (Oman) has expressed it: "The movement was spontaneous, -unselfish, and reckless; in its wounded pride, the nation challenged -Napoleon to combat, without any thought of the consequences, without -counting up its own resources or those of the enemy." _Juntas_, or -governing groups, for the various provinces hastily constituted -themselves and prepared for the conflict. There were some 100,000 widely -scattered Spanish troops, between men of the regular army and the -militia, but they were almost wholly unfit to take the field, and as -events proved were badly officered. Against them were about 117,000 -French soldiers in the peninsula (including 28,000 in Portugal), and -though these were far from equalling Napoleon's best military units they -were vastly superior in every technical respect to the Spaniards. If it -had been a mere question of armies in the field there could have been no -doubt as to the outcome in the shape of a decisive French victory, but -something was going on in Spain which Napoleon had never dreamed of and -seemed unable to understand; in a land stirred by the furor of -patriotism such as had permeated all Spain the ordinary rules of -military science had to be left in abeyance. Napoleon thought that all -was over, when things were just about to begin; flying patrols here and -there, a species of mounted police, would be enough, he believed, in -addition to the existing garrisons, to keep the peninsula under control. -It was of a piece with this estimate that he should send General Dupont -with a column of 13,000 men, later reinforced up to 22,000, to effect -the conquest of Andalusia. Dupont found, what other French commanders -were to learn after him, that the only land he could conquer was that -actually occupied at a given time by his soldiers; the country in his -rear rose behind him as surely as the armies before him stood ready at -the first opportunity to oppose his advance. Getting into a difficult -position at Bayln, he surrendered to the Spanish general, Castaos, on -June 23, with 18,000 men. In less than two months the disorganized -Spanish forces had been able to strike a blow such as French arms had -not received for nine years. Meanwhile, Joseph Bonaparte, who had been -designated by Napoleon for the crown of Spain as early as in the month -of March, had been offered the throne on May 13 by the French-dominated -_Junta_ of the Regency, of Madrid, and on June 15 at Bayonne by a -deputation of Spanish nobles who had been ordered to go there for -precisely that purpose. Joseph had entered Madrid in July, but the -capitulation of Bayln caused him to leave that city and retire with -most of his forces behind the Ebro. Thus had the patriots won in their -first trial of arms, and the moral effect of the victory made it -certain, henceforth, that the Spaniards would fight to the end. - -[Sidenote: The Spanish War of Independence.] - -It is not necessary to go into the details of the six year conflict, -which ended only with the fall of Napoleon in 1814, although the French -had been expelled from Spain by the close of the preceding year. English -historians, with a pardonable pride, have been wont to make it appear -that this achievement was primarily a British feat of arms under the -leadership of Sir Arthur Wellesley, the later Duke of Wellington, and, -to be sure, English history does not record a more brilliant series of -campaigns than that of the so-called Peninsula War. It is unlikely that -the Spaniards, unaided, could have driven the French from Spain, for -their armies almost invariably proved unable to defeat the enemy in the -open field, even though they displayed fanatical courage in the defence -of their homes,--as witness the two sieges of Saragossa, desperately -resisted by General Palafox, and the stubborn opposition of General -lvarez in Gerona to the French, who had to waste 20,000 men to take -that post. On the other hand Wellington's victories would have been -impossible but for the indirect aid of the Spanish soldiery. Speaking of -the situation at the close of the year 1810 Oman says: "Enormous as was -the force--over 300,000 men--which the Emperor had thrown into Spain, it -was still not strong enough to hold down the conquered provinces and at -the same time to attack Portugal [where the British army was stationed]. -For this fact the Spaniards must receive due credit; it was their -indomitable spirit of resistance which enabled Wellington, with his -small Anglo-Portuguese army, to keep the field against such largely -superior numbers. No sooner had the French concentrated, and abandoned a -district, than there sprang up in it a local Junta and a ragged apology -for an army. Even where the invaders lay thickest, along the route from -Bayonne to Madrid, guerilla bands maintained themselves in the -mountains, cut off couriers and escorts, and often isolated one French -army from another for weeks at a time. The great partisan chiefs, such -as Mina in Navarre, Julian Sanchez in Leon, and Porlier in the -Cantabrian hills, kept whole brigades of the French in constant -employment. Often beaten, they were never destroyed, and always -reappeared to strike some daring blow at the point where they were least -expected. Half the French army was always employed in the fruitless -task of guerilla-hunting. This was the secret which explains the fact -that, with 300,000 men under arms, the invaders could never concentrate -more than 70,000 to deal with Wellington." This is a fair statement of -the general situation throughout the war. It would seem that the -Spaniards accounted for rather more than half of the French troops, even -when practically every province of the kingdom was theoretically -occupied by the enemy. In so doing they rendered a service not only to -themselves but also to Europe, for they detached enough troops from the -main body of Napoleon's armies to enable the allies to swing the balance -against the emperor in his northern European campaigns. Incidentally it -was quite evident that Spain could give scant attention to her American -colonies while fighting for her very existence as an independent nation; -indeed, it was not until 1815 that Spain turned to a consideration of -the American wars. - -[Sidenote: Spanish government in the early years of the war and the -calling of the Cortes.] - -Meanwhile, events of a political nature had been going on in Spain which -were to determine the whole course of Spanish history in the nineteenth -century. It was several months after the original outbreak before the -various local _juntas_ were able to agree upon a supreme authority -during the enforced absence of Ferdinand VII, who was regarded as the -legitimate king. Late in September the somewhat unwieldy _Junta Central_ -of at first twenty-four, afterward thirty-five, members was created, -sitting at Aranjuez. Two months later when Napoleon himself advanced -upon the capital the _Junta_ fled to Seville, and joining with the -_junta_ of that city remained in session there for over a year. It was -there that the _Junta_ declared, in January, 1809, that the overseas -possessions of Spain were an integral part of the kingdom, refuting the -colonial claim of a connection merely through the crown. Driven out -again by the French the _Junta_ took refuge in Cdiz, where, in January, -1810, it appointed a Regency of five men to arrange for the calling of a -_Cortes_ representative of Spain and the Americas. The _Junta_ thereupon -resigned. Fearful of the radical tone that a _Cortes_ might adopt, the -Regency postponed its summons as long as it could, but at last issued -the call, and the _Cortes_ met in September, 1810. Very little was known -at the time as to the exact status and powers of the various _Cortes_ of -earlier centuries, but nothing was more certain than that the _Cortes_ -of 1810 was like no other which had ever met in the peninsula. It was a -single chamber body, designed to consist of elected deputies from the -towns with a traditional right of representation, from the provincial -_juntas_, from groups of 50,000 population, and from the Americas. Since -the American deputies could not arrive in time, and since a still -greater number of Spanish deputies could not be chosen by the -complicated elective machinery provided, with the land mostly in the -possession of the French, their places were supplied by persons from -those regions happening to be resident in Cdiz. Thus the _Cortes_ came -to be made up of men who did not in fact reflect the conservative -temperament of the interior districts, but, rather, stood for the -radical views of the people of the coast. Most of them dreamed of -founding a representative body which should combine the supposed virtues -of the French Revolutionary Assembly with those of the British House of -Commons and the earlier _Cortes_ of the peninsula kingdoms. - -[Sidenote: The Liberal _Cortes_ of 1810 and the constitution of 1812.] - -One of the earliest acts of the _Cortes_ was to accept the resignation -of the conservative Regency and to appoint a new body of three of that -name responsible and subservient to the _Cortes_. Soon the _Cortes_ -declared itself to be the legislative power, and turned over the -executive and judicial authority to the Regency, following this up by -declaring itself to have sovereign power in the absence of the king. -When it became clear that these measures, which were bitterly opposed by -the church and the other conservative elements, were also distasteful to -Ferdinand, the _Cortes_ decided that all acts or agreements of the king -during his captivity were to be regarded as invalid. The greatest -innovation of all, however, was the famous constitution of 1812. Under a -belief that they were returning to the system of the past the members of -the _Cortes_ broke sharply from all the precedents of Spanish history, -enthroning the people through their representatives, and relegating the -crown and the church to a secondary place in the state. Among the -several hundred items of this ultra-democratic document were the -following: sovereignty was declared to rest with the people, to whom, -therefore, was reserved the right of legislation; the laws were to be -made through the popularly elected _Cortes_; the king was to be the -executive, but was prevented from doing much on his own initiative by -the requirement that his decrees should be countersigned by the -ministers of state, who were responsible to the _Cortes_; all Spaniards -in both hemispheres were declared a part of the Spanish nation; all -Spanish men over twenty-five years of age were entitled to vote for -members of the _Cortes_, of whom there was to be one for each group of -60,000 people; various paragraphs included a Bill of Rights, a -complicated elective machinery, and the abolition of exemptions from -taxation. In only one respect did a conservative tone appear in the -document,--the Catholic faith was declared to be the religion of Spain, -and the exercise of any other was forbidden. Nevertheless, both before -and after the adoption of the constitution, the _Cortes_ had shown -itself to be distinctly anti-clerical, as witness its overthrow of the -Inquisition, its restriction of the number of religious communities, and -the expulsion of the papal nuncio when he protested against some of -these laws. It was not by their workings in practice, however, that the -constitution and the laws of the _Cortes_ became important; rather it -was that they constituted a program which became the war-cry of the -democratic faction in Spain for years to come. The constitution of 1812 -eventually got to be regarded as if it would be the panacea for all the -ills of mankind, and was fervently proclaimed by glib orators, who could -not have stated the exact nature of its provisions. - -[Sidenote: Despotic rule of Ferdinand VII and the revolution of 1820.] - -Early in 1814 Ferdinand VII was freed by Napoleon, and allowed to return -to Spain. It was inevitable that he should adopt a reactionary policy, -toward which his own inclinations, the attitude of other continental -monarchs, and the overwhelming majority of the clergy, nobles, and the -people themselves of Spain impelled him. He had hardly reached the -peninsula when he declared the constitution of 1812 and the decrees of -the _Cortes_ of no effect. This was followed by the arrest of the -Liberal deputies and by the beginning of a series of persecutions. All -might have been well, but the personal character of the rancorous, -cruel, disloyal, ungrateful, and unscrupulous king and the blindness of -the absolutists drove the reaction to extremes. Ferdinand not only -restored absolutism, but also attempted to undo the enlightened work of -Charles III for the economic and intellectual betterment of the people. -Liberalism in every form was crushed, and in accomplishing it such -ferocious severity was displayed that the government of Ferdinand was -discredited both at home and abroad, even in countries where the -reactionary spirit was strongest. Back of the established forms of the -restored absolutism stood the unofficial _camarilla_ (small room), or -"kitchen cabinet," of the king's intimate friends, but back of all was -the king. So suspicious was Ferdinand that more than thirty royal -secretaries, or ministers, were dismissed from office between 1814 and -1820, and dismissal was usually accompanied by a sentence of exile or -imprisonment. Periodical literature of a political character was -suppressed, although the bars began to be let down for magazines of a -scientific or literary type. Despite the rigors of the administration--in -a measure because of them--there were insurrections each year from 1814 -to 1817, all led by military chieftains of Liberal ideas. They were put -down, for in no case was there a popular uprising; the people were as -yet little affected by the new doctrines. Meanwhile, secret plots -against the government were fostered, in part as the result of Spanish -American influences which desired to prevent the sending of troops to -suppress the revolutions of the new world, but more largely related to -the Liberal ideal in Spain. This activity seems mainly to have been the -work of societies of Freemasons, in which military men were strongly -represented. Many other elements had also become pro-Liberal by this -time, including prominent representatives of the middle class, almost -all of the patriots who had organized the resistance to the French in -1808, and the young men of education. The storm broke when orders were -given in 1819 for the assembling of an army at Cdiz for the extremely -unpopular service of the wars in the Americas. Colonel Riego raised the -standard of revolt on January 1, 1820, proclaiming the constitution of -1812. The government seemed paralyzed by the outbreak. Uncertain what to -do it waited. Then late in February the example set by Riego was -followed in the larger cities of northern Spain. The king at once -yielded, and caused an announcement to be made that he would summon a -_Cortes_ immediately and would swear his adhesion to the constitution of -1812. Thus, without a battle, it seemed as if the revolution had -triumphed. - -[Sidenote: The Liberal _Cortes_ of 1820 and the triumph of the -reaction.] - -In July, 1820, the _Cortes_ met. Its earliest measures aimed to restore -the legislation of the _Cortes_ of 1810, together with other laws of a -similar character. The _Cortes_ of 1820 has been charged with being -anti-clerical, as indeed it was, for the church was the most serious -opponent of Liberalism, still able to dominate the opinions of the -masses. Notwithstanding all it accomplished, the _Cortes_ of 1820 -satisfied nobody. Like most new-born democracies Spain found herself -splitting on the rock of divergent opinions. The Liberals broke up into -various well-defined groups: the Radicals felt that the _Cortes_ had -been too moderate and cautious; the Moderates found the new laws -dangerously radical; still others wished for a reform of the -constitution in the direction of yet greater moderation than most of the -Moderates desired. These were only a few of the groups to spring up. -Meanwhile, the king and the absolutists, who had never intended to abide -by the revolution, began to turn these divisions to account. Armed bands -favorable to the king were formed, while others representing other -factions also came into existence, and a state of anarchy ensued. The -crisis was settled from abroad, however. From the first, Ferdinand had -sent appeals to the reactionary kings of Europe, representing himself to -be a prisoner, much as Louis XVI had been at the outbreak of the French -Revolution. At length his appeals were listened to, and France, Russia, -Austria, and Prussia joined together to restore matters to the situation -they were in prior to 1820. It was as a result of this decision that a -French army invaded the peninsula in the spring of 1823. No effective -resistance was offered; indeed, the country seemed rather to second the -French efforts and to facilitate their advance. No better proof could be -furnished that the revolution of 1820 did not represent the sentiment of -the people; the masses were yet steeped in ignorance and weighed down by -traditional influences, so that they rejected a system intended for -their benefit in favor of one which had lost even the benevolent -disposition of the eighteenth-century Bourbons; the intellectual -elements which had promoted the revolution had shown an incapacity to -face realities or to compromise with the full meed of their ideals. Thus -had the revolution of 1810 been re-enacted. The example was to be many -times repeated in the course of the next two generations. The -constitution and the laws of the _Cortes_ were abolished, and savage -persecution of Liberalism began. From 1823 to 1829 the political history -of Spain was a series of alternations between terrorism and a relaxation -of coercive measures, according as one group or another prevailed with -the king, but the dominant note was at all times that of absolutism. It -is to be noted that Spain had scarcely had a moment's respite from -domestic difficulties since the invasion of Napoleon in 1808. In the -meantime, between 1810 and 1824, the American colonies of the mainland -had seized their opportunity to separate from the mother country -forever. - -[Sidenote: Mara Cristina and the Carlist wars.] - -[Sidenote: Progress of Liberalism.] - -[Sidenote: Rule of Espartero.] - -Reactionary as Ferdinand had shown himself to be, he did not go far -enough to suit the extremists in the absolutist faction headed by the -king's brother Don Carlos (Charles). This group soon formed a party, -which believed that its principles could be secured only through the -accession of Don Carlos to the throne, wherefore its members came to be -known as Carlists. The king was childless and in feeble health, but the -hopes of the Carlists received a setback when in 1829 he married again. -The new queen, Mara Cristina of Naples, was reactionary by instinct, -but was forced by Carlist opposition to lean toward the Liberal faction -in order to find some element on which she could depend for support. As -it soon became clear that she was about to give birth to a child, the -chances of Don Carlos' succession were gone in case the infant should -prove to be a boy, but the Carlists relied upon the so-called Spanish -Salic Law of Philip V to exclude the enthronement of a girl. The -exigencies of the political situation in 1713 had led Philip V to -declare that the male line should always succeed to the Spanish throne. -In 1789 Charles IV in agreement with the _Cortes_ abrogated the law, but -the decision seems not to have been published. To meet every contingency -Cristina persuaded Ferdinand in 1830 to publish the law of 1789. -Henceforth the struggle turned on the question of the validity of the -law of 1789. In October, 1830, Cristina gave birth to a daughter, Mara -Isabel, who was crowned as Queen Isabel, or Isabella II, with her mother -as regent, on the death of the king in 1833. This was the signal for the -outbreak of the Carlist wars, fought principally in the north and east -of Spain, where the party of Don Carlos had a strong following. -Meanwhile, a Liberal policy had been inaugurated, but in the main it was -of a half-hearted type, for Cristina was both illiberal by temperament -and unreliable in government; she would promise reforms, only to -withdraw them, and would perhaps re-enact them in the very next breath. -Nevertheless, the period of her regency was one of distinct gain for the -principle of limited monarchy. A wider and wider circle of the people -came to believe in that ideal, the _Cortes_ met frequently, Liberal -legislation was passed which was not to be so lightly tossed aside as -formerly, and the constitutional principle was definitely established. -To be sure, the same divisions as before tore the Liberal element -asunder, and even led to insurrections at the very time that the Carlist -wars were in their most dangerous stage; Spain still had a long road to -travel to achieve democracy. The most important piece of legislation was -the constitution of 1837, overthrowing the impossible instrument of -1812, though agreeing with it in many respects, including its -recognition of the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a -_Cortes_ of two houses, with an absolute veto by the crown, and a -restricted suffrage,--a compromise between the position of the -Moderates, or conservative element of the Liberals, and that of the -Progressives, or radicals. Neither party was satisfied, and as a -working instrument the constitution was not long-lived, but henceforth -this, and not the idolized 1812 document, was to serve as a basis in -constitution making. The year 1837 marked the first appearance in power -of Espartero, who had distinguished himself as a general in the war -against the Carlists, thus beginning an era in which successful military -men were to be the virtual rulers of Spain, more or less under -constitutional forms, but in reality depending upon the army as the only -force which all elements would recognize. Espartero's credit reached -still higher when he was able to bring the Carlist war to a close in -1840, following his negotiations with the leading enemy generals. In the -same year, Cristina, who had long maintained a precarious hold on the -regency as a result of her insincerity and her affiliations with the -Moderates, was at length compelled to abdicate. Espartero stepped into -the breach, becoming regent in 1841, and for another two years -maintained himself as a veritable dictator, but proclaiming Liberal -principles, fighting the Moderates, defending himself against the -intrigues of Cristina, and resisting the Progressives, who were -dissatisfied with his policy or jealous of his preponderance. In 1843 -the storm broke, and Espartero fled to England. - -[Sidenote: Isabella II and the rule of the generals.] - -[Sidenote: Narvez and O'Donnell.] - -[Sidenote: Rise of General Prim.] - -[Sidenote: Character of the queen.] - -The overthrow of Espartero had been accomplished by a combination of the -extreme conservative and the radical elements, which aimed to prevent -the recurrence of a regency by illegally proclaiming the -thirteen-year-old Isabella II to be of age. Such widely divergent groups -could not long remain harmonious, and the conservatives were soon in the -saddle. The twenty-five year period of Isabella's active reign, from -1843 to 1868, was one in which reactionary forces were almost constantly -in control under constitutional forms. Except for the discredited -Carlists, who engaged in several minor outbreaks during these years, no -party stood frankly for absolutism, although that form of government was -in fact the wish of many and the virtual type of rule employed. The real -master was, not the queen, but the army through its generals. The saving -factor in the situation was that the latter were not united; while -certain of them were ultra-reactionary, others were Liberal, though -none of those who attained to power went the lengths of the radicals. In -the numerous ministries of the era an occasional non-military individual -was at the head of the state,--such as the reactionary Gonzlez Bravo, -or the clerically backed Bravo Murillo, but the terms of these and other -civilian ministers were brief. The two principal rulers of the times -were General Narvez and General O'Donnell. Narvez, who had won -notoriety for his severity against the Carlists, was six times in office -(1844-1846, 1846 again, 1847-1851, 1856-1857, 1864-1865, and 1866-1868). -It became the habit of the queen to send for him whenever the monarchy -was in danger, not only because he could control the army, but also -because he invariably struck hard and successfully against Liberalism at -the same time that he upheld constitutional government, though -disregarding its mandates as suited his pleasure. Execution or exile -followed swiftly where Narvez was displeased with an individual. -Meanwhile, he made meritorious reforms which tended to restore good -order and check anarchy, such as his success in stamping out brigandage -and revolution. The ability of this despotic veteran was well displayed -when he saved Spain from the storm which shook other European thrones in -1848. O'Donnell, who came into prominence in the temporarily successful -Liberal revolution of 1854, was three times in office (1856, 1858-1863, -1865-1866), once holding power for five years. While far more liberal -than Narvez he was a staunch supporter of the Bourbons. He sought to -divert public attention from domestic affairs by laying stress upon -foreign policy, as witness his well-advertised refusal to sell Cuba to -the United States, his plans to join France in the latter's intervention -in Mexico, and especially his engaging in a war with Morocco -(1859-1860). The chief political result of the war was to make a popular -hero of General Prim, a man of Liberal tendencies and of less resolute -devotion than O'Donnell to the Bourbons. Prim was the third of the great -military figures who, together, explain this era. Beside them must be -considered the queen. The former regent, Mara Cristina, had not been -free from charges of immorality, but her daughter Isabella was notorious -for her bad conduct. Furthermore, she was perfidious, selfish, -superstitious, and lacking in principle. Withal she was devoutly -religious. The result was that her opinions were swayed by her numerous -transitory lovers or by her confessors, and ministries rose and fell -according to the dictates of the _camarilla_. Even O'Donnell declared it -was impossible to govern under her, for no dependence could be placed -upon her word. - -[Sidenote: Constitutional changes in the reign of Isabella II.] - -The character of the period was reflected in the new constitutions which -were drawn up. The constitution of 1845 included the following -provisions: the introduction of a property qualification, narrowing the -franchise of those electing deputies to the _Cortes_; the nomination of -senators by the crown; life tenure of senators; the packing of the -senate with grandees, ecclesiastics, successful soldiers, and financial -magnates,--reactionary elements; emphasis on the recognition of the -Catholic Church as the established religion; an assent to the theory of -the sovereignty of the people, but in such an attenuated form as to -deprive the right of its vitality; restrictions on the freedom of the -press; and the reduction of the national militia--the hope of -Liberalism--to an innocuous state by making it subject to the central -executive. The church was strengthened still further upon the fall of -Narvez in 1851, for, reactionary though he was, he did not go far -enough in ecclesiastical matters to suit the clergy. The brief term in -office of their candidate, Bravo Murillo, resulted in the restoration of -part of their former endowment as a result of the concordat of 1851, but -their acceptance of this document was denounced by the Carlists and -absolutists in general, including the pseudo-constitutional -reactionaries, as a betrayal of the cause for which the churchmen had -stood. Bravo Murillo proposed a constitution in 1852 which amounted to a -virtual abrogation of parliamentary government, granting the crown the -right to enact the budget by royal decree and to propose legislation -which must be accepted or rejected by the _Cortes_ without amendment, -together with other provisions of a like character. It was Narvez who -pointed out to the queen that the Bravo constitution would result in -disaster to the government, and the instrument was only productive of -its proposer's fall. During the period of Liberal control, from 1854 to -1856, at which time Espartero returned to head the ministry, a fresh -constitution was presented to the _Cortes_ in 1855. The former provision -for life senators was abolished; financial control was vested in the -_Cortes_, which was to meet at least once a year; liberty of the press -was granted; and it was decided that nobody should be persecuted for his -religious views contrary to the Catholic faith, provided he should not -manifest them publicly. The constitution of 1855 remained an ideal only, -for the _Cortes_ separated without promulgating it. In the next year -O'Donnell brought about a restoration of the constitution of 1845, with -added enactments providing for the control of national finances by the -_Cortes_ and for an elected senate. When Narvez returned to power late -in the same year, he caused such reform measures of the Liberals as had -not already been done away with to be rescinded, and reinforced the -constitution of 1845. - -[Sidenote: Revolution of General Prim and dethronement of Isabella II.] - -Nevertheless, very important gains were made for democracy in this -period, in addition to the recognition of the constitutional principle. -Most vital of all was that a large proportion of the people had now -joined with the intellectual class among the civilian element in a -desire for a more liberal government. The reaction had at first been -welcomed as assuring the country of peace, but the promise was not -fulfilled. Insurrections soon began to occur on behalf of Liberalism, -and people got to believe that there would be no security from anarchy -until the policies of that party triumphed. The Liberal opposition more -and more directed its attacks against the queen, whose instability of -character seemed to preclude the attainment, or at least the continued -practice, of any political ideal. Prim at length became convinced that -the dynasty must be swept away, and headed an unsuccessful revolution in -1866. The queen's position was steadily weakened, however. Radical -newspapers had been founded which exposed her immorality, and the -government was unable to suppress these publications. The deaths of -O'Donnell in 1867 and of Narvez in 1868 were also fatal to her. The -last-named was succeeded by Gonzlez Bravo, who had held the leadership -of the ministry from 1843 to 1844, only to lose it because he was not a -soldier, and could not control the army. This time he proposed to defeat -the generals, and sought to do so by banishing all of them known to hold -Liberal views. But the generals returned with Prim at their head, though -Serrano was the nominal leader. At last the blow had fallen, and as the -year 1868 drew toward a close the long, corrupt reign of Isabella II -came to an end with the dethronement of the queen. The first question -now to resolve was that of the type of government to be established. -This was left to the _Cortes_, which voted for a continuance of -monarchy; it is significant of the advance of democratic ideas that 71 -votes in a total of 285 favored the establishment of a republic. The -next problem was to find a monarch. Prince after prince was approached, -but it seemed as if nobody cared to be king of Spain. Leopold of -Hohenzollern consented to become king, but later withdrew his candidacy, -and it was this trifling incident which served as the occasion, hardly -the cause, for the outbreak of war in 1870 between France and Prussia. -Finally, after a search which had lasted two years, the Duke of Aosta, -Amadeo of Savoy, gave a reluctant consent. On the very day when Amadeo -touched Spanish soil, December 30, 1870, General Prim died of wounds -received a few days before from a band of assassins. It meant that the -new king (who was crowned a few days later, in January, 1871) was to -lack the support of the only individual who might have saved him from -the difficulties of his position. - -[Sidenote: Troubled reign of Amadeo of Savoy.] - -Amadeo found himself king in a country where he had no party. At his -accession there were three well-defined groups, the Alfonsists, the -Republicans, and the Carlists. The first-named favored the principle of -limited monarchy, under Alfonso of Bourbon, son of Isabella II. This -party as yet had a meagre following, owing to the hatred of her family -which Isabella had inspired among Spaniards. Republicanism was loudly -proclaimed, but was untried and not trusted. The Carlist faction, -standing for absolutism as well as for the accession of the heir of the -earlier Don Carlos, was by all odds the strongest group of the day. Its -backbone was the clergy, who were especially influential in the country -districts of the north and east. They were deeply offended by the choice -of a monarch from the House of Savoy, which had just occupied the last -remnant of the Papal States and made the pope a "prisoner of the -Vatican." They also feared that the new government might withdraw its -financial support of the church, leaving them to the uncertain -contributions of the faithful. Carlism was aided by the disintegration -of the regular army, growing out of Prim's promise to abolish compulsory -service, a policy which the Republicans included in their program, -although no definite enactment to this effect was made. The morale of -the army was thus destroyed, depriving the state of its only sure -resort, disgusting the officers, and leading to a renewal of brigandage, -anarchy, and an aggressive type of socialism. Altogether there was a -recrudescence of grave disorder. There were six changes in ministry and -three general elections in two years. At last Amadeo was told that he -must suspend the constitution and rule with an iron hand. This he -refused to do, seizing the first opportunity which offered to resign his -crown, leaving the country once more without a king, in February, 1873. - -[Sidenote: The Spanish republic.] - -The Republicans now had their innings, but the time could hardly have -been worse for the trial of their ideas. The Carlists had under arms a -force of 45,000 men in 1873, which swelled to 75,000 by the close of -1875. The south received the proclamation of the republic with a resort -to self-governing, jealous particularism, as if the day of democratic -_taifa_ states had dawned, for they were able to agree on one thing -alone,--that of refusing to pay taxes to the central government. One -Figueras had been proclaimed _ad interim_ president until a _Cortes_ -could be elected, but he became terrified by the republic when he saw -it, and fled before the _Cortes_ could meet. There were three more -presidents in 1873. Pi y Margall was a federalist who believed that the -newly won freedom would provide a remedy for the prevailing -disorder,--but it did not. He was therefore put aside, and Salmern, a -unitary Republican, took the helm. Salmern initiated vigorous measures -to crush the forces of disintegration, but, as he was about to succeed, -drew back before the fear of militarism. Castelar was put in his place, -and he revived the army. This measure strengthened the central -authority, but it killed Republicanism, which had made the abolition of -enforced military service one of the cardinal tenets of its creed. It -was now only a question of time before the Alfonsists would take -control. Carlists of constitutional leanings went over to that side as -did many Republicans, since it now seemed clear that the accession of -Alfonso was the only alternative to the enthronement of the Carlist -representative. In December, 1874, Alfonso issued a proclamation, -promising an amnesty and constitutional government. With hardly a -struggle the republic fell. - -[Sidenote: Alfonso XII and the establishment of a conservative -monarchy.] - -The reign of Alfonso XII (1874-1885) marked the beginning of a new era, -based upon the acceptance of pseudo-democracy under constitutional -forms, and accompanied by a growing tendency toward internal peace. -Minor outbreaks in Spain, now of Carlists, now of Republicans, continued -to require military attention down to 1886, but no such disorder as had -so long been the rule again prevailed. A new constitution was -promulgated in 1876 which had the effect of conciliating the clergy, -since it provided for state support of the church, although that -institution did not receive all it had been promised; indeed, it -protested bitterly against the grant of toleration to other faiths. The -constitution of 1876, which with some modifications is still operative, -was patterned after that of 1845, with the addition of certain of the -more recent reforms. Some of its provisions were the following: the -_Cortes_ was to be composed of two houses, respectively the senate and -the congress; the senate was to contain eighty members in their own -right, such as princes of the royal family, grandees, presidents of the -great councils, archbishops, and captain-generals, one hundred more by -royal appointment, and one hundred and eighty elected for a term of five -years by municipal and provincial assemblies, universities, and -taxpayers of the highest class; congress was to be made up of 431 -deputies, representing districts of 50,000 people each, chosen by an -electorate which was limited by the imposition of a property -qualification,--changed in 1889 by the restoration of universal manhood -suffrage; legislative power was vested in the _Cortes_ with the king; -the king was made irresponsible, but his decrees had to be countersigned -by a responsible minister; and the jury system was abolished,--although -it was restored early in the next reign. The net result was a -centralized monarchy in the control of the conservative elements. Many -principles of the Liberal program, taken especially from the -constitution of 1869 when Prim was in power, have since been added. The -death of the king, who had ruined his health as the result of excesses -which recalled the scandals of his mother's reign, seemed likely to -raise fresh difficulties at the close of the year 1885. The queen was -then pregnant, and it was not until 1886 that her son, the present -Alfonso XIII, was born. The ex-queen, Isabella II, attempted to -intervene, but only succeeded in strengthening the position of the -queen-mother, Mara Cristina of Austria, who ruled henceforth as regent -until Alfonso attained his majority in 1902. - -[Sidenote: The war of 1898 and disappearance of Spain as a colonial -power.] - -It was primarily in Spain's colonial policy that the evils of the old -era continued. The lesson of the Spanish American wars of independence -had not taught Spain how to govern her few remaining colonies. Indeed, -corrupt methods were if anything worse than before, as the opportunities -for engaging in them became fewer. Spanish civilians in Cuba preyed upon -the island, and political office there was reserved for those seeking -reward for party service at home. A revolution broke out in 1868 which -lasted ten years. The government then made promises which were not -fulfilled, and a second uprising occurred, but it was severely put down. -Once again there was a revolution, in 1895. This time the United States -intervened, and in the brief war of 1898 Cuba became independent, and -Porto Rico and the Philippines passed over to the United States. Thus -was the last vestige of Spain's trans-Atlantic dominion swept away. This -was the final stroke in a century of disasters. And yet the total result -was one of internal progress for Spain. She had paid a heavy price in -her gropings for liberty, but she had reached a stage which, while not -yet satisfactory, was incomparably ahead of that with which she had -begun the century. - - - - -CHAPTER XL - -THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917 - - -[Sidenote: Revival of economic prosperity.] - -Spaniards are in the habit of discussing their recent national -development with reference to the year 1898, which is recognized as a -turning-point in Spanish life, a change held by them to have been -decidedly for the better. Nevertheless, the way had begun to be prepared -with the accession of Alfonso XII to the throne; the splendid monument -to that king in the Retiro at Madrid can be explained only on the ground -that he symbolizes the re-establishment of good order in the peninsula, -with a government based on what the Spanish people will stand, rather -than on the full meed of an unworkable ideal. The country was tired of -domestic strife, and asked only to be left in peace, with an opportunity -to give attention to its material resources. This wish the government -granted, and all Spain profited. Roads, railways, and irrigation ditches -were built, and mining and the wine trade developed, while more recent -times have witnessed a notable industrial growth in some of the northern -cities. These matters were left very largely in the hands of foreigners, -with Spaniards either wasting their blood and treasure in the colonies, -or merely failing to participate in the economic enterprises of the -peninsula. After 1898, however, Spaniards began to join with Englishmen, -Germans, and Frenchmen in investing their capital in Spain. Many evils -remained to be overcome, but the country recuperated to such an extent -that its present wealth would compare favorably with that of the past at -almost any stage of Spanish history, although the rate of economic -progress has probably not equalled that of other countries. - -[Sidenote: Conservative rule in a pseudo-Liberal state.] - -On the surface the old politico-social ideas of Liberalism seemed for a -while to have died, and the country came to be ruled by parties which -supported the conservative constitution of 1876, although there was a -widespread opposition in opinions it not in power. At the present time -there is a Liberal and a Conservative party, but the difference between -the two is recognized, even by many Spaniards, as being very slight. In -1911 there was a strike on the government-owned railways, whereupon the -authorities suspended the constitutional guarantees, on the ground that -the nation was in danger. One result was that bodies of men could not -congregate,--and the strikers were helpless. In 1912 a general railway -strike was threatened. The premier, Canalejas, called out the military -reserves, and put them on the trains not only as guards but also as -train operatives,--for, since all Spaniards who have served their term -in the active army are in the reserves, the strikers were employed as -military trainmen to put down their own strike,--a thing which they -could not refuse to do, as they were under martial law. An early -_Cortes_ was promised, at which the questions of increase in wages and -decrease in the hours of labor would be taken up. The _Cortes_ was -called,--and the matter of the strike was dropped. The interesting thing -is that all of this took place while a Liberal government was in power! -It is also said that the Liberals and Conservatives agreed, a few years -ago, to alternate in office, thus showing their contempt for the spirit -of representative institutions, but the Liberals did not retire from -their control of the government in 1913, wherefore not a little -ill-concealed resentment was displayed by the organs of the Conservative -party. In fact, parties are divided on lines of the allegiance of -individuals to the chieftain (_cacique_) of their group. National -policies and projects of reform on the part of those in power get little -beyond the stage of rhetoric, while government is too largely given over -to the interplay of personal ambitions. To many the young king, Alfonso -XIII, has seemed the most liberal-minded of the higher officers of the -Spanish state, and in both word and deed he has appeared, until recently -at least, to merit the characterization. Attaining to his majority at -the age of sixteen, in 1902, he married the granddaughter of the -English Queen Victoria in 1906,--an augury in itself of liberal views. A -savage attempt was made, without success, to murder the young couple on -their wedding day; on that occasion and two others when later -assassinations were tried, Alfonso displayed such courage and coolness -as to win for himself an immense popularity; "the valiant king" (_El rey -valiente_) he is often called. - -[Sidenote: Underlying resentment against the government and growth of -elements in opposition.] - -The political views of the Spanish people have been undergoing a change -in recent years. Whereas the mass of the people were totally unready for -the democratic constitution of 1812, or even for that of 1837, they are -today becoming more and more radical in feeling. Everywhere there is -discontent with the present management of state affairs, and it is -customary to charge even the untoward incidents of daily life to the -fault of "the bad government" (_el mal gobierno_), --for example, when a -train is late, or over-crowded, both of which eventualities are of -frequent occurrence. Many factors have combined to bring about this -state of mind: much is traceable to social causes, to which allusion -will be made presently; the very material progress of the country, -resulting in a betterment of the condition of the poor, though their lot -is still far from being an enviable one, has awakened desires among the -masses of which their ancestors never dreamed; and the relative -prosperity of many of the _indianos_ (nabobs of the Indies), as returned -Spanish emigrants are called, has led to a widespread belief that men -can do better anywhere than under the "_mal gobierno_" of Spain. The -average Spaniard of the working classes takes little interest in his -right of suffrage (although this is more particularly true of the -country districts than it is of the cities), for he is convinced that it -makes no difference; he is helpless and hopeless in the face of a -government which seems quite apart from him. Many believe, however, that -there is a panacea for existing conditions, and groups have sprung up -representing a variety of social, economic, and political ideas, such as -single tax (_georgismo_,--from Henry George), socialism, and -republicanism. The desire for a republic has grown steadily since its -first public expression in 1854, and has now swept across the northern -provinces of Spain, from Galicia to Catalonia, cutting through the -formerly Carlist, or absolutist, country, although manifesting itself -more in the cities than elsewhere. If no serious outbreak for the -establishment of a republic has taken place, it is in large degree a -tribute to the king. Alfonso has frequently declared himself ready to -accept the wishes of the Spanish people in this matter, saying only a -few years ago that if Spain should so decide he "would be the first to -draw his sword in defence of the republic." Too much weight should not -be given to these political gropings of the Spanish people, for the -forces of conservatism,--such as the nobles and the wealthy, the clergy, -and the devoutly faithful (notably in the rural districts),--are still -very powerful. Even the king has recently been charged with a tendency -to become reactionary. In 1917 serious internal disturbances occurred, -and it is said that Alfonso did not rise to the situation in the same -liberal spirit as formerly. Whether this is the mere unfounded -expression of party feeling, or whether the king has in truth -experienced a change of heart, it is as yet too early to say. Whatever -may be the exact composition of the elements against them, there is no -doubt that the majority of the people feel a deep resentment against the -prevailing government. In one respect this has led to consequences of a -serious character. The old regional spirit of the Catalans has -reasserted itself, and a distinct Catalan national feeling, sustained by -a revival of Catalan as a literary tongue, has manifested itself. One -event stands out from the rest in recent times, with regard to which all -elements in Spanish life have had occasion to express their political -views. That is the celebrated Ferrer case. - -[Sidenote: The Ferrer case and the "Maura, si!" and "Maura, no!"] - -In June, 1909, when a Conservative government was in power, with Antonio -Maura at its head, credits were voted for a campaign in Morocco against -some tribesmen who had attacked a railway leading to mines in the -control of Spanish capitalists. There was an immediate outbreak of -hostile public opinion in Spain, which in Catalonia resulted in serious -riots. The strange thing about the Catalonian manifestations, which -were most pronounced in Barcelona, was that they developed into what -seemed to be an organized assault, not on the government or on -capitalists, but on the Catholic Church. Churches, monasteries, -convents, and shrines were attacked--and nothing else. The government -soon had the situation in hand, and a number of arrests were made, -followed in some cases by sentences of death or imprisonment. Public -attention focused itself on the case of one Ferrer. Francisco Ferrer was -born in 1859, the son of a poor Catalan farmer. As a youth he was an -anarchist, pronouncing bitterly against the ideal of patriotism and -against the church. Having participated in a Catalonian rebellion of -1885, he fled to Paris, where he entered into relations with a Parisian -spinster, who soon died and left him a fortune. Later, he returned to -Barcelona, and increased his possessions as the result of successful -stock speculation. He founded a number of schools, which represented his -ideas,--still uncompromisingly against the church. Ferrer was also a -high official of the Freemasons and other secret societies. It is not to -be wondered at, either, in view of his rebellious attitude toward -society, that his regard for the marriage bond and for sexual morality -was clearly not in accord with prevailing views. At the time of the -Catalonian outbreak of 1909 he was charged with being one of the -ring-leaders. A military court-martial was held, at which he was -confronted with scores of witnesses, and it would seem that the -prosecution established its case. Ferrer was convicted, and on October -13, 1909, was shot.[68] The case of Ferrer has been taken up -internationally by various secret societies, but it has had a special -significance in Spain. There, opinion has divided, not about Ferrer or -the merits of his case, but with regard to the Conservative chieftain, -Maura, whose government was responsible for his death. Maura is taken as -the personification of the existing rgime. "Maura, s!" and "Maura, -no!" ("Maura, yes!" and "Maura, no!") have come to be popular -watchwords, indicating whether one approves of things as they are, or -whether one stands for a new and liberalized, truly democratic Spain. - -[Sidenote: Foreign policy of Spain since 1898 and attitude toward the -Great War.] - -Spain's foreign policy since 1898 has very nearly reduced itself to -three factors. First of these is the policing of a small strip of the -Moroccan coast, where Ceuta and other posts are still held by Spain. -This has involved the country in wars of a minor character with the -traditional enemy in Moslem Northwest Africa. Of greater interest is the -conscious policy of cultivating the friendship of the American countries -which were once colonies of Spain, based largely on a wish to develop a -market for Spanish goods, but not devoid of a sentiment which makes -Spain desire to associate herself with the growing lands to which she -gave the first impulse to civilization. Finally, Spain's relations with -the two groups of European powers which entered upon the Great War in -1914 have occupied the attention of the country continuously in recent -years, and have been an issue which has divided Spaniards. Many of the -conservative elements of Spain have long been, not so much pro-German, -as anti-French, and they have been supported by those parts of the -masses which follow the lead of the church or else take no great -interest in politics. The causes of this Francophobe feeling are -numerous. The _Dos de Mayo_, Spain's national holiday, stands for an -uprising against the French, followed by the glorious War of -Independence, although, to be sure, this has of late exercised but -little influence; many French writers have written disparagingly or in a -patronizing manner of Spain, causing a natural feeling of resentment; -Spanish American countries have asserted that France is their -intellectual mother, not Spain, and this may have had an effect, though -comparatively little, on the minds of some; mere propinquity with -France, which is the only great power bordering upon the peninsula, has -brought about a certain hostility which neighboring peoples so often -feel with regard to each other; the affronts which Spain claims to have -received at French hands in Morocco have had great weight; and the -already hostile attitude of the clergy against republican France was -enhanced when that country broke with the Catholic Church a few years -ago. As regards England, Spain has never forgotten Gibraltar. With -Germany, on the other hand, there has been little occasion for friction, -and German commercial competition with England for Spanish markets has -been welcomed as beneficial to the country. The radical and liberal -elements, which include the intellectuals, and, generally speaking, the -Liberal party have favored the _Entente_ as against the Central Powers, -and their position has been very greatly strengthened by the evident -support of the king. In part, pro-_Entente_ feeling has been a matter of -political principle, because of the liberal types of government in -France and England, the only two countries of the _Entente_ allies -(prior to American entry in the Great War) to whom Spaniards have paid -attention. In large measure, however, the Spanish point of view has been -the result of a certain practical, materialistic trait which is -ingrained in Spanish character. Thus Spaniards have pointed out that it -would be fatal for Spain to side with Germany, since her wide separation -from the latter, coupled with British naval supremacy, would make it -unlikely that German arms could be of any assistance to Spain. -Commercial and other reasons have also been adduced to show that Spain -could _gain_ nothing by an alliance with Germany. These views have -developed in the course of the Great War until Spain has become rather -more inclined to the allies than to the Germans. It is not improbable, -however, that an allied disaster might be seized upon by the pro-German -military element to swing Spain the other way, for the army is still a -factor to be reckoned with in Spanish politics. On the other hand, many -leading Spaniards have argued that there would be no advantage for Spain -if she should enter the war, whereas there has thus far been a distinct -benefit for certain elements in the population, in the shape of abnormal -war profits, through remaining neutral. Lately, however, great misery -has been occasioned as a result of Spain's inability to procure needed -supplies from the allies and the danger from the German submarines. - -[Sidenote: Spain's intellectual renaissance.] - -In no element of the national life has the well-being of Spain since -1898 been more clearly demonstrated than in the realm of things -intellectual. On the educational and scientific side (with one -exception, presently to be noted), the achievement has not been great -enough to attract attention, but in those branches of human knowledge -which are akin to the emotions Spain has embarked upon a new _siglo de -oro_ which has already placed her in the forefront of the nations in the -wealth and beauty of her contemporary literature and art. Many writers -or artists of note did their work before 1898, while others stand -athwart that year, but the most remarkable development has come in the -more recent period--a growing force which is far from having run its -course. Thus, before 1898, there were such poets as Becquer, Campoamor, -Nez de Arce, Rosala de Castro, and Salvador Rueda; novelists like -Alarcn, Pereda, Valera, "Clarn," Picn, Palacio Valds, Pardo Bazn, -and Prez Galds; dramatists including Ayala, Tamayo, Echegaray, Prez -Galds, Guimer, and Dicenta; critics and philologists like Mil -Fontanals, Valera, "Clarn," and Menndez y Pelayo; essayists such as -Alfredo Caldern, Morote, Picavea, Ganivet, and Unamuno; painters like -Pradilla, Ferrn, and Muoz Degrain; and composers of music including -Arrieta, Gastambide, Chueca, Chap, Bretn, and Fernndez Caballero. -Some of the more notable of these belong also in the post-1898 group, -and to them should be added, among others, the following: poets--Rubn -Daro (who is included in this list, though he is a Nicaraguan, because -of his influence on Spanish poetry), Villaespesa, Marquina, Ramn D. -Pers, the two Machados, Mesa, Diez Canedo, Muoz San Romn, and -Maragall; novelists--Blasco Ibez, Po Baroja, "Azorn," Silverio -Lanza, Valle Incln, Ricardo Len, Alberto Insa, Prez de Ayala, -Martnez Sierra, Mir, and Felipe Trigo; dramatists--Benavente, Martnez -Sierra, the brothers lvarez Quintero, Carlos Arniches, Linares Rivas, -Marquina, Rusiol, and Iglesias; critics and philologists--Menndez -Pidal, Bonilla, Rodrguez Marn, Said Armesto, Amrico Castro, Cejador, -Alomar, Tenreiro, and Gonzlez Blanco; essayists--Ortega Gasset, Maeztu, -"Azorn," Gmez de Baquero, Manuel Bueno, Maragall, and Zulueta; -painters--Zuloaga, Sorolla, the brothers Zubiaurre, Benedito, Chicharro, -Villegas, Nieto, Beruete, Moreno Carbonero, Bilbao, Sotomayor, Anglada, -de la Gndara, Juan Lafita, and Rusiol; sculptors--Blay, Benlliure, -Marinas, Clar, and Julio Antonio; architects--Gaud, Puig, Velzquez, -and Palacios; composers--Albniz, Pedrell, Turina, Granados, Falla, -Vives, Serrano, and Quinito Valverde; and educators--Giner de los Ros -and Cosso. Spain has also produced historians and historical scholars -of note in recent years (though several of them belong in the pre-1898 -group), among whom should be reckoned Cnovas del Castillo, Danvila y -Collado, Hinojosa, Rafael Altamira, Colmeiro, Fidel Fita, Fernndez -Duro, Menndez y Pelayo, Torres Lanzas, and Fernndez Guerra. Special -mention should be made of the novelists Prez Galds (author of the -famous _Episodios nacionales_, or National episodes,--a series of -historical novels from the Liberal point of view, covering the history -of Spain from the time of Godoy to the present,--and esteemed by many as -one of the most remarkable literary geniuses of modern times) and Blasco -Ibez (who has used the novel as a vehicle for an attack on the old -order of Spanish life); of the dramatists Jacinto Benavente (a man whom -many regard as deserving to rank with the greatest names of all time in -Spanish literature), Prez Galds (who is almost equally notable in the -drama as in the novel), the brothers lvarez Quintero (who have so -clearly depicted modern Andalusian life), and Martnez Sierra (whose -comedies reach to the very roots of truth and beauty); of Menndez y -Pelayo, most famous as a critic, said to have been the dominant figure -of recent years in Spanish literature; of the painters Zuloaga -(successor of El Greco, Velzquez, and Goya, whose works embrace both -the mysticism and the austerity of the Spanish national spirit) and -Sorolla (a symbolist, who has done with the brush what Blasco Ibez did -with the pen, and whose paintings, mainly of Valencian scenes, are full -of realism and naturalism, brilliant in expression and color); and of -Giner de los Ros, opponent of the church, but a man of tremendous -influence on the thought of modern Spain. It is to be noted that the -leading names in the realm of art are all in the post-1898 period; -indeed, this form of intellectual manifestation was not in a flourishing -state before that time. And in the midst of all these names one must not -forget that of Santiago Ramn y Cajal, whose discoveries in histology -have made him famous throughout the world. Many characterize him as the -greatest Spaniard of the present day. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Things which Spaniards are _not_.] - -Spain clearly has entered upon a new era of her history. No man can -predict, with safety, toward what goal she is tending, although there is -some ground for a feeling of optimism. With the leading facts of Spanish -history already before the reader, it is perhaps well at this point to -give a summary account of contemporary Spanish traits and social -problems, thus providing a further basis for estimates with regard to -the possibilities of the future. It is best to begin with a statement of -some of the things which Spaniards are not,--with a view to -controverting certain widely circulated notions. Spaniards are _not_ -unusually cruel or vindictive. The notion that they _are_ has arisen in -various ways. Spaniards are emotional, and under the stress of -excitement are capable of acts of great violence, but on the other hand -they very rarely plan a crime in cold blood. The bull-fight has been -charged to an innate cruelty of Spaniards, but whatever one may think of -the game, the _aficionado_, or bull-fight "fan," is appealed to by the -skill of the bull-fighter and the courage of the bull, rather than by -the flow of blood. As regards treatment of animals, the evidence is -somewhat against the Spaniard. The superficial tourist is apt to think -that the majority of Spaniards in third class of the railway coaches are -double-dyed brigands, for they wear wretched clothing and carry huge -knives,--but the former is the result of economic necessity, and the -latter is to cut bread with--and not each others' throats. The -historians, however, are very largely to blame, especially those who -maligned the dominant and hated Spaniards of the sixteenth century. -Spaniards themselves, with their fierce party spirit and rhetorical -gifts, products of their emotional make-up, have provided the arguments -which have been used against them,--notably in the case of Las Casas' -condemnation of the Spanish treatment of the Indians. In the second -place, they are _not_ lazy; rather, they make excellent laborers, and -work long hours without complaint. The idea that they are indolent -arises in part from the fact that the titled classes still retain some -of the traditional aversion to manual labor; in part from a certain lack -of ambition, such that many Spaniards, notably those of the south, do -not work, after they have gained enough to live on for perhaps only a -little while; partly because of a lack of responsibility which many of -them display, with the result that they do not do well when not under -supervision; and partly, again, because histories have so described -Spaniards of the past, and this time with some truth. Many of the -factors which once made manual labor unpopular are not any longer -operative, such as the prevalence of slaves, serfs, and Moslems in -industry or agriculture, wherefore the earlier stigma attaching to those -occupations has been removed. In the third place, Spaniards are not -proud and arrogant to the extent of being haughty, although they do have -a sense of personal pride which is rather to be commended than -condemned. In the fourth place, to call a man a "Spaniard" is not a -sufficient definition, for there are wide differences in blood and -language as well as in feelings in the various regions of Spain; the -serious-minded, progressive, European-blooded Catalan is certainly -farther apart from the easy-going, pleasure-loving, improvident, part -Moslem-blooded Andalusian than is the Englishman from the American, or -perhaps the southern Frenchman from the North Italian. In addition to -Castilian, or Spanish, there are the distinct languages of the Catalans -and Basques, with a great many variants, or dialects, from the Castilian -and Catalan. Nevertheless, it is true that all are "Spaniards." -Castilian is generally understood, and, until the recent reappearance of -Catalan, was the only literary language; the people are patriotic to the -country, even though the fire of local attachments is still uncommonly -strong in them; the bull-fight and the national lottery are popular in -all parts of Spain; Spaniards read the same books, have the same -government, and, in fine, have been brought together, though widely -divergent in traits, by the circumstances of history. - -[Sidenote: Intellectual and emotional traits of Spaniards.] - -The keynote to an understanding of Spanish character lies in an -appreciation of the fact that Spaniards generally combine an intense -individualism and marked practicality with an emotional temperament. -Enough has already been intimated with regard to the two first-named -traits. As for that of emotionalism it becomes more operative the -farther south one goes. Some Spaniards say that the English, who are -taken as representative of the northern peoples, are in the forefront of -the nations as concerns matters of the _head_, but that the Spaniards -lead in _heart_, and they are well content to have it that way. Yet it -is far from true that Spaniards are lacking in _head_; rather, they are -brilliantly intellectual, and even the man in the street often seems to -have a faculty for seeing and expressing things clearly, with little or -no study; their logical-mindedness is displayed in the rhetorical skill -with which they set forth their opinions. It is true, however, that -there is a certain lack of intellectual stamina in Spaniards; they will -not use the brains with which nature has abundantly endowed them. Thus, -big business and scientific discoveries (except in the practical realm -of their applications) have been left to the foreigners. On the -emotional, or _heart_, side one encounters numerous evidences. Spaniards -are devotedly fond of children,--almost too much so, for they seem -unable to refuse them anything. Thus, a child gets milk by crying, toys -galore, and stays up at night until he wants to go to bed; the effects -on national discipline are possibly not of the best, but the error, if -such it is, springs from the heart. Spaniards, past and present, have -been great in emotional expression, in the fields of literature and art. -It is a novelty for Americans to find that the educated young men of -Spain talk quite as easily about literature and art as they do about -women,--and they move from one subject to the other without any marked -change in the tenor of the conversation. Spanish crimes are usually the -result of an emotional impulse. Similarly, the emotions play rather too -prominent a part in the Spaniard's associations with women! Courtesy is -almost universal among Spaniards, who will go to considerable personal -inconvenience in order to assist a stranger; to be sure, one is not safe -in reckoning on the promises to render favors later,--for by that time -the impulse may have passed. The Spanish fondness for the bull-fight and -the lottery also springs from the emotional stir which goes with them. - -[Sidenote: Spanish women.] - -The above applies principally to the men. The women should be considered -apart, and this is much more necessary in dealing with Spain than it -would be in treating of the United States, where women come nearer to -having an equal liberty with men. Opinions differ as to the personal -appearance of Spanish women, and first impressions of the foreigner are -apt to be against them. This is largely because the people of the -wealthy or moderately well-to-do classes do not appear in the street -nearly so frequently as in the United States or in northern Europe. The -women of the working classes toil harder, on the average, than do -ours,--for more of them have to help earn the family living as well as -bring up and take care of the children,--and they are not able to dress -well, with the natural result that they are rarely prepossessing. This -in part accounts also for the belief of foreigners that Spanish beauty -fades,--which is not the case with those who are able to live in fairly -easy circumstances any more than it is in other countries. Among -Spaniards it is often said that the Valencian women are the handsomest, -closely followed by the Andalusians, who rank as the most witty. It is -to be noted that the Moslem element in Spanish blood is very strong in -these sections. Another popular misconception as to Spanish _seoritas_ -(young ladies) is that they are so dainty that they would almost melt in -one's hand. In fact they are unusually self-contained in manner, and if -they have any pronounced defect it is one which does not go with -daintiness,--that of a loud, often metallic voice. On the other hand -there is most decidedly an all-pervading, unconscious grace in Spanish -women. Women other than those of the working classes find very little to -do. Servants are extraordinarily cheap,--one can get a nurse-girl in -Seville for about ten cents a day; so there is little occasion to do -housework. Spanish women are not assiduous readers, do not even sew or -knit to any marked degree, and comparatively few of them sing or play -the piano. They are fond of a walk or ride in the afternoon, accompanied -by the children and the nurse-girls, and enjoy social gatherings at -night. In fine, their life is passed largely in pleasant conversation, -with very little variety; indeed, they require little that is novel, for -they are simple in their tastes, and are easily entertained. The Spanish -husband is not nearly so domesticated as the American species. Instead -of remaining at home at night he quite regularly goes out,--and even may -occupy a different place at the theatre from the group of seats where -his wife and daughter are found. This is the expected thing, and Spanish -women do not appear to wish it otherwise. They seem to consider that the -men have done them a great favor by marrying them, and take the attitude -of desiring to repay them for the rest of their lives. The husband is -devoted to his wife and the children, but he would commit suicide before -he would carry a baby in the street. Despite the fact that the brains of -most Spanish women may be said to lie fallow, they are often brilliant -talkers, sharing with the men the intellectual potentialities of the -race. They rarely travel, and know very little beyond the bounds of -their home town or city and the nearest watering-place. They are usually -very religious, but not in an aggressive way; in a country where there -is virtually no competition with the Catholic Church there is no -stimulus to make their religion anything but a purely personal matter -for the individual. This helps to account for the almost complete lack -of religious discussion in the Spanish circles one meets with. Young -ladies rarely go into the street unless accompanied by their mother or -some older person. Whenever they do appear they are stared at by the -men, but the practice seems to be regarded as proper and in a measure -complimentary. They are hedged around with safeguards which prevent -their seeing the young man of their choice alone, except perhaps as -separated by the narrow grating of a window, until the day of their -marriage. According to all reports these measures fulfill their intended -purpose, for the material bars are supplemented by the inherited -instincts of the women themselves. Aside from prostitutes Spanish women -have a nation-wide reputation for good moral conduct. Once married the -size of the family depends, as many put it, "As God wills!" A family of -from five to seven children is not considered large, and there are many -families which are very much larger. - -[Sidenote: The aristocracy and the _latifundia_.] - -Assuming that it would be desirable, can Spain advance any farther along -the highway of democracy? If she would do so, she must contend with the -aristocracy, which in fact rules the country. The modern Spanish -aristocracy is composed of the nobility, their relatives, rich -merchants, the clergy, and the military. The richer members of the -aristocracy, especially those of central and southern Spain, control the -greater part of the best Spanish lands, which they cultivate just enough -to ensure wealth to themselves. Thousands of acres are given over to the -raising of bulls for the bull-fights, and even the late Duke of Veragua, -a descendant of Columbus, was engaged in this industry. One often -wonders why Spanish towns are so far away from the railway station, -especially in level tracts where it would be normal to expect a growth -toward the railroad. The usual answer is that the land belongs to a -personage of the realm, who would not think of selling it, and does not -care to develop it himself. The agrarian problem is particularly acute -in Andalusia, where the evil of _latifundia_, springing out of the later -reconquests from the Moslems, is more in evidence than elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: Life of men of the better classes.] - -The life of the men of the better classes is singularly free from care. -They arise late, and go to their favorite caf or club to read the -newspaper. In the afternoon they frequent their club, passing the time -in discussion or in general conversation. Late in the afternoon they go -for a drive along the _paseo_, or driveway, the same place every day, -where the principal object is to see, or be seen by, the others who are -doing the same thing. In the evening they return to the club. Perhaps at -9:30 or 10 o'clock they go to a play, for the theatre begins late, -following this by a visit to their favorite caf and a late departure -for home. The program varies little from day to day. In the summer they -go to a watering-place, but it usually amounts only to a change of -cafs. These men rarely drink to excess, and they are the most charming -people in the world to talk to, but they never study and, if possible to -avoid it, never do any work. Unknowingly perhaps, for they are bred to -this type of life by centuries of training, they are a drain on the -land, the most serious element in the vested interests which stand in -the way of effective reform. Those of this class who have to work are -provided with sinecures at state expense. The social, economic, and -political betterment of Spain cannot proceed very far while the -aristocracy is in control. On the other hand the experience of the past -has not demonstrated that democracy could maintain order, and this the -present rgime does. Furthermore, the aristocracy is by no means an -exclusive caste, but is open to the entry of all. - -[Sidenote: Social problems of contemporary Spain.] - -In addition to the wealth and political influence of the aristocracy -other factors in Spanish life abound to aid and abet in their -maintenance of control. One of these is emigration. Spaniards do not -expect to rise from poverty to great wealth, as men do in America, for -so few of them rarely can, under the existing system, that there is not -the stimulus of other men's successes to spur them on. The more -ambitious of the poor and moderately well-to-do, therefore, make their -way to the Americas, especially to Argentina, and, prior to the recent -era of civil war, to Mexico. The poorest and the least ambitious, who -are less likely than the others to give trouble, remain behind. A second -aid is the lottery. The lottery, which has its agencies in every hamlet -and city of Spain, is government owned and operated, paying some of the -highest prizes offered in the world at the present time. Few human -passions are so strong as that of gambling, and Spain has surrendered to -the lottery. The poor people welcome this insidious system, believing -it to be almost the only avenue of advance to the envied ease of the -wealthy, and invest their spare savings in a ticket. Hope and even -expectation of getting a lucky number have come to be a national -disease. A third abettor of the aristocracy is the bull-fight. It is not -the cruelty, but rather the corrupting influence of this sport which -should occupy those who protest against it. The game is so emotional, so -wildly exciting, that it grips the people to the exclusion of almost -every other interest; in Seville, one can almost be certain, if he hears -men quarreling at the top of their voices, that they are disputing the -merits of this bull-fighter or that, for that is the absorbing factor in -life, every hour in the day, in every day of the year. Men who have -caught the fever of the bull-fight rarely have interest in national -reform; they do not want it, as it might sweep away the sport which is -the major part of their life. A fourth factor would seem to be the -extensive character of charitable enterprises. Thousands depend upon the -unused food of the army, and line up each day to receive it. Enormous -sums are also provided by the church or by charitable organizations to -enable the poor to get meals free or at slight cost. The object, no -doubt, is benevolent, but the result is that many men will not work. -Especially is this true in the mild climate of southern Spain, where not -a few contrive to exist without homes to sleep in and on the -dispensations of charity. A fifth factor is the extreme poverty of the -masses. Wages are unthinkably low. Men who can barely keep body and soul -together are not the ones who agitate reform. A sixth aid in the -maintenance of things as they are is the lack of a good public school -system. Schools are inadequate and teachers poorly paid. Few Spaniards -get beyond the primary grade, and many do not even go that far. The need -of education is undoubtedly the _sine qua non_ of any effective Spanish -advancement. To change the form of government, without an accompanying -or a preliminary instruction of the masses, would be, as a French writer -puts it, "to change the label of a bottle, without transforming the -contents." It is also necessary if any appreciable reform is to be made -in the social and economic system of the country. None realizes this -better than the men who, like Altamira, Azcrate, Costa, Giner de los -Ros, Posada, and Unamuno, stand for the new Spain, as distinct from the -old,--for a country which shall break with the past to the extent which -may be required in order to place itself in the current of modern world -progress. Their ideal is not impossible of achievement, despite the -forces which are against them, for the Spanish people, at bottom, are -admirable material, still virile and altogether sane. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES - - -[Sidenote: Writers on the history of Spain whose works are in Spanish, -French, and German.] - -The principal aim of this volume is to be of service to the general -reader in English-speaking America. On this account the entries which -appear below have been restricted rigidly to works in English. It was a -temptation to include some of the more notable foreign works, such for -example as those by Altamira, Bonilla, Cnovas del Castillo, Colmeiro, -Danvila, Desdevises du Dzert, Diercks, Dozy (the _Recherches_), -Fernndez de Navarrete, Fernndez Duro, Fernn-Nez, Ferrer del Ro, -Fita, Foulch-Delbosc, Haebler, Hinojosa, Lafuente, Lembke, Marijol, -Marvaud, Menndez Pidal, Menndez y Pelayo, Mignet, Morel-Fatio, -Oliveira Martins, Ranke, Romey, Rosseeuw St. Hilaire, Rousseau, Salcedo, -and Tapia, but the reader will be able to go to their works and to many -others by using the aids which are provided here. - -[Sidenote: Bases for selection and exclusion of works in English.] - -[Sidenote: Relation of the works cited to the field of Spanish history.] - -A complete bibliography of the works in English on the history of Spain -would reach enormous proportions. It has therefore been deemed advisable -to narrow the field by excluding the following classes of material: -catalogues of books and manuscripts; volumes of source material; -periodicals about Spain not devoted primarily to history; articles in -periodicals; works on other subjects (such for example as the writings -of Mommsen and other historians of the Roman Empire) which, however, -contain much material on the history of Spain; works (such as those of -Motley or Helps) on the activities of Spain outside the peninsula, -whether in Europe or the Americas; and books which may be regarded as -out of date. Works published many years ago are not omitted, however, if -they are translations of important foreign works, the writings of -notable historians, or volumes which are unique in their field. No -attempt has been made to give an exhaustive list of all the items coming -within the classes eligible for entry. Thus there might be additions to -the lives of notable persons, to the histories of art and literature, or -to the already long list of recent descriptive works. The plan has been -rather to be representative, giving some of the works which will serve -to introduce the reader to the subject. No claim is made that the works -cited cover the subject of Spanish history adequately; indeed, if the -most broadly inclusive basis for entry of works in English had been -chosen they would not do so. They are particularly disappointing to the -American reader, in that they represent the point of view of England or -continental Europe rather than that of the Spanish gift to America. -Furthermore, many periods are but scantily covered from any standpoint, -while others, such as those of the Catholic Kings and the House of -Austria, have an over-supply of writings upon them. It is to be noted, -however, that books of a given period have a number of preliminary -chapters on the years immediately preceding it. Thus, Coppe has some -two hundred pages on the Visigothic era, Plunket nearly a hundred pages -on the reign of Henry IV, and most of the histories of the nineteenth -century begin with the accession of Charles IV. Concluding chapters, -too, will often reach over into the next succeeding period,--as in the -case of Scott, who devotes sixty-nine pages to the Moriscos under the -kings of the House of Austria. Moreover, many of the volumes in the -section devoted to works of travel and description, especially those -dealing with particular localities, give much of their space to the -record of the past, thus supplementing the writings which are more -properly historical in character. - -[Sidenote: Methods of entry.] - -In the works selected for entry an indication is given of the dates of -the first and the latest editions. In the case of translations the date -of the original publication in the foreign tongue is also stated. The -place of publication is not given for the latest edition if it is the -same as that of the first. No attempt has been made to record minor -variations in title in different editions, such for example as "Philip -the Second" for "Philip II," but striking changes have been noted. The -presence of bibliographical apparatus in the works cited is indicated by -the abbreviation "Bib," thus enabling the reader to know what are the -volumes which may take him to materials not mentioned here. Not only are -the books with formal bibliographies or lists of works so characterized, -but also those which have fairly ample bibliographical data in the -preface. The practice has not been followed, however, where the -information as to sources is confined to footnotes, although many -writers, Lea for example, have valuable references scattered through -their volumes. - - -I. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS - -Aside from the partial bibliographies in the books listed below and the -single periodical mentioned in this section there is no work in English -on the bibliography of Spanish history. The bibliographical sections of -the _Cambridge medieval history_ and the _Cambridge modern history_ -(items 10 and 29 below) will be found particularly helpful. Three works -in foreign tongues are worth noting. The bibliography in Altamira's -_Historia de Espaa_ is perhaps the best general list in Spanish. The -two-volume _Catalogue de l'histoire d'Espagne et de Portugal_ (Paris. -1883-85) of the Bibliothque Nationale of Paris, based on the works at -the disposition of readers in the great national library at the French -capital, is valuable for the older books. The sections on Spain in the -German annual bibliography of historical writings, the _Jahresberichte -der Geschichtswissenschaft_ (published at Berlin since 1880) cover -publications since 1878. The only item in English follows: - -1. _Hispanic American historical review._ Baltimore. 1918. Quarterly. - - This periodical begins publication in February, 1918. Will contain - material on Spain and Portugal, including bibliographical notices, - though primarily devoted to Hispanic America. - - -II. GENERAL HISTORIES OF SPAIN - -In addition to the items of this paragraph, attention is directed to the -works on special subjects, in section IX, many of which range over -several or all of the various periods of Spanish history. - - 2. Dunham, Samuel Astley.... _Spain and Portugal._ 5v. London. - 1832[-33]. Takes to the close of the eighteenth century. - - 3. Hale, Edward Everett, and Susan Hale.... _Spain._ New York, [c - 1886]. - - 4. Harrison, James Albert. _Spain._ Boston. [c 1881]. Republished - under title _Spain in history_. New York and Akron, O. [1898]. - - 5. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _The Spanish people, their origin, - growth and influence._ London and New York. 1901. 1914. Bib. - - 6. Mariana, Juan de. _The general history of Spain. From the first - peopling of it by Tubal, till the death of King Ferdinand, who - united the crowns of Castile and Aragon. With a continuation to the - death of King Philip III._ Tr. [fr. the Sp. ed. of 1669 or 1670] - ed. by Capt. John Stevens. London. 1699. Orig. ed. in Latin. - Toledo. 1592. First Sp. ed. Toledo. 1601. Later editions have - continuations, all except the first by other writers, bringing the - history to the date of publication. Latest Sp. ed. Madrid. 1854. - - 7. Perkins, Clara Crawford. _Builders of Spain._ 2v. in 1. New - York. 1911. - - -III. ANCIENT SPAIN, TO 711 - - 8. Bouchier, Edmund Spencer. _Spain under the Roman Empire._ - Oxford. 1914. Bib. - - 9. Burke, Ulick Ralph. _A history of Spain, from the earliest times - to the death of Ferdinand the Catholic._ 2v. London. [1894-] 1895. - 1900. - - 10. _Cambridge medieval history._ 3v. New York. 1911-18. Bib. - - 11. Van Nostrand, John James. _The reorganization of Spain by - Augustus._ (University of California, _Publications in history_, v. - IV, no. 2). Berkeley. 1916. Bib. - - -IV. MEDIEVAL SPAIN, 711-1479 - -Items 9 and 10 belong also in this section. - - 12. Beasley, Charles Raymond. _James the First of Aragon._ Oxford. - 1890. - - 13. Clarke, Henry Butler. _The Cid Campeador, and the waning of the - crescent in the west._ New York and London. 1902. - - 14. Cond, Jos Antonio. _History of the dominion of the Arabs in - Spain._ Tr. ed. by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. 3v. London. 1854-55. Orig. - Sp. ed. Madrid. 1820-21. Usually regarded as untrustworthy. - - 15. Coppe, Henry. _History of the conquest of Spain by the - Arab-Moors._ 2v. Boston. 1881. - - 16. Dozy, Reinhart Pieter Anne. _Spanish Islam: a history of the - Moslems in Spain._ Tr. ed. by Francis Griffin Stokes. London. 1913. - Bib. Orig. Fr. ed. Leyde. 1861. - - 17. Drane, Augusta Theodosia. _The history of St. Dominic, founder - of the Friars Preachers._ London and New York. 1891. - - 18. Guiraud, Jean. _Saint Dominic._ Tr. ed. by Katharine de Mattos. - London. 1901. New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago. 1913. Bib. Orig. - Fr. ed. Paris. 1899. - - 19. Ibn'Abd al-Hak[=a]m. _Ibn Abd-el-Hakem's History of the - conquest of Spain._ Tr. (fr. the Arabic) ed. by John Harris Jones. - Gttingen. 1858. Orig. ms. written in ninth century. - - 20. Lane-Poole, Stanley.... _The Moors in Spain._ New York and - London. [1886]. New York. 1911. - - 21. Makkari, Ahmed ibn Mohammed al. _The history of the Mohammedan - dynasties in Spain._ Ext. and tr. [fr. ms. copies in the British - Museum] ed. by Pascual de Gayangos. 2v. London. 1840-43. Orig. ms. - in Arabic written early in the seventeenth century. - - 22. Merriman, Roger Bigelow. _The rise of the Spanish empire in the - old world and the new._ 4v. New York and London. 1918-. Bib. Two - volumes are announced for publication in 1918 (_The middle ages_ - and _The Catholic Kings_). Two more will follow (_The Emperor_ and - _Philip the Prudent_). - - 23. Miron, E. L. _The queens of Aragon, their lives and times._ - London. 1913. Bib. - - 24. Scott, Samuel Parsons. _History of the Moorish empire in - Europe._ 3v. Philadelphia and London. 1904. Bib. - - 25. Swift, Francis Darwin. _Life and times of James I., the - conqueror, king of Aragon, Valencia, and Majorca._ Oxford. 1894. - - 26. Watts, Henry Edward.... _The Christian recovery of Spain, being - the story of Spain from the Moorish conquest to the fall of Granada - (711-1492 A.D.)._ New York. 1901. - - 27. Whishaw, Bernhard and Ellen M. _Arabic Spain, sidelights on her - history and art._ London. 1912. Bib. - - 28. Yonge, Charlotte Mary. _The story of the Christians and Moors - of Spain._ London and New York. 1903. - - -V. ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517 - -Items 9, 14, 15, 20-22, 24, 26, and 28 belong also in this section. Many -of the items of section IX are applicable here. - - 29. _Cambridge modern history._ 14v. New York and London. 1902-12. - Bib. - - 30. Hare, Christopher. _A queen of queens_ [Isabella (1474-1504)] - _& the making of Spain._ New York. 1906. - - 31. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Queens of old Spain._ New York. - 1906. London. 1911. - - 32. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Spain, its greatness and decay - (1479-1788)._ Cambridge. 1898. 1913. Bib. - - 33. Irving, Washington. _Conquest of Granada._ New York. 1829. - 1910. Bib. Orig. ed. entitled _A chronicle of the conquest of - Granada_. - - 34. Lea, Henry Charles. _The Moriscos of Spain; their conversion - and expulsion._ Philadelphia. 1901. - - 35. Plunket, Ierne L. _Isabel of Castile and the making of the - Spanish nation, 1451-1504._ New York and London. 1915. Bib. - - 36. Prescott, William Hickling. _History of the reign of Ferdinand - and Isabella the Catholic._ 2v. in 1. New York. 1838. 3v. - Philadelphia. [1902]. - - 37. Sabatini, Rafael. _Torquemada and the Spanish inquisition._ - London. [1913]. Bib. - - -VI. THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA, 1516-1700 - -Items 22, 29, 31, 32, and 34 belong also in this section. All of the -items in section IX have a bearing here. - - 38. Armstrong, Edward. _The Emperor Charles V._ 2v. London and New - York. 1902. London. 1910. Bib. - - 39. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _The life of Cervantes._ London and - New York. 1905. Bib. - - 40. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Murillo, a biography and - appreciation._ London and New York. 1907. - - 41. Calvert, Albert Frederick, _and Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine - (Hartley) Gallichan. _El Greco; an account of his life and works._ - London and New York. 1909. - - 42. Calvert, Albert Frederick, _and Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine - (Hartley) Gallichan. _Velazquez; an account of his life and works._ - London and New York. 1908. - - 43. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. _The Spanish Protestants and their - persecution by Philip II; a historical work._ Tr. ed. by T. Parker. - London and Edinburgh. 1851. (_History of religious intolerance in - Spain_). 1853. Orig. Sp. ed. Cdiz. 1851. - - 44. Coloma, Luis. _The story of Don John of Austria._ Tr. ed. by - Lady Moreton. London and New York. 1912. - - 45. Colvill, Helen Hester. _Saint Teresa of Spain._ New York and - London. 1909. Bib. - - 46. Dunlop, John Colin. _Memoirs of Spain during the reigns of - Philip IV and Charles II, from 1621 to 1700._ 2v. 1834. - - 47. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _The life of Miguel de Cervantes de - Saavedra._ London. 1892. Bib. - - 48. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra: a - memoir._ Oxford. 1913. Bib. - - 49. Froude, James Anthony. _The Spanish story of the Armada and - other essays._ New York. 1892. London. 1901. - - 50. Gardiner, Samuel Rawson. _Prince Charles and the Spanish - marriage._ 2v. London. 1869. - - 51. Gayarr, Charles Etienne Arthur. _Philip II of Spain._ New - York. 1866. - - 52. Gmara, Francisco Lpez de. _Annals of the Emperor Charles V._ - Tr. [fr. an unpublished ms. of, probably, 1557-58] and Sp. orig. - ed. by Roger Bigelow Merriman. Oxford. 1912. - - 53. Graham, _Mrs._ Gabriela (de La Balmondire) Cunninghame. _Santa - Teresa, being some account of her life and times._ 2v. London. - 1894. 1907. - - 54. Hughes, Thomas Aloysius. _Loyola and the educational system of - the Jesuits._ New York. 1892. Bib. - - 55. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _The court of Philip IV. Spain in - decadence._ New York. 1907. - - 56. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Philip II. of Spain._ London. 1897. - 1911. Bib. - - 57. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Two English queens and Philip._ - London. [1898]. - - 58. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _The year after the Armada, and - other historical studies._ London and New York. 1896. - - 59. Joly, Henri. _Saint Ignatius of Loyola._ Tr. ed. by Mildred - Partridge. London. 1899. 1906. Orig. Fr. ed. Paris. 1898. - - 60. Justi, Karl. _Diego Velasquez and his times._ Tr. ed. by A. H. - Keane. London. 1889. Orig. Ger. ed. Bonn. 1889. - - 61. Lovat, Alice Mary (Weld-Blundell) Fraser, _baroness_. _The life - of Saint Teresa, taken from the French of "A Carmelite nun."_ - London. 1912. - - 62. Loyola, _Saint_ Ignacio de. _The autobiography of St. - Ignatius._ Tr. ed. by J. F. X. O'Conor. New York. 1900. Original - completed in 1555. - - 63. Lyon, F. H. _Diego de Sarmiento de Acua, conde de Gondomar._ - Oxford. 1910. - - 64. McCrie, Thomas. _History of the progress and suppression of the - Reformation in Spain in the sixteenth century._ Edinburgh. 1829. - - 65. Prescott, William Hickling. _History of the reign of Philip the - Second._ 3v. Boston. 1855-58. Philadelphia. 1916. - - 66. Rennert, Hugo Albert. _The life of Lope de Vega (1562-1635)._ - Glasgow and Philadelphia. 1904. Bib. - - 67. Robertson, William. _The history of the reign of the Emperor - Charles the Fifth._ 3v. [Philadelphia]. 1770. Philadelphia. [1902]. - - 68. Rose, Stewart. _Ignatius Loyola and the early Jesuits._ London. - 1870. 1891. Bib. - - 69. Sandoval, Prudencio de. _The history of Charles the vth, - emperor and king of Spain, the great hero of the House of Austria: - containing the most remarkable occurrences that happen'd in the - world for the space of 56 years._ Tr. ed. by Capt. John Stevens. - London. 1703. Orig. Sp. ed. Antwerp. 1681. - - 70. Stevenson, Robert Alan Mowbray. _Velasquez._ London and New - York. 1899. Bib. - - 71. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _The cloister life of the - Emperor Charles the Fifth._ London. 1852. 1891. - - 72. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Don John of Austria; or - Passages from the history of the 16th century, 1547-1578._ 2v. - London. 1883. - - 73. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Velazquez and his works._ - London. 1855. - - 74. Teresa, _Saint_. _Saint Theresa. The history of her - foundations._ Tr. [fr. the Sp.] ed. by Sister Agnes Mason. - Cambridge. 1909. Orig. Sp. ed. Antwerp. 1630. - - 75. Teresa, _Saint_. _The life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order - of Our Lady of Carmel._ Tr. ed. by David Lewis. London. 1870. 1904. - Orig. Sp. ed. Salamanca. 1588. - - 76. Teresa, _Saint_. _St. Teresa of Jesus of the Order of Our Lady - of Carmel, embracing the life, relations, maxims and foundations - written by the saint, also, a history of St. Teresa's journeys and - foundations._ Tr. ed. by John J. Burke. New York. 1911. Orig. Sp. - ed. (except the _Foundations_). Salamanca. 1588. Orig. Sp. ed. of - the _Foundations_. Antwerp. 1630. - - 77. Thompson, Francis. _Saint Ignatius Loyola._ London. 1909. 1910. - - 78. Watson, Robert, and William Thomson. _The history of the reign - of Philip the Third, king of Spain._ 2v. London. 1783. 1808. - -VII. THE HOUSE OF BOURBON, 1700-1808 - -Items 29 and 32 belong also in this section. Many of the items in -section IX are applicable here. - - 79. Addison, Joseph. _Charles the Third of Spain._ Oxford. 1900. - - 80. Armstrong, Edward. _Elizabeth Farnese, "the Termagant of - Spain."_ London. 1892. Bib. - - 81. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Goya, an account of his life and - works._ London and New York. 1908. - - 82. Coxe, William. _Memoirs of the kings of Spain of the House of - Bourbon, from the accession of Philip the Fifth to the death of - Charles the Third._ 3v. London. 1813. 5v. 1815. - - 83. D'Auvergne, Edmund B. _Godoy; the queen's favorite._ Boston. - [1913]. - - 84. Hill, Constance. _Story of the Princess des Ursins in Spain._ - New York. 1899. - - 85. Parnell, Arthur. _The war of the succession in Spain during the - reign of Queen Anne, 1702-1711._ London. 1888. Bib. - - 86. Ripperd, Joan Willem van. _Memoirs of the Duke de Ripperd: - 1st. embassador from the states-general to his most catholick - majesty, then duke and grandee of Spain; afterwards bashaw and - prime minister to Muly Abdalla, emperor of Fez and Morocco, etc. - containing account of the remarkable events ... between 1715 and - 1736._ London. 1740. - - 87. Stokes, Hugh. _Francisco Goya; a study of the work and - personality of the eighteenth century Spanish painter and - satirist._ New York. 1914. Bib. - - -VIII. THE DAWN OF LIBERALISM, 1808 TO DATE - -Item 29 belongs also in this section. - - 88. Bollaert, William. _Wars of succession of Portugal and Spain, - from 1826 to 1840: with rsum of the political history ... to the - present time._ 2v. London. 1870. - - 89. Challice, Rachel. _The secret history of the court of Spain - during the last century._ London. 1909. Bib. - - 90. Clarke, Henry Butler. _Modern Spain, 1815-1898._ Cambridge. - 1906. Bib. - - 91. D'Auvergne, Edmund B. _A queen at bay; the story of Christina - and Don Carlos._ London. 1910. Bib. - - 92. Hannay, David. _Don Emilio Castelar._ London. 1896. - - 93. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp.... _Modern Spain, 1788-1898._ New - York and London. 1900. - - 94. Latimer, _Mrs._ Elizabeth (Wormeley). _Spain in the nineteenth - century._ Chicago. 1897. 1898. - - 95. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. _A history of the peninsular - war._ 5v. Oxford. 1902-14. Bib. - - 96. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. _Wellington's army, 1809-1814._ - London. 1912. Bib. - - 97. Strobel, Edward Henry. _Spanish revolution, 1868-1876._ Boston. - 1898. - - 98. White, George F. _A century of Spain and Portugal (1788-1898)._ - London. [1909]. Bib. - - 99. Whitehouse, Henry Remsen. _The sacrifice of a throne, being an - account of the life of Amadeus, duke of Aosta, sometime king of - Spain._ New York. 1897. - - -IX. HISTORICAL WORKS ON SPECIAL SUBJECTS - -Many of the items in sections III to VIII might appropriately be entered -here. Conversely, as already indicated, the items of this section have a -bearing on various or all of the periods of Spanish history, but it has -been deemed best to give them separate entry, because of the obviously -restricted character of the subject-matter of these volumes. - - 100. Caffin, Charles Henry. _The story of Spanish painting._ New - York. 1910. - - 101. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. _The history of the Jews in Spain, - from the time of their settlement in that country till the - commencement of the present century._ Tr. ed. by Edward D. G. M. - Kirwan. Cambridge and London. 1851. Orig. Sp. ed. Cdiz. 1847. - - 102. Clarke, Henry Butler. _Spanish literature; an elementary - handbook._ London. 1893. 1909. Bib. - - 103. Dieulafoy, Marcel Auguste.... _Art in Spain and Portugal._ New - York. 1913. - - 104. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _Chapters on Spanish literature._ - London. 1908. - - 105. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. _A history of Spanish literature._ - New York. 1898. New York and London. 1915. Bib. - - 106. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. _Spanish influence on English - literature._ London. 1905. - - 107. Lea, Henry Charles. _Chapters from the religious history of - Spain connected with the Inquisition._ Philadelphia. 1890. - - 108. Lea, Henry Charles. _A history of the Inquisition of Spain._ - 4v. New York and London. 1906-7. - - 109. Lindo, Elias Hiam. _The history of the Jews of Spain and - Portugal, from the earliest times to their final expulsion from - those kingdoms, and their subsequent dispersion._ London. 1848. - - 110. Markham, Sir Clements Robert. _The story of Majorca and - Minorca._ London. 1908. - - 111. Sayer, Capt. Frederick. _The history of Gibraltar and of its - political relation to events in Europe._ London. 1862. - - 112. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Stories of the Spanish - painters until Goya._ London. 1910. - - 113. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. _Annals of the artists of - Spain._ 3v. London. 1848. Bib. - - 114. Ticknor, George. _History of Spanish literature._ 3v. New - York. 1849. Boston. [1891]. - - 115. Webster, Wentworth. _Gleanings in church history, chiefly in - Spain and France._ London. 1903. Bib. - - 116. Williams, Leonard. _The arts and crafts of older Spain._ 3v. - London. 1907. Bib. - - -X. WORKS OF TRAVEL AND DESCRIPTION - -Of works published prior to 1900, only those of unusual reputation, -whether because of the high station of the men who wrote them or the -remarkable character of the books themselves, have been included. No -attempt has been made to enter all works published in English since -1900, but the list is long enough and the scope of the material covered -sufficiently broad, it is believed, for the purposes of the general -reader who wishes to know something about contemporary Spain. - - 117. Amicis, Edmondo de. _Spain and the Spaniards._ Tr. [fr. 10th - It. ed.] ed. by Stanley Rhoads Yarnall. 2v. Philadelphia. 1895. - Orig. It. ed. Florence. 1873. - - 118. Andjar, Manuel. _Spain of to-day from within._ New York and - Chicago. [1909]. - - 119. Baedeker, Karl. _Spain and Portugal._ Leipsic. 1898. 1913. - Bib. - - 120. Bates, Katharine Lee. _Spanish highways and byways._ New York - and London. 1912. - - 121. Bell, Aubrey F. G. _The magic of Spain._ London and New York. - 1912 [1911]. - - 122. Bensusan, Samuel Levy. _Home life in Spain._ New York and - London. 1910. - - 123. Borrow, George Henry. _The Bible in Spain._ London. 1843. New - York. 1908. - - 124. Borrow, George Henry. _Zincali; or, An account of the gypsies - of Spain._ 2v. London. 1841. 1v. London and New York. [1914]. - - 125. Boyd, _Mrs._ Mary Stuart. _The fortunate isles; life and - travel in Majorca, Minorca and Iviza._ New York. 1911. - - 126. Browne, Edith A.... _Spain._ London. 1910. - - 127. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _The Alhambra, being a brief record - of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a particular account - of the Mohammedan architecture and decoration._ London and New - York. 1907. - - 128. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Catalonia & the Balearic Isles; an - historical and descriptive account. London and New York. 1910. - - 129. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _The Escorial; a historical and - descriptive account of the Spanish royal palace, monastery and - mausoleum._ London and New York. 1907. - - 130. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Granada, present and bygone._ - London. 1908. - - 131. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Impressions of Spain._ London. - 1903. - - 132. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Leon, Burgos and Salamanca; a - historical and descriptive account._ London and New York, 1908. - - 133. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Madrid; an historical description - and handbook of the Spanish capital._ London and New York. 1909. - - 134. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Moorish remains in Spain; being a - brief record of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a - particular account of the Mohammedan architecture and decoration in - Cordova, Seville & Toledo._ London and New York. 1906. - - 135. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Royal palaces of Spain; a - historical & descriptive account of the seven principal palaces of - the Spanish kings._ London and New York. 1909. - - 136. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Sculpture in Spain._ London and - New York. 1912. - - 137. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Seville; an historical and - descriptive account of "the Pearl of Andalusia."_ London and New - York. 1907. - - 138. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Southern Spain._ London. 1908. - - 139. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Spanish arms and armour, being a - historical and descriptive account of the royal armoury of Madrid._ - London and New York. 1907. - - 140. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Toledo, an historical and - descriptive account of the "City of generations."_ London and New - York. 1907. - - 141. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Valencia and Murcia, a glance at - African Spain._ London and New York. 1911. - - 142. Calvert, Albert Frederick. _Valladolid, Oviedo, Segovia, - Zamora, vila, & Zaragoza; an historical & descriptive account._ - London and New York. 1908. - - 143. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine - (Hartley) Gallichan. _The Prado; a description of the principal - pictures in the Madrid gallery._ London and New York. 1907. - - 144. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Walter M. Gallichan. _Cordova, - a city of the Moors._ London and New York. 1907. - - 145. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. _Unexplored Spain._ London. - 1910. - - 146. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. _Wild Spain ... Records of - sport with rifle, rod, and gun; natural history and exploration._ - London. 1893. - - 147. Chatfield-Taylor, Hobart Chatfield. _The land of the - castanet._ Chicago. 1896. New York. 1906. - - 148. Clark, Keith. _The spell of Spain._ Boston. 1914. Bib. - - 149. Collier, William Miller. _At the court of His Catholic - Majesty._ Chicago. 1912. - - 150. Collins, W. W. _Cathedral cities of Spain._ London and New - York. 1909. - - 151. Crockett, Samuel Rutherford. _The adventurer in Spain._ - London. 1903. - - 152. D'Este, Margaret. _With a camera in Majorca._ New York. 1907. - - 153. Dickinson, Duncan. _Through Spain._ London. [1914]. - - 154. Elliott, _Mrs._ Maud (Howe). _Sun and shadow in Spain._ - Boston. 1908. 1911. - - 155. Ellis, Henry Havelock. _The soul of Spain._ Boston and New - York. [1908]. - - 156. Fitz-Gerald, John Driscoll. _Rambles in Spain._ New York. - [1910]. - - 157. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. _A little journey in Spain; - notes of a Goya pilgrimage._ London. 1914. - - 158. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. _Mediterranean moods, footnotes - of travel in the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza, and - Sardinia._ London. 1911. - - 159. Ford, Richard. _Gatherings from Spain._ London. 1846. London - and New York. [1906]. Bib. Also issued under the title _The - Spaniards and their country_. - - 160. Ford, Richard. _Handbook for travellers in Spain._ 2v. London. - 1845. 1898. - - 161. Franck, Harry Alverson. _Four months afoot in Spain._ New - York. 1911. - - 162. Gade, John Allyne. _Cathedrals of Spain._ Boston and New York. - 1911. Bib. - - 163. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _The - cathedrals of southern Spain._ London [n.d. Not earlier than 1912]. - - 164. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _Moorish - cities in Spain._ London. 1906. - - 165. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _Spain - revisited, a summer holiday in Galicia._ London. [1911?]. - - 166. Gallichan, _Mrs._ Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). _The story of - Santiago de Compostela._ London and New York. 1912. - - 167. Gallichan, Walter M. _The story of Seville._ London. 1903. - - 168. Gautier, Thophile. _Wanderings in Spain._ London. 1853. Orig. - Fr. ed. (Tra los montes) Paris. 1843. 2d. Fr. ed. (_Voyage en - Espagne_) Paris. 1845. - - 169. Hart, Jerome A. _Two Argonauts in Spain._ San Francisco. 1904 - [1903]. - - 170. Hay, John. _Castilian days._ Boston. 1871. Cambridge. 1903. - - 171. Higgin, L. _Spanish life in town and country._ London. 1902. - New York and London. [1911]. - - 172. Howells, William Dean. _Familiar Spanish travels._ New York - and London. 1913. - - 173. Irving, Washington. _The Alhambra._ 2v. Philadelphia. 1832. - 1v. Boston and New York, [c 1915]. - - 174. Kennedy, Bart. _A tramp in Spain, from Andalusia to Andorra._ - London. 1892. 1904. - - 175. Llewellyn, Owen, _and_ L. R. Hill. _The south-bound car._ - London. 1907. - - 176. Lomas, John. _In Spain._ London. 1908. - - 177. Lowell, James Russell. _Impressions of Spain._ Boston and New - York. 1899. - - 178. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. _Quiet days in Spain._ London. 1910. - - 179. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. _A vagabond in Spain._ London and New - York. 1895. - - 180. Lynch, Hannah. _Toledo, the story of an old Spanish capital._ - London. 1898. 1910. - - 181. Marden, Philip Sanford. _Travels in Spain._ Boston and New - York. 1910. - - 182. Marriott, Charles. _A Spanish holiday._ New York. 1908. - - 183. Meakin, Annette M. B. _Galicia, the Switzerland of Spain._ - London. [1909]. Bib. - - 184. Nixon-Roulet, Mary F. _The Spaniard at home._ Chicago. 1910. - - 185. O'Connor, Vincent Clarence Scott. _Travels in the Pyrenees, - including Andorra and the coast from Barcelona to Carcassone._ - London. 1913. - - 186. O'Reilly, Eliza Boyle. _Heroic Spain._ New York. 1910. - - 187. Penfield, Edward. _Spanish sketches._ New York. 1911. - - 188. Rudy, Charles. _The cathedrals of northern Spain, their - history and their architecture._ Boston. 1906. - - 189. Seymour, Frederick H. A. _Saunterings in Spain; Barcelona, - Madrid, Toledo, Cordova, Seville, Granada._ London. 1906. - - 190. Shaw, Rafael. _Spain from within._ New York. 1910. - - 191. Slater, Ernest, _pseud._ Paul Gwynne. _The Guadalquivir, its - personality, its people and its associations._ London. 1912. - - 192. Street, George Edmund.... _Some account of Gothic architecture - in Spain._ 2v. London. 1865. 1914. - - 193. Tyler, Royall. _Spain, a study of her life and arts._ New - York. 1909. Bib. - - 194. Villiers-Wardell, _Mrs._ Janie. _Spain of the Spanish._ New - York. 1909. 1914. - - 195. Ward, G. H. B. _The truth about Spain._ London, New York, - Toronto, and Melbourne. 1911. - - 196. Wigram, Edgar T. A. _Northern Spain, painted and described._ - London. 1906. - - 197. Williams, Leonard. _Granada, memories, adventures, studies and - impressions._ Philadelphia. 1906. - - 198. Williams, Leonard. _The land of the Dons._ London. 1902. - - 199. Williams, Leonard. _Toledo and Madrid, their records and - romances._ London. 1903. - - 200. Wood, Charles William. _Glories of Spain._ London and New - York. 1901. - - 201. Wood, Ruth Kedzie. _The tourist's Spain and Portugal._ New - York. 1913. - - 202. Wood, Walter. _A corner of Spain._ New York and London. 1910. - - 203. Zimmerman, Jeremiah. _Spain and her people._ Philadelphia. - 1902. London. 1906. - - - - -INDEX - - -Abbasside family, 42, 43. - -Abdallah, 45. - -Abd-er-Rahman I, 42, 43, 49, 50. - -Abd-er-Rahman II, 44. - -Abd-er-Rahman III, 45, 47, 49, 50, 54, 57. - -Abdul Malik, 46, 58. - -Aben-Hayyn, 103. - -Abu Abdallah. _See_ Boabdil. - -Abul Cassim Mohammed, 69. - -Abul Hassan, 204. - -Academy, the. _See Real Academia Espaola._ - -Academy of Fine Arts. _See Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San -Fernando._ - -Academy of History. _See Real Academia de la Historia._ - -Achila, 32. - -Acosta, 347. - -Acquaviva, 356. - -Acua, Fernando de, 203. - -_Adelantados_, 90, 93, 154-156, 197, 199, 200, 222. - -Adrian, Cardinal. _See_ Adrian VI. - -Adrian VI, Pope, 238, 239, 317. - -Affonso Enrquez of Portugal, 75, 76. - -Africa, 6, 8, 10, 17, 19, 28, 32, 39, 40, 42-45, 69-71, 77, 121, 136, -172, 196, 205, 206, 208, 214, 217, 223, 235, 236, 241, 242, 249, 250, -252, 260, 265, 268, 277, 279, 280, 379, 390, 513. _See_ Algiers, -Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis. - -greda, Mara de Jess, 310. - -Agrippa, 18. - -Alans, 26-28. - -Alarcn, the navigator, 349. - -Alarcn, the novelist, 515. - -Alarcos, battle of, 71, 76. - -Alaric, 27. - -lava, 117, 134, 135, 197-200. - -Alba, dukes of, 251, 252, 323, 428. - -Albniz, 516. - -Alberoni, 374, 375, 377, 434, 439, 444, 451. - -Albigenses, 79, 80. - -Alburquerque, 118, 119. - -_Alcabala_, the, 157, 175, 216, 225, 227, 237, 278, 295, 297, 336, 453. - -Alcal, ordinance of, 142, 160, 163, 226, 441; university of, 230, 312, -340, 474. - -_Alcaldes_, 92, 93, 154, 159, 174, 222, 432, 433, 446, 473. - -Alcntara, order of, 94, 219, 220. - -Alcaraz, 450. - -Alcudia, 430; Duke of: _See_ Godoy. - -Alegre, 482. - -Alexander III, Pope, 76. - -Alexandrian school, 102, 103. - -Alfieri, 482. - -Alfonso, Prince, 115. - -Alfonso (another), Prince, 123, 124. - -Alfonso I of Aragon, 74, 75, 78, 79. - -Alfonso II of Aragon, 79, 110. - -Alfonso III of Aragon, 127, 128. - -Alfonso IV of Aragon, 129. - -Alfonso V of Aragon, 132, 148, 167, 170, 188-191, 207, 212. - -Alfonso I of Asturias and Len, 54, 55. - -Alfonso II of Asturias and Len, 55, 56. - -Alfonso III of Asturias and Len, 57. - -Alfonso IV of Asturias and Len (925-930). Omitted. - -Alfonso V of Asturias and Len, 58. - -Alfonso VI of Len and Castile, 70-74, 95. - -Alfonso VII of Len and Castile, 74-76. - -Alfonso VIII of Castile, 71, 75-77, 79, 106, 112, 135. - -Alfonso IX of Len, 76, 77, 106. - -Alfonso X of Castile (and Len), 112-116, 142, 144, 146, 152, 153, 155, -156, 160-164, 174, 181, 185, 226. - -Alfonso XI of Castile (and Len), 116-119, 129-131, 135, 138, 153, 156, -157, 159, 162, 163, 165, 174. - -Alfonso XII of Spain, 503, 505, 506, 508. - -Alfonso XIII of Spain, 506, 509-511. - -Algarve, 113, 407; Prince of: _See_ Godoy. - -Algeciras, 10, 32. - -Algiers, 242, 356, 390. - -Alhambra, the, 201, 205. - -Alicante, 450, 468. - -Aljubarrota, battle of, 121. - -Almansor, 45, 46, 48, 51, 54, 57, 58. - -Almera, city and province of, 2, 69, 71. - -Almohades, ix, 70, 71, 75-77, 84, 85, 87, 102, 104, 113. _See_ Moslems. - -Almoravides, 69, 70, 72, 73, 84, 87, 102, 104. _See_ Moslems. - -Alomar, 515. - -Altamira, Rafael, 335, 516, 525. - -Alvarado, 347. - -lvarez, General, 491. - -lvarez, the sculptor, 485. - -lvarez Quintero, the brothers, 515, 516. - -Amadeo, King, of Spain, 503, 504. - -_Amads de Gaula_, 145, 185, 232, 355. - -Amalia, Queen, of Spain, 472. - -Amelot, 374, 434. - -American Revolution, 383, 384, 399. - -Americans. _See_ United States. - -Americas, the. _See_ Spanish America. - -_Amigos del Pas_, 462, 474. - -Andalusia and the Andalusians, 2, 3, 9, 11, 19, 38, 39, 44, 67, 71, 79, -138, 156, 180, 203, 204, 211, 229, 268, 280, 284, 327, 364, 365, 431, -460, 462, 464, 466, 490, 516, 518, 520, 522. - -Anglada, 516. - -Anian, Strait of, 476. - -Anjou, House of, 128, 132, 207. _See_ Charles of Anjou. - -Anson, George, 381. - -Antonio, Julio, 516. - -Antonio, Nicols, 347. - -Antonio of Crato, 251-253. - -Arabs, the, 32, 39-52, 59, 71, 84, 107, 108, 182, 183, 185, 188, 200, -248, 277, 278, 309, 363. _See_ Moslems. - -Aragn, Alfonso de, 216. - -Aragon (kingdom and province of) and the Aragonese, 2, 44, 45, 54, 56, -58, 64-66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 78-82, 96-101, 106, 109-111, 115, 117, 119, -120, 122, 124-134, 146-150, 155, 166-173, 176-179, 187-193, 195, 203, -206, 208, 209, 211-215, 217, 219, 221-224, 227, 229, 231, 234, 235, 244, -252, 253, 263, 268, 272-277, 280, 288-290, 296, 301, 311, 325, 411, 412, -422, 427, 429, 431, 432, 435, 453, 460, 476. - -Aranda, Count of, 389, 393, 394, 402, 420, 423, 428, 435, 436, 451, 472. - -Aranjuez, 408, 423, 450, 492. - -Archivo General de Indias, 476, 481. - -Argentina, 389, 523. - -Argote y Gngora. _See_ Gngora. - -Arian creed, 27, 30, 31, 36. - -Aristotle, 103, 184. - -Arjona, 71. - -Arlegui, 482. - -Armada, the Spanish, 253, 255, 256, 287. - -_Armada de Barlovento_, 299. - -Armenteira, 164. - -Arniches, Carlos, 515. - -Arriaga, _Cofrada_ of, 135, 197. - -Arriaga, Julin de, 436. - -Arricivita, 482. - -Arrieta. Bartolom de, 300, 441. - -Arrieta, the composer, 515. - -Arteaga, 479. - -Arthur, King, of England, 185. - -Artois, 235. - -Asia, 7, 262. _See_ Asia Minor. - -Asia Minor, 8, 129. _See_ Asia. - -_Asiento_, the, 370, 371, 380, 381, 385, 456. - -Asso, 481. - -Assyria and the Assyrians, 7, 10. - -Astorga, 20. - -Asturias, Princes of, 121, 426. - -Asturias and the Asturians, 11, 53-57, 60-64, 135, 180, 327, 431, -434-436, 460. - -Ataulf, 27, 28. - -Athanagild, 29. - -Athens, 129, 131, 190. - -Atlantic Ocean, 1, 229, 260, 328, 385. - -_Audiencias_, 155, 156, 222, 292, 293, 311, 321, 429-433, 437. - -Augsburg, Diets of, 243. - -Augustinians, 312, 314. - -Augustus, 18, 20. - -Austerlitz, battle of, 407. - -Austria, House of. _See_ Hapsburg. - -Austria and the Austrians, 207, 235, 236, 244, 368, 369, 372, 375-379, -381, 402, 407, 496. - -_Autos de fe_, 223, 224. - -Avendao, Francisco de, 353. - -Averres, 103, 110, 188. - -Avignon, 120, 131, 168. - -vila, 23, 239, 464. - -Ayacucho, battle of, 488. - -Ayala, Pedro Lpes de. _See_ Lpez de Ayala. - -Ayala, the dramatist, 515. - -Ayala, the navigator, 479. - -Ayora, Gonzalo de, 226. - -_Ayuntamientos_, 159, 290, 413, 426, 429, 432, 433. - -Az-Zahra, palace of, 49. - -Azcrate, 525. - -Azcoytia, 450. - -"Azorn," 515. - - -Bacon, Francis, 342. - -Badajoz, city and province of, 2, 20, 69-71, 405. - -Baegert, 482. - -Bahama Islands, 397, 398. - -Baja California, 476. - -Balearic Islands, 19, 69, 81,100. _See_ Ibiza, Majorca, Minorca. - -Baltic Sea, 189. - -Barba, Alonso, 350. - -Barbarossa, 242. - -Barbary Coast. _See_ Africa, Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis. - -Barca family, 12-14. - -Barcelona, city of, 12, 22, 28, 64, 99, 125, 133, 147-149, 168-170, 172, -173, 177-179, 188, 215, 216, 221, 229, 263, 264, 286, 329, 372, 417, -423, 429, 431, 451, 460, 466, 484, 512; counts of, 56, 58, 65, 75, 77, -78, 79, 133; university of, 188, 312,350. - -Barlovento. _See_ _Armada de Barlovento_. - -Baroja, Po, 515. - -_Barragana_, 88, 96, 144, 164, 196, 216, 281, 305, 315. - -Basle, treaty of, 403. - -Basque provinces, the, and the Basques, 8, 43, 55, 58, 134, 135, 175, -192, 196-200, 213, 288, 423, 430, 432-434, 461, 465, 518. _See_ lava, -Guipzcoa, Vizcaya. - -Bavaria, Prince of, 270. - -Bayeu, 485. - -Bayln, battle of, 490. - -Bayonne, 409, 489-491. - -Beaumarchais, 483. - -Beaumont, 482. - -Becquer, 515. - -_Behetras_, 197-199. - -Belgium. _See_ Catholic Netherlands, Low Countries. - -Benavente, Jacinto, 515, 516. - -Benedict XIII, Pope, 131, 168. - -Benedict XIV, Pope, 453. - -Benedictines, 472. - -Benedito, 516. - -Beni-Casi family, 44. - -Benimerines, 113, 114, 117, 131, 136. - -Benlliure, 516. - -Berbers, the, 8, 14, 19, 32, 40-43, 45-47, 49, 50, 69-71, 84, 200, 241. -_See_ Moslems. - -Berenguela, Queen, of Castile, 76, 77, 90. - -Berruguete, 362. - -Beruete, 516. - -Bethencourt, Juan de, 122. - -Biblioteca Nacional, 476. - -Bilbao, city of, 329, 468. - -Bilbao, the painter, 516. - -Biron, 388. - -Biscay, Bay of, 260. - -Black Prince, the, 120. - -Black Sea, 27. - -Blanche of Bourbon, 118, 119. - -Blanche of Navarre, 123, 134. - -Blay, 516. - -"Blue Lady." _See_ greda. - -Boabdil, 204, 205. - -Bobastro, 44, 45. - -Boccaccio, 184, 185, 356. - -Bodega, 479. - -Bogot, 478. - -Bologna, 452. - -Bonaparte. _See_ Joseph, Napoleon. - -Bonilla, Adolfo, 515. - -Borgia, Alfonso. _See_ Calixtus III. - -Borja, Cardinal, 318. - -Borja, town of, 450. - -Boston, 393. - -Bougainville, 388. - -Bourbon, House of, 118, 270, 284, 370, 384-386, 393, 397, 399, 404, 405, -407, 410, 421, 425, 426, 429, 432, 434, 438, 443, 445, 452, 454, 455, -469, 482, 497, 500, 503. - -Bracamonte, Rubn de, 122. - -Braciano, Duke of, 373. - -Braga, 20. - -Braganza, House of, 251, 265, 267. - -Bravo Murillo, 500, 501. - -Brazil, 252, 392. - -Bretn, 515. - -Bruges, 176, 326, 337. - -Buckingham, Duke of, 284. - -Bueno, Manuel, 516. - -Buenos Aires, 388. - -Burgos, 57, 329, 330, 409; ordinances of, 160. - -Burgoyne, 395. - -Burgundy, 235, 236, 244, 262. - -Burriel, 481, 482. - -Byng, 376, 377. - -Byzantine Greeks. _See_ Byzantine Romans. - -Byzantine Romans, 29-31, 33, 36-38, 50, 52, 129, 190. - - -_Caballeros_, 85, 86, 97, 137, 138, 141, 148, 159, 166, 170, 185, 192, -194, 211, 273, 433. - -Cabezn, 366. - -Cceres, 2, 244. - -Cdiz, city and province of, 2, 10, 32, 38, 255, 328, 392, 423, 468-470, -484, 492, 493, 496. - -Cpio, 17. - -Csar, 18, 185. - -Calatrava, order of, 75, 94, 139, 219, 220. - -Caldern, Alfredo, 515. - -Caldern de la Barca, Pedro, 355. - -California, 156, 232, 349, 361, 481; Gulf of, 349. - -Calixtus III, Pope, 190, 191. - -_Cmara de Castilla_, 292, 321, 412, 431, 433. - -_Camarilla_, the, 495, 501. - -Campillo, 434, 480. - -Campoamor, 515. - -Campomanes, 415, 418, 435, 450, 459, 461, 480, 481. - -Canalejas, 509. - -Canary Islands, 6, 122, 206, 293, 431, 453. - -Canellas, 97. - -Cangas de Ons, 53. - -Cano, Alonso, 362, 366. - -Cano, Melchor, 314, 316. - -Cnovas del Castillo, 516. - -Canstadt man, 6. - -Cantabrian Mountains, 2, 491. - -Cantabrians, 8. - -Capmany, 481. - -Caribbean Sea, 253, 385, 387. - -Carlism, 497-501, 503-505, 511. - -Carlos, Don, 497, 498, 503. - -Carmona, 69. - -Carpetana Mountains. _See_ Carpeto-Vetnica Mountains. - -Carpeto-Vetnica Mountains, 2, 3, 54. - -Carpio, Bernardo del, 55. - -Carranza, Bartolom, 307. - -_Carreratge_, 168, 169, 173, 199. - -Carrillo, Alonso de, 183. - -Cartagena in America, 380. - -Cartagena in Spain, 12, 13, 23, 27. - -Carthage and the Carthaginians, 7, 10-15. - -Carvajal, 224. - -_Casa de Contratacin_, 231, 328, 341, 348, 349, 468. - -Castaos, 490. - -Castelar, 505. - -Castellanos, Juan de, 347. - -Castelln de Ampurias, 11. - -Castile and the Castilians, 1-5, 38, 57, 58, 60-64, 66, 68, 69, 71-78, -81, 82, 84-99, 104-125, 129, 131-147, 149, 151-167, 169-176, 180-190, -192, 197-199, 203-206, 209-221, 223, 224, 226-231, 235, 237-240, 242, -249-253, 262-266, 274-277, 280, 288-290, 292, 296, 301, 311, 325, 327, -346, 364, 369, 372, 426, 427, 429-432, 441, 453, 460, 464; language of, -106, 184, 185, 189, 190, 197, 231, 308, 341, 346, 351-353, 357, 358, -476, 481, 518. _See_ New Castile, Old Castile. - -Castro, Amrico, 515. - -Castro, Juana de, 119. - -Castro, Rosala de, 515. - -"Catalan vengeance," the, 129. - -Catalonia and the Catalans, 2, 11, 13, 56, 58, 59, 64-66, 77-82, 96-100, -109, 110, 125, 127, 129-134, 146-150, 168-173, 176-179, 184, 187, 189, -190, 192, 203, 206, 210-212, 221, 227, 231, 258, 262-265, 267, 272, 275, -276, 280, 288-290, 296, 299, 301, 311, 328, 359, 370-374, 379, 380, 422, -426, 427, 429-431, 432, 441, 453, 460, 466, 511, 512, 518; language of, -110, 189, 190, 231, 429, 511, 518. - -Catherine of Aragon, 207. - -Catholic Kings. _See_ Ferdinand II of Aragon, Isabella I of Castile. - -Catholic Netherlands, 250, 262, 372, 378. _See_ Low Countries. - -Catholic Reaction. _See_ Counter-Reformation. - -Catholicism, 22, 27, 29-31, 36, 80, 216, 243, 246-248, 250, 251, -253-255, 261, 264, 281, 288, 302-304, 306, 308, 313, 315, 316, 319, 343, -355, 359, 443, 445, 448, 455-457, 494, 501, 502, 512, 514, 521. _See_ -Arian creed, Church. - -Cavanilles, 478. - -Cavo, 482. - -Cejador, 515. - -Celtiberian Mountains, 2. - -Celtiberians, the, 8, 9. - -Celts, the, 8, 9. - -_Censos_, 281, 416, 452. - -Cerda, Fernando de la. _See_ Fernando. - -Cerdagne, 134, 206, 207, 235, 262. - -Cervantes de Salazar, 347. - -Cervantes y Saavedra, Miguel de, 334, 353, 355-357, 359, 483. - -Ceuta, 268, 513. - -Chaldea and the Chaldeans, 7,10; language of, 230. - -Champagne, Count of, 82. - -_Chancilleras._ _See Audiencias._ - -_Chanson de Roland_, 43. - -Chap, 515. - -Chappe d'Autereche, 476. - -Charlemagne, 43, 55, 185. - -Charles, Prince, 247, 256. - -Charles, the Archduke. _See_ Charles VI (the Emperor). - -Charles V, the Emperor. _See_ Charles I of Spain. - -Charles VI, the Emperor, 270, 369-372, 376-381, 444. - -Charles of Anjou, 126. - -Charles of Valois, 127. - -Charles of Viana, 132-134. - -Charles I of England, 284. - -Charles IV of France, 134. - -Charles VIII of France, 206, 207. - -Charles I of Spain, 209, 216, 219, 234-250, 256-258, 263, 275-277, -283-287, 289, 293, 296, 298, 300, 306-308, 311, 314, 316-320, 322, 326, -335, 339, 345, 346, 352, 353, 363. - -Charles II of Spain, 258, 268-271, 285, 288, 289, 333, 369, 384. - -Charles III of Spain, 376-380, 382-386, 389-392, 394-399, 403, 411, 412, -414, 415, 419, 420, 422-424, 427, 431-433, 435, 436, 438, 439, 445, 447, -449-454, 456, 461-465, 467, 472-475, 478, 479, 481, 485, 486, 495. - -Charles IV of Spain, 384, 399-404, 407-409, 412, 415, 419, 422, 423, -425, 427, 435, 436, 439, 446, 447, 456, 463, 469, 473, 477, 486, 488, -498. - -Charolais, 235. - -Charron, 343. - -Chatham, Lord. _See_ Pitt. - -Chicharro, 516. - -Chivres, 237. - -Chile, 478. - -Chindaswinth, 31, 35. - -Chinese, the, 353. - -Choiseul, 389. - -Christians, 22, 23, 39-41, 43-47, 49, 53-60, 67-73, 75-77, 84, 85, 87, -88, 97, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 124, 135, 136, 142, 143, 147, 150, -172, 180, 182, 192, 193, 195, 200, 201, 205, 213, 214, 236, 248, 249, -266, 274-278, 280, 307, 338, 342, 362, 421. _See_ Church. - -Chueca, 515. - -Church, the, 22, 23, 26, 27, 35-37, 41, 42, 47, 49, 53-55, 60-63, 65, -66, 85-88, 90, 91, 93-98, 100, 105, 111, 114, 117, 123, 124, 127, 131, -137-141, 143, 144, 146, 155-160, 163-165, 169, 172, 173, 182-184, 188, -197, 210, 212, 216, 217, 222, 225, 227, 237, 239, 248, 249, 252, 266, -273-278, 283, 289, 293, 295, 297, 303-323, 325, 334, 340-343, 347, -351-353, 365, 366, 401, 412, 415, 416, 418, 422, 426-428, 430, 437, 441, -443-460, 462, 464, 472, 473, 476, 477, 479, 480, 485, 493, 494, 496, -500, 501, 504, 505, 511-513, 522. _See_ Albigenses, Alcntara, -Augustinians, Benedictines, Calatrava, Catholicism, Christians, -Cistercians, Cluny, Counter-Reformation, Dominicans, Franciscans, -Illuminism, Inquisition, Jesuits, _Limpieza de sangre_, Mozrabes, -Mysticism, Nobles, Papal States, Priscillianism, Protestantism, -Quietism, Reformation, Santiago, Templars. - -Churriguera, 362. - -Cicero, 184. - -Cid, the, 72-74, 106. - -Cieza de Len, 347. - -Cistercians, 75, 164. - -Cities. _See_ Towns. - -Ciudad Real, town and province of, 2, 450. - -Ciudadela, 195. - -Civita Vecchia, 452. - -Clar, 516. - -"Clarn," 515. - -Clavigero, 482. - -Clement V, Pope, 167. - -Clement VII, Pope, 167, 168. - -Clergy. _See_ Church. - -Clovis, 29. - -Cluny, monks of, 65, 66, 72, 86, 95, 96, 98, 106. _See_ Church. - -Cobos, Bernab, 347. - -Coello, 366. - -_Cofradas_, 144, 145, 182, 281, 417. _See_ Arriaga. - -Coimbra, 54. - -Colmeiro, 516. - -Colonna, 184. - -Columbus, Christopher, 232, 522. - -Columbus, Ferdinand, 347. - -Comenius, 343. - -Commons, House of, 493. - -_Compilacin de Canellas_, 97. - -Compostela, Santiago de, 55, 63, 74, 75, 93, 95, 105, 106, 165, 174, -238, 263. - -_Comunales_, 93. - -_Comunidades_, the, 239, 248, 250. - -_Concejo._ _See_ Towns, Villa. - -Cond, 261. - -_Consejo de Castilla._ _See Consejo Real._ - -_Consejo Real_, 154, 203, 221, 264, 290-293, 311, 317, 320, 321, 329, -331, 418, 425, 426, 428, 431, 433, 435, 445, 450, 468, 475. - -_Consejos_, the, 292, 297, 430, 431, 433, 441, 468. _See Cmara, Consejo -Real._ - -_Consell_, the. _See_ Barcelona. - -Conservatives, the, 506, 509, 512. _See_ Moderates. - -Constance of Aragon, 130. - -Constance of Sicily, 126. - -Constantinople, 129, 132, 195, 249. - -Constanza, Princess, 121. - -Constitutions, 493, 494, 496, 498-502, 504-506, 509, 510. - -_Consulados_, 109, 177, 178, 328, 329, 331, 468, 469. - -_Consumo_, the, 157. - -Convention, the French, 403. - -_Conversos_, the. _See_ Marranos. - -Copernicus, 349. - -Crdoba, Gonzalo de, 208, 226. - -Cordova, 24, 43-45, 47, 49, 50, 53, 68, 69, 77, 103, 224. - -Coria, 54. - -Corneille, 482. - -Cornejo, 481. - -Cornwall, Earl of, 112. - -_Corregidores_, 90, 159, 198, 199, 220, 238, 290, 329, 429, 432, 466, -473. - -Corsica, 8, 128, 171, 452. - -_Cort_, the, 93, 154, 155. - -_Cortes_, the, 85, 89-93, 97, 99-101, 114, 117, 123, 128, 133, 140, 141, -147, 148, 158, 160, 161, 163, 165-168, 170, 171, 173, 178, 209, 217, -220, 221, 226, 237-239, 252, 263, 277, 288, 289, 294, 297, 299, 301, -302, 305, 311, 320, 321, 413, 425-429, 473, 492-498, 501-505, 509. - -Corts, Hernando, 296, 347, 350. - -Corua, 238, 255, 263, 450. - -Cosso, 516. - -Costa, 525. - -Counter-Reformation, 306, 312, 342. _See_ Church, Protestantism, -Reformation. - -Counts, 61, 62, 65, 90, 211, 221, 273. - -Covadonga, battle of, 53, 54. - -Cowley, 388. - -Cristina, Queen, of Spain, 497-500. - -Cromagnon man, 6, 7. - -Cromwell, 262, 393. - -Cruz, Juan de la, Saint, 310. - -Cruz, Ramn de la, 484, 487. - -_Cruzada_, the, 225, 292, 295, 444, 445. - -Cuba, 488, 500, 506. - -Cuenca, town and province of, 2, 450, 460. - -Cueva, Beltrn de la, 123. - - -Dante, 185. - -Danube River, 27. - -Danvila y Collado, 516. - -Daoiz, Luis, 410. - -Daro, Rubn, 515. - -Daroca, 450. - -Daza, Juan de, 224. - -Denia, 69. - -Denmark, 189, 308, 330, 379. - -Depsito Hidrogrfico, 479. - -Deputation of the _Cortes_. _See Generalitat._ - -Descartes, 343. - -Daz, Juan, 308. - -Daz, Rodrigo, or Ruy. _See_ Cid. - -Daz de Montalvo, Alfonso, 226, 300, 301, 441. - -Daz del Castillo, Bernal, 347. - -Dicenta, 515. - -Diderot, 428. - -Diez Canedo, 515. - -_Diezmos_, 140, 225, 295, 452. - -Diocletian, 19, 22. - -Directory, the French, 404. - -Dominic, Saint, 80, 96. - -Dominicans, 80, 96, 173, 304, 314, 316, 358. _See_ Church. - -_Don Quixote_, 355-357. - -_Donativos_, 295. - -Dorantes de Carranza, 347. - -_Dos de Mayo_, the, 399, 410, 486, 489, 513. - -_Dos novenas_, 140. - -Douro River, 2, 17, 54, 58. - -Doz, 476. - -Drake, Francis, 253, 255. - -Dukes, 211, 221, 273. - -Dupont, 490. - -Dutch, the. _See_ Protestant Netherlands. - - -East Indies, 262. - -Ebro River, 2, 3, 7, 408, 490. - -Echegaray, 515. - -Edward, Prince. _See_ Black Prince. - -Edward I of England, 112. - -Edward III of England, 120, 121. - -Egmont, Port, 388, 389. - -Egypt and the Egyptians, 8, 39, 42, 43. _See_ Gypsies. - -El Greco, 364, 366, 485, 516. - -El Zagal, 204. - -Elche, 169. - -Elhuyar brothers, 478. - -Elisa, 479. - -Elizabeth, Queen, of England, 253-255. - -Elvira, 22, 45. - -Emporium, 11. - -_Encomienda_, 60, 138. - -Encyclopedia, the, 428. - -England and the English, 92, 105, 112, 113, 120, 121, 134, 158, 175, -176, 203, 207, 209, 235, 236, 241, 244, 246, 247, 253-256, 259, 260, -262, 267, 269, 270, 299, 330, 337, 342, 346, 359, 368-372, 376, 377, -379-401, 403-407, 425, 429, 435, 440, 450, 451, 456, 458, 459, 469-471, -483, 489, 491, 499, 508, 514, 518, 519. - -Engracia, Saint, 22. - -Ensenada, Marquis of, 434-436, 439, 440, 480. - -Enzina, Juan del, 232, 353. - -pila, battle of, 130. - -Erasmus, 342. - -Escarano, 393, 396. - -Escoiquiz, 406, 409. - -Escorial, the, 255, 362. - -Espagnoletto. _See_ Ribera (the painter). - -Espartero, 499, 502. - -_Espculo_, the, 162. - -Espinosa, 482. - -Esquivel, 350. - -Estudios Reales de San Isidro, 341. - -Etruria, 405, 407, 410. - -Etruscans, the ancient, 24. - -Eulalia, Saint, 22. - -Euric, 28, 29, 34. - -Europe and Europeans, 1, 3, 6, 21, 28, 38, 44, 45, 49-51, 60-62, 64, 67, -86, 91, 94, 102, 103, 105-108, 110, 112, 139, 148, 165, 181, 182, 186, -188, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 219, 230, 234, 236, 240-246, 248-251, 254, -257-262, 265, 266, 269, 270, 284, 286, 298, 300, 303, 306, 315, 324, -328, 330, 334, 336-338, 350, 352, 355, 356, 358-360, 368-370, 376, -380-384, 391, 392, 394, 401-403, 407, 415, 419, 426, 449, 466, 471, -478, 480-482, 492, 495, 496, 500, 513, 520. - -vora, 266. - -Evreux, House of, 134. - -_Expolios_, 319, 321. - -Extremadura, 1, 2, 44, 45, 212, 228, 280, 431, 460, 464. - - -Fachenetti concordat, 320. - -Fadrique of Sicily, 128, 129. - -Falkland Islands, 388, 389, 400. - -Falla, 516. - -Family Compact, the, 379, 383, 386, 389, 390, 395, 400. - -Far East, the, 265, 353, 488. - -Farnese, Alexander, 251. - -Farnesio, Isabel, 374-382, 404, 418, 445, 449, 451. - -Ferdinand I, the Emperor, 235, 244. - -Ferdinand II, the Emperor, 260. - -Ferdinand of Antequera. _See_ Ferdinand I of Aragon. - -Ferdinand of Aragon. _See_ Ferdinand II of Aragon. - -Ferdinand I of Aragon, 122, 131, 132, 168, 170, 189. - -Ferdinand II of Aragon, 111, 124, 133, 134, 148, 154, 191, 202-215, -217-230, 234, 235, 272, 276, 277, 287, 290, 292-294, 300, 306, 316, 325, -332, 335, 350. - -Ferdinand of Bourbon, Prince, 382. - -Ferdinand I of Castile, 71, 73, 75. - -Ferdinand II of Len (1157-1188). Omitted. - -Ferdinand III of Castile (and Len), 68, 76, 77, 80, 81, 91, 95, 111, -158, 162. - -Ferdinand IV of Castile (and Len), 115-117. - -Ferdinand V of Spain. _See_ Ferdinand II of Aragon. - -Ferdinand VI of Spain, 378, 381, 382, 391, 412, 418, 422, 431, 435, 439, -445, 449, 474, 478, 484. - -Ferdinand VII of Spain, 406-409, 477, 486, 488, 492-498. - -Ferdinand of Naples, 132. - -Fernn Gonzlez, 57. - -Fernn-Nez, Count of, 472, 481. - -Fernndez. _See_ Moratn. - -Fernndez Caballero, 515. - -Fernndez de Oviedo, 347. - -Fernndez Duro, 516. - -Fernndez Guerra, 516. - -Fernando de la Cerda, 113, 115. - -Ferrn, 515. - -Ferrara, 452. - -Ferrer, Francisco, 511, 512. - -Ferrer, Jaime, 189. - -Feudalism. _See_ Church, Nobles, Towns. - -Feyjo, 472, 483. - -Fidalgo, 479. - -Figueras, President, 504. - -_Fiscal_, the, 156. - -Fita, Fidel, 516. - -Flanders, the Flemings, and Flemish influences, 105, 176, 187, 190, 195, -209, 233, 235, 237, 239, 247, 250, 270, 286, 294, 297, 323, 328, 342, -462. - -Flor, Roger de, 129. - -Florence, 209, 363. - -Florencia, 347. - -Flrez, 476. - -Florida, 387, 395, 397, 398, 488. - -Floridablanca, Count of, 395, 396, 400-402, 415, 428, 435, 436, 452, -463, 480. - -Foix, Count of, 134. - -France, the French, and French influences, 1, 8, 27-30, 34, 40, 42, 43, -58, 59, 64-66, 74, 75, 78-81, 83, 86, 89, 92, 105-107, 110, 115, 118, -120, 126, 127, 131, 134, 139, 161, 172, 181, 185, 188, 190, 196, 197, -200, 206-209, 214, 229, 235, 236, 240-244, 246-248, 251, 254, 255, 258, -260-265, 267-271, 280, 299, 300, 308, 312, 327, 330, 333, 351, 359, 360, -368-390, 392-397, 399-411, 419-421, 425, 427-429, 434, 440, 445, 449, -452, 454, 457, 459, 461, 468-472, 476, 482-485, 489-493, 496, 497, 500, -503, 508, 513, 514, 518, 524. _See_ French Revolution, Provenal -influences. - -Franche-Comt, 235. - -Francis I of France, 209, 235, 240, 241. - -Franciscans, 96, 173, 216, 217, 304, 314. _See_ Church. - -Franks, the, 19, 29, 30, 42, 43, 55, 56, 64. - -Freemasons, 495, 512. - -French Revolution, 161, 384, 399-402, 428, 429, 457, 477, 496. - -_Fuero Juzgo_, 31, 37, 63, 65, 91, 98, 99, 162, 163. - -_Fuero Real_, 162, 163, 441. - -_Fuerza_, recourse of, 156, 164, 291, 311, 321, 322, 446. - -Furfooz man, 6. - - -Galba, 16. - -_Galeras_, the, 295. - -Gals. Pedro, 308. - -Galicia and the Galicians, 2, 4, 8-10, 11, 27, 28, 56-58, 71, 74, 106, -180, 184, 185, 203, 238, 327, 431, 434, 460, 478, 511. - -Galvn, 350. - -Glvez, Bernardo de, 397. - -Glvez, Jos de, 436. - -Gndara, 516. - -Ganivet, 515. - -Garca de la Huerta, 484. - -Garnier, 393. - -Gascony, 112, 113. - -Gastambide, 515. - -Gaud, 516. - -Gelmrez, Diego, 74, 75, 95. - -General Privilege, the, 126, 130, 167. - -_Generalitat_, the, 148, 170-172, 178, 299. - -Genoa, 109, 129, 131, 297, 470. - -Germanic tribes, 26-29, 33, 59, 63, 75. _See_ Alans, Germans, -Ostrogoths, Suevians, Vandals, Visigoths. - -Germany and the Germans, 105, 112, 113, 229, 235, 236, 238, 240-244, -246, 247, 260, 269, 285, 297, 308, 350, 359, 366, 371, 448, 462, 483, -485, 508, 513, 514. _See_ Prussia. - -Gerona, city and province of, 11, 64, 65, 77, 82, 172, 173, 212, 430, -491. - -Gibbon, 346. - -Gibraltar, 32, 71, 371, 376, 377, 379, 381, 382, 385, 396, 397, 407, -514. - -Gilbert, Humphrey, 253. - -Giner de los Ros, 516, 525. - -Giotto, 187, 190. - -Godoy, Manuel, 402-409, 419, 422, 423, 436, 447, 448, 455, 472, 474, -475, 477, 516. - -Gmez de Baquero, 516. - -Gngora, Luis de Argote y, 358. - -Gngora, the historian, 347. - -Gonzlez Blanco, 515. - -Gonzlez Bravo, 500, 503. - -Gonzlez Dvila, Gil, 350. - -Gonzlez del Castillo, 484. - -Gothic art, 107, 108, 110, 186, 187, 190, 197, 233, 361, 362. - -Gothic rite, 36, 95, 98, 100. - -Goya, Francisco Jos, 366, 421, 422, 471, 485, 486, 516. - -Granada, city of, 2, 53, 71, 201, 205, 293, 423, 431; kingdom and -province of, 2, 3, 50, 68, 69, 71, 77, 82, 111, 113, 115, 117, 121-123, -135, 136, 142, 192, 200-202, 204-206, 211, 213, 219, 221, 225-227, 248, -277, 280, 327, 431, 460. - -Granados, 516. - -Grandees, 211, 273, 373, 379, 411-413, 447, 501, 505. - -Great Schism, 131, 164, 167, 168, 317. - -Greece, the Greeks, and Greek influences, 6, 7, 11-14, 18, 24, 36, 37, -51, 102, 103, 105, 190, 230, 242, 342, 350-353, 361, 362, 364, 484. -_See_ Byzantine Romans. - -Gregory VII, Pope, 95, 164. - -Gregory XIII, Pope, 322, 349. - -Gregory XIV, Pope, 317. - -Grimaldi, 394, 395. - -Grotius, 344. - -Guadalajara, 54, 450. - -Guadalquivir River, 1-3, 5, 49. - -Guadalupe, Sentence of, 212. - -Guadarrama Mountains. _See_ Carpeto-Vetnica Mountains. - -Guadiana River, 2. - -Guastalla, 381. - -Guatemala, 478. - -Guerrero, 366. - -Guesclin, Bertrand du, 120. - -Guimer, 515. - -Guipzcoa, 134, 135, 197-200, 274, 284, 301, 429, 460. - -Gutirres de Santa Clara, 347. - -Guzmn, Domingo de. _See_ Dominic. - -Guzmn, Leonor de, 118. - -Guzmn el Bueno, 114, 115. - -Guzmn family, 138, 152. - -Gypsies, the, 275, 276, 414. - - -Hadrian, 20. - -Hakem I, 43, 44. - -Hakem II, 45, 57. - -Hamilcar, 12. - -Hannibal, 12-14. - -Hapsburg, House of, 113, 207, 234-236, 241, 243, 244, 246, 260, 268-271, -276, 284, 287, 293, 303, 316, 331, 332, 368, 374, 411, 426, 432, 443, -446, 452, 454, 455, 473, 506. - -Harcourt, 270. - -Harrach, 270. - -Hasdrubal, the elder, 12-13. - -Hasdrubal, the younger, 13. - -Havana, 386, 387, 395. - -Hawkins, John, 253. - -Hayti, 403. - -Hebrew literature, 188, 230, 352. _See_ Jews. - -Heceta, 479. - -Henry, Prince, of Portugal, 189. - -Henry I of Castile, 76. - -Henry II of Castile (and Len), 118-121, 138, 140, 186. - -Henry III of Castile (and Len), 121, 122, 135, 138, 186. - -Henry IV of Castile (and Len), 122-124, 134, 138, 139, 143, 164, 204, -210. - -Henry VIII of England, 207, 208, 235. - -Henry IV of France, 248, 260. - -Henry of Lorraine, 74. - -Henry I of Portugal, 251, 252. - -Henry of Trastamara. _See_ Henry II of Castile (and Len). - -_Hermandades_, 92, 141, 155, 158, 220, 223. - -Hermenegild, 30. - -Herrera, Juan de, 361, 362. - -Herrera, the historian, 347. - -Herrera, the painter, 366. - -Heva, 347. - -_Hidalgos_, 211, 273, 274, 295, 298, 411-414, 419, 434. - -Hillo, Pepe, 422. - -Hinojosa, 516. - -Hippocrates, 350. - -Hisham I, 43. - -Hisham II, 45, 46, 69. - -Hisham III, 46, 68. - -Hispano-Romans, 18-21, 24, 25, 28-31, 33-36, 47, 50. - -Hittites, the, 8. - -Hobbes, 428. - -Hohenstaufen, House of, 126. - -Holland. _See_ Low Countries, Protestant Netherlands. - -Holy Roman Emperors. _See_ Holy Roman Empire. - -Holy Roman Empire, 75, 112, 113, 126, 153, 207, 209, 235, 244, 269, 270, -369, 371. - -Homer, 185, 356. - -Honduras, 385-387, 395, 397, 398. - -_Honores_, 138. - -_Honrats_, 169, 170. - -Hoyos, 356. - -Huesca, 450. - -Humanism, 230, 231, 343, 347, 351-353, 356. - -Humboldt, Alexander von, 448, 478, 483. - -Hume, 345, 428. - -Hungary, 26, 242. - -Huns, 27. - - -Ibez, Blasco, 515, 516. - -Iberian Mountains, 2. - -Iberian Peninsula, 1, 5-7. - -Iberians, the, 7-10, 12, 14. - -Ibiza, 10, 81. - -Iglesias, 515. - -Ignatius, Saint. _See_ Loyola. - -Ilerda, battle of, 18. - -Iliberis, 22. - -Illo, Pepe. _See_ Hillo. - -Illuminism, 308, 309, 314, 457. _See_ Church. - -Incas, the, 281. - -_Index_, the, 307, 311, 319, 428, 455. - -India, 50, 229. - -Indians, 60, 272, 275, 296, 353, 391, 449, 518. - -Iigo Arista, 56. - -Innocent III, Pope, 76, 80. - -Inquisition, the, 202, 206, 210, 214-216, 221-224, 231, 248-250, 263, -276-278, 293, 304, 305, 307, 309-312, 314, 315, 319, 360, 428, 439, -444-449, 455-457, 494. _See_ Church. - -Insa, Alberto, 515. - -Irish, the, 264, 315. - -Isabel, Princess, 121. - -Isabella I of Castile (and Len), 111, 123, 124, 133, 134, 139, 154, -202-230, 242, 272, 276, 287, 290, 292-294, 300, 306, 316, 325, 332, 350, -383. - -Isabella II of Spain, 498-503, 506. - -Isidore, Saint, 37, 107. - -Isla, 483. - -Islam, 43. _See_ Mohammedanism. - -Itlica, 20. - -Italy, the Italians, and Italian influences, 6, 8, 13, 17, 27, 78, 100, -105, 109, 110, 125-127, 132, 167, 172, 177, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185, -187, 188, 190, 191, 195, 202, 203, 207-209, 214, 218, 219, 229-231, -233-236, 241-244, 247, 258, 260, 261, 264, 268, 297, 300, 308, 312, 316, -318, 320, 339, 351-353, 355-357, 359, 362-364, 366, 374-382, 434, 444, -470, 471, 482-485, 487, 518. - - -Jan, 114. - -Jaime I of Aragon, 68, 80-82, 97-100, 109-112, 125, 150, 167, 173, 192. - -Jaime II of Aragon, 127, 128, 167. - -Jaime II of Majorca, 82, 126, 127, 192. - -Jaime of Urgel, 131, 132, 168. - -Jamaica, 385. - -James, Saint, 55. - -James I of England, 254, 259. - -Janda, battle of, 32. - -Jansenists, 443, 456. - -Japanese, the, 353. - -Jay, John, 397. - -Jena, battle of, 407. - -Jenkins, 380. - -Jerez, 347. - -Jerusalem, 55, 312. - -Jesuits, 266, 304, 310, 312-315, 323, 341, 359, 391, 443, 444, 448-453, -456, 473, 474, 478, 480, 483. _See_ Church. - -Jews, the, 31, 32, 36, 39, 41, 42, 47, 84, 86, 87, 96, 98, 102-105, 143, -147, 149, 150, 158, 160, 175, 176, 182, 183, 188, 193-196, 210, 213-216, -221, 229, 266, 280, 304, 308, 315, 332, 414, 456, 457. _See_ Marranos. - -Jimnez de Cisneros. _See_ Ximnez. - -Jimnez de Rada, Rodrigo, 107. - -Jimnez de Urrea, Miguel, 189. - -Joo IV of Portugal, 267. _See_ Braganza. - -John, Don, of Austria. _See_ Juan of Austria. - -John of Gaunt, 121. - -Joseph, King, of Spain, 409, 488, 490. - -Jovellanos, 415, 436, 447, 459, 472, 474, 475, 480, 481. - -Juan, Jorge, 476, 478. - -Juan, Prince, of Castile, 114-116. - -Juan I of Aragon, 131, 148, 167, 188, 189. - -Juan II of Aragon, 132-134, 148, 170, 171, 195, 206, 212. - -Juan of Austria, 249-251, 254. - -Juan of Austria (another), 268, 269. - -Juan I of Castile (and Len), 121, 140, 154, 167, 186. - -Juan II of Castile (and Len), 122, 123, 139, 154, 156, 161, 181. - -Juana Enrquez of Castile, 132-134. - -Juana la Beltraneja, 123, 124, 203. - -Juana la Loca, 207-209, 235, 244. - -Judaizantes, 215. _See_ Marranos. - -Jumilla, 450. - -Junot, 407. - -_Junta Central_, 492. - -_Junta de Comercio y Moneda_, 330, 468. - -_Junta de Moneda_. _See_ _Junta de Comercio y Moneda_. - -_Justicia_, the, 97, 125, 126, 128, 130, 166. - -Justinian, 29, 97, 163, 184, 301, 441. - -_Juzgado de Imprenta_, 428. - - -Kino, Eusebio, 482. - -Koran, the, 48, 49. - - -La Bisbal, 177. - -_La Celestina_, 232, 356. - -La Mancha, 2, 3, 228, 280, 460. - -Labrit family, 240. - -Lafita, Juan, 516. - -Lancaster, Duke of. _See_ John of Gaunt. - -Lanza, Silverio, 515. - -_Lanzas_, 295. - -Las Casas, Bartolom de, 347, 358, 518. - -Las Mesas, 450. - -_Latifundia_, 138, 144, 281, 325, 327, 336, 464, 522. - -Latin language, 36, 50, 63, 106, 107, 184, 185, 189, 197, 230-232, 307, -341, 346, 350-353, 359. _See_ Rome. - -Latins, 15. _See_ Rome. - -Lauria, Roger de, 127. - -Lee, Arthur, 395. - -Leocadia, Saint, 22. - -Len, city of, 20, 56, 57, 361. - -Len, Ricardo, 515. - -Len (kingdom and province of) and the Leonese, 56-58, 60-64, 69-77, -85-97, 104-110, 161, 162, 180, 491. - -Len Pinelo, 347. - -Leonor of Navarre, 134. - -Leopold of Hohenzollern, 503. - -Leovgild, 29, 30, 35. - -Lepanto, battle of, 249, 356. - -Lrida, 18, 78, 110. - -Lerma, Duke of, 259, 266. - -Lesage, 483. - -_Letrados_, 154, 156, 221, 272, 274, 300. - -_Leyes de Toro_, 217, 227, 281, 301, 441. - -Liberalism, 489, 495-503, 506, 508, 509, 514. - -_Limosna al rey_, 295. - -_Limpieza de sangre_, 216, 315, 417. - -Linares Rivas, 515. - -Lisbon, 255, 265. - -Livy, 185, 186, 347. - -Llorente, 481. - -Lobeira, Vasco de, 185, 232. - -Locke, 428. - -Loire River, 28. - -London, 365, 389, 393, 403. - -Lope de Vega. _See_ Vega. - -Lpez de Ayala, Pedro, 139, 152, 186. - -Lpez de Chinchilla, Garc, 203. - -Lpez de Gmara, 347, 350. - -Lpez de Haro, 479. - -Lpez de Velasco, Juan, 347, 348. - -Lords. _See_ Church, Nobles. - -Loreto, 55. - -Louis IX of France, 77. - -Louis XII of France, 208. - -Louis XIV of France, 262, 269-271, 369, 371, 373-375, 425. - -Louis XV of France, 375, 377, 378, 389. - -Louis XVI of France, 396, 401-403, 496. - -Louis the Pious, 55. - -Louisiana, 387, 405, 406. - -Low Countries, the, 209, 234, 235, 244, 247, 250-252, 254-256, 258, 259, -261, 267, 269, 296, 312, 374, 376, 455. _See_ Catholic Netherlands, -Flanders, Protestant Netherlands. - -Loyola, Ignacio de, 311, 312. - -Lucan, 24, 185. - -Lucas of Tuy, 107. - -Lucero, 224. - -Lucian, 356. - -Lugo, 20. - -Luis I of Spain, 377, 378, 426. - -Lull, Raymond, 110, 188, 309. - -Luna, lvaro de, 122, 123, 139. - -Luna, Pedro de. _See_ Benedict XIII. - -Lusitania and the Lusitanians, 8, 9, 16, 17, 57. - -Luther, Martin, 307, 309. - -Luxembourg, 235. - -Luzn, Ignacio de, 482. - - -Machado (two), 515. - -Madrid, 255, 263, 270, 283, 286, 291, 329, 331, 341, 354, 365, 370, -408-410, 421-423, 435, 450, 451, 455, 460, 468, 469, 473, 478, 479, 484, -490, 491, 508; ordinance of, 160. - -Maeztu, 515. - -Magellan, Strait of, 388. - -Mahomet, 39. - -Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir. _See_ Almansor. - -Mahn, Port, 381. - -Maimnides, 103. - -_Majismo_, 421, 424, 486. - -Majorca and the Majorcans, 81, 82, 109, 126, 131, 172, 187, 189, 190, -192-196, 240, 274, 275, 290, 293, 359, 427, 430-432, 437. - -Mlaga, city and province of, 2, 10, 68, 69. - -Malaspina, 476. - -Malouines Islands. _See_ Falkland Islands. - -Malta, 249; knights of, 404. - -Maluinas Islands. _See_ Falkland Islands. - -Manfred of Athens, 129. - -Manfred of Sicily, 126. - -Manila, 386-388. - -Manuel I of Portugal, 252. - -Maragall, 515, 516. - -Marcus Aurelius, 20. - -Mara Ana of Austria, 269, 284. - -Mara Cristina, Queen, of Spain, 506. - -Mara Cristina of Naples. _See_ Cristina (Queen). - -Mara Luisa, Queen, 402, 404, 405, 407-409, 412, 424, 448, 455. - -Mara Luisa of Savoy, 374. - -Mara of Aragon, 148, 149. - -Mara of Portugal, 247. - -Mara Teresa of Spain, 262, 270. - -Mara Victoria of Portugal, 392. - -Mariana, 345-347. - -Marinica Mountains, 2. - -Marie de Medici, 260. - -Marinas, 516. - -Marius, 17. - -Marmontel, 482. - -Marquina, 515. - -Marquises, 211, 221, 273. - -Marranos, 143, 158, 189, 193, 214, 215. _See_ Jews, Judaizantes. - -Marseilles, 11. - -Martel, Charles, 42. - -Martial, 24. - -Martn I of Aragon. 131, 148, 167. - -Martnez de la Mata, 344. - -Martnez Marina, 481. - -Martnez Sierra, 515, 516. - -Martyr, Peter, 230, 232. - -Mary, Queen, of England, 244, 247, 253, 342. - -Mary Stuart, 254. - -Masdeu, 480, 481. - -Mathei, 388. - -Maura, Antonio, 511, 512. - -Mauretania, 19. - -Maurice of Saxony, 243. - -Maximilian I, the Emperor, 235, 237. - -Mayns, Gregorio, 480. - -_Media anata_, the, 295, 413. - -Medici, Marie de. _See_ Marie. - -Medina, 476. - -Medina del Campo, 328, 329. - -Medina Sidonia, dukes of, 138, 211, 255, 267, 268. - -Mediterranean Sea, 1, 2, 6, 8, 10, 12, 45, 66, 81, 102, 105, 109, -129-132, 158, 170-172, 177, 178, 195, 206, 229, 249, 260, 325, 328. - -Melndez Valds, 483. - -Melilla, 206, 390. - -Meln, 164. - -Mendieta, 347. - -Mendoza, Pedro de, 216, 227. - -Menndez, the painter, 485. - -Menndez Pidal, 515. - -Menndez y Pelayo, 515, 516. - -Mengs, 485. - -Mercado, 350. - -Mercator, 348. - -Mrida, 20, 22, 32, 40, 44. - -_Merinos_, 90, 92, 93, 154-156, 199. - -Merlin, 185. - -Mesa, 515. - -Mesenghi, 445, 447. - -_Mesta_, the, 104, 105, 155, 174, 227-229, 282, 325, 327, 416, 463, 465. - -Metaurus, battle of the, 13. - -Mexico, 296, 478, 500, 523. _See_ New Spain. - -Meyra, 164. - -Mil Fontanals, 515. - -Milan, 207, 209, 241, 267, 372. - -_Milicias_, the, 453. - -Military orders. _See_ Alcntara, Calatrava, Church, Malta, Nobles, -Saint John, Santiago, Templars. - -_Millones_, the, 294, 297. - -Milton, 482. - -Mina, 491. - -Minorca, 81, 195, 371, 376, 379, 381, 382, 386, 396-398, 406. - -Mirabeau, 428. - -Miralles, 397. - -Miranda, Marquis of, 428. - -Mississippi River, 387, 398. - -Mocio, 477. - -Moderates, the, 496, 498, 499. - -Moguls, the, 121. - -Mohammedanism, 39-41, 43, 47-49, 51, 59, 69-72, 217, 248, 277. _See_ -Moslems. - -Molina, Mara de, 115, 116. - -Molina, the botanist, 477. - -Molinism. _See_ Quietism. - -Molinos, Miguel de, 309. - -Mombeltrn, 450. - -Mondoedo, 164. - -Moino, Jos. _See_ Floridablanca. - -Montaigne, 343, 482. - -Montalvo, Alfonso Daz de. _See_ Daz. - -Montalvo, Garc Ordez de. _See_ Ordez. - -Montas, 362. - -Montano, Arias, 314, 352. - -_Montepos_, 417, 463. - -Montesquieu, 428. - -Montfort, Simon de, 80, 81. - -Montiel, battle of, 120. - -Moors. _See_ Almohades, Moslems. - -Morales, Ambrosio de, 346, 347. - -Morales, the composer, 366. - -Morales, the treasurer, 224. - -Moratn, Leandro Fernndez de, 483, 484. - -Moratn, Nicols Fernndez de, 483. - -Moreno Carbonero, 516. - -Moriscos, 205, 213, 242, 248, 249, 272, 275-280, 304, 308, 327, 334, -336. - -Morocco, 70, 82, 113, 117, 383, 390, 414, 456, 500, 511, 513. _See_ -Africa. - -Morote, 515. - -Moslems, the, 5, 19, 26, 32, 33, 38-59, 63, 64, 66-73, 75-79, 81, 84, -85, 87, 88, 92, 94, 96, 98, 102-105, 111-113, 115-117, 123, 126, 135, -136, 138, 142, 158, 172, 174, 178-183, 188, 195, 196, 200, 201, 204-206, -213, 216, 225, 229, 241, 242, 247-249, 275, 279, 280, 284, 285, 295, -299, 315, 324, 332, 334, 338, 363, 66, 390, 414, 456, 513, 518, 520, -522. _See_ Almohades, Almoravides, Arabs, Benimerines, Berbers, Granada, -Islam, Mohammedanism, Moriscos, Morocco, Mudjares, Mulades, Renegados, -Shiites, Sunnites, Syrians. - -Mota Padilla, 482. - -Moura, Cristbal de, 252. - -Mozrabes, 47, 49, 50, 55, 59, 79, 84, 86, 87, 96, 98, 105. _See_ Gothic -rite. - -Mozart, 487. - -Mudarites. _See_ Shiites. - -Mudjar architecture, 108, 109, 187. - -Mudjares, the, 86, 87, 96-98, 100, 102, 105, 142, 143, 147, 149, 150, -158, 160, 175, 183, 193, 196, 200, 205, 210, 213, 214, 272, 276, 277, -304, 308. - -Mhlberg, battle of, 243. - -Mulades, 41. _See_ Renegados. - -Munda, battle of, 18. - -Muoz, Gil, 168. - -Muoz, the historian, 481. - -Muoz Degrain, 515. - -Muoz San Romn, 515. - -Murat, 408, 409. - -Murcia, city of, 77, 437, 450; province of, 2, 44, 50, 79, 81, 280, 435. - -Murillo, 365, 366, 485. - -Musa, 32, 33. - -Mutis, 477. - -Mysticism, 309, 310, 343, 359. _See_ Church. - - -Njera, 91. - -Naples, city of, 132, 188, 231; kingdom of, 126, 132, 171, 189, 191, -195, 207, 208, 235, 268, 364, 372, 379, 380, 384, 447, 449, 452, 456, -472, 497. - -Napoleon I of France, 399, 400, 404-410, 439, 488-492, 494, 497. - -Narbonne, 29. - -Narvez, 500-502. - -National Assembly, the French, 400, 401, 493. - -Navalcarnero, 450. - -Navarre, 55-59, 64-66, 71, 73, 75, 76, 79, 82, 83, 101, 110, 112, 120, -132-135, 192, 196, 197, 199, 207-209, 213, 214, 219, 235, 240, 288-290, -427, 430-433, 441, 460, 461, 491. - -Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 71, 76. - -Neanderthal man, 6. - -Nebrija, Antonio de, 231. - -Nelson, 406. - -New Castile, 2, 431. _See_ Castile. - -New Orleans, 395, 397. - -New Spain, 394, 448, 450, 482. _See_ Mexico. - -Newfoundland, 325, 385-387, 397. - -Nicene creed. _See_ Catholicism. - -Nieto, 516. - -Nio, Pero, 158. - -Nobles, the, 30-35, 40, 41, 53-57, 60-65, 67, 73, 74, 76-82, 85, 86, -89-94, 96-101, 104, 111, 113-128, 130, 132, 133, 137-142, 144-157, 159, -160, 163, 166-172, 177, 192, 196-200, 202-204, 210-213, 217, 219-221, -225, 237-240, 252, 253, 263, 266, 267, 272-281, 288-290, 294, 295, 298, -307, 325, 334-336, 339, 341, 352, 402, 411-415, 419, 421, 422, 424, -426-428, 430, 433, 437, 447, 448, 459, 460, 462, 464, 468, 472-474, 490, -494, 501, 505, 511, 518, 522. _See_ _Caballeros_, Church, Counts, Dukes, -Grandees, _Hidalgos_, Marquises, Military orders, _Ricoshombres_. - -Nootka affair, the, 400, 401. - -Normans, 44, 64. - -North Africa. _See_ Africa. - -North America. _See_ Spanish America, United States. - -Norway, 189. - -_Novsima Recopilacin_, 425, 441. - -_Nueva Recopilacin_, 300, 301, 425, 441. - -Numantia, 16, 17. - -Numidians, 14. - -Nez de Arce, 515. - - -Ocampo, Florin de, 345, 346. - -Octavius. _See_ Augustus. - -O'Donnell, 500-502. - -_Oidores_, 154. - -Old Castile, 2, 431, 460. _See_ Castile. - -Olivares, Count-Duke of, 261, 263-268, 284, 288. - -Oman, 489, 491. - -Omar-ben Hafsun, 44, 45. - -Ommayad family, 42, 46. - -_Ordenanzas Reales_, the, 226, 301. - -Ordez de Montalvo, Garc, 232. - -O'Reilly, Alejandro, 390. - -Oretana Mountains, 2. - -Orleans, Duke of, 375. - -Orosius, 36. - -Orry, 374, 434, 439. - -Ortega, the historian, 482. - -Ortega Gasset, 515. - -Ostend Company, the, 378. - -Ostrogoths, 27. - -Ovid, 185. - -Oviedo, 55-57. - - -Pacheco, 366. - -Pacific Ocean, 310, 350, 381, 388. - -Padilla, Mara de, 118, 119, 121. - -Padilla family, 119. - -Pez de Castro, 345, 346. - -Palacio Valds, 515. - -Palacios, 516. - -Palafox, General, 491. - -Palafox, Juan de, 449, 450. - -Palatinate, the, 260. - -Palencia, 106, 450. - -Palestine, 82. - -Palma, 192-195, 430, 437. - -Palou, 482. - -Pamplona, 54, 312. - -Panam, Isthmus of, 350. - -Papal States, 126-128, 241, 247, 260, 316-320, 451, 504. _See_ Church, -Rome. - -Paraguay, 391, 392, 435, 449. - -Pardo Bazn, 515. - -Paris, city of, 247, 369, 512; treaty of, 387; university of, 312. - -Parlement of Paris, 369. - -Parliament, the British, 388. - -Parma, 374, 376, 381, 404, 405, 445. - -_Partidas_, the, 162-165, 171, 175, 181, 184, 185, 226, 281, 301, 441. - -_Pase Regio_, the, 95, 164, 167, 317, 318, 320, 322, 444-447. - -Passau, 243. - -Patio, 434, 436, 439. - -_Patronato Real_, 227, 292, 322, 443, 445. - -Paul IV, Pope, 247, 316-318. - -Paul, Saint, 22. - -Paula, Francisco de, 410. - -Pavn, 477. - -Peace, Prince of the, 403. _See_ Godoy. - -Pedrell, 516. - -Pedro I of Aragon (1094-1104). Omitted. - -Pedro II of Aragon, 79, 80, 98, 126, 127, 167. - -Pedro III of Aragon, 82, 125-127. 192. - -Pedro IV of Aragon, 119, 120, 129-131, 146, 148, 150, 166-168, 171, 173, -188, 192. - -Pedro I of Castile (and Len), 117-121, 129, 138, 186. - -Pelayo, 53, 54. - -Penibtica Mountains, 2. - -Peninsula War, 491, 492. - -Pescola, 168. - -Pereda, 515. - -Pers, Ramn D., 515. - -Prez, the navigator, 479. - -Prez de Ayala, 515. - -Prez de Guzmn, 186, 345. - -Prez de Ribas, 347. - -Prez Galds, 515, 516. - -Persia, 121. - -Per, 281, 296, 478. - -_Pesquisa_, the, 156, 157, 273. - -_Pesquisidores_, 220. - -Pestalozzi, 474. - -Petrarch, 184, 185. - -Petronilla, 79. - -Philip of Bourbon, Prince, 378, 381. - -Philip I of Castile (and Len), 207, 208, 211, 235, 244. - -Philip II of Spain, 244-259, 265, 267, 283-287, 292, 294, 296, 297, 303, -306-308, 311, 314-322, 325, 326, 331, 332, 340, 342, 346, 348, 352, -362-364, 455. - -Philip III of Spain, 256, 258-260, 266, 284, 285, 288, 294, 296, 340, -365. - -Philip IV of Spain, 258, 260-268, 283, 284, 288, 295, 308, 310, 318, -320, 326, 333, 340, 352, 362, 365, 372. - -Philip V of Spain, 270, 271, 369-378, 381, 412, 418, 419, 422, 425-427, -429, 434, 444, 449, 478, 485, 498. - -Philip IV of France, 83. - -Philip the Handsome. _See_ Philip I of Castile (and Len). - -Philippine Islands, 450, 488, 506. - -Phocians, 11. - -Phoenicians, 7-11, 14. - -Pi y Margall, 504. - -Picavea, 515. - -Picn, 515. - -Piquer, Andrs, 480. - -Pisa, 78, 109, 129. - -Pitt, William, 380, 385, 393. - -Pius IV, Pope, 247, 308, 317. - -Pius V, Pope, 318. - -Pizarro, 296, 347. - -Plasencia, 376, 381. - -Plata, Ro de la, 386, 391. - -Plato, 103, 184. - -Plutarch, 185. - -Plymouth, 256. - -Poitiers, 42. - -Poland, 379. - -Pombal, Marquis of, 391, 392. - -Pompey, 18. - -Ponce de la Fuente, Constantino, 307. - -Ponce family, 138, 152. - -Porlier, 491. - -Porto Rico, 506. - -Portocarrero, 270. - -Portugal and the Portuguese, 1, 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 19, 27, 58, 74-76, 113, -115, 117, 118, 120-122, 124, 155, 184, 185, 189, 195, 207, 214, 229, -231, 246, 247, 251-253, 258, 259, 262, 265-268, 288, 322, 330, 370, 383, -386, 387, 390-392, 394, 397, 404-408, 435, 449, 452, 490, 491. - -Posada, 525. - -Pradilla, 515. - -Prado, the, 365, 484. - -Pragmatic Sanction, 378, 381. - -Prim, 500, 502-504, 506. - -_Primicias_, 452. - -Princes, 273. - -Priscillian, 23. - -Priscillianism, 23. - -Privilege of the Union, 128, 130, 166. - -Progressives, the, 496, 498, 499. - -_Propios_, 93, 415. - -Protestant Netherlands, the, and the Dutch, 246, 250, 251, 253, 254, -259-262, 265, 267-269, 299, 330, 344, 369, 370, 376, 378, 379, 434, 456. -_See_ Low Countries. - -Protestantism, 241-243, 248, 250, 251, 253, 261, 302-304, 306-309, 315, -318, 455, 456, 472. _See_ Church, Counter-Reformation, Reformation. - -Provenal influences, 79, 106, 110, 184, 188-190. _See_ France. - -Prussia, 379, 381, 402, 407, 496, 503. - -Puebla de los ngeles, 450. - -Puig, 516. - -Pulgar, Hernando del, 232, 345. - -Punic Wars, 12-14. - -Puritans, 393. - -Pyrenees Mountains, 1, 2, 8, 28, 40, 43, 64, 127, 190, 208, 235, 240, -262, 369, 403, 428, 482. - - -_Quadrivium_, 181. - -Quero, 450. - -Quevedo, Francisco de, 358. - -Quietism, 309. - -Quintana, 483. - -Quintilian, 24. - - -Racine, 482. - -Radicals, the. _See_ Progressives. - -Raleigh, Walter, 253. - -Ramiro I of Aragon (1035-1063). Omitted. - -Ramiro II of Aragon, 79. - -Ramiro I of Asturias and Len (842-850). Omitted. - -Ramiro II of Asturias and Len, 57. - -Ramn Berenguer I of Barcelona, 58, 77, 99, 100. - -Ramn Buerenguer II of Barcelona (1076-1082). Omitted. - -Ramn Buerenguer III of Barcelona, 73, 78. - -Ramn Buerenguer IV of Barcelona, 78, 79, 100. - -Ramn y Cajal, Santiago, 517. - -Raphael, 363. - -_Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando_, 484, 485. - -_Real Academia de la Historia_, 476, 481. - -_Real Academia Espaola_, 476, 481. - -_Reales_, 225. - -Reccared, 30, 31, 36. - -Recceswinth, 31, 35. - -_Recopilacin de las Leyes de Indias_, 301. - -Reformation, the, 207, 236, 240, 304, 306, 342. _See_ Church, -Counter-Reformation, Protestantism. - -Regency, the, 492, 493. - -_Regidores_, 429, 432, 433. - -Reguera, Juan de la, 441. - -Reid, 343. - -Renaissance, 103, 125, 149, 184, 185, 188, 189, 231, 233, 285, 338, 341, -351, 361, 363. - -Rendn, 397. - -Renegados, the, 41, 43-45, 47, 59, 71, 84, 200. _See_ Moslems. - -Republicans, the, 503-505, 510, 511. - -Requesens, 251. - -_Residencia_, the, 220, 306, 433. - -Revilla Gigedo, 482. - -Rhine River, 26. - -Rhodes, 195. - -Ribera, Juan de, 279. - -Ribera, the painter, 364-366. - -Richelieu, 261. - -_Ricoshombres_, 128, 211, 273. - -Riego, 496. - -_Riepto_, the, 157, 170, 222. - -Ripperd, Baron of, 378, 379, 434. - -Rochford, Lord, 393. - -Rocroy, battle of, 261, 262. - -Roderic, 32, 33, 53. - -Rodrguez Marn, 515. - -Roelas, 366. - -Rojas, Fernando de, 232, 356. - -Roland, 43. - -Romans, 12-28, 34, 36, 37, 51, 52, 64, 88, 362, 484. _See_ Rome. - -Rome, city of, 27, 55, 79, 168, 308, 311, 312, 316, 318, 319, 322, 342, -349, 356, 424, 443, 451, 452; law of, 20-22, 24, 26, 33, 35, 63, 97, 99, -105, 106, 113, 138, 143, 144, 147, 149-151, 156, 163, 171, 181, 184, -189, 210, 217, 281, 301, 305, 344, 415-417, 441, 450; republic and -empire of, 12-28, 33, 36. _See_ Byzantine Romans, Hispano-Romans, Latin -language, Latins, Papal States, Romans. - -Romanesque architecture, 107, 110. - -Roncesvalles, 43. - -Ronda, 18. - -Ronsard, 482. - -Rooke, 371. - -Rossini, 487. - -Rousseau, 428, 474. - -Roussillon, the, 82, 134, 192, 206, 207, 235, 262, 264. - -Rudolph of Hapsburg, Count, 113. - -Rueda, Lope de, 353, 356. - -Rueda, Salvador, 515. - -Rueda, town of, 70. - -Ruiz, Lieutenant, 410. - -Ruiz, the botanist, 477. - -Ruiz de Luzuriaga, 478. - -Rusiol, 515, 516. - -Russia, 496. - - -Saavedra, Diego de, 350. - -Saavedra, the minister, 436. - -Sacramento, 386, 387, 391, 392, 435, 449. - -Saguntum, 12, 13. - -Sahagn, the historian, 347. - -Sahagn, town of, 86. - -Sahara Desert, 69. - -Said Armesto, 515. - -Saint John, order of, 170. - -Salado, battle of the, 117, 131, 136. - -Salamanca, city of, 95, 450; university of, 106, 181, 312, 340, 350, -428. - -Salcedo, 350. - -Salcillo, 485. - -Salic law, 427, 498. - -Salmern, 504, 505. - -Sallust, 185. - -Salv, 478. - -San Ildefonso, 450. - -San Lcar, 450. - -San Marcos of Len, 361. - -San Onofre, 318. - -San Pablo of Valladolid, 233. - -San Sebastin, 284. - -San Telmo of Seville, 362. - -Snchez, Julin, 491. - -Sancho Garca of Navarre, 56. - -Sancho I of Asturias and Len, 57. - -Sancho II of Castile, 73. - -Sancho III of Castile (1157-1158). Omitted. - -Sancho IV of Castile (and Len), 114, 115, 138, 154. - -Sancho the Fat. _See_ Sancho I of Asturias and Len. - -Sancho the Great of Navarre, 58, 66, 71, 78, 135. - -Santa Fe, 205. - -Santa Tecla, 392. - -Santiago. _See_ Compostela. - -Santiago, order of, 94, 219, 220. - -Santo Domingo, 403. - -Saragossa, 20, 22, 23, 43, 69, 70, 73, 78, 167, 177, 216, 329, 431, 450, -491. - -Saratoga, 395. - -Sardinia, island and kingdom of, 128, 129, 131, 132, 171, 235, 262, 372, -376, 402. - -Sarmiento, 478. - -Savary, 409. - -Savoy, 370, 372, 374, 376, 503, 504; Duke of, 374. - -Scandinavia, 27, 177. - -Scipio, Gnus, 13. - -Scipio, Publius Cornelius, 13. - -Scipio milianus, 17. - -Scipio Africanus, Publius Cornelius, 13, 14. - -Scotland and the Scotch, 254, 255. - -Scylax, 7. - -Sebastian I of Portugal, 251, 252. - -Segovia, 156. - -Segoyuela, battle of, 33. - -_Segundones_, 138, 220, 273. - -Seneca, 24, 184. - -Serrano, General, 503. - -Serrano, the composer, 516. - -Sertorius, 17, 18. - -Servet, Miguel, 308. - -Servilianus, 16, 17. - -Sess, 477. - -_Setenario_, the, 162. - -Seven Years War, 382, 386-388. - -Severo, Saint, 22. - -Seville, 10, 20, 36-38, 45, 50, 68, 69, 73, 77, 81, 95, 105, 138, 143, -149, 152, 164, 174, 180, 187, 215, 223, 265, 284, 286, 307, 325, 328, -329, 353, 361, 362, 366, 423, 431, 460, 466, 476, 492, 521, 524. - -Shiites, 40, 42, 44. - -"Sicilian vespers," the, 126, 129. - -Sicily, 6, 7, 12, 126-129, 131, 132, 171, 189, 235, 268, 372, 376, 377, -379. - -Sierra Morena, 462. _See_ Marinica Mountains. - -Sierra Nevada. _See_ Penibtica Mountains. - -_Siete Partidas._ _See_ _Partidas_. - -Sigenza, 164. - -Siliceo, 314. - -Simancas, 342, 476. - -Sisebut, 31. - -Sixtus V, Pope, 318. - -Smith, Adam, 344. - -_Solariegos_, 212. - -Sols, 347. - -Solrzano, 344, 347, 358. - -Somodevilla. _See_ Ensenada. - -Soria, ordinance of, 160; town of, 17. - -Sorolla, 516. - -Sotomayor, 516. - -South America, 370, 390-392, 476, 479. _See_ Spanish America. - -"Span," 10. - -"Spania," 10. - -Spanish America, 5, 38, 39, 99, 112, 140, 151, 155, 156, 202, 203, 206, -210, 219-223, 227, 229-231, 234-236, 241, 244-246, 251, 253, 257-259, -262, 272, 274, 275, 279, 284, 285, 293, 296-299, 301, 303-306, 312, 313, -322, 324, 325, 327, 328, 330-332, 334, 336-339, 341, 343, 344, 347-350, -352, 353, 358-361, 368-372, 378, 380, 381, 384-387, 390-395, 397-401, -403, 406, 408, 414, 424, 431, 435, 442, 443, 451-453, 458, 466-471, -476-479, 481, 482, 485, 486, 488, 489, 492-497, 506, 508, 510, 513, 523. - -Spanish Main, the, 253. - -Spanish Mark, the, 56. - -Spencer, 344. - -Spnola, Ambrosio, 259-261. - -Spires, Diets of, 243. - -Squillace, 420, 450. - -Stanhope, 270. - -Stuart, Mary. _See_ Mary Stuart. - -Surez de Peralta, 347. - -Suevians, the, 27-30, 34, 37. - -Sulla, 17, 18. - -Sunnites, 40, 42-44. - -Sweden, 189, 269, 379. - -Swinthila, 31. - -Switzerland and the Swiss, 3, 209, 285. - -Syria and the Syrians, 39, 42. _See_ Moslems. - - -Tagus River, 2, 332. - -_Taifas_, 68-72, 75, 84, 102, 504. - -Talavera, Hernando de, 214, 227. - -Talavera, town of, 54, 155. - -Tamayo, 515. - -Tamerlane, 121. - -Tanucci, 472. - -Tarazona, 189. - -Tarifa, 2, 32, 72, 114, 115, 117. - -Tarik, 32, 33. - -Tavera, 246. - -Taverner, 430. - -Tllez, Gabriel, 354. - -Tllez Girn, Pedro, 139. - -Tello, 347. - -Templars, order of the, 94, 139. - -Tenreiro, 515. - -_Tercias reales_, 140. - -Teresa de Jess, Saint, 310, 311. - -Teresa of Portugal, 74, 75. - -Theodoric, 28, 29. - -Theodosius, 20. - -Theotocopuli, Domenico. _See_ El Greco. - -Thirty Years War, 260-262. - -_Tierras_, 138. - -Tirso de Molina. _See_ Tllez (Gabriel). - -Titian, 363. - -Tobarra, 450. - -Toledo, archbishops of, 124, 164, 167, 205, 216, 307, 314, 322; city and -province of, 2, 22, 29, 30, 32, 33, 43-45, 54, 69, 72, 78, 95, 107, 155, -164, 187, 217, 223, 237-239, 364. - -Tolstoy, 344. - -Tordesillas, town of, 239; treaty of, 253, 391. - -Tories, 393. - -Toro, Laws of (_See_ _Leyes de Toro_); ordinances of, 160. - -Torquemada, Juan de, 215. - -Torquemada, the historian, 347. - -Torres Lanzas, 516. - -Torres Naharro, 353. - -Torrigiani, 452. - -Tortosa, 69, 78. - -Toulouse, 28, 75, 81. - -Tours, battle of, 42. - -Towns, 62-64, 87, 89, 91-93, 97-100, 104, 105, 108, 111, 114, 115, 117, -119, 123-127, 130, 134, 137, 138, 140-142, 144-149, 151, 152, 155-163, -168-179, 192-200, 203, 220, 221, 228, 229, 237-239, 253, 263, 272, 276, -282-284, 289, 290, 293, 295, 325, 329, 331, 332, 354, 412-419, 423, 424, -426, 427, 430, 432-434, 458, 462, 468, 469, 473, 474, 478, 493, 496, -505, 508, 510, 511, 521, 523. - -Trafalgar, battle of, 406, 440. - -Trajan, 20. - -Trent, Council of, 281, 306, 311, 319, 321. - -Trinidad Island, 406, 407. - -Tripoli, 456. - -_Trivium_, 181. - -Tunis, 126, 242, 250, 300, 456. - -Turdetanians, 8. - -Turina, 516. - -Turkey and the Turks, 129, 132, 139, 195, 229, 241-243, 247, 249, 250, -260, 321, 456. - -Tuscany, 376, 381, 405. - -Two Sicilies, 235, 380, 382. _See_ Naples (kingdom of), Sicily. - - -Ulloa, Antonio de, 476, 478. - -Unamuno, 515, 525. - -Union, the, 127, 128, 130, 131, 173. _See_ Privilege of the Union. - -United States, the, and the Americans, 196, 310, 369, 385, 392-398, 406, -410, 435, 488, 500, 506, 514, 518, 520, 521, 523. _See_ American -Revolution. - -Urban VI, Pope, 317. - -Urban VII, Pope, 317. - -Urquijo, 405, 447, 456. - -Urraca, Queen, of Castile and Len, 73-75, 78. - -Ursins, Madame des, 373-375. - -_Usatges_, 78, 99. - -Utrecht, treaty of, 371, 376. - - -_Vacantes_, 320, 321, 444. - -Valds, Juan de, 308. - -Valds Leal, 366. - -Valencia, city of, 22, 72, 73, 81, 110, 170, 173, 177-179, 188, 279, -284, 329, 431, 460, 484; university of, 350. - -Valencia (kingdom and province of) and the Valencians, 2, 3, 11, 13, 50, -69, 81, 82, 97, 100, 109, 110, 127, 128, 130, 132, 146, 147, 149, 150, -166, 169, 173, 176-179, 187, 189, 190, 221, 227, 231, 239, 240, 272, -275, 276, 279, 288-290, 296, 325, 327, 359, 422, 427, 429, 431, 432, -453, 460, 461, 465, 478, 516, 520. - -Valera, 515. - -Valladolid, city of, 114, 233, 239, 293, 307, 431; ordinances of, 141, -142, 160, 237; university of, 340. - -Valle Incln, 515. - -Valverde, Quinito, 516. - -Van Eyck, 187. - -Vancouver Island, 400. - -Vandals, the, 26-28, 37. - -Varela, 456. - -Vaulgrenant, 470. - -Vzquez, 344. - -_Veedores_, 220, 222. - -Vega, Garcilaso de la, 347, 358. - -Vega, Lope de, 354, 355, 367. - -Velarde, Pedro, 410. - -Velzquez, the architect, 516. - -Velzquez de Silva, Diego, 364-366, 485, 516. - -Venice, 207, 208, 363, 364, 366. - -Veragua, Duke of, 522. - -Vergennes, 389, 390, 393-395. - -Vernon, 380. - -Versailles, 369, 425. - -Vetancurt, 347. - -Vicente, Gil, 353. - -Vicente, Saint, 22. - -Victoria, Queen, of England, 510. - -Victoria, the composer, 366. - -Vienna, 378. - -Vigo, 467. - -_Villa_, 62, 63, 85, 86, 89, 91, 290, 412, 474. _See_ Towns. - -Villa-Seor, 482. - -Villaespesa, 515. - -Villalar, battle of, 239. - -Villanueva, Juan, 484. - -Villareal, 155. - -Villaviciosa, battle of, 268. - -Villegas, 516. - -Villena, Enrique de, 183. - -Villena, town of, 450. - -Virgil, 185. - -Viriatus, 16-18. - -Visigothic rite. _See_ Gothic rite. - -Visigoths, the, 26-37, 40-42, 44, 47, 48, 53, 54, 59, 63, 104, 146, 162, -163. - -_Visitadores_, 220, 222, 293, 340. - -Vitoria, battle of, 135; town of, 409. - -Vitoria, the jurist, 344. - -Vivar, 72. - -Vives, Luis, 281, 342-346, 473. - -Vives, the composer, 516. - -Vizcaya, 134, 135, 197-199, 268, 301, 412, 460. - -Voltaire, 345, 428, 482. - - -Wallace, 344. - -Wallia, 28. - -Wamba, 32. - -War of Independence, 488-492, 513. - -War of Jenkins' Ear, 380. - -War of the Austrian Succession, 381. - -War of the Spanish Succession, 370-374, 376, 429, 430, 432, 434, 439, -441. - -Ward, 480. - -Wellington, Duke of, 491, 492. - -West Indies, 380, 387, 393, 395, 397, 488. - -Westphalia, treaties of, 262, 455. - -Weymouth, Lord, 396. - -Whigs, 393. - -White companies, 120, 158. - -Wifredo, 56. - -William of Orange (two), 251. - -Windward Islands. _See_ _Armada de Barlovento_. - -Witiza, 32. - - -Ximnez de Cisneros, 205, 208, 209, 216, 223, 227, 230, 231, 242, 306, -317. - - -Yacub, 71. - -Yemenites. _See_ Sunnites. - -Young, 482. - -Yuste, 244. - -Yusuf, 70. - - -Zalaca, battle of, 70. - -Zama, battle of, 14. - -Zamora, 57. - -Zarate, 347. - -Zoraya, 204. - -Zubiaurre, the brothers, 516. - -Zuloaga, 516. - -Zulueta, 516. - -Zurbarn, 365. - -Zurita, Jernimo, 346, 347. - -Printed in the United States of America. - - * * * * * - -The following pages contain advertisements of a few of the Macmillan -books on kindred subjects. - -The Founding of Spanish California: - -Northwestward Expansion of New Spain, 1687-1783 - -$3.50 - -BY CHARLES E. CHAPMAN - -Assistant Professor of California History, University of California, and -the first N. S. G. W. Traveling Fellow in Pacific Coast History. - - -This work, based almost wholly on hitherto unused material, tends to -show that the history of California is not only interesting, but that it -is also important in the development of the great nation of which it now -forms a part. - -Doctor Chapman's volume tends to show that the Spanish occupation of -California in the years just prior to the American Revolution was in -great degrees responsible for the later acquisition of American frontage -on the Pacific,--surely a matter of importance in American life to-day -and fraught with vast possibilities for the future. - - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - -Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York - - -The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New - -BY R. B. 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Through -her long residence in Cuba and Spain and the opening up last year of the -Archive of the Indies at Seville she had extraordinary facilities for -discovering and employing in her narrative hitherto unused and unknown -documents and manuscripts. Her work is almost the first serious one from -a historical point of view to deal with this period. - - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - -Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York - - * * * * * - - -Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: - -nobles duirng the regency=> nobles durng the regency {pg 121} - -Explorers wear required by law=> Explorers were required by law {pg 348} - -checking inititative and making=> checking initiative and making {pg -418} - -Frenchman Chappe d'Auteroche=> Frenchman Chappe d'Autereche {pg 476} - -Jahresberichte der geschichtswissenschaft=> Jahresberichte der -Geschichtswissenschaft {pg 528} - - * * * * * - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The _Historia_, in four volumes, was first published in the years -1900 to 1911, at Barcelona. It has now reached its third edition,--1913 -to 1914. An excellent bibliography eighty-eight pages in length with -well over a thousand items is to be found in the fourth volume. - -[2] _The founding of Spanish California_ (The Macmillan Company. New -York. 1916), chap. IX. - -[3] The first and most important social question in the history of the -Spanish people, says Altamira, is that of modifying the physical -conditions of the peninsula, as the basis of their national development. -They have been able to count on the fertility of some regions, the -abundant waters of others at some seasons of the year (most of which is -lost in the sea, without being utilized), the wealth of subterranean -waters in many localities, and the mineral wealth which lends itself -also to industrial development. In other words, the problem is that of -correcting the unequal distribution of Spain's resources, rather than of -a lack of them. - -[4] So called from the localities in Germany where bones of men of this -type were discovered. - -[5] The inhabitants of the Canary Islands, a Spanish group off the -northwest coast of Africa, are of this race. They preserved their racial -characteristics with great purity until the fifteenth century, since -which time more and more intermixture has taken place. - -[6] As an illustration of the close relationship between Spain and -northern Africa it may be mentioned that the diocese of Spain under -Diocletian included the province of Mauretania, or northern Africa. A -seventh province was formed of the Balearic Islands. - -[7] Many of these city camps date from the period of Augustus, whose -name appears in most of them, _e.g._: _Csaria Augusta_ (Saragossa); -_Urbs Septima Legionis_ (Len); _Asturica Augusta_ (Astorga) _Lucas -Augusti_ (Lugo); _Emerita Augusta_ (Mrida); _Pax Augusta_ (Badajoz); -and _Bracara Augusta_ (Braga). - -[8] Spain contributed its share of martyrs during the periods of -persecution, especially in the time of Diocletian. San Vicente of -Valencia, Santa Eulalia of Mrida, San Severo of Barcelona, Santa -Leocadia of Toledo, and Santa Engracia of Saragossa were among those put -to death in Diocletian's reign. - -[9] This term, characterized by Joaqun Escriche (_Diccionario razonado -de legislacin y jurisprudencia_. Madrid, 1847) as "barbarous," is about -equivalent to "Charter of the laws." - -[10] Named for him, Gebel-al-Tarik, or hill of Tarik. - -[11] Near Medina Sidonia and Vejer. - -[12] Province of Salamanca. - -[13] The laws themselves furnish numerous indications of the customary -evils. Doctors, for example, were forbidden to cure women, unless in the -presence of certain specified persons. It may be added that doctors were -made responsible by law for the effect of their medicines. - -[14] One curious superstitious practice was that of celebrating a mass -for an enemy who was yet alive. It was believed that this would -accelerate his death. - -[15] The word "count" was not at that time a title of nobility. - -[16] The figures are 300,000 and 5,408,000 dinars respectively, or -roughly $700,000 and $12,600,000. It is of course impossible to reckon -the comparative purchasing power of a dinar then and its equivalent -today, although it was no doubt much greater then; hence, the above -figures have only a relative value. - -[17] Almansor burned great numbers of philosophical works so as to win -the favor of the Mohammedan priesthood. - -[18] Rueda continued independent,--an unimportant exception. - -[19] Less famous than the Cid, but quite as representative of his time, -was the figure of Bishop Diego Gelmrez of Santiago de Compostela, who -played an important part in the events of Urraca's reign. He was a -vigorous, ambitious, restless, not overscrupulous man, breaking pledges -and changing from one side to another with the usual facility of men of -that age. He was not only ambitious for himself but was also an ardent -votary of the extension of church authority. He was a fighting bishop, -who engaged in military campaigns himself and encountered many -vicissitudes both in the civil wars of the kingdom and in the local -uprisings of his own subjects. On one occasion the citizens of Santiago -besieged him in his church, and set fire to a tower in which he took -refuge. Nevertheless, the bishop escaped in the guise of a beggar. In -the end he was usually successful. He procured the erection of Santiago -de Compostela into an archbishopric, and enjoyed the distinction, -equally with the church of Rome, of having seven cardinals as canons. He -also gained the influential post of chaplain to Alfonso VII. - -[20] The word "_merino_" is an untranslatable term for an official in -Spanish administration whose powers varied greatly from century to -century. While the _merinos_ were at times "judges of sheep-walks," as -the word is often translated, they usually had much broader power as -officials of the king. The _merinos mayores_, or greater _merinos_, were -appointed by the king, with functions largely judicial in character and -with authority extending over the greater provinces, such as Castile, -Len, or Galicia. _Merinos menores_, or lesser _merinos_, might be the -appointees and subordinates of _merinos mayores_, or, similarly, of the -_corregidores_, or rulers of districts. - -[21] The term "_adelantado_" comes from the fact that the officials -so-called were "advanced," or "put forward," in the place of the king, -to act in his name. There is some authority to the effect that the title -was in existence as early as the tenth century, but it was certainly -employed by the latter part of the twelfth century. In origin the -_adelantados mayores_, or greater _adelantados_, were judicial -officials, hearing appeals that had formerly gone to the king. The -_adelantado menor_, or lesser _adelantado_, came into existence early in -the thirteenth century, at which time he was a judicial officer of -higher rank than the _merinos_, but also possessed extensive -administrative powers. Many of the _adelantados menores_ were stationed -in frontier districts, and indeed they were often called _adelantados -fronterizos_ (frontier _adelantados_). It was natural, therefore, that -they should acquire military functions. It was the _adelantado -fronterizo_ of Spain who figured so prominently in the conquest of the -Americas. Most of the conquerors of the sixteenth century were -_adelantados_. After that the title died out. Hill, Roscoe R., _The -office of adelantado_, in _Political science quarterly_, v. XXVIII, no. -4; Dec., 1913. - -[22] Taxes at that time were many and varied in kind, but may be reduced -to three types: regular contributions, but depending on the happening of -some event; indemnities to escape rendering certain due services; and -fines. As examples of the first type may be mentioned the _goyosa_ -(rejoicing) payable by a married man at the birth of a child; the -_movicio_ (removal) payable whenever one changed his residence; the -_yantar_, or food supplies, for the king and his retinue whenever he -visited a town; the _servicios_ (services), or subsidies, granted by the -_Cortes_; the _diezmos de mar_ (tithes of the sea), or customs duties -collected at the ports. The most notable tax of the second class was the -_fonsado_ (foss), payable by those who wished to escape the obligation -of going on a military campaign. One of the third group was the _caloa_ -(fine), due from the inhabitants of a region where a crime had been -committed and the guilty person had not been found. Gradually it became -the practice to commute these taxes for a single payment, except for the -_fonsado_ and the _yantar_, which were not dispensed with. - -[23] At the present time the word _alfrez_ is equivalent to -"sub-lieutenant." - -[24] It is still allowed to exist in a chapel of the cathedral of -Toledo, and in another of Salamanca. - -[25] To Saint Dominic is due the institution of the rosary. - -[26] A curious law of Jaime I recommended that ladies of noble rank -should not offer food or lodging to jugglers, or even give them kisses. - -[27] Neoplatonism was a late and decadent form of the Greek -philosophies. It endeavored to unite the precepts of Christian, Jewish, -and oriental religions, and displayed a disregard for the empirical -investigation of the universe, holding that the way to redemption lay -through rising superior to the material manifestations of life. - -[28] The wars of Sancho and Juan gave rise to the celebrated act of -heroism of Guzmn el Bueno. Guzmn was governor of Tarifa, and had -promised Sancho that he would not surrender the place. Juan appeared -before Tarifa with a Moslem army, and threatened to kill Guzmn's infant -son, whom he had in his power, unless the fortress were delivered. -Guzmn preferred to keep faith with his king, and sent his own dagger -for Juan to use in fulfilling his threat. Juan had the boy beheaded in -front of the walls of Tarifa, but failed to take the town. The incident -is illustrative of the savage brutality of the age, and was a rather -unusual instance for that time of keeping political faith at any cost. - -[29] So called from a legend respecting his death. He is said to have -ordered two men put to death for a crime which they protested they did -not commit. As the sentence was being executed they summoned Ferdinand -to appear before the tribunal of God within thirty days, and on the -thirtieth day thereafter Ferdinand was dead. - -[30] The eldest son of Fernando de la Cerda, and therefore the rightful -king according to the laws of Alfonso X. - -[31] This document is often rendered in English as "Privilege of Union," -a phrase which is frequently misunderstood to mean, privilege to unite. -The use of the article is necessary in order to give the correct -connotation. - -[32] The lack of regular armies in the medieval period gave rise to the -employment of mercenary troops composed of adventurers from all -countries, whose presence became a danger to the state, once the purpose -for which they had been hired had been achieved. Fadrique of Sicily -found himself in this position at the end of the war with his father in -1302. He therefore suggested to Roger de Flor, one of his mercenary -leaders, that he go to the aid of the Roman emperor of Constantinople, -then in grave danger from the Turks, who had overrun Asia Minor. Roger -de Flor accepted the idea, and embarked for the east with a large body -of mercenaries, many of whom were Catalans. Through their aid the -emperor won great successes against the Turks, and he therefore granted -wealth and honors to his mercenary helpers, with the result that yet -more mercenaries came to share in the prosperity of their brothers in -arms. Some of the Byzantine Greek nobles became jealous of the favor -accorded to Roger de Flor and his men, and planned a massacre which was -so successfully executed that that leader and thousands of his followers -were killed. The survivors, some 3300 in number, did not lose courage, -but on the contrary resolved to avenge this treachery, and did so, so -effectively that the "Catalan vengeance" has become quite as famous a -term in history as the "Sicilian vespers." They defeated their enemies -in several battles, and sacked and burned many towns, but at length -accepted a call from the duke of Athens to assist him in his wars. They -freed the duke from the danger which threatened him, but when he tried -to deal with them as the Byzantine Greeks had done they dethroned him -and sent a message to Fadrique of Sicily asking him to take them under -his protection. Fadrique sent his son, Manfred, who established the -Catalan duchy of Athens, which was destined to endure over half a -century, from 1326 to 1387 or 1388. - -[33] This was at the time of the Great Schism in the church. Benedict -was an Avignon pope. - -[34] Blanche was the unfortunate queen divorced by Henry the Impotent of -Castile. Shortly after her imprisonment in Navarre she died suddenly, -probably poisoned by order of her sister. - -[35] The figure of Pedro Lpez de Ayala (1332-1407) is typical of the -nobility of the times, illustrating also the new tendency to win -triumphs in court intrigues rather than in warlike pursuits. Despite the -facility with which he changed from one side to another, he was able to -procure a profit for himself (even out of his reverses) without scandal -and under a pretence of serving the public good, being always on the -border of immorality without falling openly and resolutely into it. Thus -he was able to rise from untitled poverty to nobility and extraordinary -wealth, and to the position of chancellor of Castile. He was also the -most noted historian of his time. - -A worthy successor of the preceding was Pedro Tllez Girn, grand master -of Calatrava, whose achievements occupied the latter years of Juan II -and most of the reign of Henry IV. As a favorite of the latter before he -became king he was influential in causing the downfall of lvaro de -Luna, and profited by that event to secure honors and wealth for -himself, so that in the reign of Henry IV he proved to be the most -powerful of the Castilian lords. He was also one of the most turbulent -and disloyal of the nobles, and knew how to procure a good price for his -services in the civil wars of his time. He would have married Isabella, -the successor of Henry IV, if he had lived, and in that event the -history of Spain might have taken a different course. - -[36] Usually the "royal thirds" amounted to two-ninths. At a later time, -both in Spain and the colonies, this tax was specifically called the -_dos novenas_ (two-ninths). - -[37] The customs of the clergy will be taken up more fully in chapter -XIV. - -[38] It was still the practice to farm out the revenues for a fixed sum, -leaving the contractor to collect them as a private venture. - -[39] Despite the existence of bull-fighting in much earlier times,--for -example, in the Visigothic period,--there is no clear documentary -reference to that game for centuries prior to the reign of Alfonso X. - -[40] The earliest recorded petition in their favor in the popular branch -of the _Cortes_ was in 1626! - -[41] An estimate of 1359 states that there were 25,731 dwellings on -royal lands, and 57,278 on those of the lords. As late as the -seventeenth century it is said that 1800 cities and towns out of 2400 -belonged to the nobles or the church, or three-fourths of the total. - -[42] Thus Queen Mara felt it incumbent upon her to enact, in 1454, that -naked men should not take part in processions of masqueraders. - -[43] See page 90, note 1. - -[44] Literally "audience," or "hearing." Originally, the king gave -"audience" for the decision of cases. Later, he was relieved of this -duty by other officials, or bodies, and the name was applied finally to -the courts referred to in this volume. - -[45] The most famous of these leagues was the _Santa Real Hermandad_ -(Royal Holy Brotherhood) of Toledo, Talavera, and Villarreal which -lasted until the nineteenth century, although with modifications of its -jurisdiction and activities. The members of the league might pursue an -offender as far as the borders of Portugal or Aragon. When they caught -him they had a banquet, after which the criminal was tied to a post to -serve as a target, and a prize was given to the one who first shot him -through the heart. When the accused was already dead, a trial was held -and he was sentenced. This procedure helps one to visualize the real -insecurity of the times,--for the same summary methods were employed -which men have used both before and since when the central authority was -not strong enough to guarantee public security. The California Vigilance -Committees in the days of the gold rush are an instance in point. - -[46] Literally "corrector." While the royal agent of this name might -originally have been considered a "corrector" rather than an -administrator, he later came to rule over areas ranging from that of a -city to a province, with wide judicial and executive functions. - -[47] In 1283 the General Privilege was added as book eight, for there -had been the usual seven parts in the code of Jaime I; in 1300 the -reforms of Jaime II; in 1348 those of Pedro IV; and finally those of -Juan I and Martn I. - -[48] In medieval schools grammar, rhetoric, and logic (comprising the -_trivium_) were the principal studies, supplemented by arithmetic, -geometry, astronomy, and music (or the _quadrivium_). These subjects -were almost unrecognizably unlike those of the same names today. - -[49] See page 110. - -[50] The Basque game, with which the people of Navarre were equally -familiar. This game bears no resemblance to American base-ball; rather -it is more like a combination of tennis and hand-ball. At the present -time the players, three on a side, use a kind of bat, or racket, and a -leather-covered, solid rubber ball. The ball is served against a side -wall, and must be made to bound back over a net. The ball is thus kept -in play until one side misses a return, which scores a point for the -opponents. The side first making a required number of points wins the -match. - -[51] After referring to the wealth of jewelry worn by the women of his -time a Moslem writer goes on to say, "The women of Granada are -beautiful, being distinguished for the symmetry of their figures, the -gracefulness of their bodies, the length and waviness of their hair, the -whiteness and brilliance of their teeth, the perfume of their breath, -the pleasing lightness of their movements, the cleverness of their -speech, and the charm of their conversation." - -[52] See p. 159. - -[53] Cf. p. 155, n. 3. - -[54] The _real_ was a former Spanish coin of elusive value. Prior to the -reign of Ferdinand and Isabella it was worth slightly more than ninety -_maraveds_ and after that reign slightly less than eighty-nine. Today -the _real_ of copper (a theoretical coin) is worth thirty-four -_maraveds_ and the _real_ of silver sixty-eight. As the _maraved_ -(which is no longer coined) was worth about a sixth of a cent in -present-day United States money, it will be seen that the _real_ has -ranged from about fifteen to five cents in value. These amounts do not, -of course, represent the actual value, or purchasing power, of the -_real_. That cannot be determined, but it was certainly many times -greater than it would be today. - -[55] The two most important, those of Valladolid and Granada, were -distinguished from the others by being called _chancilleras_. - -[56] Compare the figures on population given at page 333. - -[57] The addition of the name "de Jess" to that of some of the mystics -came from their assertions of a marriage with Christ, according to which -fact their names, in Spanish fashion, required this indication of their -marital partner. - -[58] The best place to see them is in the Velzquez room of the Prado at -Madrid. - -[59] The British settlement was abandoned in 1774, after which the -Spaniards returned. Following the establishment of Argentine -independence that country occupied the Falklands, and still claims them. -Since 1833, however, they have been in the possession of England. - -[60] For negotiating this treaty, which certainly did not redound -greatly to the advantage of Spain, Godoy won the title of Prince of the -Peace. - -[61] Those who have lived in Spanish boarding-houses (_fondas_) in our -own times will recognize that this description lacks very little of -fitting contemporary Spain. - -[62] See note at page 196. - -[63] The Jansenists were a sect within the Catholic Church following the -teachings of Cornelis Jansen (1585-1638), who relied upon the tenets of -Saint Augustine as the basis for a reform of the church. They were -opposed to the doctrine of papal infallibility, and were bitter enemies -of the Jesuits, besides differing from other Catholics in certain points -of dogma. Their views were eventually pronounced heretical. - -[64] On the basis of the usual size of Spanish families, this would have -meant one churchman to every five to ten adult men. - -[65] One well-known case of clerical impropriety was that of the two -ambitious priests whom Queen Mara Luisa employed as spies to keep her -informed whether Godoy were faithful to her or not. - -[66] A _fanega_ equals about 1.59 acres. - -[67] There were some relatively unimportant combats after this date, and -Spain did not acknowledge defeat until 1836. - -[68] Belloc, Hilaire, "_The International_," in _The Dublin Review_, v. -CXLVI, nos. 292-293, pp. 167-181, 396-411. London. Jan. and Apr., 1910. -This is an article about the Ferrer case. - - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's A History of Spain, by Charles E. 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Chapman - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: A History of Spain - founded on the Historia de España y de la civilización - española of Rafael Altamira - -Author: Charles E. Chapman - -Release Date: September 2, 2012 [EBook #40646] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SPAIN *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - -</pre> - -<hr class="full" /> - -<p class="cb">A HISTORY OF SPAIN</p> - -<p><a name="FRONTISPIECE" id="FRONTISPIECE"></a></p> - -<p class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/ill_map_spain_sml.png" width="550" height="386" alt="Map of SPAIN and PORTUGAL" title="Map of SPAIN and PORTUGAL" /> -<br /> -<span class="caption">[<a href="images/ill_map_spain_lg.png">larger view</a>] (227kb)<br /> -[<a href="images/ill_map_spain.png">largest view</a>] (845kb)</span> -</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p class="cb"> -<img src="images/colophon.png" width="100" height="34" alt="colophon" title="colophon" /> -<br /> -<small>THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br /> -NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS<br /> -ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO<br /> -MACMILLAN & CO., <span class="smcap">Limited</span><br /> -LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA<br /> -MELBOURNE<br /> -THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span><br /> -TORONTO</small></p> - -<p> </p> - -<h1>A HISTORY OF SPAIN<br /> -<br /> -<small><small>FOUNDED ON THE<br /> -<i>HISTORIA DE ESPAÑA Y DE LA CIVILIZACIÓN ESPAÑOLA</i><br /> -OF RAFAEL ALTAMIRA</small></small></h1> - -<p class="cb">BY<br /> -CHARLES E. CHAPMAN, P<small>H</small>.D.<br /> -<small>ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY<br /> -IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA</small><br /> -<br /><br /><br /> -<span class="eng">New York</span><br /> -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br /> -1918<br /> -<small><i>All rights reserved</i></small></p> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<p class="c"> -<span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1918,<br /> -<span class="smcap">By</span> THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.<br /> -Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1918.<br /> -<br /><br /><br /> -<span class="eng">Norwood Press</span><br /> -J. S. Cushing Co.—Berwick & Smith Co.<br /> -Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.</p> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<p class="cb"> -TO MY SON<br /> -<br /> -SEVILLE DUDLEY CHAPMAN<br /> -<br /> -BORN IN THE CITY WHOSE NAME<br /> -HE BEARS</p> - -<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> present work is an attempt to give in one volume the main features -of Spanish history from the standpoint of America. It should serve -almost equally well for residents of both the English-speaking and the -Spanish American countries, since the underlying idea has been that -Americans generally are concerned with the growth of that Spanish -civilization which was transmitted to the new world. One of the chief -factors in American life today is that of the relations between -Anglo-Saxon and Hispanic America. They are becoming increasingly -important. The southern republics themselves are forging ahead; on the -other hand many of them are still dangerously weak, leaving possible -openings for the not unwilling old world powers; and some of the richest -prospective markets of the globe are in those as yet scantily developed -lands. The value of a better understanding between the peoples of the -two Americas, both for the reasons just named and for many others, -scarcely calls for argument. It is almost equally clear that one of the -essentials to such an understanding is a comprehension of Spanish -civilization, on which that of the Spanish American peoples so largely -depends. That information this volume aims to provide. It confines -itself to the story of the growth of Spanish civilization in Spain, but -its ultimate transfer to the Americas has been constantly in the -writer’s mind in the choice of his material, as will appear from the -frequent allusions in the text. An attempt is made to treat Spanish -institutions not as static (which they never were) but in process of -evolution, from period to period. The development of Spanish -institutions in the colonies and the later independent states, it is -hoped, will be the subject of another volume. Neither story has ever -been presented according to the present plan to the American public.</p> - -<p>Emphasis here has been placed on the growth of the civilization, or -institutions, of Spain rather than on the narrative of political events. -The latter appears primarily as a peg on which to hang the former. The -volume is topically arranged, so that one may select those phases of -development which interest him. Thus one may confine himself to the -narrative, or to any one of the institutional topics, social, political, -religious, economic, or intellectual. Indeed, the division may be -carried even further, so that one may single out institutions within -institutions. As regards proportions the principal weight is given to -the periods from 1252 to 1808, with over half of the volume devoted to -the years 1479 to 1808. The three centuries from the sixteenth to the -nineteenth are singled out for emphasis, not only because they were the -years of the transmission of Spanish civilization to the Americas, but -also because the great body of the Spanish institutions which affected -the colonies did so in the form they acquired at that time. To treat -Spain’s gift to Spanish America as complete by the year 1492 is as -incorrect as to say that the English background of United States history -is necessary only to the year 1497, when John Cabot sailed along the -North American coast, or certainly not later than 1607, when Jamestown -was founded. In accord with the primary aim of this work the place of -Spain in general European history is given relatively little space. The -recital of minor events and the introduction of the names of -inconsequential or slightly important persons have been avoided, except -in some cases where an enumeration has been made for purposes of -illustration or emphasis. For these reasons, together with the fact that -the whole account is compressed into a single volume, it is hoped that -the book may serve as a class-room text as well as a useful compendium -for the general reader.</p> - -<p>The writer has been fortunate in that there exists a monumental work in -Spanish containing the type of materials which he has wished to present. -This is the <i>Historia de España y de la civilización española</i>, which -has won a world-wide reputation for its author, Rafael Altamira y -Crevea.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Indeed, the present writer makes little claim to originality, -since for the period down to 1808 he has relied almost wholly on -Altamira. Nevertheless, he has made, not a summary, but rather a -selection from the <i>Historia</i> (which is some five times the length of -this volume) of such materials as were appropriate to his point of view. -The chapter on the reign of Charles III has been based largely on the -writer’s own account of the diplomacy of that monarch, which lays -special emphasis on the relation of Spain to the American Revolution.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> -For the chapter dealing with Spain in the nineteenth century the volumes -of the <i>Cambridge modern history</i> have been used, together with those on -modern Spain by Hume and Butler Clarke. The last chapter, dealing with -present-day Spain, is mainly the result of the writer’s observations -during a two years’ residence in that country, 1912 to 1914. In the -course of his stay he visited every part of the peninsula, but spent -most of his time in Seville, wherefore it is quite possible that his -views may have an Andalusian tinge.</p> - -<p>In the spelling of proper names the English form has been adopted if it -is of well-established usage. The founder of the Carlists and Carlism, -however, is retained as “Don Carlos” for obvious reasons of euphony. In -all other cases the Spanish has been preferred. The phrase “the Americas” is often used as a general term for Spain’s overseas colonies. -It may therefore include the Philippines sometimes. The term “Moslems” -has been employed for the Mohammedan invaders of Spain. The word “Moors” -has been avoided, because it is historically inaccurate as a general -term for all the invaders; the Almohades, or Moors, were a branch of the -Berber family, and other Moslem peoples had preceded them in Spain by -upwards of four hundred years. Their influence both as regards culture -and racial traits was far less than that of the Arabs, who were the most -important of the conquering races, and this fact, together with their -late arrival, should militate against the application of their name to -the whole era of Moslem Spain. All of these alien peoples were -Mohammedans, which would seem to justify the use of the word “Moslems.” -The word “lords” in some cases indicates ecclesiastics as well as -nobles. “Town” has been employed generally for “<i>villa</i>,” “<i>concejo</i>,” -“<i>pueblo</i>,” “<i>aldea</i>,” and “<i>ciudad</i>,” except when special attention has -been drawn to the different types of municipalities. Spanish -institutional terms have been translated or explained at their first -use. They also appear in the index.</p> - -<p>As on previous occasions, so now, the writer finds himself under -obligations to his colleagues in the Department of History of the -University of California. Professor Stephens has read much of this -manuscript and has made helpful suggestions as to content and style. -Professors Bolton and Priestley and Doctor Hackett, of the “Bancroft -Library group,” have displayed a spirit of coöperation which the writer -greatly appreciates. Professor Jaén of the Department of Romance -Languages gave an invaluable criticism of the chapter on contemporary -Spain. Señor Jesús Yanguas, the Sevillian architect, furnished the lists -of men of letters and artists appearing in that chapter. Professor -Shepherd of Columbia University kindly consented to allow certain of the -maps appearing in his <i>Historical atlas</i> to be copied here. Doctors R. -G. Cleland, C. L. Goodwin, F. S. Philbrick, and J. A. Robertson have -aided me with much valued criticisms. The writer is also grateful to his -pupils, the Misses Bepler and Juda, for assistance rendered.</p> - -<p class="r">CHARLES E. CHAPMAN.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Berkeley</span>, January 5, 1918.</p> - -<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td colspan="2"><small>CHAPTER</small></td><td align="right"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#PREFACE">Preface</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#PREFACE">vii</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">Introduction by Rafael Altamira</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">xiii</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></td><td>The Influence of Geography on the History of Spain</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_001">1</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></td><td>The Early Peoples, to 206 B.C.</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_006">6</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></td><td>Roman Spain, 206 B.C.-409 A.D.</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_015">15</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></td><td>Visigothic Spain, 409-713</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_026">26</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></td><td>Moslem Spain, 711-1031</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_038">38</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></td><td>Christian Spain in the Moslem Period, 711-1035</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_053">53</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></td><td>Era of the Spanish Crusades, 1031-1276</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_067">67</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></td><td>Social and Political Organization in Spain, 1031-1276</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_084">84</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">IX.</a></td><td>Material and Intellectual Progress in Spain, 1031-1276</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_102">102</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">X.</a></td><td>Development Toward National Unity: Castile, 1252-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_111">111</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">XI.</a></td><td>Development Toward National Unity: Aragon, 1276-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_125">125</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">XII.</a></td><td>Social Organization in Spain, 1252-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_137">137</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">XIII.</a></td><td>The Castilian State, 1252-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_151">151</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">XIV.</a></td><td>The Aragonese State, 1276-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_166">166</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">XV.</a></td><td>Economic Organization in Spain, 1252-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_174">174</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">XVI.</a></td><td>Intellectual Progress in Spain, 1252-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_180">180</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">XVII.</a></td><td>Institutions of Outlying Hispanic States, 1252-1479</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_192">192</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">XVIII.</a></td><td>Era of the Catholic Kings, 1479-1517</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_202">202</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">XIX.</a></td><td>Social Reforms, 1479-1517</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_210">210</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">XX.</a></td><td>Political Reforms, 1479-1517</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_219">219</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">XXI.</a></td><td>Material and Intellectual Progress, 1479-1517</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_228">228</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">XXII.</a></td><td>Charles I of Spain, 1516-1556</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_234">234</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">XXIII.</a></td><td>The Reign of Philip II, 1556-1598</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_246">246</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIV">XXIV.</a></td><td>A Century of Decline, 1598-1700</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_258">258</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXV">XXV.</a></td><td>Social Developments, 1516-1700</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_272">272</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVI">XXVI.</a></td><td>Political Institutions, 1516-1700</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_287">287</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVII">XXVII.</a></td><td>Religion and the Church, 1516-1700</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_303">303</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVIII">XXVIII.</a></td><td>Economic Factors, 1516-1700</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_324">324</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIX">XXIX.</a></td><td>The Golden Age: Education, Philosophy, History, and Science, 1516-1700.</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_338">338</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXX">XXX.</a></td><td>The Golden Age: Literature and Art, 1516-1700</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_351">351</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXI">XXXI.</a></td><td>The Early Bourbons, 1700-1759</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_368">368</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXII">XXXII.</a></td><td>Charles III and England, 1759-1788</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_383">383</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXIII">XXXIII.</a></td><td>Charles IV and France, 1788-1808</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_399">399</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXIV">XXXIV.</a></td><td>Spanish Society, 1700-1808</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_411">411</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXV">XXXV.</a></td><td>Political Institutions, 1700-1808</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_425">425</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXVI">XXXVI.</a></td><td>State and Church, 1700-1808</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_443">443</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXVII">XXXVII.</a></td><td>Economic Reforms, 1700-1808</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_458">458</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXVIII">XXXVIII.</a></td><td>Intellectual Activities, 1700-1808</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_471">471</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXXIX">XXXIX.</a></td><td>The Growth of Liberalism, 1808-1898</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_488">488</a></td></tr> -<tr><td align="right"><a href="#CHAPTER_XL">XL.</a></td><td>The Dawn of a New Day, 1898-1917</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_508">508</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#BIBLIOGRAPHICAL_NOTES">Bibliographical Notes</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#page_527">527</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#INDEX">Index</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#INDEX">541</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td colspan="3" align="center">MAPS</td></tr> - -<tr><td colspan="2">General Reference Map</td><td align="right"><a href="#FRONTISPIECE"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2">Development Toward National Unity, 910-1492</td><td align="right"><a href="#page_067">67</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<h2><a name="INTRODUCTION" id="INTRODUCTION"></a>INTRODUCTION</h2> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> fact that this book is in great part a summary, or selection, from -one of mine, as is stated in the Preface, makes it almost a duty for me -to do what would in any event be a great pleasure in the case of a work -by Professor Chapman. I refer to the duty of writing a few paragraphs by -way of introduction. But, at the same time, this circumstance causes a -certain conflict of feelings in me, since no one, unless it be a pedant, -can act so freely in self-criticism as he would if he were dealing with -the work of another. Fortunately, Professor Chapman has incorporated -much of his own harvest in this volume, and to that I may refer with -entire lack of embarrassment.</p> - -<p>Obviously, the plan and the labor of condensing all of the material for -a history of Spain constitute in themselves a commendable achievement. -In fact, there does not exist in any language of the world today a -compendium of the history of Spain reduced to one volume which is able -to satisfy all of the exigencies of the public at large and the needs of -teaching, without an excess of reading and of labor. None of the -histories of my country written in English, German, French, or Italian -in the nineteenth century can be unqualifiedly recommended. Some, such -as that by Hume, entitled <i>The Spanish people</i>, display excellent -attributes, but these are accompanied by omissions to which modern -historiography can no longer consent. As a general rule these histories -are altogether too political in character. At other times they offend -from an excess of bookish erudition and from a lack of a personal -impression of what our people are, as well as from a failure to narrate -their story in an interesting way, or indeed, they perpetuate errors and -legends, long since discredited, with respect to our past and present -life. We have some one-volume histories of Spain in Castilian which are -to be recommended for the needs of our own secondary schools, but not -for those of a foreign country, whose students require another manner of -presentation of our history, for they have to apply an interrogatory -ideal which is different from ours in their investigation of the deeds -of another people,—all the more so if that people, like the Spanish, -has mingled in the life of nearly the whole world and been the victim of -the calumnies and fanciful whims of historians, politicians, and -travellers.</p> - -<p>For all of these reasons the work of condensation by Professor Chapman -constitutes an important service in itself for the English-speaking -public, for it gives in one volume the most substantial features of our -history from primitive times to the present moment. Furthermore, there -are chapters in his work which belong entirely to him: XXXII, XXXIX, and -XL. The reason for departing from my text in Chapter XXXII is given by -Professor Chapman in the Preface. As for the other two he was under the -unavoidable necessity of constructing them himself. His, for me, very -flattering method of procedure, possible down to the year 1808, if -indeed it might find a basis for continuation in a chapter of mine in -the <i>Cambridge modern history</i> (v. X), in my lectures on the history of -Spain in the nineteenth century (given at the Ateneo of Madrid, some -years ago), in the little manual of the <i>Historia de la civilización -española</i> (History of Spanish civilization) which goes to the year 1898, -and even in the second part of a recent work, <i>España y el programa -americanista</i> (Spain and the Americanist program), published at Madrid -in 1917, nevertheless could not avail itself of a single text, a -continuous, systematized account, comprehensive of all the aspects of -our national life as in the case of the periods prior to 1808. Moreover, -it is better that the chapters referring to the nineteenth century and -the present time should be written by a foreign pen, whose master in -this instance, as a result of his having lived in Spain, is able to -contribute that personal impression of which I have spoken before, an -element which if it is at times deceiving in part, through the influence -of a too local or regional point of view, is always worth more than -that understanding which proceeds only from erudite sources.</p> - -<p>I would not be able to say, without failing in sincerity (and therefore -in the first duty of historiography), that I share in and subscribe to -all the conclusions and generalizations of Professor Chapman about the -contemporary history and present condition of Spain. At times my dissent -would not be more than one of the mere shade of meaning, perhaps from -the form of expression, given to an act which, according as it is -presented, is, or is not, exact. But in general I believe that Professor -Chapman sees modern Spain correctly, and does us justice in many things -in which it is not frequent that we are accorded that consideration. -This alone would indeed be a great merit in our eyes and would deserve -our applause. The English-speaking public will have a guarantee, through -this work, of being able to contemplate a quite faithful portrait of -Spain, instead of a caricature drawn in ignorance of the facts or in bad -faith. With this noble example of historiographical calm, Professor -Chapman amply sustains one of the most sympathetic notes which, with -relation to the work of Spain in America, has for some years been -characteristic, that which we should indeed call the school of North -American historians.</p> - -<p class="r">R<small>AFAEL</small> A<small>LTAMIRA</small>.</p> - -<p>February, 1918.</p> - -<p><a name="page_001" id="page_001"></a></p> - -<h1>A HISTORY OF SPAIN</h1> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /><br /> -<small>THE INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF SPAIN</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Isolation of the Iberian Peninsula.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> Iberian Peninsula, embracing the modern states of Spain and -Portugal, is entirely surrounded by the waters of the Mediterranean Sea -and the Atlantic Ocean, except for a strip in the north a little less -than three hundred miles in length, which touches the southern border of -France. Even at that point Spain is almost completely shut off from the -rest of Europe, because of the high range of the Pyrenees Mountains. -Portugal, although an independent state and set apart to a certain -extent by a mountainous boundary, cannot be said to be geographically -distinct from Spain. Indeed, many regions in Spain are quite as separate -from each other as is Portugal from the Spanish lands she borders upon. -Until the late medieval period, too, the history of Portugal was in the -same current as that of the peninsula as a whole.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mountains and plateaus.</div> - -<p>The greatest average elevation in Spain is found in the centre, in -Castile and Extremadura, whence there is a descent, by great steps as it -were, to the east and to the west. On the eastern side the descent is -short and rapid to the Mediterranean Sea. On the west, the land falls by -longer and more gradual slopes to the Atlantic Ocean, so that central -Spain may be said to look geographically toward the west. There is an -even more gentle decline from the base of the Pyrenees to the valley of -the Guadalquivir, although it is interrupted by plateaus which rise -above the general level. All of these gradients are modified greatly by -the mountain ranges within the peninsula. The Pyrenean<a name="page_002" id="page_002"></a> range not only -separates France from Spain, but also continues westward under the name -Cantabrian Mountains for an even greater distance along the northern -coast of the latter country, leaving but little lowland space along the -sea, until it reaches Galicia in the extreme northwest. Here it expands -until it covers an area embracing northern Portugal as well. At about -the point where the Pyrenees proper and the Cantabrian Mountains come -together the Iberian, or Celtiberian, range, a series of isolated -mountains for the most part, breaks off to the southeast until near the -Mediterranean, when it curves to the west, merging with the Penibética -range (better known as the Sierra Nevada Mountains, the name of that -part of the range lying south of the city of Granada), which moves -westward near the southern coast to end in the cape of Tarifa.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Geographical divisions of the peninsula.</div> - -<p>These mountains divide the peninsula into four regions: the narrow -littoral on the northern coast; Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Murcia, and -most of La Mancha, looking toward the Mediterranean; Almería, Málaga, -and part of Granada and Cádiz in the south of Spain; and the vast region -comprising the rest of the peninsula. The last-named is subdivided into -four principal regions of importance historically. The Carpetana, or -Carpeto-Vetónica, range in the north (more often called the Guadarrama -Mountains) separates Old Castile from New Castile and Extremadura to the -south, and continues into Portugal. The Oretana range crosses the -provinces of Cuenca, Toledo, Ciudad Real, Cáceres, and Badajoz, also -terminating in Portugal. Finally, the Mariánica range (more popularly -known as the Sierra Morena) forms the boundary of Castile and -Extremadura with Andalusia. Each of the four sub-divisions has a great -river valley, these being respectively, from north to south, the Douro, -Tagus, Guadiana, and Guadalquivir. Various other sub-sections might be -named, but only one is of prime importance,—the valley of the Ebro in -Aragon and Catalonia, lying between the Pyrenees and an eastward branch -of the Iberian range. Within these regions, embracing parts of several -of them, there is another that is especially noteworthy,—that of the -vast table-land<a name="page_003" id="page_003"></a> of central Spain between the Ebro and the Guadalquivir. -This is an elevated region, difficult of access from all of the -surrounding lands. Geologists have considered it the “permanent nucleus” -of the peninsula. It is in turn divided into two table-lands of unequal -height by the great Carpeto-Vetónica range. The long coast line of the -peninsula, about 2500 miles in length, has also been a factor of no -small importance historically. Despite the length of her border along -the sea, Spain has, next to Switzerland, the greatest average elevation -of any country in Europe, so high are her mountains and table-lands.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Disadvantageous effects of geography.</div> - -<p>These geographical conditions have had important consequences -climatically and economically and especially historically. The altitude -and irregularity of the land have produced widely separated extremes of -temperature, although as a general rule a happy medium is maintained. To -geographical causes, also, are due the alternating seasons of rain and -drought in most of Spain, especially in Castile, Valencia, and -Andalusia, which have to contend, too, with the disadvantages of a -smaller annual rainfall than is the lot of most other parts of Europe -and with the torrential rains which break the season of drought. When it -rains, the water descends in such quantity and with such rapidity from -the mountains to the sea that the river beds are often unable to contain -it, and dangerous floods result. Furthermore, the sharpness of the slope -makes it difficult to utilize these rivers for irrigation or navigation, -so swift is the current, and so rapidly do the rivers spend themselves. -Finally, the rain is not evenly distributed, and some regions, -especially the high plateau country of Castile and La Mancha, are -particularly dry and are difficult of cultivation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Beneficial effects.</div> - -<p>On the other hand the geographical conditions of the peninsula have -produced distinct benefits to counterbalance the disadvantages. The -coastal plains are often very fertile. Especially is this true of the -east and south, where the vine and the olive, oranges, rice, and other -fruits and vegetables are among the best in the world. The northern -coast is of slight value agriculturally, but, thanks to a rainfall<a name="page_004" id="page_004"></a> -which is constant and greater than necessary, is rich pastorally. Here, -too, there is a very agreeable climate, due in large measure to a -favoring ocean current, which has also been influential in producing the -forests in a part of Galicia. These factors have made the northern coast -a favorite summer resort for Spaniards and, indeed, for many other -Europeans. The mountains in all parts of the peninsula have proved to -contain a mineral wealth which many centuries of mining have been unable -to exhaust. Some gold and more silver have been found, but metals of use -industrially—such, for example, as copper—have been the most abundant. -The very difficulties which Spaniards have had to overcome helped to -develop virile traits which have made their civilization of more force -in the world than might have been expected from a country of such scant -wealth and population.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Geographical isolation the cause of Spanish individuality.</div> - -<p>The most marked result of these natural conditions has been the -isolation, not only of Spain from the rest of the world, but also of the -different regions of Spain from one another. Spaniards have therefore -developed the conservative clinging to their own institutions and the -individuality of an island people. While this has retarded their -development into a nation, it has held secure the advances made and has -vitalized Spanish civilization. For centuries the most isolated parts -were also the most backward, this being especially true of Castile, -whereas the more inviting and more easily invaded south and east coasts -were the most susceptible to foreign influence and the most advanced -intellectually as well as economically. When at length the centre -accepted the civilization of the east and south, and by reason of its -virility was able to dominate them, it<a name="page_005" id="page_005"></a> imposed its law, its customs, -and its conservatism upon them, and reached across the seas to the -Americas, where a handful of men were able to leave an imperishable -legacy of Spanish civilization to a great part of two continents.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Events traceable to geographic conditions.</div> - -<p>Specific facts in Spanish history can also be traced very largely to the -effects of geography. The mineral wealth of the peninsula has attracted -foreign peoples throughout recorded history, and the fertility of the -south and east has also been a potent inducement to an invasion, whether -of armies or of capital. The physical features of the peninsula helped -these peoples to preserve their racial characteristics, with the result -that Spain presents an unusual variety in traits and customs. The fact -that the valley of the Guadalquivir descends to the sea before reaching -the eastern line of the Portuguese boundary had an influence in bringing -about the independence of Portugal,—for while Castile still had to -combat the Moslem states Portugal could turn her energies inward. -Nevertheless, one must not think that geography has been the only or -even the controlling factor in the life and events of the Iberian -Peninsula. Others have been equally or more important,—such as those of -race and, especially, the vast group of circumstances involving the -relations of men and of states which may be given the collective name of -history.<a name="page_006" id="page_006"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br /><br /> -<small>THE EARLY PEOPLES, TO 206 <small>B.C.</small></small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Prehistoric Spain.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> Iberian Peninsula has not always had the same form which it now has, -or the same plants, animals, or climate which are found there today. For -example, it is said that Spain was once united by land with Africa, and -also by way of Sicily, which had not yet become an island, with southern -Italy, making a great lake of the western Mediterranean. The changes as -a result of which the peninsula assumed its present characteristics -belong to the field of geology, and need to be mentioned here only as -affording some clue to the earliest colonization of the land. In like -manner the description of the primitive peoples of Spain belongs more -properly to the realm of ethnology. It is worthy of note, however, that -there is no proof that the earliest type of man in Europe, the -Neanderthal, or Canstadt, man,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> existed in Spain, and it is believed -that the next succeeding type, the Furfooz man, entered at a time when a -third type, the Cromagnon, was already there. Evidences of the Cromagnon -man are numerous in Spain. Peoples of this type may have been the -original settlers of the Iberian Peninsula.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Like the Neanderthal and -Furfooz men they are described generally as paleolithic men, for their -implements were of rough stone. After many thousands of years the -neolithic man, or man of the polished stone age, developed<a name="page_007" id="page_007"></a> in Spain as -in other parts of the world. In some respects the neolithic man of Spain -differed from the usual European type, but was similar to the neolithic -man of Greece. This has caused some writers to argue for a Greek origin -of the early Spanish peoples, but others claim that similar -manifestations might have developed independently in each region. -Neolithic man was succeeded by men of the ages of the metals,—copper, -bronze, and iron. The age of iron, at least, coincided with the entry -into Spain of peoples who come within the sphere of recorded history. As -early as the bronze age a great mixture of races had taken place in -Spain, although the brachycephalic successors of the Cromagnon race were -perhaps the principal type. These were succeeded by a people who -probably arrived in pre-historic times, but later than the other races -of those ages—that dolichocephalic group to which has been applied the -name Iberians. They were the dominating people at the time of the -arrival of the Phœnicians and Greeks.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Iberians.</div> - -<p>The early Spanish peoples left no literature which has survived, -wherefore dependence has to be placed on foreign writers. No writings -prior to the sixth century <small>B.C.</small> which refer to the Iberian Peninsula are -extant, and those of that and the next two centuries are too meagre to -throw much light on the history or the peoples of the land. These -accounts were mainly those of Greeks, with also some from Carthaginians. -In the first two centuries <small>B.C.</small> and in the first and succeeding -centuries of the Christian era there were more complete accounts, based -in part on earlier writings which are no longer available. One of the -problems resulting from the paucity of early evidences is that of the -determination of Iberian origins. Some hold that the name Iberian should -not have an extensive application, asserting that it belongs only to the -region of the Ebro (<i>Iberus</i>), the name of which river was utilized by -the Greek, Scylax, of the sixth century <small>B.C.</small>, in order to designate the -tribes of that vicinity. Most writers use the term Iberians, however, as -a general one for the peoples in Spain at the dawn of recorded history, -maintaining that they were akin to the ancient Chaldeans and Assyrians, -who came from Asia into northern<a name="page_008" id="page_008"></a> Africa, stopping perhaps to have a -share in the origin of the Egyptian people, and entering Spain from the -south. According to some authors the modern Basques of northern Spain -and the Berbers of northern Africa are descendants of the same people, -although there are others who do not agree with this opinion. Some -investigators have gone so far as to assert the existence of a great -Iberian Empire, extending through northern Africa, Spain, southern -France, northern Italy, Corsica, Sicily, and perhaps other lands. This -empire, they say, was founded in the fifteenth century <small>B.C.</small>, and fought -with the Egyptians and Phœnicians for supremacy in the Mediterranean, -in alliance, perhaps, with the Hittites of Asia Minor, but was defeated, -and fell apart in the twelfth or eleventh century <small>B.C.</small>, at which time -the Phœnicians entered Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Celtic invasion.</div> - -<p>The origin of the Celts is more certain. Unlike the Iberians they were -of Indo-European race. In the third century <small>B.C.</small> they occupied a -territory embracing the greater part of the lands from the modern Balkan -states through northern Italy and France, with extremities in Britain -and Spain. They entered the peninsula possibly as early as the sixth -century <small>B.C.</small>, but certainly not later than the fourth, coming by way of -the Pyrenees. It is generally held that they dominated the northwest and -west, the regions of modern Galicia and Portugal, leaving the Pyrenees, -eastern Spain, and part of the south in full possession of the Iberians. -In the centre and along the northern and southern coasts the two races -mingled to form the Celtiberians, in which the Iberian element was the -more important. These names were not maintained very strictly; rather, -the ancient writers were wont to employ group names of smaller -sub-divisions for these peoples, such as Cantabrians, Turdetanians, and -Lusitanians.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Celtiberian civilization.</div> - -<p>It is not yet possible to distinguish clearly between Iberian and Celtic -civilization; in any event it must be remembered that primitive -civilizations resemble one another very greatly in their essentials. -There was certainly no united Iberian or Celtic nation within historic -times; rather, these peoples lived in small groups which were -independent and<a name="page_009" id="page_009"></a> which rarely communicated with one another except for -the commerce and wars of neighboring tribes. For purposes of war tribal -bodies federated to form a larger union and the names of these -confederations are those which appear most frequently in contemporary -literature. The Lusitanians, for example, were a federation of thirty -tribes, and the Galicians of forty. The social and political -organization of these peoples was so similar to others in their stage of -culture, the world over, that it need only be indicated briefly. The -unit was the gens, made up of a number of families, forming an -independent whole and bound together through having the same gods and -the same religious practices and by a real or feigned blood -relationship. Various gentes united to form a larger unit, the tribe, -which was bound by the same ties of religion and blood, although they -were less clearly defined. Tribes in turn united, though only -temporarily and for military purposes, and the great confederations were -the result. In each unit from gens to confederation there was a chief, -or monarch, and deliberative assemblies, sometimes aristocratic, and -sometimes elective. The institutions of slavery, serfdom, and personal -property existed. Nevertheless, in some tribes property was owned in -common, and there is reason to believe that this practice was quite -extensive. In some respects the tribes varied considerably as regards -the stage of culture to which they had attained. Those of the fertile -Andalusian country were not only far advanced in agriculture, industry, -and commerce, but they also had a literature, which was said to be six -thousand years old. This has all been lost, but inscriptions of these -and other tribes have survived, although they have yet to be translated. -On the other hand the peoples of the centre, west, and north were in a -rude state; the Lusitanians of Portugal stood out from the rest in -warlike character. Speaking generally, ancient writers ascribed to the -Spanish peoples physical endurance, heroic valor, fidelity (even to the -point of death), love of liberty, and lack of discipline as salient -traits.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Phœnicians in Spain.</div> - -<p>The first historic people to establish relations with the Iberian -Peninsula were the Phœnicians. Centuries before,<a name="page_010" id="page_010"></a> they had formed a -confederation of cities in their land, whence they proceeded to -establish commercial relations with the Mediterranean world. The -traditional date for their entry into Spain is the eleventh century, -when they are believed to have conquered Cádiz. Later they occupied -posts around nearly all of Spain, going even as far as Galicia in the -northwest. They exploited the mineral wealth of the peninsula, and -engaged in commerce, using a system not unlike that of the British -factories of the eighteenth century in India in their dealings with the -natives. Their settlements were at the same time a market and a fort, -located usually on an island or on an easily defensible promontory, -though near a native town. Many of these Phœnician factories have -been identified,—among others, those of Seville, Málaga, Algeciras, and -the island of Ibiza, as well as Cádiz, which continued to be the most -important centre. These establishments were in some cases bound -politically to the mother land, but in others they were private -ventures. In either case they were bound by ties of religion and -religious tribute to the cities of Phœnicia. To the Phœnicians is -due the modern name of the greater part of the peninsula. They called it -“Span,” or “Spania,” meaning “hidden (or remote) land.” In course of -time they were able to extend their domination inland, introducing -important modifications in the life of the Iberian tribes, if only -through the articles of commerce they brought.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Carthaginian conquest.</div> - -<p>The conquest of Phœnicia by the kings of Assyria and Chaldea had an -effect on far-away Spain. The Phœnician settlements of the peninsula -became independent, but they began to have ever more extensive relations -with the great Phœnician colony of Carthage on the North African -coast. This city is believed to have acquired the island of Ibiza in -much earlier times, but it was not until the sixth century <small>B.C.</small> that the -Carthaginians entered Spain in force. At that time the people of Cádiz -are said to have been engaged in a dangerous war with certain native -tribes, wherefore they invited the Carthaginians to help them. The -latter came, and, as has so often occurred in history, took over for -themselves the land which they had entered as allies.<a name="page_011" id="page_011"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Greeks in Spain.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the Greeks had already been in Spain for some years. -Tradition places the first Greek voyage to the Spanish coast in the year -630 <small>B.C.</small> Thereafter there were commercial voyages by the Greeks to the -peninsula, followed in time by the founding of settlements. The -principal colonizers were the Phocians, proceeding from their base at -Marseilles, where they had established themselves in the seventh century -<small>B.C.</small> Their chief post in Spain was at Emporium (on the site of Castellón -de Ampurias, in the province of Gerona, Catalonia), and they also had -important colonies as far south as the Valencian coast and yet others in -Andalusia, Portugal, Galicia, and Asturias. Their advance was resisted -by the Phœnicians and their Carthaginian successors, who were able to -confine the Greeks to the upper part of the eastern coast as the -principal field of their operations. The Greek colonies were usually -private ventures, bound to the city-states from which they had proceeded -by ties of religion and affection alone. They were also independent of -one another. Their manner of entry resembled that already described in -the case of the Phœnicians, for they went first to the islands near -the coast, and thence to the mainland, where at length they joined with -native towns, although having a separate, walled-off district of their -own,—comparable to the situation at the present day in certain ports of -European nations on the coast of China. Once masters of the coast the -Greeks were able to penetrate inland and to introduce Greek goods and -Greek influences over a broad area of the peninsula. To them is -attributed the introduction of the vine and the olive, which ever since -have been an important factor in the economic history of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spain under the Barcas.</div> - -<p>The principal objects of the Carthaginians in Spain were to develop the -rich silver mines of the land and to engage in commerce. In furtherance -of these aims they established a rigorous military system, putting -garrisons in the cities, and insisting on tribute in both soldiers and -money. In other respects they left both the Phœnician colonies and -the native tribes in full enjoyment of their laws and customs, but -founded cities of their own on the model of Carthage.<a name="page_012" id="page_012"></a> They did not -attempt a thorough conquest of the peninsula until their difficulties -with the rising power of Rome pointed out its desirability. In the -middle of the third century <small>B.C.</small>, Carthage, which had long been the -leading power in the western Mediterranean, came into conflict with Rome -in the First Punic War. As a result of this war, which ended in 242 -<small>B.C.</small>, Rome took the place of Carthage in Sicily. It was then that -Hamilcar of the great Barca family of Carthage suggested the more -thorough occupation of Spain as a counterpoise to the Roman acquisition -of Sicily, in the hope that Carthage might eventually engage with -success in a new war with Rome. He at length entered Spain with a -Carthaginian army in 236 <small>B.C.</small>, having also been granted political powers -which were so ample that he became practically independent of direction -from Carthage. The conquest was not easy, for while many tribes joined -with him, others offered a bitter resistance. Hamilcar achieved vast -conquests, built many forts, and is traditionally supposed to have -founded the city of Barcelona, which bears his family name. He died in -battle, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Hasdrubal. Hasdrubal -followed a policy of conciliation and peace, encouraging his soldiers to -marry Iberian women, and himself wedding a Spanish princess. He made his -capital at Cartagena, building virtually a new city on the site of an -older one. This was the principal military and commercial centre in -Spain during the remainder of Carthaginian rule. There the Barcas -erected great public buildings and palaces, and ruled the country like -kings. Hasdrubal was at length assassinated, leaving his command to -Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar. Though less than thirty years of age -Hannibal was already an experienced soldier and was also an ardent -Carthaginian patriot, bitterly hostile to Rome. The time now seemed ripe -for the realization of the ambitions of Hamilcar.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of Saguntum.</div> - -<p>In order to check the Carthaginian advance the Romans had long since put -themselves forward as protectors of the Greek colonies of Spain. Whether -Saguntum was included in the treaties they had made or whether it was a -Greek city at all is doubted today, but when Hannibal got into<a name="page_013" id="page_013"></a> a -dispute with that city and attacked it Rome claimed that this violated -the treaty which had been made by Hasdrubal. It was in the year 219 <small>B.C.</small> -that Hannibal laid siege to Saguntum. The Saguntines defended their city -with a heroic valor which Spaniards have many times manifested under -like circumstances. When resistance seemed hopeless they endeavored to -destroy their wealth and take their own lives. Nevertheless, Hannibal -contrived to capture many prisoners, who were given to his soldiers as -slaves, and to get a vast booty, part of which he forwarded to Carthage. -This arrived when the Carthaginians were discussing the question of -Saguntum with a Roman embassy, and, coupled with patriotic pride, it -caused them to sustain Hannibal and to declare war on Rome in the year -218 <small>B.C.</small></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expulsion of the Carthaginians by the Romans.</div> - -<p>Hannibal had already organized a great army of over 100,000 men, in -great part Spanish troops, and had started by the land route for Italy. -His brilliant achievements in Italy, reflecting, though they do, not a -little glory on Spain, belong rather to the history of Rome. The Romans -had hoped to detain him in Spain, and had sent Gnæus Scipio to -accomplish this end. When he arrived in Spain he found that Hannibal had -already gone. He remained, however, and with the aid of another army -under his brother, Publius Cornelius Scipio, was able to overrun a great -part of Catalonia and Valencia. In this campaign the natives followed -their traditional practice of allying, some with one side, others with -the other. Hannibal’s brother Hasdrubal was at length able to turn the -tide, defeating the two Scipios in 211 <small>B.C.</small> He then proceeded to the aid -of Hannibal in Italy, but his defeat at the battle of the Metaurus was a -deathblow to Carthage in the war against Rome. The Romans, meanwhile, -renewed the war in Spain, where the youthful Publius Cornelius Scipio, -son of the Scipio of the same name who had been killed in Spain, had -been placed in command. By reckless daring and good fortune rather than -by military skill Scipio won several battles and captured the great city -of Cartagena. He ingratiated himself with native tribes by promises to -restore their liberty and by several generous acts calculated to please -them,—as, for<a name="page_014" id="page_014"></a> example, his return of a native girl who had been given -to him, on learning that she was on the point of being married to a -native prince. These practices helped him to win victory after victory, -despite several instances of desperate resistance, until at length in -206 <small>B.C.</small> the Carthaginians abandoned the peninsula. It was this same -Scipio who later defeated Hannibal at Zama, near Carthage, in 202 <small>B.C.</small>, -whereby he brought the war to an end and gained for himself the surname -Africanus.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Results of Carthaginian occupation.</div> - -<p>The Carthaginians had been in Spain for over two hundred years, and, as -was natural, had influenced the customs of the natives. Nevertheless, -their rule was rather a continuation, on a grander scale, of the -Phœnician civilization. From the standpoint of race, too, they and -their Berber and Numidian allies, who entered with them, were perhaps of -the same blood as the primitive Iberians. They had developed far beyond -them, however, and their example assisted the native tribesmen to attain -to a higher culture than had hitherto been acquired. If Rome was to -mould Spanish civilization, it must not be forgotten that the -Phœnicians, Greeks, and Carthaginians had already prepared the way.<a name="page_015" id="page_015"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /><br /> -<small>ROMAN SPAIN, 206 <small>B.C.</small>-409 <small>A.D.</small></small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of the Roman occupation.</div> - -<p>U<small>NDOUBTEDLY</small> the greatest single fact in the history of Spain was the -long Roman occupation, lasting more than six centuries. All that Spain -is or has done in the world can be traced in greatest measure to the -Latin civilization which the organizing genius of Rome was able to graft -upon her. Nevertheless, the history of Spain in the Roman period does -not differ in its essentials from that of the Roman world at large, -wherefore it may be passed over, with only a brief indication of events -and conditions in Spain and a bare hint at the workings and content of -Latin civilization in general.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Roman conquest.</div> - -<p>The Romans had not intended to effect a thorough conquest of Spain, but -the inevitable law of expansion forced them to attempt it, unless they -wished to surrender what they had gained, leaving themselves once more -exposed to danger from that quarter. The more civilized east and south -submitted easily to the Roman rule, but the tribes of the centre, north, -and west opposed a most vigorous and persistent resistance. The war -lasted three centuries, but may be divided into three periods, in each -of which the Romans appeared to better advantage than in the preceding, -until at length the powerful effects of Roman organization were already -making themselves felt over all the land, even before the end of the -wars.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The military conquest.</div> - -<p>The first of these periods began while the Carthaginians were still in -the peninsula, and lasted for upwards of seventy years. This was an era -of bitter and often temporarily successful resistance to Rome,—a matter -which taxed<a name="page_016" id="page_016"></a> the resources of the Roman Republic heavily. The very lack -of union of the Spanish peoples tended to prolong the conflict, since -any tribe might make war, then peace, and war again, with the result -that no conquests, aside from those in the east and south, were ever -secure. The type of warfare was also difficult for the Roman legionaries -to cope with, for the Spaniards fought in small groups, taking advantage -of their knowledge of the country to cut off detachments or to surprise -larger forces when they were not in the best position to fight. These -military methods, employed by Spaniards many times in their history, -have been given, very appropriately, a Spanish name,—<i>guerrilla</i> -(little war). Service in Spain came to be the most dreaded of all by the -Roman troops, and several times Roman soldiers refused to go to the -peninsula, or to fight when they got there, all of which encouraged the -Spanish tribes to continue the revolt. The Romans employed harsh methods -against those who resisted them, levelling their city walls and towers, -selling prisoners of war into slavery, and imposing heavy taxes on -conquered towns. They often displayed an almost inhuman brutality and -treachery, which probably harmed their cause rather than helped it. Two -incidents stand out as the most important in this period, and they -illustrate the way in which the Romans conducted the war,—the wars of -the Romans against the Lusitanians and against the city of Numantia in -the middle years of the second century <small>B.C.</small></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Viriatus.</div> - -<p>The Roman leader Galba had been defeated by the Lusitanians, whereupon -he resorted to an unworthy stratagem to reduce them. He granted them a -favorable peace, and then when they were returning to their homes -unprepared for an attack he fell upon them, and mercilessly put them to -death. He could not kill them all, however, and a determined few -gathered about a shepherd named Viriatus to renew the war. Viriatus was -a man of exceptional military talent, and he was able to reconquer a -great part of western and central Spain. For eight or nine years he -hurled back army after army sent against him, until at length the Roman -general Servilianus recognized the independence of the lands<a name="page_017" id="page_017"></a> in the -control of Viriatus. The Roman government disavowed the act of -Servilianus, and sent out another general, Cæpio by name, who procured -the assassination of Viriatus. Thereafter, the Lusitanians were unable -to maintain an effective resistance, and they were obliged to take up -their abode in lands where they could be more easily controlled should -they again attempt a revolt.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The wars of Numantia.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the wars of Numantia, which date from the year 152 <small>B.C.</small>, were -still going on. Numantia was a city on the Douro near the present town -of Soria, and seems to have been at that time the centre, or capital, of -a powerful confederation. Around this city occurred the principal -incidents of the war in central Spain, although the fighting went on -elsewhere as well. Four times the Roman armies were utterly defeated and -obliged to grant peace, but on each occasion their treaties were -disavowed by the government or else the Roman generals declined to abide -by their own terms. Finally, Rome sent Scipio Æmilianus, her best -officer, with a great army to bring the war to an end. This general -contrived to reach the walls of Numantia, and was so skilful in his -methods that the city was cut off from its water-supply and even from -the hope of outside help. The Numantines therefore asked for terms, but -the conditions offered were so harsh that they resolved to burn the city -and fight to the death. This they did, killing themselves if they did -not fall in battle. Thus ended the Numantine wars at a date placed -variously from 134 to 132 <small>B.C.</small> The most serious part of the fighting was -now over.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sertorius.</div> - -<p>In the next period, lasting more than a hundred years, there were not a -few native revolts against the Romans, but the principal characteristic -of the era was the part which Spain played in the domestic strife of the -Roman Republic. Spain had already become sufficiently Romanized to be -the most important Roman province. When the party of Sulla triumphed -over that of Marius in Rome, Sertorius, a partisan of the latter, had to -flee from Italy, and made his way to Spain and thence to Africa. In 81 -<small>B.C.</small> he returned to Spain, and put himself at the head of what purported -to be a revolt against Rome. Part Spanish in blood he was<a name="page_018" id="page_018"></a> able to -attract the natives to his standard as well as the Romans in Spain who -were opposed to Sulla, and in a short time he became master of most of -the peninsula. He was far from desiring a restoration of native -independence, however, but wished, through Spain, to overthrow the -Sullan party in Rome. The real significance of his revolt was that it -facilitated the Romanization of the country, for Sertorius introduced -Roman civilization under the guise of a war against the Roman state. His -governmental administration was based on that of Rome, and his principal -officials were either Romans or part Roman in blood. He also founded -schools in which the teachers were Greeks and Romans. It was natural -that not a few of the natives should view with displeasure the secondary -place allotted to them and their customs and to their hopes of -independence. Several of the Roman officers with Sertorius also became -discontented, whether through envy or ambition. Thus it was that the -famous Roman general Pompey was at length able to gain a victory by -treachery which he could not achieve by force of arms. A price was put -on Sertorius’ head, and he was assassinated in 72 <small>B.C.</small> by some of his -companions in arms, as Viriatus had been before him. In the course of -the next year Pompey was able to subject the entire region formerly -ruled by Sertorius. In the war between Cæsar and Pompey, commencing in -49 <small>B.C.</small>, Spain twice served as a battle-ground where Cæsar gained great -victories over the partisans of his enemy, at Ilerda (modern Lérida) in -49, and at Munda (near Ronda) in 45 <small>B.C.</small> It is noteworthy that by this -time a Cæsar could seek his Roman enemy in Spain, without paying great -heed to the native peoples. The north and northwest were not wholly -subdued however. This task was left to the victor in the next period of -civil strife at Rome, Octavius, who became the Emperor Augustus. His -general, Agrippa, finally suppressed the peoples of the northern coasts, -just prior to the beginning of the Christian era.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Invasions from Africa.</div> - -<p>For another hundred years there were minor uprisings, after which there -followed, so far as the internal affairs of the peninsula were -concerned, the long Roman peace. On<a name="page_019" id="page_019"></a> several occasions there were -invasions from the outside, once by the Franks in the north, and various -times by peoples from Africa. The latter are the more noteworthy. In -all, or nearly all, of the wars chronicled thus far troops from northern -Africa were engaged, while the same region was a stronghold for pirates -who sailed the Spanish coasts. A large body of Berbers successfully -invaded the peninsula between 170 and 180 <small>A.D.</small>, but they were at length -dislodged. This danger from Africa has been one of the permanent factors -in the history of Spain, not only at the time of the great Moslem -invasion of the eighth century, but also before that and since, down to -the present day.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Romanization of Spain.</div> - -<p>Administratively, Spain was divided into, first two provinces (197 -<small>B.C.</small>), then three (probably in 15 or 14 <small>B.C.</small>), and four (216 <small>A.D.</small>), and -at length five provinces (under Diocletian),<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> but the principal basis -of the Roman conquest and control and the entering wedge for Roman -civilization was the city, or town. In the towns there were elements -which were of Roman blood, at least in part, as well as the purely -indigenous peoples, who sooner or later came under the Roman influence. -Rome sent not only armies to conquer the natives but also laborers to -work in the mines. Lands, too, were allotted to her veteran soldiers, -who often married native women, and brought up their children as Romans. -Then there was the natural attraction of the superior Roman -civilization, causing it to be imitated, and eventually acquired, by -those who were not of Roman blood. The Roman cities were distinguished -from one another according to the national elements of which they were -formed, and the conquered or allied cities also had their different sets -of rights and duties, but in all cases the result was the same,—the -acceptance of Roman civilization. In Andalusia and southern Portugal the -cities were completely Roman by the end of the first century, and -beginning with the second century the rural districts as well gradually<a name="page_020" id="page_020"></a> -took on a Roman character. Romanization of the east was a little longer -delayed, except in the great cities, which were early won over. The -centre and north were the most conservatively persistent in their -indigenous customs, but even there the cities along the Roman highways -imitated more and more the methods of their conquerors. It was the army, -especially in the early period, which made this possible. Its camps -became cities, just as occurred elsewhere in the empire,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and it both -maintained peace by force of arms, and ensured it when not engaged in -campaigns by the construction of roads and other public works.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Roman gift to Spain.</div> - -<p>The gift of Rome to Spain and the world was twofold. In the first place -she gave what she herself had originated or brought to a point which was -farther advanced than that to which other peoples had attained, and -secondly she transmitted the civilization of other peoples with whom her -vast conquests had brought her into contact. Rome’s own contribution may -be summed up in two words,—<i>law</i> and <i>administration</i>. Through these -factors, which had numerous ramifications, Rome gave the conquered -peoples peace, so that an advance in wealth and culture also became -possible. The details need not be mentioned here, especially since Roman -institutions will be discussed later in dealing with the evolution -toward national unity between 1252 and 1479. The process of -Romanization, however, was a slow one, not only as a result of the -native opposition to innovation, but also because Roman ideas themselves -were evolving through the centuries, not reaching their highest state, -perhaps, until the second century <small>A.D.</small> Spain was especially favored in -the legislation of the emperors, several of whom (Trajan, Hadrian, and -possibly Theodosius, who were also among the very greatest) were born in -the town of Itálica (near Seville), while a fourth, the philosopher -Marcus Aurelius, was of Spanish descent.<a name="page_021" id="page_021"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Last years of the Roman rule.</div> - -<p>In the third and fourth centuries Spain suffered, like the rest of the -empire, from the factors which were bringing about the gradual -dissolution of imperial rule. Population declined, in part due to -plagues, and taxes increased; luxury and long peace had also softened -the people, so that the barbarians from the north of Europe, who had -never ceased to press against the Roman borders, found resistance to be -less and less effective. Indeed, the invaders were often more welcome -than not, so heavy had the weight of the laws become. The dying attempt -of Rome to bolster up her outworn administrative system is not a fact, -however, to which much space need be given in a history of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Society in Roman Spain.</div> - -<p>In Spain as elsewhere there were a great many varying grades of society -during the period of Roman dominion. There were the aristocratic -patricians, the common people, or plebeians, and those held in -servitude. Each class had various sub-divisions, differing from one -another. Then, too, there were “colleges,” or guilds, of men engaged in -the same trade, or fraternities of a religious or funerary nature. The -difference in classes was accentuated in the closing days of the empire, -and hardened into something like a caste system, based on lack of equal -opportunity. Artisans, for example, were made subject to their trade in -perpetuity; the son of a carpenter had no choice in life but to become a -carpenter. Great as was the lack of both liberty and equality it did not -nearly approximate what it had been in more primitive times, and it was -even less burdensome than it was to be for centuries after the passing -of Rome. Indeed, Rome introduced many social principles which tended to -make mankind more and more free, and it is these ideas which are at the -base of modern social liberty. Most important among them, perhaps, was -that of the individualistic tendency of the Roman law. This operated to -destroy the bonds which subordinated the individual to the will of a -communal group; in particular, it substituted the individual for the -family, giving each man the liberty of following his own will, instead -of subjecting him forever to the family. The same concept manifested -itself in the Roman laws with reference to property. For example,<a name="page_022" id="page_022"></a> -freedom of testament was introduced, releasing property from the fetters -by which it formerly had been bound.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of the Christian church in Spain.</div> - -<p>Even though Rome for a long time resisted it, she gave Christianity to -the world almost as surely as she did her Roman laws, for the very -extent and organization of the empire and the Roman tolerance (despite -the various persecutions of Christians) furnished the means by which the -Christian faith was enabled to gain a foothold. In the fourth century -the emperors gave the new religion their active support, and ensured its -victory over the opposing faiths. There is a tradition that Saint Paul -preached in Spain, but at any rate Christianity certainly existed there -in the second century, and in the third there were numerous Christian -communities.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The church was organized on the basis of the Roman -administrative districts, employing also the Roman methods and the Roman -law. Thus, through Rome, Spain gained another institution which was to -assist in the eventual development of her national unity and to play a -vital part in her subsequent history,—that of a common religion. In the -fourth century the church began to acquire those privileges which at a -later time were to furnish such a problem to the state. It was -authorized to receive inheritances; its clergy began to be granted -immunities,—exemptions from taxation, among others; and it was allowed -to have law courts of its own, with jurisdiction over many cases where -the church or the clergy were concerned. Church history in Spain during -this period centres largely around the first three councils of the -Spanish church. The first was held at Iliberis (Elvira) in 306, and -declared for the celibacy of the clergy, for up to that time priests had -been allowed to marry. The second, held at Saragossa in 380, dealt with -heresy. The third took place at Toledo in 400, and was very important, -for it unified the doctrine of the Christian communities of Spain on the -basis of the Catholic, or Nicene, creed. It was<a name="page_023" id="page_023"></a> at this time, too, that -monasteries began to be founded in Spain. The church received no -financial aid from the state, but supported itself out of the proceeds -of its own wealth and the contributions of the faithful.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Priscillianism.</div> - -<p>As in other parts of the Roman world, so too in Spain, heresies were -many and varied at this time. One of the most prominent of them, -Priscillianism, originated in Spain, taking its name from its -propounder, Priscillian. Priscillian was a Galician, who under the -influence of native beliefs set forth a new interpretation of -Christianity. He denied the mystery of the Trinity; claimed that the -world had been created by the Devil and was ruled by him, asserting that -this life was a punishment for souls which had sinned; defended the -transmigration of souls; held that wine was not necessary in the -celebration of the mass; and maintained that any Christian, whether a -priest or not, might celebrate religious sacraments. In addition he -propounded much else of a theological character which was not in accord -with Catholic Christianity. It was to condemn Priscillianism that the -Council of Saragossa was called. Nevertheless, this doctrine found favor -even among churchmen of high rank, and Priscillian himself became bishop -of Ávila. In the end he and his principal followers were put to death, -but it was three centuries before Priscillianism was completely stamped -out. In addition to this and other heresies the church had to combat the -religions which were already in existence when it entered the field, -such as Roman paganism and the indigenous faiths. It was eventually -successful, although many survivals of old beliefs were long existent in -the rural districts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic development and public works.</div> - -<p>The Romans continued the economic development of Spain on a greater -scale than their predecessors. Regions which the other peoples had not -reached were for the first time benefited by contact with a superior -civilization, and the materials which Spain was already able to supply -were diversified and improved. Although her wealth in agricultural and -pastoral products was very great, it was the mines which yielded the -richest profits. It is said that there were forty thousand miners at -Cartagena alone in the second<a name="page_024" id="page_024"></a> century <small>B.C.</small> Commerce grew in proportion -to the development of wealth, and was facilitated in various ways, one -of which deserves special mention, for its effects were far wider than -those of mere commercial exchange. This was the building of public -works, and especially of roads, which permitted the peoples of Spain to -communicate freely with one another as never before. The roads were so -extraordinarily well made that some of them are still in use. The -majority date from the period of the empire, being built for military -reasons as one of the means of preserving peace. They formed a network, -crossing the peninsula in different directions, not two or three roads, -but many. The Romans also built magnificent bridges, which, like the -roads, still remain in whole or in part. Trade was fostered by the -checking of fraud and abuses through the application of the Roman laws -of property and of contract.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual life and the fine arts.</div> - -<p>In general culture Spain also profited greatly from the Romans, for, if -the latter were not innovators outside the fields of law and government, -they had taken over much of the philosophy, science, literature, and the -arts of Greece, borrowing, too, from other peoples. The Romans had also -organized a system of public instruction as a means of disseminating -their culture, and this too they gave to Spain. The Spaniards were apt -pupils, and produced some of the leading men in Rome in various branches -of learning, among whom may be noted the philosopher Seneca, the -rhetorician Quintilian, the satirical poet Martial, and the epic poet -Lucan. The Spaniards of Cordova were especially prominent in poetry and -oratory, going so far as to impose their taste and style of speech on -conservative Rome. This shows how thoroughly Romanized certain parts of -the peninsula had become. In architecture the Romans had borrowed more -from the Etruscans than from the Greeks, getting from them the principle -of the vault and the round arch, by means of which they were able to -erect great buildings of considerable height. From the Greeks they took -over many decorative forms. Massiveness and strength were among the -leading characteristics of Roman architecture, and, due to them, many -Roman edifices have withstood<a name="page_025" id="page_025"></a> the ravages of time. Especially notable -in Spain are the aqueducts, bridges, theatres, and amphitheatres which -have survived, but there are examples, also, of walls, temples, -triumphal arches, and tombs, while it is known that there were baths, -though none remain. In a wealthy civilization like the Roman it was -natural, too, that there should have been a great development of -sculpture, painting, and the industrial arts. The Roman type of city, -with its forum and with houses presenting a bare exterior and wealth -within, was adopted in Spain.</p> - -<p>In some of the little practices of daily life the Spanish peoples -continued to follow the customs of their ancestors, but in broad -externals Spain had become as completely Roman as Rome herself.<a name="page_026" id="page_026"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /><br /> -<small>VISIGOTHIC SPAIN, 409-713</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of the Visigothic era.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> Roman influence in Spain did not end, even politically, in the year -409, which marked the first successful invasion of the peninsula by a -Germanic people and the beginning of the Visigothic era. The Visigoths -themselves did not arrive in that year, and did not establish their rule -over the land until long afterward. Even then, one of the principal -characteristics of the entire era was the persistence of Roman -civilization. Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that the Visigoths left -few permanent traces of their civilization, they were influential for so -long a time in the history of Spain that it is appropriate to give their -name to the period elapsing from the first Germanic invasion to the -beginning of the Moslem conquest. The northern peoples, of whom the -Visigoths were by far the principal element, reinvigorated the -peninsula, both by compelling a return to a more primitive mode of life, -and also by some intermixture of blood. They introduced legal, -political, and religious principles which served in the end only to -strengthen the Roman civilization by reason of the very combat necessary -to the ultimate Roman success. The victory of the Roman church came in -this era, but that of the Roman law and government was delayed until the -period from the thirteenth to the close of the fifteenth century.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Coming of the Vandals, Alans, and Suevians.</div> - -<p>In the opening years of the fifth century the Vandals, who had been in -more or less hostile contact with the Romans during more than two -centuries, left their homes within modern Hungary, and emigrated, men, -women, and children, toward the Rhine. With them went the Alans, and a -little<a name="page_027" id="page_027"></a> later a group of the Suevians joined them. They invaded the -region of what is now France, and after devastating it for several years -passed into Spain in the year 409. There seems to have been no effective -resistance, whereupon the conquerors divided the land, giving Galicia to -the Suevians and part of the Vandals, and the southern country from -Portugal to Cartagena to the Alans and another group of Vandals. A great -part of Spain still remained subject to the Roman Empire, even in the -regions largely dominated by the Germanic peoples. The bonds between -Spain and the empire were slight, however, for the political strife in -Italy had caused the withdrawal of troops and a general neglect of the -province, wherefore the regions not acknowledging Germanic rule tended -to become semi-independent nuclei.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wanderings of the Visigoths.</div> - -<p>The more important Visigothic invasion was not long in coming. The -Visigoths (or the Goths of the west,—to distinguish them from their -kinsmen, the Ostrogoths, or Goths of the east) had migrated in a body -from Scandinavia in the second century to the region of the Black Sea, -and in the year 270 established themselves north of the Danube. Pushed -on by the Huns they crossed that river toward the close of the fourth -century, and entered the empire, contracting with the emperors to defend -it. Their long contact with the Romans had already modified their -customs, and had resulted in their acceptance of Christianity. They had -at first received the orthodox faith, but were later converted to the -Arian form, which was not in accord with the Nicene creed. After taking -up their dwelling within the empire the Visigoths got into a dispute -with the emperors, and under their great leader Alaric waged war on them -in the east. At length they invaded Italy, and in the year 410 captured -and sacked the city of Rome, the first time such an event had occurred -in eight hundred years. Alaric was succeeded by Ataulf, who led the -Visigoths out of Italy into southern France. There he made peace with -the empire, being allowed to remain as a dependent ally of Rome in the -land he had conquered. In all of these wanderings the whole tribe, all -ages and both sexes, went along. From this<a name="page_028" id="page_028"></a> point as a base the -Visigoths made a beginning of the organization which was to become a -powerful independent state. There, too, in this very Roman part of the -empire, they became more and more Romanized.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Visigothic invasion.</div> - -<p>The Visigoths were somewhat troublesome allies, for they proceeded to -conquer southern France for themselves. Thereupon, war broke out with -the emperor, and it was in the course of this conflict that they made -their first entry into Spain. This occurred in the year 414, when Ataulf -crossed the Pyrenees and captured Barcelona. Not long afterward, Wallia, -a successor of Ataulf, made peace with the emperor, gaining title -thereby to the conquests which Ataulf had made in southern France, but -renouncing those in Spain. The Visigoths also agreed to make war on the -Suevians and the other Germanic peoples in Spain, on behalf of the -empire. Thus the Visigoths remained in the peninsula, but down to the -year 456 made no conquests on their own account. Wallia set up his -capital at Toulouse, France, and it was not until the middle of the -sixth century that a Spanish city became the Visigothic seat of -government.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Visigothic conquest.</div> - -<p>The Visigoths continued to be rather uncertain allies of the Romans. -They did indeed conquer the Alans, and reduced the power of the Vandals -until in 429 the latter people migrated anew, going to northern Africa. -The Suevians were a more difficult enemy to cope with, however, -consolidating their power in Galicia, and at one time they overran -southern Spain, although they were soon obliged to abandon it. It was -under the Visigothic king Theodoric that the definite break with the -empire, in 456, took place. He not only conquered on his own account in -Spain, but also extended his dominions in France. His successor, Euric -(467-485), did even more. Except for the territory of the Suevians in -the northwest and west centre and for various tiny states under -Hispano-Roman or perhaps indigenous nobles in southern Spain and in the -mountainous regions of the north, Euric conquered the entire peninsula. -He extended his French holdings until they reached the river Loire. No -monarch of western Europe was nearly so powerful. The Visigothic -conquest, as also the conquests<a name="page_029" id="page_029"></a> by the other Germanic peoples, had been -marked by considerable violence, not only toward the conquered peoples -of a different faith, but also in their dealings with one another. The -greatest of the Visigothic kings often ascended the throne as a result -of the assassination of their predecessors, who were in many cases their -own brothers. Such was the case with Theodoric and with Euric, and the -latter was one of the fortunate few who died a natural death. This -condition of affairs was to continue throughout the Visigothic period, -supplemented by other factors tending to increase the disorder and -violence of the age.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Visigothic losses to the Franks and the Byzantine Romans.</div> - -<p>The death of Euric was contemporaneous with the rise of a new power in -the north of France. The Franks, under Clovis, were just beginning their -career of conquest, and they coveted the Visigothic lands to the south -of them. In 496 the Franks were converted to Christianity, but unlike -the Visigoths they became Catholic Christians. This fact aided them -against the Visigoths, for the subject population in the lands of the -latter was also Catholic. Clovis was therefore enabled to take the -greater part of Visigothic France, including the capital city, in 508, -restricting the Visigoths to the region about Narbonne, which -thenceforth became their capital. In the middle of the sixth century a -Visigothic noble, Athanagild, in his ambition to become king invited the -great Roman emperor Justinian (for the empire continued to exist in the -east, long after its dissolution in the west in 476) to assist him. -Justinian sent an army, through whose aid Athanagild attained his -ambition, but at the cost of a loss of territory to the Byzantine -Romans. Aided by the Hispano-Romans, who continued to form the bulk of -the population, and who were attracted both by the imperial character -and by the Catholic faith of the newcomers, the latter were able to -occupy the greater part of southern Spain. Nevertheless, Athanagild -showed himself to be an able king, and it was during his reign (554-567) -that a Spanish city first became capital of the kingdom, for Athanagild -fixed his residence in Toledo. The next king returned to France, leaving -his brother, Leovgild, as ruler in Spain. On the death of the former in -573 Leovgild became sole ruler,<a name="page_030" id="page_030"></a> and the capital returned to Toledo to -remain thereafter in Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Leovgild.</div> - -<p>Leovgild (573-586) was the greatest ruler of the Visigoths in Spain. He -was surrounded by difficulties which taxed his powers to the utmost. In -Spain he was confronted by the Byzantine provinces of the south, the -Suevian kingdom of the west and northwest, and the Hispano-Roman and -native princelets of the north. All of these elements were Catholic, for -the Suevians had recently been converted to that faith, and therefore -might count in some degree on the sympathy of Leovgild’s Catholic -subjects. Furthermore, like kings before his time and afterward, -Leovgild had to contend with his own Visigothic nobles, who, though -Arian in religion, resented any increase in the royal authority, lest it -in some manner diminish their own. In particular the nobility were -opposed to Leovgild’s project of making the monarchy hereditary instead -of elective; the latter had been the Visigothic practice, and was -favored by the nobles because it gave them an opportunity for personal -aggrandizement. The same difficulties had to be faced in France, where -the Franks were the foreign enemy to be confronted. All of these -problems were attacked by Leovgild with extraordinary military and -diplomatic skill. While he held back the Franks in France he conquered -his enemies in Spain, until nothing was left outside his power except -two small strips of Byzantine territory, one in the southwest and the -other in the southeast. Internal issues were complicated by the -conversion of his son Hermenegild to Catholicism. Hermenegild accepted -the leadership of the party in revolt against his father, and it was six -years before Leovgild prevailed. The rebellious son was subsequently put -to death, but there is no evidence that Leovgild was responsible.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reccared.</div> - -<p>Another son, Reccared (586-601), succeeded Leovgild, and to him is due -the conversion of the Visigoths to Catholic Christianity. The mass of -the people and the Hispano-Roman aristocracy were Catholic, and were a -danger to the state, not only because of their numbers, but also because -of their wealth and superior culture. Reccared therefore announced<a name="page_031" id="page_031"></a> his -conversion (in 587 or 589), and was followed in his change of faith by -not a few of the Visigoths. This did not end internal difficulties of a -religious nature, for the Arian sect, though less powerful than the -Catholic, continued to be a factor to reckon with during the remainder -of Visigothic rule. Reccared also did much of a juridical character to -do away with the differences which separated the Visigoths and -Hispano-Romans, in this respect following the initiative of his father. -After the death of Reccared, followed by three brief reigns of which no -notice need be taken, there came two kings who successfully completed -the Visigothic conquest of the peninsula. Sisebut conquered the -Byzantine province of the southeast, and Swinthila that of the -southwest. Thus in 623 the Visigothic kings became sole rulers in the -peninsula,—when already their career was nearing an end.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Last century of Visigothic rule.</div> - -<p>The last century of the Visigothic era was one of great internal -turbulence, arising mainly from two problems: the difficulties in the -way of bringing about a fusion of the races; and the conflict between -the king and the nobility, centring about the question of the succession -to the throne. The first of these was complicated by a third element, -the Jews, who had come to Spain in great numbers, and had enjoyed high -consideration down to the time of Reccared, but had been badly treated -thereafter. Neither in the matter of race fusion nor in that of -hereditary succession were the kings successful, despite the support of -the clergy. Two kings, however, took important steps with regard to the -former question. Chindaswinth established a uniform code for both -Visigoths and Hispano-Romans, finding a mean between the laws of both. -This was revised and improved by his son and successor, Recceswinth, and -it was this code, the <i>Lex Visigothorum</i> (Law of the Visigoths), which -was to exercise such an important influence in succeeding centuries -under its more usual title of the <i>Fuero Juzgo</i>.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Nevertheless, it was -this same Recceswinth who conceded<a name="page_032" id="page_032"></a> to the nobility the right of -electing the king. Internal disorder did not end, for the nobles -continued to war with one another and with the king. The next king, -Wamba (672-680), lent a dying splendor to the Visigothic rule by the -brilliance of his military victories in the course of various civil -wars. Still, the only real importance of his reign was that it -foreshadowed the peril which was to overwhelm Spain a generation later. -The Moslem Arabs had already extended their domain over northern Africa, -and in Wamba’s time they made an attack in force on the eastern coast of -Spain, but were badly defeated by him. A later invasion in another reign -likewise failed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Moslem conquest.</div> - -<p>The last reigns of the Visigothic kings need not be chronicled, except -as they relate to the entry of the Mohammedans into Spain. King Witiza -endeavored to procure the throne for his son Achila without an election -by the nobility, and Achila in fact succeeded, but in the ensuing civil -war Roderic, the candidate of the nobility, was successful, being -crowned king in the year 710. What followed has never been clearly -ascertained, but it seems likely that the partisans of Achila sought aid -of the Moslem power in northern Africa, and also that the Spanish Jews -plotted for a Moslem invasion of Spain. At any rate the subsequent -invasion found support among both of these elements. Once in 709 and -again in 710 Moslem forces had effected minor landings between Algeciras -and Tarifa, but in 711 the Berber chief Tarik landed with a strong army -of his own people at Gibraltar,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> and marched in the direction of -Cádiz. Roderic met him at the lake of Janda,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and would have defeated -him but for the treacherous desertion of a large body of his troops who -went over to the side of Tarik. Roderic was utterly beaten, and Tarik -pushed on even to the point of capturing Toledo. In the next year the -Arab Musa came from Africa with another army, and took Mérida after an -obstinate siege which lasted a year. Up to this time the invaders had -met with little popular resistance; rather they had been welcomed. With -the fall of Mérida, however, it began to be clear that<a name="page_033" id="page_033"></a> they had no -intention of leaving the country. At the battle of Segoyuela<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Musa -and Tarik together won a complete victory, in which it is believed that -Roderic was killed. Musa then proceeded to Toledo, and proclaimed the -Moslem caliph as ruler of the land.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The family in Visigothic law.</div> - -<p>There were four principal racial elements in the peninsula in the -Visigothic period: the indigenous peoples of varying grades of culture; -the Germanic peoples; the western Roman, which formed a numerous body, -more or less completely Romanized; and the Byzantine Roman, which -influenced even beyond the Byzantine territories in Spain through the -support of the clergy. The two last-named elements were the most -important. The Germanic tribes, especially the Visigoths, had already -become modified by contact with Rome before they reached Spain, and -tended to become yet more so. The Visigoths reverted to the family in -the broad sense of all descended from the same trunk as the unit of -society, instead of following the individualistic basis of Rome, -although individuals had considerable liberty. Members of the family -were supposed to aid and protect one another, and an offence against one -was held to be against all. A woman could not marry without the consent -of her family, which sold her to the favored candidate for her hand. She -must remain faithful to her husband and subject to his will, but <i>he</i> -was allowed to have concubines. Nevertheless, she had a right to share -in property earned after marriage, and to have the use of a deceased -husband’s estate, provided she did not marry again. A man might make a -will, but must leave four-fifths of his property to his descendants. -Children were subject to their parents, but the latter did not have the -earlier right of life and death, and the former might acquire some -property of their own.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social classes in the Visigothic era.</div> - -<p>The great number of social classes at the close of the Roman period was -increased under the Visigoths, and the former inequalities were -accentuated, for the insecurity of the times tended to increase the -grades of servitude and personal dependence. The nobility was at first a -closed<a name="page_034" id="page_034"></a> body, but later became open to anybody important enough to enter -it. The kings ennobled whomsoever they chose, and this was one of the -causes of the conflict between them and the older nobility. Freemen -generally sank back into a condition of dependence; in the country they -became serfs, being bound by inheritance both to the land and to a -certain type of labor. Freemen of the city, however, were no longer -required to follow the trade of their fathers. Men of a higher grade -often became the retainers of some noble, pledged to aid him, and he on -his part protected them. Few were completely free. The Suevians took -two-thirds of the lands and half of the buildings in the regions they -conquered, and it is probable that the Visigoths made some such division -after Euric’s conquest, although they seem to have taken less in Spain -than they did in France.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social customs.</div> - -<p>The Visigoths were not an urban people like the Romans. The tendency of -this age, therefore, was for a scattering of the city populations to the -country, where the fortified village or the dwelling of a Visigothic -noble with his retinue of armed followers and servants formed the -principal centre. The cities therefore remained Hispano-Roman in -character, and their manner of life was imitated more and more by the -Visigoths. There was a laxity in customs which went so far that priests -openly married and brought up families, despite the prohibitions of the -law.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Superstition was prevalent in all classes.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> One of the -popular diversions of the period seems to have been a form of -bull-fighting.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal power under the Visigoths.</div> - -<p>Before the Visigoths reached Spain the monarchy was elective, but within -a certain family. The king’s authority had already increased from that -of a general and chief justice to something approaching the absolutism -of a Roman emperor. With the extinction of the royal family there was a -long period of strife between rival aspirants for the throne.<a name="page_035" id="page_035"></a> Leovgild -was the first to take on all the attributes, even the ceremonial, of -absolutism, and was one of many kings who tried to make the throne -hereditary. Despite the support given to the kings by the clergy, who -hoped for peace through enhancing the royal power, the nobles were able -to procure laws for an elective monarch without limitation to a -specified family; an assembly of nobles and churchmen was the electoral -body. These conflicts did not modify the absolute character of the -king’s rule; the king had deliberative councils to assist him, but since -he named the nobles who should attend, both appointed and deposed -bishops, and in any event had an absolute veto, these bodies did no more -than give sanction to his will. Heads of different branches of -administration also assisted the king. The real limitation on absolutism -was the military power of the nobles.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Visigothic administration.</div> - -<p>For a long time the Visigoths and the Hispano-Romans had different laws -governing their personal relations, although in political matters the -same law applied to both. In the case of litigation between Visigoths -and Hispano-Romans the law of the former applied, with modifications -which approximated it somewhat to the principles of the Roman law. In -the eyes of the law these differences disappeared after the legislation -of Chindaswinth and Recceswinth, but many of them in fact remained as a -result of the force of custom and the weakness of the central authority. -In general administration the Visigoths followed the Roman model from -the first. The land was divided into provinces ruled by officials called -dukes, while the cities were governed by counts.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Each had much the -same authority under the king as the kings had over the land. The Roman -provincial and municipal councils were retained, and their position -bettered, since they were not made responsible for the taxes as in the -last days of the empire. Complex as was this system and admirable as it -was in theory there was little real security for justice, for in the -general disorder of the times the will of the more powerful was the -usual law. Taxes were less in amount than in the days of the empire, but -only the Hispano-Romans were subject to them.<a name="page_036" id="page_036"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The church in Visigothic times.</div> - -<p>The church became very influential after the time of Reccared, but lost -in independence, since the kings not only appointed the higher church -officers, but also intervened in matters of ecclesiastical -administration, though rarely in those of doctrine. Churchmen had -certain privileges, though fewer than in the last century of Roman rule -and much fewer than they were to acquire at a later time. Their -intervention in political affairs was very great, however, due not only -to their influence with the masses, but even more to their prestige as -the most learned men of the time. Monasteries increased greatly in -number; at this time they were subject to the secular arm of the clergy, -for the bishops gave them their rule and appointed their abbots. -Religious ceremonies were celebrated by what was called the Gothic rite, -and not after the fashion of Rome, although the pope was recognized as -head of the church. As regards heresies the church had to oppose the -powerful Arian sect throughout the period and to uproot the remnants of -indigenous and pagan faiths.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic backwardness.</div> - -<p>An agricultural and military people like the Visigoths, in an age of -war, could not be expected to do much to develop industry and commerce. -Such as there was of both was carried on by some Hispano-Romans and by -Greeks and Jews. Spain dropped far behind in economic wealth in this -era. Roman methods were used, however, even in the agriculture of the -Visigoths.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual decline.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Saint Isidore.</div> - -<p>Spain also fell back in general culture. Public schools disappeared. The -church became almost the only resort for Christians desirous of an -education, but there were Jewish academies in which the teachers read -from books, and commented on them,—the system adopted by the Christian -universities centuries later. Latin became the dominant tongue, while -Gothic speech and Gothic writing gradually disappeared. The Greek -influence was notable, due to the long presence of Byzantine rule in -southern Spain. The writers of the period were in the main churchmen, -particularly those of Seville. Orosius of the fifth century, author of a -general history of a pronouncedly anti-pagan, pro-Christian character, -was one of the more notable writers of the time.<a name="page_037" id="page_037"></a> By far more important, -one of the greatest writers in the history of Hispanic literature in -fact, was Saint Isidore, archbishop of Seville in the early part of the -seventh century. Among his numerous works were the following: a brief -universal history; a history of the Visigoths, Vandals, and Suevians; -lives of illustrious men; an encyclopedia of Greco-Roman knowledge; and -books of thoughts, of a philosophical and juridical character. He -represented very largely the ideas of the Spanish clergy, and many of -the principles enunciated by him were later embodied in the <i>Fuero -Juzgo</i>. He maintained that political power was of divine origin, but -that the state must protect the church. He supported the ideas of -hereditary succession and the prestige and inviolability of kings as the -best means of securing peace.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The fine arts.</div> - -<p>In architecture the Visigoths followed the Romans, but on a smaller and -poorer scale. Perhaps the only matter worthy of note as regards the fine -arts was the presence of Byzantine influences, especially marked in the -jewelry of the period.<a name="page_038" id="page_038"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /><br /> -<small>MOSLEM SPAIN, 711-1031</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of the Moslem conquest.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> Moslem period in Spanish history is the subject of a number of -popular misconceptions. The Moslems are believed to have attained to a -phenomenally high stage of culture and to have lived in a luxury without -parallel at that time in the world. While these views are not without -truth, it is also true that the conquerors never shook themselves free -from their tribal instincts, and it was not until the tenth century that -their civilization was well established. Even then it was more largely -through the efforts of others whom they imitated than through -innovations of their own that they reached their high estate, which was -the natural result of their power and wealth, although its ripest fruit -was reserved for a later period, when much of their political authority -had passed. Nevertheless, the Moslem occupation of Spain was on other -grounds fully as important for Europe as it has usually been regarded, -and perhaps more important for Spain and Spanish America than has ever -been stated. As to the first point, it is true that Europe, through -Moslem Spain, gained a knowledge of classical and Byzantine -civilization. As to the second, racial elements entered the peninsula at -this time which have left a deep impress on Spanish character, -especially on that of the Andalusians and through them on Spanish -America. The later Spanish colonization of the Americas passed almost -wholly through the ports of Seville and Cádiz, and was confined in large -measure to Castilians. At that time, however, Andalusia was considered -part of Castile, and it was only natural that the Andalusian -“Castilians” should have<a name="page_039" id="page_039"></a> been the ones to go. Many present-day Spanish -American peoples pronounce their language in the Andalusian way, -although differing in degree of similarity and having certain practices -peculiar to themselves. In other respects, too, one finds -Moslem-descended Andalusian traits in the Americas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conversion of the Arabs to Mohammedanism.</div> - -<p>The Arabs were a people dwelling in greatest part in that section of -western Asia which bears their name. Prior to their conversion to -Mohammedanism they led a tribal life, not as one great tribe but as -many, some of them in settled fashion, and others in a nomadic way, but -all were independent one tribe from another and all engaged in endless -strife. There was no such thing as an Arabic national feeling or an -Arabic political state. Early in the seventh century Mahomet began to -preach the faith which he originated, a religion of extreme simplicity -in its doctrinal beliefs, but based very largely on the Jewish and -Christian creeds. The Mohammedans date their era from the year 622 <small>A.D.</small>, -but it was not until after that time that the Arabs were converted to -the new religion. Once they did receive it they were for a long time its -principal sword-bearers, since it fitted their fighting spirit and -promised rewards which suited their pleasure-loving tastes. Most of -them, however, were not nearly so zealous in their religious beliefs as -they have at times been regarded; rather they were too sceptical and -materialistic a people to be enthusiastic devotees of an abstract faith.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Arabic conquests.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Elements of dissension among the Moslem conquerors.</div> - -<p>Nevertheless, the Arabs achieved a conquest which was remarkable alike -for its extent and for its rapidity. Between 697 and 708 they overran -nearly all of Syria and the entire northern coast of Africa, including -Egypt. For their conquests they had formed themselves into a single -state under the rule of a caliph, who was at the same time the head of -the church, thus centering political and religious authority in one -person. The state was divided into provinces, two of which were in -northern Africa,—Egypt and northwestern Africa. This cohesion was more -apparent than real, for the old tribal jealousies and strife continued, -accentuated by differences both in religious zeal and in<a name="page_040" id="page_040"></a> -interpretations of the Moslem faith. Of the Arabs who entered Spain -there were two principal parties, representing at the same time -religious and tribal animosities, the Sunnites, or Sunnis, who were of -Yemenite race, and the Shiites, or Shiahs, of Mudarite blood. Their -quarrels in Spain, as elsewhere in Moslem realms, were a factor which -rendered difficult the establishment or the maintenance of a strong -political state. In northwestern Africa the Arabs had encountered the -Berbers, who had submitted only after opposing a determined resistance. -The Berbers were by nature a devout and democratic people, and once they -received the Moslem faith they took it up with fanatical enthusiasm. -They never regarded their conquerors with favor, however, and their -hatred was intensified by the very religious indifference of the Arabs. -Here, then, was another element of dissension in Spain, for the Berbers -took part in the conquest along with the Yemenite and Mudarite Arabs.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Nature of the Moslem conquest of Spain.</div> - -<p>The military conquest took seven years (711-718), for after the fall of -Mérida the invaders met with vigorous, if also unorganized, resistance. -In characteristic fashion the Spanish peoples fought in guerrilla bands -or defended their own towns with desperate courage, but did not aid one -another. Some nobles made terms whereby they were allowed to retain -their estates, but the majority of them opposed the conquerors. Except -for narrow strips in the mountain regions of northern Spain the entire -peninsula had been overrun by the year 718, at which time the Moslem -armies crossed the Pyrenees into southern France. Spain was organized as -a district ruled by an emir under the governor of the province of -Africa, who was in turn subject to the Moslem caliph. The bond uniting -Spain to Africa was not in fact very tightly drawn, for the Spanish -Moslems acted in the main with complete independence of the governor of -Africa. The conquerors did not usually insist on the conversion of the -Spanish peoples (although there were exceptions to the rule), preferring -usually to give them the option of accepting the Mohammedan faith or of -paying a poll tax in addition to the taxation on Moslems and Christians -alike. Many of the Arabs opposed the conversion of the<a name="page_041" id="page_041"></a> Christians, -since the continuance of the latter in their own religion meant a -lighter financial burden upon the Moslems. Since, also, the conquerors -were outnumbered, they often found it wise to grant the Spanish peoples -a right to retain their faith. In fine the conquest was not a matter of -religious propaganda, but rather was one of a more or less systematic -pillage.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Division of the conquered lands.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Religious effects of the conquest.</div> - -<p>The lands of the Visigothic state, the Christian church, emigrating -nobles, and those who resisted were confiscated, but individuals who -submitted, even nobles (and in some cases monasteries), had their -estates restored to them in whole or in part, subject to the usual -taxation. A fifth of the confiscated lands were taken by the state, and -the rest were distributed among the soldiers and the chiefs of the -Moslem armies. The state holdings were re-allotted to Spanish serfs, who -were required to pay a third of the produce to the government, being -allowed to keep the rest for themselves. The Berbers were given lands in -the north, while the Arabs took the more fertile south. These lands, -too, were given over to serfs on much the same terms as those granted by -the state. The mass of the people were not greatly disturbed. Indeed, -the agricultural laborer advanced economically, because requirements -were lighter than formerly, and, also, since the lands were divided -among a great many proprietors, the evil of the vast estates which had -existed formerly was for the time being corrected. Slaves profited by -the conquest, in part because they were better treated, but also in that -they might become free by the mere act of conversion to Mohammedanism if -they were slaves of Christians or Jews. A great many Christians became -Mohammedans, some of them to escape slavery, others to avoid the poll -tax, and still others from sincere belief, and they came to form an -important class of the Moslem world, called “Renegados,” or renegades, -by the Christians, and “Muladíes” by themselves. The conquest weighed -more heavily on the Christian church, although, indeed, it was allowed -to remain in existence. The church had to experience the curious -practice of having its bishops named or deposed and its councils called -by the Moslem<a name="page_042" id="page_042"></a> caliph or his representative. The Jews gained more than -any other element. The harsh Visigothic laws were repealed and Jews were -employed in government and administration as allies of the conquerors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Civil wars.</div> - -<p>The Moslem invasion of France was carried on with varying success for -several years. In 732 occurred the so-called battle of Tours, in fact -fought near Poitiers, when Charles Martel and a Frankish army defeated -the Moslems. It was not this battle which caused the retreat of the -invaders from France, but rather a civil war in Spain eight years later, -necessitating a return to the peninsula. The Berbers of Africa had risen -in revolt against their Arabic rulers, and had defeated both them and a -Syrian force sent to the latter’s assistance. Thereupon the Spanish -Berbers rose as well. For a time they were successful, but the emir was -able finally to subdue them, being aided by the Syrian army in Africa, -which he had induced to come to Spain. Then followed a terrible war -between the Syrians and the emir, because the promises to the former had -not been fulfilled. The struggle ended with a grant of some of the state -lands in southern Spain to the Syrians, who were to receive the -government’s third of the produce, but not the title to the lands. -Shortly afterward there was another civil war, this time between the -Shiite and Sunnite Arabs, caused by the harsh treatment of the former by -a Sunnite governor. The war lasted eleven years, being then given a new -turn by the intervention of a man who was to play an important part in -the history of the period.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Coming of Abd-er-Rahman to Spain.</div> - -<p>Other parts of the Moslem world had been afflicted by the same sort of -internal strife as that which was occurring in Spain. In particular -there was a dynastic struggle, which resulted in the dethronement of the -caliphs of the Ommayad family and in the rise to power of the Abbasside -caliphs. The Ommayads were ordered to be put to death, but one of them, -a youth named Abd-er-Rahman, contrived to escape. He took refuge -successively in Egypt and northwestern Africa, and in 755 came to Spain -with the object of establishing himself there. This he was able to do, -though not without a struggle, setting himself up as emir<a name="page_043" id="page_043"></a> with his -capital in Cordova, and proclaiming his independence of the caliph.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Abd-er-Rahman I.</div> - -<p>The entire reign of Abd-er-Rahman I (755-788) was one of war. He had to -fight the Yemenite (Sunnite) Arabs, the Berbers, and many chiefs of -various tribes, as well as the governors sent out by the Abbassides, -before his authority was recognized. His ideal was that of an absolute -monarchy which should bring to an end the aristocratic independence and -anarchy in Spain, but in order to accomplish this he had to combat -Arabic tradition and pride, Berber democracy, and inter-tribal hatred. -Abd-er-Rahman was at least able to subject his opponents if not to -change them. It was during his reign that the Frankish king Charlemagne -invaded Spain and got as far as Saragossa. Obliged by events in France -to recross the Pyrenees he was attacked by the Basques in the pass of -Roncesvalles, and his rear-guard was completely destroyed. It was this -event which gave rise to the celebrated French epic poem, the <i>Chanson -de Roland</i> (Song of Roland), in which the Frankish hero Roland is -supposed to combat the forces of Islam. No Mohammedan forces in fact -engaged in the battle, for the Basques were Christians; they were then, -as later, opposed to any foreign army which should invade their lands.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Internal strife.</div> - -<p>Hisham I, the next emir, was not free from wars, but his reign was more -notable in its religious aspects. He was a devout Mohammedan, and -enabled the religious class to attain to great power. His successor, -Hakem I, was a sincere believer, but did not refrain from drinking wine, -thus breaking the religious law, and he conceded less influence in the -government to the church than his father had. This led to several -uprisings, in which the Renegados were a principal element. Hakem -subdued them, and exiled many thousands, most of them Renegados, who -went to different parts of northern Africa and Egypt. Another serious -revolt broke out in Toledo, which had been enjoying virtual -independence, though nominally subject to the emir. The citizens of -Toledo were most of them Renegados, but they were also Spanish, and were -unable to forget that Toledo had once been the capital of Spain. Hakem -resolved<a name="page_044" id="page_044"></a> to bring them into real subjection, and was able to effect his -will. Seven years later, in 829, when Abd-er-Rahman II was emir, the -people of Toledo revolted again, and it took eight years to subdue them. -War and disorder were also prevalent in other parts of the realm. The -inhabitants of Mérida, who were Christians, rose several times; in -Murcia there was a seven years’ war between the Sunnites and Shiites. At -this time, too, the Normans began to attack the coasts of Spain just as -they were doing in other parts of Europe. They made no permanent -conquest, but rendered the coasts unsafe during the greater part of the -century. Toward the close of the ninth century the emirate began to -break under the strain of constant war. After repeated rebellions the -city of Toledo formed itself into a republic, and on the basis of an -annual tribute to the emir was recognized by the latter, who had no -other right there. In Aragon the Visigothic but Renegado family of -Beni-Casi founded an independent kingdom. A similar kingdom sprang up in -Extremadura, and another in the mountains of southern Spain. Meanwhile, -the Christian kingdoms were making gains. Except for them the new states -were usually made up of Renegados. They did not work together, however, -or the Arabic domination might have been completely broken: rather, each -little state followed a selfish policy of its own. The most important -was that of Omar-ben Hafsun in the south. Omar founded his kingdom in -884, with his capital at the castle of Bobastro. In 886 the emir -attacked him, and for more than thirty years thereafter there was war -between Omar and the emirs of Cordova. Omar was usually successful, -acquiring nearly all of Andalusia, but his political plans illustrate -the lack of a truly Spanish ideal in the kingdoms carved out of the -emirate. At first he planned only a tiny kingdom of his own; later he -aimed to get the governor of Africa to appoint him emir of Spain; -finally he became converted to Christianity, and resolved to wage a -religious war, whereupon his Renegado followers abandoned him. During -the same period civil wars of a racial nature broke out in other parts -of Spain between the Arabic aristocracy and the Renegados, especially<a name="page_045" id="page_045"></a> -around the cities of Elvira and Seville. The Arabs despised the -Renegados, who were at this time the principal industrial and commercial -class, especially in Seville, and envied their wealth. Many Arabic -chiefs also refused obedience to the emirs. For a time the aristocratic -party was successful, inflicting great blows on the Renegados, and -increasing their own estates, but in the reign of Abdallah, early in the -ninth century, they received a check. The same Abdallah inflicted a -crushing defeat on King Omar. Thus the way was prepared for Abdallah’s -successor, Abd-er-Rahman III, who was to establish peace in Spain after -two centuries of almost continuous disorder.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Abd-er-Rahman III.</div> - -<p>Abd-er-Rahman III (912-961) was by far the greatest ruler in the history -of Moslem Spain. His first problem was the establishment of the central -power. Within a few years he had reduced not only the Renegado states of -Toledo, Aragon, Extremadura, and Bobastro but also the aristocratic -Arabs and the Berber chiefs in various parts of Spain. He then changed -his title from that of emir to caliph, thus signifying his intention of -maintaining a robust absolute monarchy. He also drove back the Christian -kings in the north, after which he proceeded to cultivate friendly -relations with them. Even the Moslem province in northwestern Africa -fell under his sway. In administrative matters as well Abd-er-Rahman III -proved his ability. Not only did he create a great army but he also -increased the strength of the navy (which the emirs before him had -already founded) until it became the most powerful fleet in the -Mediterranean Sea. Spain was recognized as the greatest state in Europe, -and in western Europe it was also the centre of the highest culture. -Through the caliph’s measures agriculture, industry, and commerce, and -education, literature, and the fine arts developed to a high point, and -Cordova became a city of half a million inhabitants.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Almansor.</div> - -<p>Hakem II (961-976) continued his father’s policy in all respects, but -was able to devote even more attention to intellectual activities. In -military affairs the next reign, that of Hisham II (976-1013), was -particularly brilliant, but it was not the caliph who directed affairs. -In the time<a name="page_046" id="page_046"></a> of Hakem II a certain Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir had -attracted the attention and won the heart of the caliph’s favorite wife. -Through her aid he became the chief minister of Hisham II, who was a -minor at the time of his succession. Hisham was soon put aside by -Mahomet, who sequestered the caliph in the palace, and ruled in the name -of the virtually deposed monarch. Mahomet was principally famous for his -victories, on account of which he was called Almansor, meaning “the -aided of God,” or “the victorious by divine favor.” He reorganized the -army, making it a machine which was not only efficient in a military way -but also personally devoted to him. Then in repeated campaigns he -defeated the Christian kings of the northwest and northeast, reducing -the greater part of their territories to his authority, and making -himself arbiter in the kingdoms which were allowed to exist.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Downfall of the caliphate.</div> - -<p>Almansor died in 1002, but the military supremacy of the Moslem state -was sustained by his son Abdul Malik, who succeeded as chief minister -and virtual ruler. The latter did not live long, however, being followed -in authority by another son of Almansor, who was not so fortunate in his -rule. The Moslem nobles were hostile to the military absolutism of the -Almansor family, chiefly, no doubt, because of the usual intractability -of the aristocracy, but also because the military element, composed of -Berbers and foreigners of all descriptions, even slaves (who might be -powerful generals), had become the most important in the country. Civil -wars broke out, therefore, and they resulted in the fall of the Almansor -family, in 1009. The wars continued, however, between the generals of -Almansor’s army and the various pretenders to the caliphate (even though -Hisham was alive during part of the time and was believed to be living -for many years after he had probably died or been put to death). In -1027, the last of the Ommayads, Hisham III, became caliph, but in 1031 -was deposed. Thenceforth, no one was able to make good a claim to the -throne; Moslem Spain fell apart into a number of independent units, and -the caliphate came to an end.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social classes in Moslem Spain.</div> - -<p>Although the differences in social status were much the<a name="page_047" id="page_047"></a> same in Moslem -Spain as in other parts of Europe, there were added complications, owing -to the differences of race and religion. There were the usual gradations -of aristocracy, freemen, freedmen, and slaves, but the real aristocracy -was the Arabic. This was nearly destroyed in the time of Abd-er-Rahman -III, and a new aristocracy of soldiers and merchants took its place. -Prior to that time both the Arabic and Berber nobility had gone on -increasing their holdings until they had attained vast estates, and it -was perhaps on this account that they lived for the most part in the -country, leaving the cities to the Renegados and “Mozárabes,” as the -Christians living under Moslem rule were called. The Renegados were an -especially important element in the population, both industrially and -intellectually, but were despised by the other groups; indeed, many were -descendants of slaves. The Mozárabes usually lived in a separate -district, and were allowed to govern themselves to some extent, having -law courts and some administrative officials of their own. In daily life -they mixed freely with the Moslem population. The old differences -between the Hispano-Roman and Visigothic Christians were maintained for -a time, but seem at length to have passed away. The Mozárabes were -allowed to retain their Christian worship, and as a rule were not -persecuted, although frequently insulted by lower class Moslems. Late in -the ninth century, especially in the reign of Mahomet I, there was a -period of persecution, caused very largely by the excessive zeal of some -of the Christians. The law inflicted the penalty of death on anybody who -publicly cursed the founder of the Mohammedan faith, wherefore a number -of Christians, already exasperated by certain harsh measures of the -emir, began to seek martyrdom by cursing the prophet. A Christian church -council disapproved of this practice, but it continued and was later -sanctioned by the church, which canonized many of the martyrs. The Jews -were another important element, not only in administration, but also in -commerce and in general culture. Cordova became the world’s centre for -Jewish theological studies. In all of this period the Jews were well -treated.<a name="page_048" id="page_048"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Status of women.</div> - -<p>A Mohammedan was allowed to have as many as four wives and a greater -number of concubines, all together forming the particular individual’s -harem. The wives were subject to their husbands, but were not without -rights. The first wife was privileged to forbid her husband’s taking -concubines or additional wives without her consent, although it is -doubtful if the right was generally exercised. Possibly a wife’s most -important powers were those having to do with property, coupled with her -privilege of bringing suit at law without the previous consent of her -husband. Children of legally taken concubines, even if the latter were -slaves, were held to be legitimate and free. Women enjoyed more liberty -than they are commonly supposed to have had, being privileged, for -example, to visit freely with their relatives. The Arabs were very fond -of music and dancing, and took delight in licentious poetry. Not a -little of the pleasure-loving character of this race survives today in -southern Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Methods of warfare.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Moslem law.</div> - -<p>Much has been said already with regard to the general administration of -the Moslem realm, which was not greatly different from that of the -Visigothic kingdom preceding it. As for the Moslem armies they were not -so superior in organization when they entered Spain as their rapid -conquests might lead one to suppose. They were nothing more than tribal -levies, each group marching with its chief as leader. Campaigns were -also managed in a somewhat haphazard fashion, for the Moslem troops went -forth to war when the tasks of harvest time did not require their -presence at home. Many expeditions were made with no idea of military -conquest; rather they were for the sake of destroying an enemy’s crops -or securing plunder, after which the army would return, satisfied with -what it had done. The Moslem rulers gradually began to surround -themselves with special troops, and, finally, Almansor abolished the -tribal levy, and formed regiments without regard to tribe. As for Moslem -law the Koran was at the same time a book of holy writ and one of civil -law. This was supplemented by the legislation of the caliphs, but there -was always more or less confusion between law and religion. There was -never a formal code.<a name="page_049" id="page_049"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Religion in Moslem Spain.</div> - -<p>Attention has already been called to the difference in the religious -fervor of the Moslem tribes. Many of the Arabs even went so far as to -deny the existence of God, although the vast body of them, perhaps, were -indifferentists. The Berbers and the mass of the people generally were -very enthusiastic Mohammedans, so that it was unsafe to express one’s -opinions contrary to the faith or even to engage openly in certain -philosophical studies, for these were regarded as heretical. Among the -religious themselves there were varying interpretations of the Koran and -differences of rite. Religious toleration existed to such an extent that -not only were the Mozárabes allowed to retain their churches, their -priesthood, and their councils, but also some of their holy days were -celebrated by Christians and Moslems alike. There was one instance where -the same building served as a Mohammedan mosque and a Christian church. -Christian clergymen from foreign lands frequently visited Moslem Spain, -while native churchmen went forth from the caliphate to travel in the -Christian countries, returning later to the peninsula.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The wealth of Cordova.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic prosperity.</div> - -<p>In the tenth century Moslem Spain came to be one of the richest and most -populous lands in Europe. The wealth of Cordova was astounding, although -some allowance has to be made for the exaggerations of the chroniclers. -At one time the Moslem capital was said to have 200,000 houses, 600 -mosques, and 900 bath-houses, besides many public buildings. It was well -paved, had magnificent bridges across the Guadalquivir, and contained -numerous palaces of the caliphs and other great functionaries. The most -famous of all was that of Az-Zahra, which was a palace and town in one, -erected by Abd-er-Rahman III for one of his wives. The great mosque of -Cordova, which is in use today as a Catholic cathedral, was equally -luxurious. This was begun in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman I, and was -continued and enlarged by later Moslem rulers. It came to have nineteen -aisles one way, and thirty another, with twenty-one gates, and 1293 -columns of porphyry and jasper with gilded capitals. In its adornment it -was a wealth of marble, silver, and precious stones. Travellers came to<a name="page_050" id="page_050"></a> -Cordova from all parts of the world, but it is worthy of note as an -evidence of the lack of complete security, even in the greatest days of -the caliphate, that it was the practice to come in great bodies, for the -roads were infested with bandits. One measure of the advance of Moslem -Spain is in the revenues of the government, which were eighteen times -greater in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman III than they were in the reign of -Abd-er-Rahman I.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> This wealth depended on economic well-being, which -was especially in evidence in the tenth century. The Arabs were not -innovators in agriculture, but they had already learned much from -others, and they assimilated Hispano-Roman and Mozárabic methods, with -the result that Spain became richer in this regard than she had ever -been before. They introduced rice, sugar, and several other products -which had not previously been cultivated in Spain, and made use of -irrigation in Granada, Murcia, and Valencia. Stock-raising, mining, and -manufacturing were also extensively carried on. As a natural result of -all this activity there was a like development of commerce. The -principal part of Abd-er-Rahman III’s revenues proceeded from import and -export duties. It is worthy of note that there was a considerable -traffic not only in slaves but also in women,—such was Arabic -character. Seville was perhaps the most important port. Through the -medium of commerce Spain came into close contact with the Moslem East -and with the Byzantine Greeks. As a result of the mathematical problems -involved in trade it is believed that the Arabs introduced into Europe -the very important cipher, or zero, which they on their part had -received from India.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Languages.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Education.</div> - -<p>Not only Arabic and Latin but many other languages as well were spoken -in Moslem Spain; the Berber, for example, was independent of either of -the two first-named. Despite the predominatingly Latin character of the -eventual Spanish tongue the Arabic influence upon it was great,—not so<a name="page_051" id="page_051"></a> -much in words as in forms and idioms of speech. There were Moslem -schools of a private character, but there was no public school system. -The caliphs often brought learned men to their court, but it was the -religious who more than any others devoted themselves to education. -There were few Moslems who could not read or write, and in this respect -Spain was in advance of the rest of western Europe. Women, far from -being excluded from education, were taught the same branches as the men, -and often became notable both in literature and in scientific studies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual achievements.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The fine arts.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Narrow streets.</div> - -<p>The Arabs introduced the industrially manufactured paper of the orient -instead of using the parchment or papyrus of the Romans. This greatly -lowered the cost of books, and led to an increase in productivity, -facilitating both literary and scientific studies. Although philosophy -and astronomy were so strongly opposed by the common people and the -priestly class of the Moslems that their study was at times forbidden by -the government,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> they were a fruitful topic in the education and -researches of the upper classes. One of the greatest glories of Arabic -civilization was the transmission of Greek culture to western Europe, -for the Arabs had become acquainted with the works of the Greeks, while -western Europe had almost completely forgotten them. Nevertheless, -Moslem Spain was to be more important in this respect in the period -following the downfall of the caliphate. Mathematics and medicine did -not meet with popular and religious opposition, and in both of these -sciences the Arabs achieved notable results. Polite literature, however, -and especially poetry, was the most favored intellectual medium. Poetry -had been cultivated by the Arabs while they were yet in their crude -tribal stage. It was not unusual for challenges to personal combat or -declarations of war to be written in poetry. Books of science, even, -made their appearance in verse, and the improvisation of poetry was a -general practice. The most favored subject-matter illustrates a -pronounced trait in Arabic character, for amorous themes of an immoral -order accorded best with Arabic<a name="page_052" id="page_052"></a> taste. The Spanish Moslems were not -notable in painting and sculpture, but distinguished themselves in -architecture and the industrial arts. Perhaps the most important feature -of their cultivation of these arts was the introduction of Byzantine -influences. They made use of the dome and of the elaborate decoration of -flat surfaces (especially of walls) with arabesques, so named because of -their profuse employment in Arabic work. In addition they painted their -buildings in brilliant and variegated colors. They rarely built in -stone, preferring brick, plaster, and adobe. The mosque was the -principal example of their architecture. In that and in their civil -edifices they made use of one feature, not unlike that of the Roman -house, which has survived in Spain,—the enclosed court, or <i>patio</i>, -surrounded by arcades, with a fountain in the centre. Streets were -narrow, both with a view to provide shade against the heat of the sun, -and also because of the necessities of space, so that the city might be -contained within its walls.<a name="page_053" id="page_053"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /><br /> -<small>CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE MOSLEM PERIOD, 711-1035</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Fitful character of the Christian reconquest.</div> - -<p>O<small>NE</small> of the popular misconceptions of the Moslem period in the history of -Spain is that the Christians began a holy war almost from the time of -the Moslem invasion, and continued to gain in fervor and in power, step -by step, until at length they took Granada in 1492. In fact religious -enthusiasm and national conquest alike were fitful and spasmodic, and -very little progress was made in the period of the emirs and caliphs.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The kingdom of Asturias.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Covadonga.</div> - -<p>It has usually been held, although the matter is in dispute, that the -Visigoths resisted the invaders continuously at only one point in -Spain,—in Asturias. In the mountains of Asturias there gathered various -nobles of the centre and south of Spain, a number of bishops, and the -remains of the defeated Christian armies, and, aided perhaps by the -natives of that land, they prepared to make a stand against the Moslems. -On the news of the death of Roderic they elected a certain Pelayo as his -successor, and it is this king who is customarily regarded as the -founder of the Spanish monarchy. Pelayo fixed his capital at Cangas de -Onís, and is believed to have maintained amicable relations with the -Moslems for a while, perhaps paying them tribute, and possibly even -making a visit to Cordova. Hostilities broke out again, however, and in -the year 718 Pelayo and his partisans won a victory in the valley of -Covadonga. Coming as it did after several years of defeats this -achievement attained to a renown which was far greater than the merits -of the actual battle, and in later years legendary accounts made the -combat itself assume extraordinary proportions.<a name="page_054" id="page_054"></a> It has usually been -taken as marking the beginning of the Christian reconquests, and it is -said that Pelayo became king in consequence of the battle, when in fact -he was elected several years before. The battle of Covadonga did secure -eastern Asturias to the Christians, which was its immediate result. -Aside from that tiny kingdom there is no proof that there were any -independent Christian states in Spain, although it is probable that -there were several in the other mountainous parts of the north.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The advance of the Asturian frontier.</div> - -<p>Since the invaders respected the religion and customs of the conquered, -the war of the Christian kingdom of Asturias against them did not at -first have a religious or even a racial character. It was a war of the -nobles and clergy for the reconquest of their landed estates and of the -king for the restoration of his royal authority over the peninsula. The -little Asturian kingdom was like the old Visigothic state in miniature; -for example, there were the struggles between the nobility and the crown -for precisely the same objects as formerly. For a century the history of -Asturias reduced itself primarily to these quarrels. Nevertheless, the -Moslem frontier tended to withdraw from the far northwest, not that the -Moslems were forced out by the Christians, but possibly because their -own civil wars drew them together in the centre and south, or because -their numbers were not great enough to make them seek the less desirable -lands in the northwest. The frontier became fixed south of the Douro -along a line running through Coimbra, Coria, Talavera, Toledo, -Guadalajara, and Pamplona, although the last-named place was not long -retained. It cannot be said that the Christians took a conscious -offensive until the eleventh century. In this period, despite the -internal dissension of the Moslem state, the Christian frontier did not -pass the Guadarrama Mountains even at the most favorable moments, -leaving Aragon and central and southern Spain in the enemy’s hands. The -line of the Douro was far from being held consistently,—as witness the -conquests of Abd-er-Rahman III and Almansor.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso I and Alfonso II.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Santiago de Compostela.</div> - -<p>The only notable kings of Asturias in the century following the death of -Pelayo (737) were Alfonso I<a name="page_055" id="page_055"></a> “the Catholic” (739-757) and Alfonso II -“the Chaste” (791-842). Both made successful campaigns against the -Moslems, although their principal importance was that they brought back -many Mozárabes from the temporarily conquered regions, and these helped -to populate the north. To assure his power Alfonso II sought an alliance -with the Holy Roman Emperor, Charlemagne, and with his son, Louis the -Pious. It is this which gave rise to the legend of Bernardo del Carpio, -who is said to have compelled the king to forbear making treaties with -foreign rulers which lowered the dignity of the Spanish people. Some -writers have found in this supposed incident (for the figure of Bernardo -is a later invention) an awakening sense of nationalism, but it seems -rather to reflect the traditional attitude of the nobility lest the king -become too strong for them, for real patriotism did not exist. The two -Alfonsos did much to reorganize their kingdom internally, and Alfonso -the Chaste moved the capital to Oviedo. In his reign, too, there -occurred a religious event of great importance,—the finding of what was -believed to be the tomb and body of the apostle Santiago (Saint James) -in northwestern Galicia. The site was made the seat of a bishopric, and -a village grew up there, named Santiago de Compostela. Compostela became -a leading political and industrial factor in the Christian northwest, -but was far more important as a holy place of the first grade, ranking -with Jerusalem, Rome, and Loreto. Thenceforth, bands of pilgrims not -only from Spain but also from all parts of the Christian world came to -visit the site, and, through them, important outside influences began to -filter into Spain. More noteworthy still was the use of the story of the -miraculous discovery to fire the Christian warriors with enthusiasm in -their battles against the Moslems, especially at a later period, when -the war entered upon more of a crusading phase.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of Navarre and Aragon.</div> - -<p>The people of the mountains of Navarre were of Basque race, and seem to -have maintained a more or less unorganized freedom from political -subjection for many years before a definite state was formed. They -opposed both the Frankish kings and the Moslem emirs, and for a long -time the former<a name="page_056" id="page_056"></a> were their principal enemy. At length they established -their independence of both. In these wars the kingdom of Navarre almost -certainly had its origin, but at an uncertain date. Tradition makes -Iñigo Arista one of the early kings, or chiefs, but the first name -definitely to appear is that of Sancho García in the tenth century -(905-925). The founding of an independent state in Aragon was due to the -same causes; indeed, Aragon and Navarre were assigned a common origin in -the legends of the period. Aragon was absorbed by Navarre, however, -possibly toward the end of the tenth century.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Origin of the Catalan counties.</div> - -<p>Catalonia had been overrun by the Moslems when they entered Spain, but -between 785 and 811 the Frankish kings were able to reconquer that -region, establishing a province there which they called the Spanish -Mark. This section was at first ruled by a number of counts, independent -of each other, but subject to the kings of the Franks. Catalan -submission to the latter did not endure through the ninth century. -Wifredo, count of Barcelona, is believed to have established his -independence as early as 874, although that event is doubtful; at any -rate the separation from the Frankish kingdom was not much longer -delayed. Each count was lord unto himself, although the counts of -Barcelona were recognized as the greatest among them. Indeed, in the -entire breadth of northern Spain each unit labored for its own selfish -ends. Christians fought Moslems, but also fought other Christians. Owing -to the disorder of the Moslem realm, however, the Catalan counts, like -the other Christian rulers, were able to make some territorial gains.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Two centuries of scant progress in Asturias.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The independence of Castile.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sancho the Fat.</div> - -<p>For nearly two centuries after the death of Alfonso II, or until the -fall of the Moslem caliphate, very little progress was made by the kings -of Oviedo and León, which latter city had become the capital of the -Christian kingdom in the northwest early in the tenth century. There was -a marked opposition between the Asturian-Leonese and the Galician parts -of the realm, and the Galician nobles maintained almost continuous war -with the kings. Similarly the counts of the frontier often acted like -petty sovereigns, or even<a name="page_057" id="page_057"></a> joined with the Moslems against their own -compatriots. So, too, there were contests for the throne, and neither -side hesitated to call in Moslem aid. Some kings achieved conquests of -temporary moment against the Moslems; for example, Alfonso III “the -Great” (866-909) added considerably to his territories in a period of -marked weakness in the caliphate, but was obliged to abdicate when his -sons and even his wife joined in rebellion against him; the kingdom was -then divided among three sons, who took respectively León, Galicia and -Lusitania, and Asturias, leaving to the king the town of Zamora alone. -Then followed the caliphate of Abd-er-Rahman III, when the Christian -kingdoms, except Galicia, were most of the time subject in fact to the -Moslem state, although allowed to govern themselves. To the usual -quarrels there was added a new separatist tendency, more serious than -that of Galicia had been. This proceeded from the eastern part of the -kingdom in a region which came to be called Castile because of the -numerous castles there, due to its situation on the Moslem frontier. The -counts of Castile, centering around Burgos, had repeatedly declined to -obey the kings of Oviedo and León,—for example, when they were called -to serve in the royal armies. During the reign of Ramiro II (930-950), -Count Fernán González united the Castilians under his standard, and -after repeated wars was able to make Castile independent of the king of -León. The reign of Sancho “the Fat” is typical of the times. Sancho -became king of León in 955, but was soon dethroned by his nobles, who -alleged among other things that because of his corpulence he cut a -ridiculous figure as a king. Sancho went to the court of Abd-er-Rahman -III, and got not only a cure for fatness but also a Moslem army. Aided, -too, by the Christian kingdom of Navarre he was able to regain his -throne. He had promised to deliver certain cities and castles to the -caliph, but did not do so until compelled to by the next caliph, Hakem. -Civil wars between the nobles and the crown continued, and many of the -former joined with Moslem Almansor in his victorious campaigns against -their coreligionists and their king.<a name="page_058" id="page_058"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance of the Christian states in the early eleventh -century.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sancho the Great.</div> - -<p>When the caliphate began to totter, following the deaths of Almansor and -Abdul Malik, the Christian kings returned to the conquest. Alfonso V -(994-1027) of León and his uncle Sancho “the Great” (970-1035) of -Navarre pushed their frontiers southward, Alfonso crossing the Douro in -Portugal. The counts of Castile, too, now aiding one Moslem faction, now -another, now remaining neutral, profited by each new agreement to -acquire additional territory or fortified posts. Shortly after the death -of Alfonso V, Sancho the Great intervened successfully in the wars of -the Christian kingdoms, and united Castile and León under his authority. -Since he was also king in Navarre, Aragon, and the Basque provinces of -France and Spain, only Galicia, where the kings of León took refuge, and -the counties of Catalonia remained free from his rule in the north. Here -seemed to be an important moment in the history of Spain,—one which -might have had tremendous consequences. But it was as yet too early, not -alone for Spanish nationalism, but even for the conception of a Spanish -state. Sancho the Great undid his own work, and consigned himself to a -place only a little short of oblivion by dividing his kingdom among his -sons. The three most important regions resulting from this act were the -kingdoms of Navarre, Castile, and Aragon. The death of Sancho in 1035 is -an important date, however, for it marks the time when work had to be -begun over again to achieve the distant ideal of the unity of Spain. -Meanwhile, the counts of Barcelona, who had lost their territories in -the days of Almansor, regained them in the ensuing decline of the -caliphate, whether by military conquest, or by intervention in the wars -of the Moslem state in return for concessions. The important year 1035 -is notable also in Catalonia, for at that time Ramón Berenguer I, the -first outstanding figure among the counts of Barcelona, inherited the -rule of the county.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inter-relations of the Christian and Moslem peoples.</div> - -<p>Except in times of war, relations between the Christian and Moslem -peoples were even cordial and intimate. They visited one another’s -countries, aided one another in civil wars, engaged in commerce, and -even contracted mixed<a name="page_059" id="page_059"></a> marriages, not only among people of the lower -classes, but also among those of the highest rank, even to that of -royalty. Mohammedan law did not require the conversion of Christian -wives, but many of the latter embraced the Moslem faith, with the -consent, too, of their families. Although there were instances of -Mohammedan women marrying Christians, the reverse was usually the case, -for the conquerors did not bring their families as had the earlier -Germanic invaders. Religious differences were not an insuperable barrier -in this period: there was scarcely a war confined to Christians on the -one side and Mohammedans on the other; the Mozárabes were not greatly -molested within the Moslem state; Christians were often employed in -administrative capacities by the emirs and caliphs; and Christian -mercenaries, many of them Spaniards, fought in the Moslem armies. It was -only natural, therefore, that the neighboring Arabic civilization should -have exercised not a little influence on Christian Spain, especially -since the power and wealth of the caliphate were so much greater than in -the kingdoms of the north. In intellectual aspects—for example, in -philosophy and science—the Arabic influence was to be greater at a -succeeding time, but in political and military matters and in language -much passed over to the Christians in this period. In like manner the -Spanish peoples reacted upon the invaders, but this was confined -principally to the effects produced by the Renegados and Mozárabes, -whose contributions were largely due to the conditions of the Moslem -world in which they lived.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Diversity in Christian Spain.</div> - -<p>Christian Spain itself was far from being a unit; rather diversity was -the rule. The northwest followed the Visigothic tradition, while the -north centre and northeast, especially Navarre and Catalonia, while -retaining much of the Visigothic institutions came into frequent contact -with French peoples, who gave a new turn to their civilization. Within -each section, too, there were many complex differences between one -region and another. Hence the institutions of the principal areas may be -taken separately.<a name="page_060" id="page_060"></a></p> - -<h3><i>Kingdoms of Asturias, León, and Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Social classes in the Christian northwest.</div> - -<p>Social inequality increased in this period, due to a decline in wealth -and to an accentuation of the hazards of life. The higher nobility -attained to vast privileges and authority, although less than in other -parts of Christian Europe. They were often, but not always, allowed to -conquer lands for themselves, rule their own estates with almost -absolute authority, leave the king’s service for that of another -monarch, and be free from taxation. The social prestige of the nobles -was weakened, however, through the king’s right to grant titles of -nobility. The king might also deprive a noble created by himself of his -titles and lands. Most of the nobility of the lower grades were in fact -retainers of the greater nobles or of the king, usually rendering -military service in return for protection. This state of dependence was -called <i>encomienda</i> (commendation),—a term used centuries later to -cover the virtual enslavement of the American Indians. Small landed -proprietors and free agricultural and industrial laborers placed -themselves in similar relations to the great nobles, so that the latter -were about the only really free class of the time. These civilian -dependents gave produce, tribute, or personal service to the lord. The -various grades of servitude, from serfs attached to a piece of land and -enjoying at least some of the products of their labor down to -individuals held in personal slavery, continued to exist. In general the -servile classes advanced in about the same degree that the freemen fell -back; many of them came together to form an intermediate class in which -some rights—for example, to own property and to change one’s habitation -freely within the same seigniorial territory—were enjoyed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The political system.</div> - -<p>The king’s power was complete enough in theory to merit being called -absolute, for in him rested supreme legislative, judicial, and -administrative authority over the realm as a whole. In fact the royal -authority did not extend equally over all the land. On his own -properties and usually in conquered regions the king was indeed an -absolute monarch, but as concerned the lands of the nobles and the -church<a name="page_061" id="page_061"></a> there were important limitations on his authority. On their -estates the nobles enjoyed rights of an economic nature and also those -of a sovereign, with almost as much power in theory and in fact as the -king had in theory over all the land. They raised troops at will, and -fought with one another and even against the king; they had judicial -authority over most of the cases arising within their lands; and they -collected taxes for themselves. The protection which they owed to all on -their estates was not very faithfully accorded, but on the contrary they -oppressed not only their own dependents but also those of other -lords,—a practice which was a fruitful cause of private war. The -nobles, too, were veritable highwaymen, robbing travellers, business -men, and pilgrims, and contributing more than any other class to the -lawlessness of the times. Bishops and abbots occupied a position similar -to that of the great nobles. The church had acquired estates through -gifts of individuals and grants of the king, and the same rights and -duties attached to them as in the case of the nobles. Thus, for example, -great churchmen raised troops, which at times they commanded themselves. -The royal power was still further limited in fact, because of the -necessity of relying upon nobles or churchmen to govern distant lands or -to hold other posts of an administrative and even of a judicial nature. -The rulers of administrative districts were the counts (<i>condes</i>) -appointed by the king, and these individuals often gave him considerable -trouble,—as witness the uprisings (at length successful) of the counts -of Castile. The very necessities of civil strife obliged the kings to -yield privileges to one set of nobles in order to get their aid against -another. Nevertheless, great as was the nobles’ authority, it was not so -excessive as elsewhere in western Europe. Feudalism, the essence of -which was the grant of lands in perpetuity with rights of sovereignty -attached, in return for which the grantee owed fealty and some form of -service, perhaps military, to the grantor, did not exist in its fullness -in northwestern Spain. By special grants the king might agree to refrain -from exercising his sovereign privileges, but in such cases certain -limitations were usually expressed. When<a name="page_062" id="page_062"></a> judicial authority was -conferred on a noble, some attributes were retained,—for example, the -trial of crimes of murder and the right of appeal to the royal authority -from the cases in seigniorial courts. Again, when the lords made laws -for their territories they did so by special grant of the king, who -frequently intervened to change the seigniorial statutes or to enact -others of his own. The difference from European feudalism, however, was -perhaps more juridical than actual.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rise of the free towns.</div> - -<p>One element appeared in this period which was to prove a great -limitation on seigniorial authority, and was to be an aid to the king in -the establishment of internal good order and unity. This was the -plebeian town. The most important type of this class was the <i>villa</i>, or -<i>concejo</i>, which originated in the tenth century. The <i>villas</i> were -founded on lands conquered by the kings, and were usually in frontier -districts exposed to the enemy. On this account special privileges were -granted in order to induce people to settle there. Anybody who could -contrive to reach a <i>villa</i> was declared free, even if of servile grade -before. All citizens were not equal, however; there were varying grades -of rank, though all were free. The <i>villas</i> were exempted from many -duties to the state,—often from the payment of taxes. They were also -withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the counts, and were granted much -political authority. Each <i>villa</i> received its own <i>fuero</i>, or charter, -by a special grant, with the result that there was a great variety in -the terms of different charters, although certain of them tended to -become the types which were imitated in subsequent grants. As a general -rule the government of a <i>villa</i> was in the hands of the assembly of -citizens, in which local laws were enacted and judges and administrative -officers elected. These rights, added to a long line of exemptions, made -veritable political entities of the <i>villas</i>, which were independent of -all but the king, and were in great measure not subject to him. The -<i>villa</i> extended beyond its own walls to include neighboring rural -districts as well. The rise of the <i>villas</i> on royal lands compelled the -nobility and the clergy to form similar settlements in order to attract -people to their territories or to avoid uprisings of their dependents, -although<a name="page_063" id="page_063"></a> these towns did not achieve rights equal to those of the -<i>villas</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Diversity and primitive character of the law.</div> - -<p>Since privilege was the general rule, the law in northwestern Spain was -very far from being uniform. The Visigothic <i>Fuero Juzgo</i> continued to -be the general law, but it was often supplanted as a result of grants by -the king to nobles, clergy, and <i>villas</i>, and by the nobles and clergy -to yet other units under their rule. Very important, too, was the -modifying effect of local customs, which in the absence of other -specific law were frequently cited. These customs tended to resemble -those of the Germanic invaders or even of the indigenous peoples, since -the type of life at this time was similar to that of earlier unsettled -periods. This era, therefore, was one of a marked falling away from -Roman traditions, which had to wait several centuries before they again -came into their own.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic backwardness.</div> - -<p>As was natural in such an age of disorder, commerce and industry did not -flourish. With the rise of the towns a beginning was made, and at least -one town, Santiago de Compostela, seems to have attained to some -industrial importance. Commerce was hampered by innumerable obstacles, -such as the depredations of foreign enemies and robber lords, the duties -which had to be paid to the king, and the tolls which were collected by -the lords at highways, rivers, or bridges within their lands. -Stock-raising and agriculture and the production of the bare necessities -of life were the principal occupations. Even these suffered, not only -from the raids of the Moslems and the nobles, but also from the extreme -weight of taxation, which was all the worse in that it was levied at the -caprice of the king, lord, or churchman collecting it. The state of -misery was so great that it is not surprising that famine and epidemics -harassed the people.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ignorance and superstition.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Innovations in architecture.</div> - -<p>In general culture, too, there was a decline to an even lower level than -that of the Visigothic period. Churches and monasteries maintained -something of the old intellectual traditions, and their schools were -almost the only resort for an education. Latin continued to be used in -literature and in official documents, but was already acquiring the new<a name="page_064" id="page_064"></a> -forms which were to pave the way to the various Romance tongues of later -days. The age was one of superstition, which made itself manifest, as in -other parts of Europe, even in judicial procedure. The tests of wager of -battle (or a duel between litigants), the hot iron, and boiling water -were all used to determine innocence or guilt, in the belief that God -would intervene on the side of the man whose cause was just. Poverty and -danger led men to live in groups, thereby introducing a fresh departure -from Roman individualism. In the towns life more nearly resembled the -Roman type. In architecture this period marked the introduction of the -buttress in some of the churches. Naturally, it was an age of the -building of castles and walls, although the materials used were -perishable. Most edifices were of wood, for in that day Spain was -covered with forests in regions where they no longer exist. The burning -of villages in times of war, especially during the Norman invasions, led -to an exchange from the wooden roof in church building to one of -non-combustible material of industrial manufacture.</p> - -<h3><i>Kingdoms of Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">The Christian reconquest of Catalonia.</div> - -<p>In essentials, the social organization of north central and northeastern -Spain was not greatly different from that of the northwest. Navarre and -Catalonia were considerably affected by French influence,—Aragon less -so. The details for Navarre and Aragon are in any event obscure or -lacking. The Moslem invasion caused an emigration of the people of -Catalonia across the Pyrenees, with the result that most of the -territory remained deserted for two centuries. By 797 Gerona had been -reconquered, and by 801 Barcelona was retaken, and these dates marked -the beginning of the social and political reorganization of what was to -become Catalonia. Lands were allotted to the Frankish conquerors and to -a number of Catalans who had either remained in that region, subject to -the Moslems, or who came in at the time of the reconquest. These estates -were given free of obligation, except for that of military service. The -most important holders were the various<a name="page_065" id="page_065"></a> counts, but there were a number -of lesser proprietors beyond their jurisdiction. Many of these were -converted in course of time into feudatories of the counts. The counts -were at first the appointees of the French king; later they became -hereditary; and finally independent. The church also acquired vast -territories in Catalonia, and was allowed to enjoy immunity from -obligations and an absolute dominion over its lands. The most important -holdings were those of the bishop of Gerona.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Feudalism in Catalonia and Navarre.</div> - -<p>From the above it appears that the feudalism of France had taken root in -Catalonia, where the nobles were more absolute in their own territories -and more free from the power of the king or lord to whom they were -subject than was the case in northwestern Spain. The greater importance -of the counts of Barcelona has already been alluded to; by the beginning -of the eleventh century they were saluted with the title of prince in -recognition of their sovereignty. Aside from their own estates, however, -their legal authority extended little further than that of a right to -inspect judicial tribunals (in order to see that their decisions were in -accord with the general law of the land) and to have certain cases -appealable to their courts. The <i>Fuero Juzgo</i>, in so far as it applied -to the changed conditions of Catalonia, was the general law, but -numerous exceptions began to appear, much as in the northwest, although -the development of free towns was not nearly so great. In Navarre the -administration of justice belonged to the king, but on the other hand -the king could not hold court, or make war, peace, or a truce, without -consulting the nobles, and he was subject in every respect to the laws -which confirmed their privileges. Furthermore, he acquired his throne by -election, although the choice was confined as a rule to members of a -single family. Feudalism not only weakened the power of the monarchy in -north central and northeastern Spain, but also tended to impair the lot -of the servile classes, which were delayed in achieving emancipation in -these regions much longer than in other parts of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Coming of the monks of Cluny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Backwardness of Pyrenean Spain.</div> - -<p>The most important religious incident of the period was the entry of the -monks of Cluny into Spain. This order<a name="page_066" id="page_066"></a> had taken it upon itself to -combat simony (the sale of church office) and offences against the -ecclesiastical law of celibacy (requiring that men who had taken holy -orders should not marry), both of which practices were than very -prevalent in Christendom, and to bring about a complete and effective -submission of distant churches to the bishop of Rome. These monks came -into Spain by way of Navarre in the reign of Sancho the Great, and by -1033 they were already in Castile. Aside from their immediate objects -they produced two other important effects: they reinforced the French -ideas which had preceded them; and they accelerated the reconquest as a -result of the influence which they acquired, employing it to urge on the -kings in wars against the Moslems. In economic institutions, general -culture, and the fine arts the north centre and northeast were very -backward, like the northwest. It is noteworthy, however, that by the -ninth century the Catalans were already beginning to engage in trade in -the Mediterranean.</p> - -<p class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/ill_unity_a.jpg"> -<img src="images/ill_unity_a_sml.jpg" width="339" height="550" -alt="DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492" title="DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492" /></a> -<a href="images/ill_unity_b.jpg"> -<img src="images/ill_unity_b_sml.jpg" width="339" height="550" -alt="DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492" title="DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492" /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492</span> -</p> - -<p><a name="page_067" id="page_067"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br /><br /> -<small>ERA OF THE SPANISH CRUSADES, 1031-1276</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of the era.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> period of a little more than two centuries after the downfall of the -caliphate was marked by a complete change from that preceding it, and in -like manner was quite independent of the next succeeding era. Up to this -time Moslem Spain had represented by far the principal element in the -peninsula. The Christian states had maintained themselves with -difficulty, making occasional gains, which were not infrequently -followed by equally great losses whenever the Moslem power was -sufficiently united internally to present its full strength. The -civilization of the Christian kingdoms had also been notably inferior in -almost every respect to that of the Moslem south. From the eleventh to -the middle of the thirteenth century, however, the region of Moslem -Spain, divided against itself, could not make an effective resistance, -and the Christian powers began an offensive which enabled them to -reconquer all of the peninsula except for a narrow strip in southern -Andalusia. These wars partook very largely of the crusading spirit then -so prevalent in Europe, and although it was not nearly so persistent, -fervid, or exclusive an aim as is usually believed it seems appropriate -to characterize this era as that of the Spanish crusades. This was also -a period of noteworthy advance in internal organization in Christian -Spain, for although civil war and disorder were great as compared with -some later eras many regions enjoyed long terms of peace, very much more -complete at least than in the three preceding centuries. The pushing -back of the Moslem frontier conduced greatly to this end. The kings -gradually became more powerful than the great individual nobles, who<a name="page_068" id="page_068"></a> -had been able to meet them on virtually equal terms before. The free -commoners advanced both in status and in numbers. In material well-being -there was a marked improvement. Finally, in general culture the same -tendency appeared. In all of these respects the fund of civilization was -very slight compared with what it was to become in succeeding centuries, -but it was at least something, whereas the period before had represented -little more than bare existence. Despite the fact that there was very -little understanding of the ideal of national unity, as evidenced by the -frequency with which monarchs divided their kingdoms, circumstances -tended toward the accomplishment of what men could not readily grasp. -Two great states emerged in Christian Spain, the kingdoms of Castile and -Aragon. They were able even to act in peace and concert at times in the -wars against the Moslems. A third region tended to withdraw from the -current of peninsula unity, for it was in this period that the modern -state of Portugal had its independent beginnings. Nevertheless, Moslem -Spain, though less important than Castile and Aragon, remained the -keynote of the period, not alone because of the wars against it, but -also because its civilization, especially in material and intellectual -aspects, was still far superior to that of Castile and Aragon. It was at -this time, indeed, that the Moslem world produced its greatest scholars -and the Christian states became most strongly imbued with the spirit of -Moslem culture, with permanent results on Spanish character. This era -was unequal in length for Castile and Aragon, closing respectively in -1252 and 1276 with the deaths of Ferdinand III and Jaime I.</p> - -<h3><i>Moslem Spain</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>taifa</i> states and the rise of Seville.</div> - -<p>With the dethronement of Hisham III in 1031 the caliphate broke up into -a number of states called <i>taifas</i>, from an Arabic word meaning “tribe,” -or “people.” Down to the close of the eleventh century there were many -of these states,—twenty-three at one time,—but the most important were -those of Cordova, Seville, Málaga, Granada,<a name="page_069" id="page_069"></a> Almería, Denia and the -Balearic Islands, Saragossa, Toledo, and Badajoz. The rulers were -usually Slavic or Berber generals of the latter-day armies of the -caliphate and their descendants. Each desired to make himself sole -caliph, and so an internecine strife was waged almost continuously, -especially in the south. Seville soon forged ahead of its regional -rivals, and was by far the most important <i>taifa</i> of the century. Like -several of the others it had been founded as a republic (as early as -1023), but its skilful ruler, Abul Cassim Mohammed of the Abbadite -family, soon made himself absolute, while retaining the forms of a -republic. In order to overcome his most powerful neighbors he pretended -that Hisham II had reappeared, availing himself of a mat-maker who -resembled the dead caliph. The stratagem was so successful that Carmona, -Valencia, Denia, Tortosa, and even the republic of Cordova recognized -the pseudo-Hisham, whereupon the crafty Sevillian proceeded to conquer -large parts of the <i>taifa</i> states of Málaga and Granada. His successors -were equally fortunate, and by the end of the third quarter of the -century the greater part of Moslem Spain, especially in the west and -south, had acknowledged the rule of the lord of Seville. Seville, too, -had become every bit as noteworthy an intellectual centre as Cordova had -been under the caliphs.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Yusuf and the Almoravide conquest.</div> - -<p>The Christian kings of Castile and León had meanwhile profited by the -wars of the <i>taifa</i> states to make conquests or to reduce many of the -<i>taifas</i> to the payment of tribute. Even Seville was tributary to a -Christian king. This inclined many of the Moslem princes, realizing -their own helplessness, to invite a newly-risen Mohammedan power in -northwestern Africa to come to their aid. The rulers of the <i>taifas</i> -recognized that their own authority might be endangered by the entry of -their coreligionists, but their feelings were well expressed in the -words attributed to the ruler of Seville: “I would rather be a -camel-driver in Africa than a swineherd in Castile.” The African people -referred to were a branch of the Berbers who had dwelt apart in the -Sahara Desert. Converted at length to the Moslem faith, they became -fanatically religious, taking to themselves the<a name="page_070" id="page_070"></a> name “Almoravides” -(religious men), and launching themselves forth to the conquest of all -northwestern Africa. The African empire of the Almoravides was already -an accomplished fact when their emperor, Yusuf, was invited to help the -Spanish Moslems under a promise that he would not deprive the <i>taifa</i> -rulers of their states. In 1086 Yusuf entered Spain, and encountered the -army of Alfonso VI of León at Zalaca, near Badajoz. Yusuf was completely -successful, and the Christian peril was rolled back, but no -counter-conquests of moment were made. Yusuf himself returned to Africa. -Four years later the Moslem princes had need of Yusuf, and once again he -came to avert the threatening danger. By this time popular opinion, -reinforced by the intrigues of the Moslem priesthood, desired the -establishment of Yusuf’s authority in Spain; the restoration of a single -rule, it was believed, would check the Christian kings, and bring peace -and prosperity. By 1091 Yusuf had reduced all of the <i>taifa</i> princes -except the king of Saragossa, and the latter was subjected by Yusuf’s -successor. Thus the unity of Moslem Spain was again accomplished.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rise of the Almohades.</div> - -<p>The Almoravide rule rested very lightly on the Moslem population, but -only for a short time. The emperors lost their religious enthusiasm, and -not only did they fail to advance the conquest but they also gave -themselves up to a life of luxury and dissipation. Public security -declined, with the result that the people now wished to rid themselves -of the sovereigns whom formerly they had desired so much. At this time -there came a tremendous uprising in Africa in 1125 of the Moors of the -Moroccan Atlas, an uncivilized branch of the Berber family. They had -become fanatical Mohammedans, and like their Almoravide predecessors had -taken a name springing from their religious faith, that of “Almohades” -(unitarians). Uncultivated as they were, they were able to master the -military art of that day sufficiently to overwhelm the Almoravide power -in Africa, though only after a long war.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Almohades in Spain.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Christian reconquest.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, a second era of <i>taifa</i> states had sprung up in Spain, but in -1146 the Almohades entered the peninsula, and<a name="page_071" id="page_071"></a> proceeded to reduce the -<i>taifa</i> princes. By 1172 all Moslem Spain was under their sway. Spain -was now formed into a province of the Almohade empire, the capital of -which was in Africa. The new conquerors did more than merely garrison -the peninsula,—they pursued the hated Arabs so zealously that the -latter were either destroyed or absorbed. The Berbers were for many -years virtually the only Mohammedan element in the peninsula except for -the Renegados. The wars with the Christians were also renewed. In 1194 -Alfonso VIII of Castile challenged the emperor Yacub to a battle. Yacub -accepted, and the battle was fought at Alarcos (Badajoz) in 1195, ending -in the rout of the Christians. The war continued, however, and in 1212 -the united forces of León, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon gained a great -victory at Navas de Tolosa in Andalusia. This was the turning-point in -the Christian reconquest. The Almohade state soon fell to pieces, and by -1228 the <i>taifas</i> began to reappear, but one after another they were -conquered by the Christian kings. A single Moslem state escaped; in 1230 -it had been founded at Arjona, and presently took shape as the kingdom -of Granada, establishing its capital in 1238 at the city of the same -name. This tiny realm, extending at its greatest from Almería to -Gibraltar, was able to maintain itself for over two centuries and a -half.</p> - -<h3><i>León and Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Castilian conquests.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso VI.</div> - -<p>By the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Castile had become legally a -kingdom in 1035. Ferdinand I (1035-1065) soon overwhelmed the king of -León, uniting all northwestern Spain under his rule. Wars with Navarre -followed until 1054, after which Ferdinand devoted himself with great -religious zeal to campaigns against the Moslem <i>taifas</i>, making numerous -conquests, and subjecting many states to the payment of tribute. Despite -the lesson of his own experience he divided his realm, at death, into -the three kingdoms of Castile, León, and Galicia, besides two lesser -principalities. A long civil war followed, out of which there emerged -Alfonso VI (1065-1109) as sole ruler of the domain<a name="page_072" id="page_072"></a> of his father. -Alfonso VI took up the wars against the Moslems with great success, and -on one occasion, in 1082, was able to ride his horse into the sea in the -extreme south of Spain at Tarifa, when he is said to have exclaimed: -“This is the last land in Spain, and I have trod it.” The principal -event of the reign was the capture of Toledo in 1085. Alfonso had -promised to restore the <i>taifa</i> king of Toledo to his throne, from which -he had been ousted by a rebellion, but changed his mind, and took the -city for himself. From that time forward Toledo was of great military -importance to the Christians, serving as the centre of the reconquest, -and it was also the medium through which Moslem civilization began to -produce an effect on Castile. The treaty of capitulation was not very -faithfully carried out; for example, Alfonso had promised to allow the -Mohammedans to retain their principal mosque for purposes of worship, -but in his absence the monks of Cluny were able to persuade the queen to -take over that edifice as a Christian church. The incident is -illustrative of a new crusading spirit which had entered Spain with the -monks of Cluny, although it had not yet become general. <i>Taifa</i> after -<i>taifa</i> now humbled itself before Alfonso; Valencia was captured, and -the former king of Toledo became its nominal ruler, but with a Castilian -army; and Alfonso could with reason entitle himself “sovereign of the -men of the two religions,” a phrase which shows that Christian zeal was -not altogether uncompromising. It was then that the Almoravide invasion -checked the Castilian king, but although he lost Valencia he was able to -maintain the principal part of his conquests.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Cid.</div> - -<p>It was in the reign of Alfonso VI that Rodrigo, or Ruy, Díaz of Vivar -(near Burgos), better known as “the Cid,” performed the achievements -which have made him a famous character in literature. Until recently he -was represented as a fanatically ardent, Christian crusader, ever -drawing his sword against the infidel or in defence of any just and -noble cause, and performing superhuman prodigies of valor. The true Cid -was very far from answering to that description, and was also so typical -of his age that his real career has historic value apart from -literature. In the civil wars<a name="page_073" id="page_073"></a> following the death of Ferdinand I, Díaz -was a partisan of Sancho II of Castile, and contributed greatly to that -monarch’s success,—a victory which was spoiled by the assassination of -his patron. Díaz then recognized Alfonso VI, and was sent by the latter -to collect the tribute due from the king of Seville. On his return he -was accused of having appropriated for himself certain of the funds -which he was bringing to the king, and was banished from Castile; -possibly Alfonso VI may still have felt resentment over Díaz’s part in -the victories of Sancho. Followed by only a few warriors Díaz wandered -over Spain, seeking wealth and honors in return for military aid. -Finally he took service with the Moslem king of Saragossa, and won fame -in all the peninsula as a result of his victories not only against -Moslem enemies but more than once against Christian kings; in fine, -religion seems not to have entered into his program to any appreciable -extent; indeed, the name Cid was applied by his Moslem soldiers, meaning -“lord,” or “master.” In 1086 the Moslem king of Valencia, the same one -who had been placed on the throne by Alfonso VI, got into difficulties -with his subjects, and sought the aid of Saragossa. The Cid was sent -with an army of mingled Christians and Moslems to restore the authority -of the Valencian monarch. This he did, but under a contract which -ignored his Saragossan master and enabled the Cid to become the virtual -ruler of Valencia. In 1092 on the death of the king of Valencia the Cid -converted his <i>de facto</i> into a <i>de jure</i> rule, reigning until his death -in 1099. As monarch of Valencia he was selfish and cruel, like others of -his time, sustaining his power by virtue of his army of Christians and -Moslems against foes of whatever faith, even against Castile. He -espoused one of his daughters to Ramón Berenguer III of Barcelona, and -another to a prince of the royal family of Navarre. After his death his -state fell before the advance of the Almoravides.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The anarchy of Urraca’s reign.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The beginnings of Portugal.</div> - -<p>Alfonso VI was succeeded by his daughter Urraca (1109-1126), for he left -no sons, and her reign was a period of anarchy. Urraca, who was a widow, -was compelled by the nobles to remarry, on the ground that affairs of -state<a name="page_074" id="page_074"></a> needed a man’s direction, while her infant son by a previous -marriage, Alfonso, was brought up in Galicia, being considered king of -that region. Alfonso I “the Battler” of Aragon was selected as a husband -for Urraca, but the marriage was not a happy one. Urraca was so -imprudent in her manner of life that the Battler saw fit to imprison her -in a castle. Furthermore, he displayed a clear intention of making -himself ruler in Castile as he was in Aragon, a course which the -Castilian nobles were far from approving. The scene having been set the -wars began. A complication entered from the side of Galicia, where -Bishop Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela proposed that the infant -Alfonso should reign in León as well as in Galicia. The changes of side -and fortune in these wars, not only by the three principals, but also by -individual nobles, need not be followed, except to relate one incident -which marked the first step toward the ultimate independence of -Portugal. Teresa, a sister of Urraca, had married a French count, Henry -of Lorraine, to whom (in 1095?) Alfonso VI granted territories called -the county of Portugal in the northern part of the land which now bears -that name. These estates were held as a fief, subject to tribute and -military service. Henry and later Teresa (on the former’s death) -profited by the civil strife to increase their holdings and acquire real -strength. Urraca died in 1126, and matters were arranged by the -recognition of the young Alfonso (Alfonso VII “the Emperor”) as king in -his grandfather’s domain, while Alfonso the Battler gained some -territories adjoining his kingdom of Aragon.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a><a name="page_075" id="page_075"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso “the Emperor.”</div> - -<p>The death of Urraca did not end the internal strife in Christian Spain. -For ten years there were wars with Teresa and her son Affonso Enríquez -of Portugal; there were wars, too, against Aragon and Navarre, following -the death of Alfonso the Battler, out of which Alfonso VII procured some -extensions of territory. When the century was nearly half gone Alfonso -was able to turn energetically to an attack upon the Moslem states, -especially between 1144 and 1147 during the second era of the <i>taifas</i>. -His conquests were vast, but of brief duration, for the Almohades soon -entered Spain to deprive him of what he had won. Like Ferdinand I before -him Alfonso VII took the title of emperor, which then had a significance -equivalent to that of sole temporal ruler of Christendom in succession -to the Roman emperors. In the case of Ferdinand and Alfonso it may also -have represented a protest against the like pretensions of the Holy -Roman Emperors, then reigning principally in Germanic Europe. Alfonso -seemed in a fair way to create a peninsula empire, for he was able to -make the kings of Aragon and Navarre, the counts of Barcelona and -Toulouse, various lesser princes of Spain and southern France, and some -rulers of the Moslem <i>taifas</i> swear fealty to him as their feudal -sovereign. The imperial confederation had no real strength, however, for -the spirit of separatism was as yet too deeply rooted. Alfonso himself -demonstrated this by dividing his realm at his death, in 1157, into the -two kingdoms of Castile and León.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The defence of Calatrava.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso VIII and the overthrow of the Moslems.</div> - -<p>The next following reigns had their share of internal strife and one -important event in the course of the Moslem wars,—the defence of -Calatrava in 1158 by two Cistercian monks, who procured an army by -proclaiming a crusade. Out of this event there came the founding in 1164 -of the important military order of Calatrava. Alfonso VIII (1158-1214) -inherited the throne of Castile while still a child. War and disorder -followed until 1180, for the kings of León and<a name="page_076" id="page_076"></a> Navarre and various -nobles endeavored as usual to profit for themselves at the expense of -the newly enthroned monarch. At length Alfonso VIII, who was one of the -ablest rulers of this period (both in internal organization and in -external conquest), directed his attention to the reconquest from the -Moslems. After a rapid succession of victories he was defeated, as -already noted, at the battle of Alarcos, on which occasion the kings of -León and Navarre failed to accord him the aid they had promised. Wars -followed against the two kings, but matters were at length adjusted and -a tremendous army, including many foreigners, was raised to combat the -Almohades. All seemed to be imbued with the crusading spirit, but most -of the foreigners deserted before the issue presented itself. Nearly all -the peoples of Christian Spain were represented in Alfonso’s host, -however, and together they won the great battle of Navas de Tolosa in -1212.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The independence of Portugal.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the counts of Portugal had continued their policy of complete -separation from León and Castile, and had also extended their frontiers -southward by successful wars against the Moslems. Affonso Enríquez took -the title of king, and this was recognized in 1143 by Alfonso VII, -subject to the vassalage of the Portuguese monarch to León. Affonso -Enríquez managed to avoid this condition by submitting his state to the -sovereignty of the pope, who accepted it in 1144, though conferring only -the title of duke on Affonso. A few years later Pope Alexander III -recognized the Portuguese ruler as king. Thus Portugal withdrew from the -current of peninsula unity, and established her independence in law and -in fact.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Saint Ferdinand and the crusades in Spain.</div> - -<p>Berenguela, daughter of Alfonso VIII of Castile, had married Alfonso IX -(1188-1230) of León, by whom she had a son, Ferdinand. Pope Innocent III -brought about an annulment of the marriage on the ground of -consanguinity, though he recognized the legitimacy of Ferdinand. On the -death of Henry I of Castile in 1217 Berenguela was proclaimed queen, but -granted the throne to her son, who as Ferdinand III, later Saint -Ferdinand (San Fernando), was to prove an even greater monarch than his -grandfather,<a name="page_077" id="page_077"></a> Alfonso VIII. Wars with his father and with his nobles -occupied the early years of his reign, but by 1225, having overcome his -Christian enemies, he was able to renew the campaigns against the -Moslems. City after city fell into his power; Cordova was taken in 1236; -Murcia became tributary in 1241; and the culminating blow came with the -siege of Seville, which surrendered to Ferdinand in 1248. Despite the -fact that not a little crusading zeal entered into these campaigns and -that Ferdinand himself was an ardent Christian, religious enthusiasm, -even yet, was not as uncompromising as it later became. Ferdinand was an -ally at one time of the Almohade emperor, whom he restored to his throne -in Africa; he also accepted the alliance of the Moslem prince of Granada -in the campaign against Seville; and other similar instances of his -freedom from fanatical intolerance might be adduced. Nevertheless, he -planned to overwhelm the Moslem authority, and would almost certainly -have invaded Africa if he had lived a few years longer. His Christian -spirit, however, was along practical and national lines. When Louis IX -of France invited him to join in a crusade in the orient Ferdinand is -said to have replied: “There is no lack of Moors in <i>my</i> land.” Not only -by conquests but also by internal reforms he assisted in the development -of Castilian unity. One external event of capital importance was the -incorporation into Castile of the kingdom of León in 1230 on the death -of Alfonso IX, despite the latter’s attempt to deliver his dominions to -two daughters by a marriage previous to that with Berenguela. With -Ferdinand’s death in 1252 the era of the Castilian crusades came to an -end.</p> - -<h3><i>Catalonia, 1035 to 1164</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">The extension of the authority of the counts of Barcelona.</div> - -<p>At the time when Ramón Berenguer I (1035-1076) became count of -Barcelona, Catalonia was a federation of counties, acknowledging the -ruler of Barcelona as overlord. Possessed already of Barcelona and -Gerona, Ramón Berenguer soon acquired two more counties, which had been -left by his father to other sons. He extended his frontiers at<a name="page_078" id="page_078"></a> the -expense of the Moslems, and laid the foundations of the later Catalonian -power in southern France through marriage alliances with princes of that -region. It was in his reign, too, that the Catalan code of the -<i>Usáticos</i>, or <i>Usatges</i> (Usages, or Customs), was compiled, though at -the instance of his powerful vassals, who wanted their privileges -reduced to writing. By the end of his reign he had united five -Catalonian counties and many other territories under his rule, including -almost as much land in southern France as he possessed in Spain. No -further progress was made until the reign of Ramón Berenguer III -(1096-1131), who, through inheritance, without civil wars, acquired all -of the Catalonian counties but two and a great part of southern France. -He also waged wars against the Moslems, though perhaps the most notable -thing about them was that the Pisans fought as his allies. Indeed, he -established commercial and diplomatic relations with the various Italian -republics,—a beginning of Spain’s fateful connection with Italy. Ramón -Berenguer IV (1131-1162) inherited only the Spanish portions of his -father’s domain, but extended his authority over Tortosa, Lérida, and -other Moslem regions, being a notable warrior. In 1150 he married the -daughter of the king of Aragon, and in 1164 his son by this marriage -united Aragon and Catalonia under a single rule.</p> - -<h3><i>Aragon</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">The beginnings of Aragon and the union with Catalonia.</div> - -<p>The kingdom of Aragon dates from the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre -in 1035. The new state was almost insignificantly small at the outset, -but, by inheritances, wars with the Moslems, and the peaceful -incorporation of Navarre in 1076, it already included a large portion of -north central Spain by the close of the eleventh century. The era of -great conquests began with Alfonso I “the Battler” (1104-1134), the same -king whose marriage with Urraca of Castile had resulted so unfavorably. -Better fortune awaited him on the Moslem frontier. In 1118 he captured -Saragossa, an event as important in Aragon as was the acquisition of -Toledo a few years before in Castile. He carried<a name="page_079" id="page_079"></a> his campaigns as far -south, even, as Murcia and Andalusia, but the principal result of these -invasions was that he brought back ten thousand Mozárabes to settle his -newly-won conquests. Having no sons he tried to leave his realm to two -military orders, but this arrangement did not prove agreeable to his -subjects. The nobles of Navarre elected a king of their own, withdrawing -from the union with Aragon, while those of Aragon chose a brother of -Alfonso, named Ramiro, who at the time of his election was a monk. The -reign of Ramiro II “the Monk” (1134-1137) was exceptionally important -for Spain, without any particular merit accruing therefor to the king. -The pope freed him from his vows and he married. From this marriage -there was born a daughter, Petronilla. Ramiro espoused her to Ramón -Berenguer IV of Barcelona, and soon abdicated, returning to his -monastery. Petronilla’s son, Ramón Berenguer, who presently changed his -name to the Aragonese-sounding Alfonso, was the first to rule in his own -right over Aragon and Catalonia in what came to be called the kingdom of -Aragon, although Catalonia was always the more important part.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The act of vassalage to the pope and the French conquests in -Aragonese dominions of southern France.</div> - -<p>Alfonso II inherited Catalonia in 1162, and became king of Aragon proper -in 1164 on the abdication of Petronilla. Later he inherited nearly all -of southern France. He was also a frequent ally of Alfonso VIII of -Castile against the Moslems, gaining some territories on his own -account. In 1179 these two kings made a treaty dividing Spain between -them, fixing the limits of their respective present and future -conquests,—a noteworthy instance of the approach toward the unification -of Spain. Alfonso II was succeeded by Pedro II “the Catholic” -(1196-1213) at a time when affairs were in a critical state in his -French dominions. That region had been in constant turmoil, as a result -both of the ambitions of the kings of France and of the comparative -independence and selfish aims of the feudal lords. There was now added a -new factor,—the widespread Albigensian heresy, which had been accepted -by the majority of the Provençal people and even more by their lords. -With matters in this state Pedro visited Rome in 1204, and, while<a name="page_080" id="page_080"></a> -there, gave his dominions in vassalage to the pope, receiving them back -as a fief. This act was to have important consequences at a later time, -but if its immediate object was to check French pretensions to southern -France, as has been supposed, it was not very successful, for the pope -himself proclaimed a crusade against the Albigenses. The crusaders were -French nobles, who represented a purely French invasion quite as much as -they did an orthodox host. Under their leader, Simon de Montfort, they -won several victories, displaying such cruelty against Catholics and -heretics alike that they were censured by a famous religious at that -time preaching among the Albigenses, Domingo de Guzmán. Guzmán was the -Spaniard who later founded the Dominican order, named for him, and who -became canonized as Saint Dominic (San Domingo). Pedro II endeavored to -mediate to check the temporal designs of Montfort, but was persuaded by -the pope to recognize the French leader as his vassal in the regions he -had conquered. When Montfort continued in his aggressive designs Pedro -II declared war against him, but was defeated in a battle which cost him -his life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Early years of the reign of Jaime “the Conqueror.”</div> - -<p>The death of Pedro II brought to the throne the greatest Aragonese -monarch of the period, Jaime I “the Conqueror” (1213-1276), a worthy -contemporary of Ferdinand III of Castile. At the outset of his reign he -was a mere child in the dangerous possession of Simon de Montfort. On -this occasion the tremendous influence of the great pope, Innocent III, -was beneficial to Spain, for Montfort was constrained to surrender the -boy king to his people. Then followed the usual troubles which beset the -early years of a youthful monarch in that period. There were wars -brought about by ambitious nobles fighting for the possession of the -king, wars of the nobles among themselves, and wars of the nobles -against the king. Though only a boy, Jaime took a hand in the fighting, -and was many times in danger,—twice he was captured by hostile -nobles,—but thanks to his courage and coolness was always able to free -himself from the perils which beset him. Not until 1228 was he in full -command of the situation. Meanwhile, civil wars had<a name="page_081" id="page_081"></a> been taking place -in southern France, resolving themselves finally into a struggle between -the count of Toulouse, aided by the Catalans, and Simon de Montfort. In -this war Montfort lost his life, and the French power in that region for -the time being vanished.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The conquests of Jaime.</div> - -<p>Backed by the sentiment of most of Catalonia, which desired territorial -and commercial expansion in the Mediterranean, Jaime now planned a -career of conquest. Many of the Aragonese and western Catalonian nobles -declined to join him in this enterprise; so he had to find means as best -he could without their aid. In 1229 he entered the island of Majorca, -which for centuries had been successively a pirate and Moslem -stronghold. Having achieved the conquest, which proved an easy matter, -Jaime distributed the lands among his Catalan followers. In 1232 Minorca -was subjected, and in 1235 Ibiza, too. Thus the Balearic Islands fell -into Jaime’s power and received a Catalan civilization, which they still -possess. The greatest prize, however, was the rich kingdom of Valencia. -Although handicapped by the lukewarm support of his nobles Jaime -proceeded to the conquest with such success that he won the aid of those -who had previously failed to help him, and in 1238 the city of Valencia -fell,—an event comparable with the capture of Seville by Ferdinand III. -The rest of the kingdom was not long in falling into Jaime’s power, and -the lands were distributed among his nobles, but the Moslems were so -numerous that they were able to rise in rebellion on two occasions -before the end of the reign. On achieving the conquest of Valencia, -Jaime had agreed with the king of Castile that the southern boundary of -that kingdom should be the limit of the Aragonese conquest, while -Murcia, which became tributary to Ferdinand III in 1241, was reserved -for the ultimate definitive conquest of Castile. The unquenchable -military ardor of Jaime I would not allow him to rest on his laurels, -however, and he engaged to conquer Murcia for the king of Castile. This -he accomplished in the years 1265 and 1266, giving the lands to his -Catalan nobles, who were subjected to the Castilian king, whereupon -Jaime withdrew. These relations between the<a name="page_082" id="page_082"></a> kings of Castile and Aragon -not only instanced a somewhat rare good faith, but also marked a -tendency which was gradually manifesting itself toward the ultimate -unity of Spain. Next, the restless warrior-king planned to go on a -crusade to Palestine, but his fleet was wrecked, and he gave up the -project, although some Catalan boats did reach their destination. In -1273 Jaime wanted to conquer Granada for Castile, but this time he could -not persuade his Catalan nobles to follow him. He did, however, send a -fleet to attack the coast of Morocco.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Other characteristics of Jaime’s rule.</div> - -<p>Jaime was not only a great conqueror; he was also a great administrator. -Owing to the entry of feudalism into northeastern Spain his nobles had -such power that even the able Jaime was obliged often to compromise or -to yield to their wishes. He took steps to reduce their power, at the -cost of civil war, and in many other respects bettered the -administration of his kingdom. Though deeply religious he was far from -being an ascetic, as is evidenced by the many illegitimate children -descended from him, and although usually magnanimous in character he was -capable of acts of ferocious cruelty,—such, for example, as that of -ordering the tongue of the bishop of Gerona to be torn out for the -latter’s having revealed to the pope a secret of the confession. In 1276 -when the great king died he left a will which contradicted the policies -of centralization and the aggrandizement of the kingdom which in his -lifetime he had unfailingly pursued. He divided his realms, giving -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia to his eldest son, Pedro, and Majorca -and the Roussillon (southern France) to his son Jaime. The division was -not to endure long, however.</p> - -<h3><i>Navarre</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Navarre passes under French rule.</div> - -<p>There is little worth recording in the history of Navarre in this -period. After the separation from Aragon in 1134 Navarre engaged -periodically in civil strife and in wars with Aragon or Castile. When -the throne became vacant in 1234 the French count of Champagne was -elected king, and,<a name="page_083" id="page_083"></a> with this, Navarre was, for many years, more -involved in the history of France than in that of Spain. At length the -heiress of Navarre married Philip IV of France, whereupon Navarre ceased -to be a kingdom, becoming a mere dependency of the French monarch.<a name="page_084" id="page_084"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br /><br /> -<small>SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1031-1276</small></h2> - -<h3><i>Moslem Spain</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Absolutism in government.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> principle of absolute monarchy continued to be followed in Moslem -Spain, and was even accentuated, whether in the eras of the <i>taifas</i>, or -at times of a single dominion. Indeed, this was virtually the case while -the <i>taifas</i> were still republics, although they soon converted -themselves into confessed monarchies. In furtherance of absolutism an -excess of court ceremonial was introduced, and the rulers rarely allowed -their faces to be seen, holding audiences, for example, from behind a -curtain. The <i>taifa</i> kings amassed great wealth, and their palaces were -overflowing with luxury.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social factors in Moslem Spain.</div> - -<p>The most important social change was the complete overthrow of the -Arabic element, leaving the Berbers and Renegados in control. Arabic -influence had already done its work, however, and the passing of the -contemporary members of that race did not mean the uprooting of Arabic -traits in Spain. Social well-being declined, owing to the various -factors of war, the development of vast landed estates (at the expense -of the small proprietor), and the increase in taxation. The Jews enjoyed -great consideration for a while, exercising an important influence in -material, intellectual, and even political affairs. Under the -Almoravides and Almohades they were severely persecuted, and many of -them emigrated to Castile, where for the time being they were well -received. The Mozárabes were also persecuted, and in increasing degree -with the advance of the Christians, for they aided not a little in the -reconquest. Many of them<a name="page_085" id="page_085"></a> were taken north by the Christian kings when -they returned from their invasions, whereupon those remaining in Moslem -territory were all the more harshly treated. The Almohades were -particularly intolerant.</p> - -<h3><i>León and Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Nobles and clergy.</div> - -<p>The nobility continued to be the most important social class, with much -the same differences of grade among themselves, the same authority and -privileges, and the same tendencies to war against the king and with one -another and to commit acts of violence and robbery as in the preceding -period. The conflict of the nobility as a class against the king took -definite shape, and a numerous new nobility, the <i>caballeros</i> (knights), -sprang up. The <i>caballeros</i> proceeded from the plebeian ranks, being -composed of those who could equip themselves for war as cavalrymen. -Although they gained certain privileges, such as exemptions from -taxation, thus weakening the king’s power, they served in fact as a -counterpoise to the hereditary noble class. They were much favored by -the kings, who needed well-equipped soldiers for their wars. The clergy -made distinct gains as regards personal immunities and the freedom of -their lands from the usual obligations, especially from that of -taxation. This bettering of their position was not the result of general -laws, but rather of the accumulation of individual privileges, granted -now to one religious institution, now to another. Their advantages in -these respects were not always well received by others, and objections -were made, especially by the popular element, through their -representatives in the national <i>Cortes</i> (Congress, or Parliament),—of -which institution presently.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The advance of the middle class.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Gains of the servile classes.</div> - -<p>The free popular element, or middle class, which had been reborn in the -preceding period with the founding of the <i>villas</i>, or <i>concejos</i>, -developed a much greater social importance than formerly. Many factors -contributed to this end, such as the increase in the number of the -<i>villas</i>, the concession of new privileges, the material advance of -Christian Spain (agriculturally, industrially, and commercially), the<a name="page_086" id="page_086"></a> -important military services of the municipal militia, and the fact that -not only the <i>caballeros</i> but also the leading jurisconsults began to be -recruited from the middle class. As a rule this element paid taxes, but -it enjoyed not a few exemptions and privileges,—for example, a right -not to be required to make unusual contributions at the mere will of the -king, or in some cases a right to commute all of their taxes to a single -tribute. At the same time, the servile classes made striking advances, -in part through their own efforts, but aided also by an increasing -sentiment in favor of manumissions, by the need for population (both as -a result of the conquests and in consequence of economic development), -and by the protection accorded them in the <i>villas</i>. The movement for -emancipation was not uniform or free from setbacks, and this led to -numerous uprisings of serfs, who joined the enemies of their masters in -wars against the latter. The monks of Cluny, accustomed to the much -greater subjection of the servile classes in France, represented a -strong current of reaction. At Sahagún, the principal Cluniac centre, -there were such limitations on liberty as those requiring that all bread -must be cooked in the ovens of the monastery, and forbidding anybody to -sell his wine before the monks had sold theirs, or to buy cloth, fresh -fish, firewood, or other necessities before the monks had bought theirs, -and there were other restrictions of a like character. By the end of the -twelfth century serfs generally had gained such rights as the exact -fixing of services due their lords, the abolition of the practice of -selling them with the land, and the recognition of the validity of their -marriages, whether consented to by their lords or not. In the thirteenth -century they gained almost complete personal liberty, doing away with -the <i>malos usos</i>, or bad customs, like those referred to in the case of -the monastery of Sahagún.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The four new social classes.</div> - -<p>Four new social classes became important at this time, principally as a -result of the wars of reconquest,—the foreigners, Jews, Mudéjares, and -Mozárabes. As a general rule each group had its own law, differentiating -it from the national elements. Foreigners from every prominent western -European region came to León and Castile, attracted by<a name="page_087" id="page_087"></a> the crusading -character of the wars or by the material development of this part of -Spain or perhaps fleeing from worse conditions in the lands whence they -had come. For the Jews this was the happiest period they ever enjoyed in -Catholic Spain, and great numbers of them entered Castile in order to -escape the persecution of the Almoravides and Almohades. For a while -they were on practically an equal footing socially and juridically with -the Christians, and were one of the principal agencies for the diffusion -of Moslem culture in León and Castile. By the opening of the thirteenth -century their situation began to change with the adoption of restrictive -measures, although it was not until the next period that these operated -in all their harshness. As the conquests proceeded, great bodies of -Moslems were incorporated into the Christian states, and they came to be -called “Mudéjares.” Despite the growth of intolerance with the advance -in the crusading character of the wars the Mudéjares were in general -very well treated. Aside from treaties of capitulation making promises -to that effect, political and economic interests made it advisable both -on account of the numbers of the vanquished Moslems and because of the -need for population. Many of them, whether as freemen or serfs, were -agricultural laborers enjoying considerable independence, including the -right of publicly practising their religion. As time went on they tended -to gather into the cities, although subjected to more restrictions than -in the country,—such as the refusal to allow the public practice of the -Moslem faith (with a number of exceptions, however) or requirements that -they must wear a distinctive dress and live in a separate section of the -city. If they were not greatly molested in other respects they did have -to endure very heavy taxation, even including the tithe for the benefit -of the Christian church. The Mozárabes, though of the same race and -religion as the Leonese and Castilian population, had lived so long in -contact with Moslem civilization that they represented a class apart, -having their special laws differing from those of the native-born -Christians. Naturally, they were well received.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Forms of wedlock.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The family.</div> - -<p>Among the social traits of the era may be noted a certain<a name="page_088" id="page_088"></a> moral laxity. -Two forms of marriage were recognized, that of <i>bendición</i> (blessing of -the church), accompanied by a religious ceremony, and the wedding <i>á -yuras</i> (under oath), by a simple contract between the parties concerned. -A third form of union, similar to the latter but not recognized as -lawful wedlock, was that of <i>barraganía</i> (concubinage). The essential -conditions of <i>barraganía</i> were permanence and fidelity. Both parties -were supposed to be single, although the custom often extended to -include married men; in the latter case, but not in the former, the -children were held to be illegitimate. Many clergymen entered into this -relation, despite efforts to prevent the practice. <i>Barraganía</i> and the -marriage <i>á yuras</i> have been considered to be a Christian imitation of -Moslem marital customs. Divorce was allowed for serious cause. The -father was recognized as the master of the family, although the wife and -children gained certain financial and personal rights which had not -formerly been accorded them. The bonds of family were so strong, -however, that individuals who were free by law to emancipate -themselves—for example, by marriage—often continued under the parental -roof. Thus great family groups living in common were formed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance in domesticity.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Other social customs.</div> - -<p>As a result of the greater economic wealth, the comparative peace back -from the frontier, and the development of the towns the manner of life -underwent a rapid change, which may be summed up by saying that people -began to live inside the house instead of out, giving more active play -to the domestic instinct of the woman, which in its turn had a much -needed softening effect upon the man. Houses now had hearths, although -not always a chimney and as late as the twelfth century no panes of -glass in the windows. Furniture reached a degree of luxury and comfort -far in advance of what it had been since the Roman era. It was heavy and -very sober in decoration at first, but increased in adornment later on. -Beds were an object of luxury in the eleventh century; people slept on -benches or on the floor. By the thirteenth century artisans and laborers -usually had a bed, as also a table, two chairs, and a chest. Chairs, -throughout the period, were low, and rarely had backs; those with both<a name="page_089" id="page_089"></a> -arms and a back were reserved for the master of the house. Floors, even -in palaces, were usually bare of cover. Habits of cleanliness were not -yet very much in evidence. Clothing was customarily worn until worn out, -without being changed or washed. At table it was rare for the diners to -have individual plates or napkins, and the fork was not yet known. Bones -and refuse were left on the table, or thrown on the floor, and the use -of water for any purpose other than for drinking was unusual. The custom -of public baths had some vogue in the cities, however. Men still lived -much in the open, but women habitually withdrew from public view. Crimes -against women, from those which were more serious down to the -comparatively mild offence of pulling a woman’s hair, were punished with -extreme severity,—not that women enjoyed high esteem or even an equal -consideration with men, for the supposed gallantry of the medieval -period did not in fact exist. Men wore their hair long, and a long beard -was considered as an indication of dignity,—so much so, that a heavy -penalty was imposed on anybody who pulled or cut another’s beard. -Amusement was provided by jugglers or by dancing and singing, especially -on days of religious festivals, or holidays, and during the holding of -fairs. Among the great people the French sport of the tourney was much -in favor. From France, too, came feudal chivalry, imposing the ideals of -valor, loyalty, and dignity (to the extent that nobody should doubt -another’s nobility, his word, or his courage) on those professing it. -This exaggerated sense of honor led to duelling, and comported ill with -the real conduct of the nobles. Epidemics of leprosy and plagues -(bubonic?) were frequent, resulting in the founding of hospitals and -institutions of charity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Political and administrative changes.</div> - -<p>Fundamentally, León and Castile had much the same political organization -as before, but the popular element, as represented in the <i>villas</i> and -the <i>Cortes</i>, began to be a real political force, and the kings -increased their strength at the expense of the nobles, although their -struggle with the nobility as a class was not to result in complete -royal victory for more than two centuries yet. The throne continued -elective in theory, but the tendency was for it to<a name="page_090" id="page_090"></a> become hereditary, -although the question was not definitely settled at this time. The right -of women to reign became recognized with the crowning of Berenguela. In -administration many governmental districts were enlarged to include -various counties, the whole being ruled by a governor appointed directly -by the king, assisted by functionaries called <i>merinos mayores</i>,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> who -had charge of civil and criminal jurisdiction. An important reform was -effected by removing the nobles from the post of the king’s -representative in the counties and substituting officials called -<i>adelantados</i>, whose authority at this time was more civil than -military, and therefore less dangerous.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Still others exercised -respectively political and military authority.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of the <i>Cortes</i>.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Legislation.</div> - -<p>For centuries the kings had been in the habit of holding councils of -nobles or ecclesiastics, or both, although there was a tendency to -exclude the churchmen. In 1137 a<a name="page_091" id="page_091"></a> council of nobles at Nájera was called -the <i>Cortes</i>. The popular element was first admitted in 1188, at a -<i>Cortes</i> held in León,—possibly the first occasion in the history of -Europe when representatives of the towns appeared in such an assembly. -The first known instance in Castile occurred in 1250. For a number of -years, León and Castile, though become a single kingdom, continued to -have a separate <i>Cortes</i>. The kings called this body whenever they -wished, although they often made promises (which they did not fulfil) to -set regular intervals. None of the individuals called, whether nobles, -ecclesiastics, or representatives of the <i>villas</i> (or towns), had the -right to present themselves; that was left to the choice of the king, -but the custom gradually became fixed that certain towns should have the -privilege of being represented. Each member had one vote, but the number -of representatives from the towns differed, without being subject to a -general rule. The towns themselves chose who should represent them, but -the methods of choice were various. The <i>Cortes</i> was allowed to make -petitions to the king, each branch for itself, and to fix the sum of -money that it would grant him. It had no true legislative functions, but -the king sought its advice, or its approval for his laws, and its -influence was such, that it was able to procure desired legislation. The -king presided in person at the opening and closing sessions, and through -officials of his own appointment at the other meetings. The king -continued to be the principal legislative authority, and the law -retained its former diversity and its fundamental basis of privilege; -the variety even increased, with the introduction of the new social -classes. The <i>Fuero Juzgo</i>, which was the common law, applied in but few -respects. The kings did something in the way of producing greater -juridical similarity, as by making dispositions of a general character -at meetings of the <i>Cortes</i>, and by using certain municipal charters as -types, while Ferdinand III commenced to draw up a uniform code, although -he did not live to complete it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Political life of the towns.</div> - -<p>Municipal organization retained the essential features of the preceding -era, such as the local assembly and the various officials, of whom the -most important were the judges. The<a name="page_092" id="page_092"></a> latter came to be called <i>alcaldes</i> -(from an Arabic term meaning “the judges”),—an example of Moslem -influence. In many cities, there were representatives of the king, -called <i>merinos</i> and other names. Communication with the king was also -maintained by the use of messengers, now of the king, now of the city. -The actual monarchical authority was so slight that the towns often -acted with complete independence. Like the nobles they made forays -against the Moslems on their own account, or fought one another, or with -very good reason attacked neighboring, lawless nobles. For these wars -they often formed leagues, or brotherhoods (<i>hermandades</i>), of towns (or -occasionally leagues which included some nobles), for which special -ordinances were drawn up without previously consulting the king. Some of -the towns of the north coast were so independent that they joined in the -wars between France and England, against the latter. Often the towns -changed their own charters without royal permission, although this was -not done in open defiance of the king, but, rather, in secret and -fraudulently. The privileges of the towns in respect to taxation -(although, indeed, they paid the bulk of what the king received from his -free, Christian subjects) have already been mentioned.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Taxes were -also collected within the towns for local purposes. In addition to -revenues from direct contributions the towns also imposed obligations of -personal service on their citizens, and owned lands which formed<a name="page_093" id="page_093"></a> -perhaps their most important source of wealth. These lands were of two -kinds, the <i>propios</i> (estates “belonging to” a municipality and utilized -to assist in defraying public expenses), which were worked directly or -rented by the town, and the <i>comunales</i>, or land common, for the use of -all, subject to local regulations. In seigniorial towns, especially in -those acknowledging an ecclesiastical lord, great progress was made -toward an approximation of the rights enjoyed by the royal towns and -cities. They had already gained economic independence, but now wished to -attain to political freedom as well. They fought against the lord’s -practice of arbitrarily choosing their principal magistrates; next, they -endeavored to gain for their own assembly the exclusive right of choice; -then they tried to increase the powers of the locally chosen officials -as compared with those appointed by the lord; and, all along, they aimed -to acquire more authority for their assemblies, or for the council which -came to represent them,—for example, the right to fix wages. By the -opening of the thirteenth century local autonomy had been gained at -Santiago de Compostela, and many other seigniorial towns (both noble and -ecclesiastical) had achieved equal, or nearly equal, good fortune.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The administration of justice.</div> - -<p>Justice belonged fundamentally to the king, but the <i>alcaldes</i> of the -towns usually exercised civil jurisdiction, and often criminal as well; -in some towns royal <i>merinos</i> or <i>adelantados</i> had charge of criminal -jurisdiction. The king might punish local judges, however, even removing -them and appointing others, but this power did not in fact enable him to -check abuses. Appeals went to the king, who also had the right to try in -first instance the serious crimes of murder, assault on a woman, -robbery, and others. In such cases the king was assisted in -administering justice by a group of men of his own appointment, called -the <i>Cort</i> (not to be confused with the <i>Cortes</i>), but this body merely -advised him, for the decision was left to him. As might be expected in -an age of disorder, punishments were atrocious,—such, for example, as -mutilation, stoning to death, throwing over a cliff, burning, burial -alive, starvation, cooking,<a name="page_094" id="page_094"></a> stripping off the skin, drowning, and -hanging; only the last-named has survived. On the other hand, -composition for murder, or the payment of a sum of money, was -allowable,—for men were valuable to the state,—although the murderer -was not free from the private vengeance of the dead man’s family. The -so-called “vulgar proofs,”—such as the tests of the hot iron and hot -water, and the wager of battle,—besides torture, were employed (as -elsewhere in western Europe) as a means for acquiring evidence, but -these methods were already being looked upon with disfavor. Real justice -was in fact rare; the wealthy, especially if they were nobles, were able -to take matters into their own hands or to procure favorable decisions, -if affairs should reach the point of litigation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Methods of warfare.</div> - -<p>Military service was obligatory upon all, but except for a small royal -guard there was no permanent army. Organization continued to be simple; -the seigniorial troops were commanded by the lord or his representative, -and the militia of the towns by an <i>alférez</i> (standard-bearer).<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> -Large numbers of foreigners joined in the wars against the Moslems, but -perhaps the most important element was that of the military orders. -These orders had a mixed religious and secular character, for, while -some members took the usual monastic vows, others were not required to -do so. Aside from the orders of general European prominence, like that -of the Templars, there were three which were confined to the peninsula, -those of Calatrava, Santiago, and Alcántara, all formed in the middle of -the twelfth century. Their membership became so numerous and their -wealth so great that they constituted one more important force with -which the kings had to reckon in the struggle for the establishment of -royal authority, although the peril proved greater in its possibilities -than in the fact. War was absolutely merciless, falling quite as heavily -on the non-combatant as upon the opponent with arms in his hands. The -enemy population might be subjected to the loss of their lands and to -enslavement, unless this seemed inadvisable, and pillage was legally<a name="page_095" id="page_095"></a> -recognized, with a share of the booty going to the king. Such weapons as -the sword, lance, and pike were still the principal types. The use of -flags was introduced as a means of inciting the troops to deeds of -valor, while priests were employed to provide a like stimulus. The first -navy in this part of Spain was the private fleet of Bishop Gelmírez of -Santiago de Compostela. Private navies were the rule. The first royal -navy was formed by Ferdinand III, as a result of the important part -played by the private naval levies which had assisted in the taking of -Seville.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The monks of Cluny and church reform.</div> - -<p>Notwithstanding the increase in privileges accorded the church, the king -had always intervened in its affairs,—as by the appointment or -deposition of bishops, and even by taking under his own jurisdiction -certain cases on appeal from the ecclesiastical courts. The monks of -Cluny, influential in so many respects, set about to uproot the -dependence of the church upon the king and to bring about a closer -relation of the clergy with the papacy. Aided by the piety of the kings -themselves they were able to achieve their ends, although the monarchs -maintained that the pope’s measures should not be valid in the royal -dominions without governmental consent. Thenceforth, the pope and his -legates began to take the place of the king in church affairs. The same -centralizing policy of the monks of Cluny and the great popes of the era -was employed to bring the Castilian church into uniformity with that of -Rome in matters of doctrine and rite. Some difficulty was experienced in -the latter respect, for the Spanish people were attached to their form -of worship, which was called the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite. Earlier -popes had recognized this as orthodox, but Gregory VII asked Alfonso VI -to abolish it. The king was willing, but the people and the clergy were -not. The matter was once left to the decision of the wager of battle, -and again to that of fire, but in each case the local rite came out -victorious. Finally, the king rode roughshod over judicial proofs, and -abolished the local rite.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> It was in this period, therefore, that the -hierarchy<a name="page_096" id="page_096"></a> of the church, depending on the pope, was established in -Spain. At this time, too, the monasteries (and the military orders as -well) became independent of the bishops, and ascended to the pope, or -his legate, through the medium of their abbots (or grand masters). The -increasing wealth and privileges of the church have already been -sufficiently alluded to; many of the orders degenerated greatly, even -that of the monks of Cluny, as a result of the luxury which their means -permitted. At the moment when clerical ostentation had become greatest -there came the founding of the mendicant orders, early in the thirteenth -century. In the peninsula, as elsewhere, these orders (whose principal -vow was poverty) achieved a great work for the church; the Franciscans -went chiefly among the poor, and the Dominicans dealt more with the -upper classes, but both preached the necessity for repentance and for -conversion to the faith.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> They also contributed greatly to doing away -with the loose practices which had become current among the clergy in -all parts of Christendom. One such practice persisted, despite their -efforts, the earlier efforts of the monks of Cluny, and the continuous -opposition of the kings (translated into severe laws),—that of priests -entering into the form of union called <i>barraganía</i>.</p> - -<h3><i>Aragon proper</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Social institutions in Aragon.</div> - -<p>In institutions, Aragon proper must be distinguished, throughout this -period, from the Catalonian region of the greater kingdom of Aragon. -Social differences were much more marked than in León and Castile, for -there was an excessively privileged feudal nobility, which had a -despotic power over the servile classes; the movement for emancipation -from slavery and serfdom belongs to a much later time. Lords had a right -even to kill their serfs. Slavery (confined usually to Moslems) was not -personal, for the slaves were attached legally to the land. What has -been said for Castile as regards the church, the Jews, Mozárabes, and -Mudéjares applies generally for Aragon. There were more<a name="page_097" id="page_097"></a> Mudéjares than -in Castile, but, although they enjoyed equality with Christians before -the law, they were on a lower plane socially, and were more heavily -taxed. The practice of living in communal family groups was the rule in -Aragon.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Political life and administration in Aragon.</div> - -<p>The nobles had privileges of a political, as well as of a social -character, being virtually sovereigns on their own estates. One -noteworthy official to develop was the <i>Justicia</i> (Justice, or -Justiciar), charged with hearing cases of violation of privilege and -complaints generally against the authorities. The nobles tried to take -the appointment of this official to themselves, but failing in this -were, nevertheless, able to compel Jaime I to recognize that the -functions of the <i>Justicia</i> were to be exercised in his own right, and -not by delegation of the king,—for example, in cases in which the -<i>Justicia</i> acted as judge, or mediator, between the nobles and the king. -The free towns usually sided with the crown, as in Castile, but they -were not nearly so numerous, and not equally an agency for the -liberation of the servile classes. According to some writers they were -represented in the <i>Cortes</i> as early as 1163 (which was earlier than in -León), but others make 1274 the date of their entry. There were four -estates in the Aragonese <i>Cortes</i>,—the higher nobility, the -<i>caballeros</i>, the clergy, and the representatives of the towns. Aragon -and Catalonia continued to have a separate <i>Cortes</i> after the union of -the two states, and Valencia also received one of its own, but there -were times when a general <i>Cortes</i> of the entire kingdom was held. The -principal form of legislation was that of the royal charters. The same -diversity of law existed as in Castile, but Jaime I did something to -bring about unification by having a code drawn up. This code, called the -<i>Compilación de Canellas</i> (Compilation of Canellas), for one Canellas -was the compiler, embodied the traditional law of Aragon, supplemented -by principles of equity. It did not do away with the charters, applying -only to matters which they did not cover. The Roman law of Justinian and -the canon law, both of which greatly favored the king, were beginning to -be studied, but the nobility opposed the assertion of these legal -principles in<a name="page_098" id="page_098"></a> courts of law. Taxes fell more heavily and more -vexatiously on the common people than they did in Castile, but a greater -proportion went to the lords and less to the king; Jaime I had to give -his note for the royal dinners, at times, and he paid his tailor by an -exemption from taxation. The king was not always able to persuade his -nobles to join him in war, though in other respects the military customs -resembled those of Castile. The principal difference in the religious -history of the two regions was that the influence of the monks of Cluny -in favor of ecclesiastical dependence on the pope was much earlier -accepted in Aragon; the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite was abolished as -early as 1071. Pedro II’s submission of the kingdom to the pope was not -well received, however, by either the nobility or the people of both -Aragon and Catalonia.</p> - -<h3><i>Catalonia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Social institutions in Catalonia.</div> - -<p>Different as Catalonia was from Aragon, the two regions had many -features in common because of the existence of feudalism. The feudal -hierarchy was composed of counts, viscounts, <i>valvasores</i> (barons), and -free vassals, of whom the first three grades were noble. Underneath was -the institution of serfdom, equally harsh as in Aragon, and almost -equally late in advancing toward emancipation. Personal slavery (of -Moslem prisoners of war, as a rule) also existed. There were not many -Mozárabes or Mudéjares, but the Jews were fairly numerous. All enjoyed -the same lenient treatment as that accorded in Castile and Aragon,—with -a beginning of restrictive measures at the end of the period. The middle -class of the cities was more important than in Aragon, especially in the -coast cities or towns, where the citizens engaged in commerce. Although -the communal family group was the general rule in Catalonia, this -institution was considerably modified by the existence of the law of -primogeniture, causing the entailment of landed properties to each -successive eldest son,—a variation from the <i>Fuero Juzgo</i>. This aided -in economic prosperity, because it kept estates intact, and influenced -younger brothers to go forth in order to build up estates of their own. -In other respects,<a name="page_099" id="page_099"></a> social customs did not vary materially from those of -Aragon and Castile.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Political life and administration in Catalonia.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of Barcelona.</div> - -<p>The only new factor of interest in general political and administrative -organization was the increase in the actual authority of the counts of -Barcelona (and, similarly, after they became kings of Aragon), although -on the same legal basis of feudalism as before. This came about through -the uniting of most of the counties in the single family of the counts -of Barcelona, who therefore were able to exercise a decisive influence -in Catalonian affairs. The rise in importance of Barcelona was the most -notable event in municipal history. Its commerce and wealth were so -great, and its prestige as capital of the county so influential, that it -exercised a veritable hegemony over the other towns. Each year the -general assembly elected five councillors, who in turn appointed a -council of one hundred, or <i>Consell de Cent</i>, which was the principal -governing body of the city. The city was allowed to coin money and to -appoint consuls charged with looking after the business interests of -Barcelona in foreign lands. The <i>Consell</i> also had mercantile -jurisdiction. The Catalan commercial customs were to pass over in a -developed form into Castile, and from there to the Americas. The -Catalonian <i>Cortes</i> had but three estates, and was in other respects -similar to that of Castile. The representatives of the towns were -admitted in 1218, but their right to appear was not definitely affirmed -until 1282. Barcelona had unusual weight in that body, for it possessed -five votes. The <i>Usatges</i> (the code adopted in the reign of Ramón -Berenguer I) merely expressed in writing the feudal customs which were -already in vogue, and therefore it was generally observed. It did not -supersede the charters, the <i>Fuero Juzgo</i>, and local customs, all of -which continued in effect. The Roman and canon law, despite the -resistance of the nobility, came to be regarded as supplementary to -other legal sources, although not as of right until centuries later. In -naval affairs Catalonia was far<a name="page_100" id="page_100"></a> ahead of the rest of Spain. Both a -merchant and a naval marine had existed since the ninth century, and the -former was encouraged by the suppression of taxes and by favorable -treaties with the Italian states. The navy had become a permanent state -institution by the middle of the twelfth century (in the reign of Ramón -Berenguer IV). Individual lords and towns had naval vessels of their -own, however. The history of the church followed the same course as in -Aragon; the Roman rite was adopted in the time of Ramón Berenguer I -(1035-1076).</p> - -<h3><i>Valencia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">The royal power in the social and political life of -Valencia.</div> - -<p>When Jaime I conquered Valencia, he had an opportunity to put into -effect some of his ideas with regard to strengthening the principle of -monarchy, and did not fail to take advantage of it. In the distribution -of lands among the nobles, the king was recognized as the only lord; -furthermore, the majority of the lands were given outright, in small -parcels, to middle class proprietors, subject only to the royal and the -neighborhood taxes. Most of the recipients were Catalans, and thus the -Catalan civilization came to predominate in Valencia. The most numerous -body of the population, however, was that of the Mudéjares. Many of -these were not molested in their estates and their business, and some -were even granted lands, but the majority were obliged to pay heavy -taxes in return for the royal protection. The Mudéjar uprisings led to -the introduction of more rigorous measures. In political affairs, too, -Jaime I established a system more favorable to monarchy. The nobles -wished to have the Aragonese law apply, but the king introduced new -legislation whereby the greater part of the authority rested with him. -The Valencian <i>Cortes</i>, of three branches, dates from 1283.</p> - -<h3><i>Balearic Islands</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Similarly in the Balearic Islands.</div> - -<p>Jaime I pursued the same policy in the Balearic Islands as in Valencia, -avoiding the evils of feudalism, and treating the Mudéjares well,—for -here too they were in the majority.<a name="page_101" id="page_101"></a></p> - -<h3><i>Navarre</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Feudalism and French influences in Navarre.</div> - -<p>The extreme of feudal organization, similar to that in Aragon, existed -in Navarre. French peoples were an important element in the population, -and the power of the monks of Cluny was unusually great. Although the -kings established hereditary succession, the nobles continued to be -virtually absolute on their estates. The towns did not become as -important a power as elsewhere in Spain, and it was not until the next -era, possibly in the year 1300, that their representatives were admitted -to the <i>Cortes</i>.<a name="page_102" id="page_102"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br /><br /> -<small>MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1031-1276</small></h2> - -<h3><i>Moslem Spain</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic vicissitudes.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> political vicissitudes of Moslem Spain could not fail to have an -unfavorable effect on industry and commerce. The economic decline did -not at once manifest itself and was not continuous in any event, for the -periods of depression were often followed by others of great prosperity. -Agriculture, industry, and the arts profited by new impulses, and trade -was carried on with eastern Mediterranean lands. The Christian conquests -meant an end of these commercial relations, but many of the industries -survived in the hands of Moslems, now become Mudéjares.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Moslem intellectual achievements.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Averröes and Maimónides.</div> - -<p>In intellectual culture, Moslem Spain was even greater than it had been -in the days of its political power,—at least in the higher -manifestations of that culture. The <i>taifa</i> kings encouraged freedom of -thought and expression, even when unorthodox; yet, in literature and -science the greatest heights were reached, by both Jewish and Moslem -writers, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, during the rule of the -intolerant Almoravides and Almohades. That, too, was the period of their -greatest influence on the Christians. The principal service of Moslem -Spain to western Europe was, as has been said, the transmission of Greek -thought, although not in its purity, but with the modifications and -variants of its later days, especially those of the Alexandrian school. -In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries many European scholars of note -visited Spain, and took back<a name="page_103" id="page_103"></a> with them the Greco-oriental thought which -was to be the chief basis of the philosophy and science of Christendom, -until the true Greek texts were discovered at the time of the -Renaissance. The Moslems were further advanced in medicine than the -other western European peoples, and were the first in Europe since the -days of the Greeks to cultivate the study of botany. In pure mathematics -and its applications, such as in astronomy and the pseudo-science of -astrology, they were equally to the fore. Their greatest influence was -to make itself felt, however, in the realm of philosophy, especially in -the works of Averröes and Maimónides, scholars who are to be compared -with Saint Isidore, both as respects the greatness of their -achievements, and as concerns the breadth, almost universality, of their -attainments. Averröes of Cordova (1126-1198), as commentator and -propagator of the ideas of Aristotle and Plato, was perhaps the -principal resort of western European scholarship for an early knowledge -of Greek thought. He was also a distinguished doctor and mathematician. -Maimónides (or Moisés ben Maimón), also of Cordova (1139-1205), was the -founder of the rationalistic explanation of Jewish doctrine and a bitter -opponent of the neoplatonism<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> of the Alexandrian school, but he was -much influenced by Aristotle, whose ideas he contributed to disseminate -in western Europe. He was also a celebrated physician. In addition to -individual treatises on the various sciences, many encyclopedias were -written inclusive of all. As might be expected, the rhetorical taste of -Moslem Spain found abundant expression, in both poetry and prose, and in -subject-matter of a heroic, fabulous, satirical, or amatory character. -History, which at this time was more akin to literature than to science, -was also much cultivated. Aben-Hayyán of Cordova wrote a history in -sixty volumes, of the epoch in which he lived; and there were others -almost<a name="page_104" id="page_104"></a> equally prolific who dealt with different phases of the history -of Moslem Spain. In the sciences, Jewish scholars followed the current -of their Moslem masters, but in philosophy and literature they developed -originality, inspired by their religious sentiments. Their poetry had a -somewhat more elevated tone than that of the Moslems.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Architectural mediocrity.</div> - -<p>Although the Almoravides and Almohades were great builders, this period -was less important in Moslem architecture than either the preceding or -the following eras. The principal characteristic seems to have been a -withdrawal from Visigothic and classical forms, but the execution was -less correct and in poorer taste than formerly.</p> - -<h3><i>León and Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance of agriculture and stock-raising.</div> - -<p>The advance of the conquests, leaving large areas back from the frontier -in the enjoyment of a measure of peace, furthered economic development. -There continued to be civil wars in the interior, and personal security -against abuses of the lords and the attacks of bandits was none too -great, but matters were very much better than before, as a result of -legislation favorable to property, the greater importance of the towns, -and the emancipation of the servile classes. Agriculture was -encouraged,—for example, by laws granting unbroken lands to whoever -should cultivate them. The conquest made itself directly felt through -the introduction of the vine and the olive of Moslem Spain into regions -which had not previously cultivated them. Works of irrigation and the -buildings of roads, so important for the agricultural prosperity of -Spain, seem not to have been undertaken, however. Stock-raising was much -more actively pursued than agriculture, due in part to the traditional -importance of that occupation, and in part to the ease with which that -form of wealth could be withdrawn from the hazards of war,—an advantage -which agriculture, naturally, could not share. The age-long war of the -stock-raisers against the farmers was usually favorable to the former, -who were wont to appropriate commons for their animals and even to enter -cultivated fields and damage or despoil<a name="page_105" id="page_105"></a> them. Associations of -stock-raisers to protect their interests were already in existence.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Industrial and commercial beginnings.</div> - -<p>In the thirteenth century Castilian Spain made a beginning of industrial -and commercial life, of which Santiago de Compostela had been perhaps -the only representative prior to that date. Laborers united in guilds, -just as in other western European lands, working together according to -the laws of their guild, and living in the same street. Many of them -were foreigners, Jews, or Mudéjares. An export trade of raw materials -and wine developed between the towns of the north coast and the -merchants of Flanders, England, and Germany, and just at the end of the -period the capture of Seville added commercial wealth to Castile, -through the trade of that city in the western Mediterranean. Interior -commerce still encountered the difficulties which had harassed it in -earlier times, but some of them were overcome through the development of -fairs to facilitate exchange. Certain days in the year, usually -corresponding with the feast of the patron saint of the town, were set -aside by important centres for a general market, or fair, on which -occasions special measures were undertaken to assure the safety of the -roads and to protect all who might attend,—Moslem and Jews as well as -Christians. Men naturally travelled in large groups at such times, which -was an additional means of security. The season of the fair might be the -only occasion in a year when a town could procure a supply of goods not -produced at home, wherefore this institution assumed great importance. -The increased use of coin as a medium of exchange demonstrates the -commercial advance of this period over the preceding.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The intellectual awakening.</div> - -<p>In every branch of intellectual culture there was a vigorous awakening -at this time. The classical traditions of the Spanish clergy and the -Mozárabes were reinforced by western European influences coming -especially from France, while the Greco-oriental culture of the -Mudéjares and Mozárabes merged with the former to produce a Spanish -civilization, which became marked after the conquests of the thirteenth -century. In the twelfth century universities had sprung up in Italy and -France, where the Roman and<a name="page_106" id="page_106"></a> the canon law, theology, and philosophy -were taught. In those countries the formal organization of the -universities had grown naturally out of the gatherings of pupils around -celebrated teachers, but Spain had no Irnerius or Abélard, wherefore the -origins of the universities of the peninsula were the result of official -initiative. In 1212 or 1214 Alfonso VIII founded a university at -Palencia, but this institution lived only thirty-one years. About the -year 1215 Alfonso IX of León made a beginning of the more celebrated -University of Salamanca, the fame of which belongs, however, to the next -following era. By the close of the eleventh century the Castilian -language had become definitely formed, as also the Leonese and Galician -variants. By the middle of the twelfth century all three had become -written languages, and, by the middle of the thirteenth, Latin works -were already being translated into the Romance tongues.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Romance poetry.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of the drama.</div> - -<p>One of the earliest forms of Romance literature was that of popular -poetry of an epic character, singing the deeds of Christian warriors. -This was of French origin, coming in with French crusaders and the monks -of Cluny. Two long poems of this class, both dealing with the life of -the Cid, have been preserved. One, the <i>Poema</i> (Poem), is believed to -date from the middle of the twelfth century, while the other, the -<i>Crónica</i> (Chronicle), is probably of later origin. Both mix legend with -fact, but the former is the less legendary. In the thirteenth century -another type of poetry developed in Castile called <i>mester de clerecía</i> -(office of the clergy), also bound up with French influences, but more -erudite and formally correct and usually religious in subject-matter, a -Spanish expression of European scholasticism. From the side of Aragon -came the influence of southern France, in the lyrical and erotic poetry -of the Provençal troubadours. Galicia was much affected by these foreign -impulses, due to the journeys of pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela, and -developed a notable poetry of its own. In this period, too, the -Castilian theatre had its origins, in the mystery plays of the church -and in the popular performances of jugglers in the streets. Whereas the -former were in the nature of a religious ceremony, the latter, which -were ultimately<a name="page_107" id="page_107"></a> to exercise the greater influence, were of a secular -character, usually satirical, and given to great liberty of expression.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">History and science.</div> - -<p>In historical literature there were two names of some note in this -period. Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, archbishop of Toledo (1170-1247), -reduced the early Spanish chronicles to a narrative form, embellished by -erudite references which his classical knowledge enabled him to employ. -He may be regarded as the father of Spanish historiography. Naturally, -given the age, his works were not free from legends and errors, and do -not display the critical spirit of modern times. Bishop Lucas of Tuy -(died 1288), though far inferior to Jiménez de Rada in both method and -criticism, wrote a life of Saint Isidore and other works which enjoyed -great popularity in the thirteenth century. In scientific literature -there were no great names, for this was a period of study and the -translation of Arabic and western European texts, rather than one of -original composition.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Romanesque architecture.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Early Gothic architecture.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mudéjar architecture.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sculpture, painting, and the lesser arts.</div> - -<p>Just as the Romance tongues replaced the Latin, so Romanesque -architecture took the place of the decadent classical styles. Although -there was not a little variety in details, this style was characterized -in León and Castile by an accentuation of the cruciform ground plan, -robustness of form, heaviness in proportions, and profuse ornamentation, -often of a rude type. Arches were sometimes round, and sometimes -slightly pointed. Over the crossing there often appeared a polygonal -dome or a tower with arcades and a cap. The wooden roof was supplanted -by barrel-vaulting in stone, and this led to a strengthening of the -walls, reducing the window space, and to the use of heavy piers or -columns and of exterior buttresses attached to the walls. The west -front, or portal, of churches was adorned in luxurious style, notably -with the sculptured work of men, animals, or foliage. At the same time, -new influences proceeding out of France were making themselves felt, and -by the thirteenth century the so-called Gothic style of architecture was -firmly established. In this the entire edifice was subordinated to the -treatment of the vault, which attained to a great height through the use -of the true pointed<a name="page_108" id="page_108"></a> arch and of transversals to receive the weight of -the vault. For this purpose the flying buttress, now free from the -walls, was greatly developed. Edifices not only became higher, but also -were enabled to use a large amount of space for windows, since the walls -no longer had to sustain the thrust. At the same time decorative effects -were increased, not only in porticoes, but also in the glass of the -windows, the capitals of columns, water-spouts, pinnacles and towers, -and in various forms of sculpture. The spaces between the buttresses -were often filled in to form chapels. Remarkable as was the advance made -in architecture, the work of this period was sober and robust when -compared with the later Gothic work. Nevertheless, the development was -very great, and is to be explained, very largely, by social causes, such -as the advance in the population and importance of the cities and of the -middle class. Greater cathedrals were therefore needed, but they were -also desired from motives of vanity, which prompt new social forces to -construct great monuments. The cathedrals became not only a religious -centre but also a place of meeting for the discussion of business and -political affairs, the heart and soul of the cities in which they were -located. Gothic architecture also manifested itself in military and -civil edifices. The castle was the characteristic type of the former. -The material now became stone, instead of wood. As in other parts of -Europe, there were the surrounding moat and the bridge, the walls with -their salients and towers, the buildings inside for the artisans on the -one hand, and for the lord and his soldiers on the other, and the -powerfully built tower of homage to serve as a last resort. The growth -of the towns gave rise to the erection of local government buildings, or -town halls, and private dwellings began to have an important -architectural character. Another style of architecture, usually called -Mudéjar, existed in this period, combining Arabic with Christian -elements, of which the latter were Gothic of a simplified character. The -roof was of wood, but with the ornamentation of the period. The body of -the edifice was of brick, which was left without covering on the -outside, giving a reddish tone to the building. Sculpture had an<a name="page_109" id="page_109"></a> -important vogue as an adjunct of architecture. Gradually, it passed from -the badly proportioned, stiff figures of the earlier years to something -approaching realism and to a great variety of form. Painting was notable -only for its use in the adornment of manuscripts and of windows, and in -these respects the work done was of a high order. Both sculpture and -painting were employed to represent sacred history or allegory. Rich -tiles were much used, both in the form of azulejos, and in that of -compositions of human figures, in which the usual symbolism appeared. -The gold work and furniture also bore witness to the greater wealth of -this period as compared with earlier times.</p> - -<h3><i>Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic differences in the kingdom of Aragon.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Catalan commerce.</div> - -<p>Much that has been said about León and Castile as regards material -prosperity might be repeated for Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. Aragon -proper was the poorest part of this region, economically. Stock-raising -and industries growing out of it were the principal occupations there. -Catalonia, though not backward in agriculture, was not too well adapted -to it, since certain crops, notably grain, could not be raised, but it -had a varied industrial life and an active commerce. Valencia was the -most favored region, being agriculturally wealthy, on account of the -extensive use of irrigation, and, like Catalonia, having a rich -industrial and commercial life. This was true also of Majorca. The -Catalans had been engaged in Mediterranean commerce since the ninth -century, but in this period their trade reached much greater -proportions. Although Catalan boats went to every part of the -Mediterranean, the principal relations were with Italy; there were -frequent commercial treaties with Pisa and Genoa. Jaime I brought about -the sending of commercial representatives, or consuls, to foreign -countries, and was responsible for the establishment of mercantile -bodies, called <i>consulados de mar</i> (commercial tribunals of the sea) in -Catalan ports. A special maritime law sprang up, and was embodied in a -code, called the <i>Libro del consulado de mar</i> (Book of the <i>consulado</i> -of the sea).<a name="page_110" id="page_110"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual manifestations.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Raymond Lull.</div> - -<p>The intellectual movement in Aragon and Catalonia ran along lines -parallel to that in León and Castile, but with more frequent contact -with French and Italian thought. Jaime I followed the custom of the era -in founding universities, establishing one at Lérida and another at -Valencia. One great name appeared in the literary history of this -period, reaching over into the next, that of Raimundo Lulio, known to -English scholars as Raymond Lull, or Lully (1232-1315), a philosopher, -mystic, and poet, who wrote many books which had a noteworthy influence -on European thought. Writing in the vulgar tongue and in a style adapted -to the general public, he attacked the pantheistic ideals of Averröes -and held that all sciences, though they have their individual -principles, lead to a single all-embracing science, which, for him, was -Christianity; in other words, he represented the reconcilement of -Christianity with reason and science. The development of the Romance -tongues followed the same course as in Castile, but the Catalan became -widely separated from the other peninsular tongues, being more akin to -the Provençal, or language of southern France. The Provençal influence -on poetry was earlier in evidence in Catalonia than in Castile, and was -more pronounced. Lyric poetry, accompanied by music, was so high in -favor that great nobles and the kings themselves cultivated it. Alfonso -II (1162-1196) was the first Spanish troubadour, and other kings -followed, including Jaime I. History was the most important form of -prose literature, and the principal work was that of Jaime I himself, a -chronicle of the vicissitudes of his reign. Jaime I also compiled a -collection of proverbs and the sayings of wise men.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Architecture.</div> - -<p>The Romanesque art of this region was less heavy and more gracefully -proportioned than that of Castile,—possibly, the result of Italian -influences. Catalan Gothic architecture was especially affected by -Italian art,—so much so, that it lacked some of the principal elements -of the Gothic.</p> - -<h3><i>Navarre</i></h3> - -<p>Attention need be called only to the profound French influence in this -region.<a name="page_111" id="page_111"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br /><br /> -<small>DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of the era.</div> - -<p>A<small>FTER</small> the death of Ferdinand III and of Jaime I the reconquest of Spain -from the Moslems came to a virtual standstill for over two centuries. -Some slight accessions of territory were obtained by Castile, but no -serious effort was made to acquire the only remaining enemy stronghold, -the kingdom of Granada. Conditions had changed to such an extent that -Moslem Spain for the first tune in more than five centuries was of -secondary and even minor importance. Castile and Aragon devoted their -principal attention to other affairs, and both took great strides ahead -in the march of civilization. In Castile the chief problems were of an -internal social and political nature. On the one hand this period marked -the change from a seigniorial country type of life to that of the -developed town as the basis of society; on the other it witnessed the -struggle of monarchy and the ideal of national unity against seigniorial -anarchy and decentralization for which the lords (including many of the -great churchmen) and the towns contended. As before, the king’s -principal opponents were the nobles, and the civil wars of this era, -whatever the alleged causes, were really only the expression of the -struggle just referred to. Outwardly the kings appeared to have been -defeated, but in no period of the history of Spain has the external -narrative been more at variance with the actual results, as shown by a -study of the underlying institutions, than in this. The real victory lay -with monarchy and unity, and this was to be made manifest in the reign -of Ferdinand and Isabella following this era. That reign was therefore -the true end<a name="page_112" id="page_112"></a> of this period, but as it was even more the beginning of -modern Spain it has been left for separate treatment. The institutions -of Castile from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century were therefore -of more than usual importance, and particularly so since they formed the -basis for the system which Spain was so soon to establish in the -Americas. In almost every aspect of life, social, political, economic, -and intellectual, Castile forged as far ahead over the preceding period -as that had over the one before it, although it did not reach that high -and intricate culture which is the product of modern times. Castile was -still medieval, like nearly all of Europe, but the new age was close at -hand.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso “the Learned.”</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His foreign policy.</div> - -<p>Alfonso X “the Learned,” or “the Wise” (1252-1284), was one of the kings -whose reign seemed to be a failure, but in fact it was he who sowed the -seed which was to bring about an eventual victory for the principles of -monarchy and national unity. Besides being a profound scholar Alfonso -was a brave and skilful soldier, but his good traits were balanced by -his lack of decision and will power, which caused him to be -unnecessarily stubborn and extremely variable. He engaged in a number of -campaigns against the Moslems, and made some minor conquests, but these -wars were of slight consequence except as they bore on his struggles -with the nobles. The same thing may be said for Alfonso’s European -policy, which aimed not only at the aggrandizement of Castile but also -at his acquisition of the title of Holy Roman Emperor. The kings of -Castile had long claimed the throne of Navarre, and Alfonso now -attempted to invade that realm, but desisted when it seemed that this -might lead to complications with Jaime I of Aragon. He also had a legal -claim to the Basque province of Gascony, which had come to the throne of -Castile as the dowry of the wife of Alfonso VIII, and planned to -incorporate it into a <i>de facto</i> part of the kingdom, but he renounced -his rights to England upon the marriage of his sister to Prince Edward, -the later Edward I, of England. In 1257 the imperial electors chose -Alfonso X as Holy Roman Emperor, but many German princes supported the -pretensions of an English earl of Cornwall, and on the latter’s death -those of Count<a name="page_113" id="page_113"></a> Rudolph of Hapsburg. For sixteen years Alfonso -endeavored to get possession of the imperial title, going to great -expense in wars for that purpose, but the opposition of the popes, wars -with Granada and with his own nobles, and a general lack of sympathy -with the project in Castile combined to prevent him from even making a -journey to Germany in order to be crowned. In 1273 Rudolph of Hapsburg -was formally chosen emperor, and Alfonso’s opportunity passed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of his strife with the nobles.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, influenced by the Roman law, Alfonso had been enunciating -monarchical doctrines which were at variance with the selfish and -unscrupulous designs of the nobles, who fought the king at every turn. -Other causes for strife existed, but they were not fundamental. These -were, especially, the unwise measures employed by Alfonso to procure -funds for his sadly depleted treasury, and on the other hand his -extravagant liberality. Alfonso reduced the tribute due from Granada, -debased the coinage, increased the salaries of court officials, expended -enormous sums in celebration of the marriage of his eldest son, and was -responsible for other acts of a like character. In line with his claim -of absolute royal power he ceded the province of Algarve to the king of -Portugal, renounced his right to homage from that king, and as already -noted gave Gascony to England, all of which he did on his own authority. -These acts were alleged by the nobles, who fought him themselves, or -even went so far as to join the Moslems of Granada and Morocco against -him. The most serious period of the struggle was reserved for the last -years of the reign. This was precipitated by a fresh appearance of the -Moslem peril.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">War of succession between Alfonso and Sancho.</div> - -<p>The Almohades had been succeeded in their rule of northern Africa by the -Benimerines, who were invited by the Moslems of Granada to join them in -a war against Castile. The invitation was accepted, but, although the -Benimerines landed and were for a time victorious, the danger was -averted. Its chief importance was that the king’s eldest son, Fernando -de la Cerda, was killed in battle in 1275, thereby precipitating a -dynastic question. According to the laws of succession which Alfonso had -enacted the eldest son of the dead prince should have been next heir to -the throne, but this did not<a name="page_114" id="page_114"></a> suit Alfonso’s second son, Sancho, who -alleged the superiority of his own claim. He did not fail to support his -pretension by promises of favors to disaffected nobles, which procured -him a backing strong enough to persuade Alfonso himself to name Sancho -as his heir. Later, Alfonso decided to form a new kingdom in the -territory of Jaén, though subject to Castile, for the benefit of his -grandson. Sancho objected, and persisted even to the point of war, which -broke out in 1281. The partisans of Sancho, who included nearly all of -the nobles, the clergy, and most of the towns, held a <i>Cortes</i> in -Valladolid in 1282, and deposed Alfonso. The latter soon won over some -of Sancho’s followers, and continued the war, but died in 1284, -disinheriting Sancho, leaving Castile to his grandson and smaller -kingdoms in southern Spain to two of his younger sons.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sancho “the Brave.”</div> - -<p>That the elements which supported Sancho were really fighting for their -own independent jurisdiction was early made clear. In 1282 they obtained -an acknowledgment from Sancho of the right of the nobles and towns to -rise in insurrection against the illegal acts of the king, and to bring -royal officials and judges to trial for their maladministration, being -privileged to inflict the death penalty on them. With their aid he was -able to set aside his father’s will and become King Sancho IV -(1284-1295), later styled “the Brave.” Once in possession of the throne -he too showed a disposition to check the turbulence of the nobles, for -it was as impossible for a king to admit the arbitrary authority of the -lords as it was for the latter to accept the same attribute in the king. -Internal strife continued, but the pretext changed, for Sancho’s -opponents alleged the will of Alfonso in justification of their -insurrections. Sancho was at least an energetic character, and put down -his enemies with a stern hand, on one occasion having no less than four -thousand partisans of his nephew put to death. His brother Juan, whom -Sancho had deprived of the small kingdom which Alfonso had left him, -gave him the most trouble, at one time enlisting the aid of the -Benimerines, but without success.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a><a name="page_115" id="page_115"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ferdinand “the Summoned.”</div> - -<div class="sidenote">María de Molina.</div> - -<p>Ferdinand IV “the Summoned”<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> (1295-1312) was only nine years old when -his father died, wherefore the opponents of strong monarchy seized the -occasion for a new period of civil strife which lasted fourteen years. -His uncle, Juan, and his cousin, Alfonso,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> renewed their pretensions, -furnishing an opportunity for the lords and towns to join one side or -the other, according as they could best serve their own interests, as -also affording a chance for the intervention of Portugal, Aragon, -France, and Granada with a view to enlarging their kingdoms. Although -the towns usually supported the king, they did so at the price of such -privileges as had been exacted from Sancho in 1282, showing that they -had the same spirit of feudal independence as the lords, despite the -monarchical sentiment of the middle class and the interest which they -had in common with the king in checking the turbulence of the lords. -That the king was able to extricate himself from these difficulties was -due in greatest measure to his mother, María de Molina, one of the -regents during his minority. By her political skill, added to the -prestige of her word and presence, she was able to attract many towns -and nobles to Ferdinand’s side and to separate the more dangerous -foreign enemies from the conflict against him. This she did not do -without making concessions, but, at any rate, by the time the king had -attained his majority at the age of sixteen the most serious perils had -been overcome. Ferdinand IV showed himself<a name="page_116" id="page_116"></a> an ingrate, demanding a -strict account from his mother of her use of the public funds. Not only -was she able to justify her administration, but she also demonstrated -her devotion to her son’s interests on later occasions, causing the -failure of two insurrections headed by Ferdinand’s uncle, Juan. -Ferdinand made several minor campaigns against the Moslems, but died -while engaged in one of them, leaving as his heir a year old boy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Able rule of Alfonso XI in domestic affairs.</div> - -<p>Alfonso XI (1312-1350) shares with Alfonso X the honor of being the -greatest Castilian king of this era, and he was by far more successful -than his great-grandfather had been. Naturally, civil wars broke out at -the beginning of the reign; a dispute over the regency served as one of -the pretexts. María de Molina came forward again, and saved her grandson -as she had saved his father, although she was unable to put down the -insurrections. In 1325, when he was but fourteen years old, Alfonso was -declared of age, and began his reign with an act which was -characteristic of the man and his time. He summoned an uncle of his, his -principal opponent, to a meeting at his palace, under a pretence of -coming to an agreement with him, and when the latter came had him put to -death. He tried the same policy with success against other leaders, and -intimidated the rest so that he soon had the situation under control. -Alfonso combined a hand of iron with great diplomatic skill, both of -which were necessary if a king were to succeed in that period. An -exponent of the monarchical ideas of Alfonso X, he proceeded by diverse -routes to his end. Thus, in dealing with the nobles he made agreements -with some, deceived others, punished still others for their infractions -of the law, developed a distrust of one another among them, employed -them in wars against the Moslems (in order to distract their forces and -their attention), destroyed their castles whenever he had a sufficient -pretext, and flattered them when he had them submissive,—as by -encouraging them in the practices of chivalry and by enrolling them in a -new military order which he created to reward warlike services. In fine -he employed all such methods as would tend to reduce the power of the -nobles without stirring up unnecessary opposition.<a name="page_117" id="page_117"></a> He was strong, but -was also prudent. He followed the same policy with the towns and the -military orders. For example, he promised that no royal town should ever -be granted to a noble (or churchman),—a promise which was not observed -by his successors or even by Alfonso himself. He was also successful in -getting generous grants of money from the <i>Cortes</i>, which assisted him -materially in the carrying out of his policy. He won the favor of the -people by correcting abuses in the administration of justice and by his -willingness to hear their complaints alleging infractions of the law, -whether by his own officials or by the nobles. He procured the -comparative security of the roads, and in other ways interested himself -in the economic betterment of his people. Meanwhile, he enhanced his own -authority in local government, and always maintained that the national -legislative function belonged to the king alone, not only for the making -or amending of laws, but also for interpreting them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The acquisition of Álava and repulse of a Moslem invasion.</div> - -<p>Alfonso’s great work was the political and administrative organization -of the country, but there were two external events of his reign which -are worth recording. In 1332 the Basque province of Álava was added to -Castile, although with a recognition of the jurisdiction of the law of -Álava. More important, perhaps, was a great conflict with Granada and -the Benimerines of Morocco, who once more tried to emulate the successes -of their coreligionists of the eighth century. The kings of Aragon and -Portugal joined Alfonso to avert this peril, and a great battle was -fought in 1340 at the river Salado, near Tarifa, where the Moslem forces -were completely defeated. Though not yet forty at the time of his death -Alfonso had already written his name in large letters on the pages of -Castilian history.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pedro “the Cruel.”</div> - -<p>The work of Alfonso XI seemed to be rendered in vain by the civil wars -of the reign of his successor, Pedro I, variously called “the Cruel” or -“the Just” (1350-1369). In fact, the basis of the structure which -Alfonso had reared was not destroyed, and even Pedro took some steps -which tended to increase the royal power. He was not the man for the -times, however, since he lacked the patience and<a name="page_118" id="page_118"></a> diplomacy which had -distinguished his father. He was, above all, impetuous and determined to -procure immediate remedies for any ill which beset him, even to the -point of extreme cruelty. He possessed a stern hand, energy, and -courage, but he had to deal with a nobility as turbulent and -unsubmissive as was the spirit of Pedro himself. The tale of his reign -may be told at somewhat greater length than some of the others,—not -that it was more important, but by way of illustrating the usual course -of the civil wars in that time.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Civil wars of the reign of Pedro “the Cruel.”</div> - -<p>Pedro I was the only legitimate son of Alfonso XI, who had left five -illegitimate sons by his mistress, Leonor de Guzmán, to each of whom he -had given important holdings and titles. On the death of Alfonso, his -wife (Pedro’s mother) procured the arrest of Leonor de Guzmán and later -her assassination. Naturally, this incensed the five sons of Leonor, -although all but the eldest, Count Henry of Trastamara, appeared to -accept the situation. Other pretexts for internal strife were not -lacking. Pedro was a mere boy, and at one time became sick and seemed -about to die, whereupon the nobles began to prepare for a dynastic -struggle. Pedro lived, however, but caused discontent by choosing a -Portuguese, named Alburquerque, as his leading adviser and favorite; the -chief basis for the objections of the nobles was that each one wished -the post for himself. The resistance to Alburquerque was the -rallying-cry in the early period of the wars, in which Pedro’s -illegitimate brothers joined against him. Pedro was successful, and it -is noteworthy that he dealt leniently with his brothers, in contrast -with his energetic cruelty against the other rebels. In 1353, as the -result of negotiations which had been arranged by Alburquerque, Pedro -married a French princess, Blanche of Bourbon. Previously, however, he -had entered into relations with a handsome young lady of good family, -named María de Padilla, to whom he remained ardently devoted for the -rest of his life. So blindly in love with her was he that Alburquerque -had to take him from the arms of María in order to have him assist at -his own wedding. Three days later the youthful Pedro deserted his wife -in favor of<a name="page_119" id="page_119"></a> his mistress. Alburquerque wisely took himself away, the -Padillas were established as the favorites at court, and the young queen -was imprisoned. The nobles could no longer pretend that they were -fighting Alburquerque; on the contrary, they joined the very man they -had assumed to oppose, in a war against the king, with various alleged -objects, but in fact with the usual desire of seizing an opportunity for -increasing their own power. At one time they contrived to capture Pedro, -but he escaped and wreaked a fearful vengeance on his enemies, though -once again he allowed his brothers, who as usual were against him, to -submit. Meanwhile, Pedro’s marital experiences included a new wife, for -he found two bishops who declared his first marriage null, despite the -pope’s efforts to get the king to return to Blanche of Bourbon. Pedro -married Juana de Castro, but this time was able to wait only one day -before returning to María de Padilla. These events had their influence -in the civil wars, for many towns refrained from giving Pedro aid or -joined against him out of disgust for his actions.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The wars with Henry of Trastamara.</div> - -<p>The wars were renewed from the side of Aragon, where Henry of -Trastamara, who for years had been the Castilian monarch’s principal -opponent, formed an alliance with the king of Aragon. The ruler of -Aragon at that time was Pedro IV, a man of the type of Alfonso XI. -Having overcome the seigniorial elements in his own realm he did not -scruple to take advantage of Pedro I’s difficulties in the same regard -to seek a profit for himself, or at least to damage a neighboring king -of whom he felt suspicious. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities Pedro I -gave himself up to a riot of assassinations, and among his victims were -three of his half brothers and several members of their families. His -enemies were not yet able to defeat him, however, even with the aid of -Aragon, and a peace was signed in 1361. Shortly afterward, both Blanche -of Bourbon and María de Padilla died, the latter deeply bemoaned by -Pedro I. In 1363 Henry of Trastamara and Pedro IV again formed a league -against the Castilian king, and it was at this time that Henry first set -up a claim to the crown of Castile. To aid<a name="page_120" id="page_120"></a> them in their project they -employed the celebrated “White companies,” an army of military -adventurers of all nations who sold their services to the highest -bidder. They were at that time in southern France and (as usually -happened in such cases) were regarded as unwelcome guests now that their -aid was no longer required there. The pope (then resident at Avignon) -gave them a vast sum of money on condition that they would go to Aragon, -and Pedro IV offered them an equal amount and rights of pillage (other -than in his own realm) if they would come. Therefore, led by a French -knight, Bertrand du Guesclin, they entered Spain, and in 1366 procured -the conquest of most of Castile for Henry, who had himself crowned king. -Pedro I sought aid of his English neighbors, for England at that time -possessed a great part of western France, and, in return for certain -concessions which Pedro promised, Edward III of England was persuaded to -give him an army under the command of the celebrated military leader, -Edward, the Black Prince. It was Henry’s turn to be defeated, and he -fled to France. Pedro I now took cruel vengeance on his enemies, -disgusting the English leader, besides which he failed to keep the -promises by which he had procured his aid. The English troops therefore -went back to France, at a time when a fresh insurrection was about to -break out in Castile, and when Henry of Trastamara was returning with a -new army. Pedro I was utterly defeated at Montiel, and was besieged in a -castle where he took refuge. Captured by Henry through a trick, he -engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with his half brother, and seemed to -be winning, but with the aid of one of his partisans Henry at length got -the upper hand and killed Pedro,—a fitting close to a violent reign.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties of Henry II.</div> - -<p>Henry II (1369-1379), as the victor of Montiel was now entitled to be -called, did not retain his crown in peace. Despite the fact that he had -gravely weakened the monarchy by his grants of lands and privileges in -order to gain support, he was beset by those who were still faithful to -Pedro, or who at least pretended they were, in order to operate in their -own interest. Aragon, Navarre, Portugal, and England<a name="page_121" id="page_121"></a> waged war on -Henry, and the two last-named countries supported Pedro’s illegitimate -daughters by María de Padilla, Constanza and Isabel (for Pedro had no -legitimate children), in their pretensions to the throne, as against the -claims of Henry. The most serious demands were put forward by John of -Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster and husband of Constanza, backed by Edward III -of England. Henry overcame his difficulties, although at the cost of -concessions to the nobles which were to be a serious obstacle to future -kings.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Juan I and the battle of Aljubarrota.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Prince and Princess of Asturias.</div> - -<p>The reign of Juan I (1379-1390) was marked by two important events. Juan -married the heiress to the Portuguese throne, and the union of Spain and -Portugal seemed about to take place, but this arrangement did not suit -the Portuguese nobility. A new king of Portugal was chosen, and the -Castilian army was completely defeated at Aljubarrota in 1385. Shortly -afterward, the Duke of Lancaster landed in Spain with an English army to -prosecute the claims of his wife. This matter was settled by the -marriage of the Duke of Lancaster’s daughter, in 1388, to Juan’s heir, -Prince Henry. Thus was the conflict of Pedro I and Henry II resolved. -Their descendants, though tainted with illegitimacy in both cases, had -joined to form the royal family of Spain. The young prince and his -consort took the titles of Prince and Princess of Asturias, which have -been used ever since by the heirs to the Spanish throne.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry “the Sickly.”</div> - -<p>Henry III “the Sickly” (1390-1406), though already married, was only a -minor when he became king, wherefore there occurred the usual troubled -years of a minority. Despite the pallor of his complexion (whence his -nickname) he was a spirited individual, and upon becoming of age (when -fourteen years old) set about to remedy some of the evils which had been -caused by the grants of favors to the nobles durng the regency and in -preceding reigns. He also adopted a vigorous policy in his relations -with Portugal, Granada, and the pirates of the North African coast, and -even went so far as to send two somewhat celebrated embassies to the -Mogul emperor and king of Persia, Tamerlane. One event of capital -importance in his reign may be taken<a name="page_122" id="page_122"></a> as the first step in the Castilian -venture across the seas. In 1402 Rubín de Bracamonte and Juan de -Bethencourt commenced the conquest of the Canary Islands under the -patronage of Henry. The young king was also preparing to conquer -Granada, when at the age of twenty-seven his life was unfortunately cut -short.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Juan II and Álvaro de Luna.</div> - -<p>It seemed likely that the opening years of the reign of Juan II -(1406-1454) would witness a fresh period of civil struggle, since the -king was not yet two years old. That this was not the case was due to -the appearance of a man who was both able and faithful to his trust, the -regent, Ferdinand of Antequera, an uncle of Juan II. In 1412, however, -he left Castile to become king of Aragon, and a few years later Juan’s -majority was declared at fourteen years of age. Juan II was the first -truly weak king of Castile. In the history of Spanish literature he -occupies a prominent place, and he was fond of games of chivalry, but he -lacked the decision and will-power to govern. Fortunately he had a -favorite in the person of Álvaro de Luna who governed for him. On -several occasions in the reign Álvaro de Luna was able to win successes -against Granada, but the fruits of victory were lost because of civil -discord in Castile. During most of the reign the nobles were in revolt -against Álvaro de Luna, and the weak king occasionally listened to their -complaints, banishing the favorite, but he could not manage affairs -without him, and Álvaro de Luna would be brought back to resume his -place at the head of the state. By 1445 the position of Álvaro de Luna -seemed secure, when a blow fell from an unexpected quarter. He had -procured a Portuguese princess as the second wife of Juan II, but she -requited him by turning against him. She persuaded Juan to give an order -for his arrest, and, since there was no cause for more serious charges, -he was accused of having bewitched the king, and was put to death in -1453. This time Juan could not call him back; so he followed him to the -grave within a year.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry “the Impotent” and Juana “La Beltraneja.”</div> - -<p>The evil of internal disorder which for so many years had been hanging -over the Castilian monarchy came to a head in the reign of Henry IV “the -Impotent” (1454-1474).<a name="page_123" id="page_123"></a> If Juan II had been weak, Henry IV was weaker -still, and he had no Álvaro de Luna to lean upon. He commenced his reign -with an act of characteristic flaccidity which was to serve as one of -the pretexts for the insurrections against him. War was declared upon -Granada, and the Castilian army reached the gates of the Moslem capital, -when the king developed a humanitarianism which hardly fitted the times, -declining to engage in a decisive battle lest it prove to be bloody. A -more important pretext for rebellion arose out of a dynastic question. -Failing to have issue by his first wife, Henry procured a divorce and -married again. For six years there were no children by this marriage, -wherefore the derisive name “the Impotent” was popularly applied to the -king, but at length a daughter appeared, and was given the name Juana. -Public opinion, especially as voiced by the nobles, proclaimed that the -father was the king’s favorite, Beltrán de la Cueva, on which account -the young Juana became known vulgarly as “La Beltraneja.” The <i>Cortes</i> -acknowledged Juana, and she was also recognized as heir to the throne by -the king’s brothers and by his sister, Isabella, but the nobles formed a -league on the basis of her supposed illegitimacy with the object of -killing the favorite. They directed an insulting letter to the king, -demanding that his brother, Alfonso, should be named heir. Instead of -presenting a bold front against these demands, Henry was weak enough to -consent to them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The seigniorial program and the vacillation of the king.</div> - -<p>The dynastic question was far from being the principal one in the eyes -of the nobles. By this time it was perfectly clear that the real -struggle was political, between the elements of seigniorial independence -and strong monarchy. Thus the nobles and their allies had insisted that -the king’s guard should be disarmed and that its numbers should be -fixed; that the judges in royal towns and certain other royal officials -should be deprived of their office and be replaced by the appointees of -the league; that the king should be subjected to a council of state -formed of nobles and churchmen, which body was to intervene in the -affairs formerly handled by the king himself, including even the -exercise of ordinary judicial authority; that all cases against nobles<a name="page_124" id="page_124"></a> -and churchmen should be tried by a tribunal of three nobles, three -churchmen, and three representatives of the towns, and several of the -members who were to compose the tribunal (all of them opponents of the -king) were named in the document of these demands; and that there should -be a right of insurrection against the king if he should contravene the -last-named provision. After he had accepted the nobles’ terms Henry -realized the gravity of his act and changed his mind, declaring his -agreement void. The nobles then announced the deposition of the king, -and named his brother, Alfonso, in his stead, but the royal troops -defeated them soon afterward, and Alfonso suddenly died. The nobles then -offered the crown to Isabella, but she declined to take it while her -brother was living, although consenting to do so in succession to him, -thus retracting her previous recognition of Juana. On this basis the -nobles offered peace to the king, and he consented, which for the second -time put him in the position of acknowledging the dishonor of his wife -and the illegitimacy of Juana. The queen protested, and in 1470 Henry -again recanted, but at the time of his death, in 1474, he had not yet -resolved the succession to the throne.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The union of Castile and Aragon.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile Isabella had contracted a marriage of surpassing importance in -the history of Spain. In 1469 she married Ferdinand, heir to the throne -of Aragon, rejecting Henry IV’s proposal of a marriage with the king of -Portugal. Isabella was proclaimed queen on the death of her brother, but -many nobles now took the other side, upholding the cause of Juana, -including some who had formerly fought on the side of Isabella,—for -example, the archbishop of Toledo. The hand of Juana was promised to the -king of Portugal, who therefore joined in the war on her side. The -forces of Isabella were victorious, and in 1479 a treaty was made -whereby she was recognized as the queen. The unfortunate Juana chose to -enter a convent. In the same year, 1479, Ferdinand became king of -Aragon, and at last a political union of the greater part of Christian -Spain had become a fact.<a name="page_125" id="page_125"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br /><br /> -<small>DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: ARAGON, 1276-1479</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of the era.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> general remarks made with respect to Castilian history in this -period apply, with but few modifications, to that of the kingdom of -Aragon. In Aragon the victory of monarchy over seigniorial anarchy was -externally clear as early as the middle of the fourteenth century. The -civil wars after that date (and there were very few until the last reign -of the period) were due to the vast power of the city of Barcelona in -conflict with the king, to the difference in interests of Aragon proper -and Catalonia, and to social uprisings. Social progress in this region, -but especially in Catalonia, was much more marked than in Castile, -merely because there was so much more to gain, and great as were the -advances made they did not bring the masses to a state of social freedom -equal to that which had been attained in Castile. Of great importance to -the future of Spain was the embarkation of Aragon on a career of Italian -conquest. Fatal as Spain’s Italian aspirations were to be in succeeding -centuries, that evil was balanced, at least in part, by a contact with -Renaissance influences proceeding out of Italy, and by a favorable -commerce which redounded in many ways to the benefit of Spain. This was -one of the periods when the advantages of the Italian connection were -greater than the disadvantages.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pedro III and the nobles.</div> - -<p>Pedro III (1276-1285) showed in his short reign that he was a man of his -father’s mould. Able as he was he had to yield not a little to his -nobles and the oligarchical towns, as indeed had Jaime I,—as witness -the case of the independent position of the <i>Justicia</i> won from Jaime I. -From Pedro III<a name="page_126" id="page_126"></a> these elements, especially those of Aragon proper, -obtained the rights embodied in a document called the “General -Privilege”; by this the <i>Justicia</i> was proclaimed chief justice for all -cases coming before the king, and was made to depend more closely on the -nobles and allied towns. They also gained many other privileges, such as -the restoration of the goods and lands taken from them by Jaime, -exemption from naval service, and a reduction in the number of days of -military service required of them. Yet Pedro was able to keep them -sufficiently in hand to enable him to embark upon an ambitious foreign -policy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Foreign policy of Pedro III.</div> - -<p>Pedro took the first step toward the reincorporation of the realm left -by his father to Pedro’s brother Jaime when he procured a recognition -from the latter that he held his kingdom of Majorca as a vassal of the -king of Aragon. Reaching out still farther he established a protectorate -over the Moslem state of Tunis, gaining great commercial advantages at -the same time. The next logical move was the conquest of the island of -Sicily. Two events combined to bring Pedro III into competition for -dominion there. One was his denial of vassalage to the pope, repudiating -the arrangement of Pedro II, and the other was his marriage to -Constance, the daughter of King Manfred of Sicily. The papacy had only -recently won its struggle of several centuries against the Hohenstaufen -Holy Roman Emperors, and it claimed that the territory of Naples, or -southern Italy and Sicily, was at the pope’s disposal. Manfred of Sicily -was a member of the defeated imperial family, and would not recognize -the papal claim, whereupon the pope offered the kingdom as a fief to the -French prince, Charles of Anjou. Charles accepted and succeeded in -conquering the island, putting Manfred to death. He then proceeded to -rule in tyrannical fashion, until in 1282 he provoked the celebrated -uprising known as the “Sicilian vespers,” when a terrible vengeance was -wreaked upon the followers of Charles. Pedro III already had a great -army near by in Tunis, and when he was invited by the Sicilians to help -them he accepted, alleging the claims of his wife to the Sicilian crown, -and landing in Sicily in the same year, 1282.<a name="page_127" id="page_127"></a> In a short time he was -master of the entire island, and through the exploits of his great -admiral, Roger de Lauria, in control of not a little of the Italian -coast as well, though only temporarily.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The French invasion.</div> - -<p>Affronted both by the denial of vassalage and by the conquest of Sicily -the pope excommunicated Pedro, and declared his deposition as king of -Aragon, granting the throne in his stead to Charles of Valois, second -son of the king of France. He even went so far as to proclaim a crusade -against Pedro, and a great French army was prepared to carry out his -decision and to establish the claim of Charles of Valois. Allies were -found in King Jaime of Majorca and many of Pedro’s own nobles and -churchmen. The French forces soon overran much of Catalonia, but when -matters looked darkest a great naval victory by Roger de Lauria and an -epidemic which broke out in the French army turned the tide, and the -invaders were driven across the Pyrenees. In the same year Pedro died, -but just before his death he offered to return Sicily to the pope,—so -strong was the prestige of the papacy in that day.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso III.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Struggles with the nobility and the Privilege of the Union.</div> - -<p>Pedro’s son, Alfonso III (1285-1291), had no idea of abandoning Sicily. -He made it into a separate kingdom under his brother Jaime, and the -strife with France and the pope went on. Alfonso was not of his father’s -calibre, however, and in 1291 agreed to renounce the Sicilian claim and -to fight Jaime if the latter should fail to comply with this -arrangement; furthermore, he agreed to pay the papal tribute of the -treaty of Pedro II, including all back sums still unpaid. Before Alfonso -could act on this agreement he died. His reign had not been free from -struggles with the nobility, and the latter were in no small degree -responsible for the weak result of his foreign policy; only an -exceptionally capable monarch, such as Pedro III had been, could handle -successfully the grave foreign and domestic problems of the time. The -nobles and towns of Aragon proper and Valencia had banded together in a -league called the Union, and they used their combined influence to exact -new privileges from Alfonso. When he resisted they went so far as to -conspire for the succession of the French pretender, and<a name="page_128" id="page_128"></a> took other -extreme measures which soon decided the king to give way. In 1287 he -granted the famous “Privilege of the Union.”<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> By this document the -king was restrained from proceeding against any member of the Union -without the consent of both the <i>Justicia</i> and the <i>Cortes</i>, and a -council was to be appointed to accompany him and decide with him the -matters of government affecting Aragon and Valencia. If he should fail -to observe the Privilege in these and other respects (for there were -other articles of lesser note) the members of the Union might elect a -new king. Thus, as Alfonso III put it, “There were as many kings in -Aragon as there were <i>ricoshombres</i>” (great nobles). Jaime II -(1291-1327), brother of the preceding, contrived to reduce some of the -privileges granted by this document, although indirectly, for he -recognized its legal force. He enacted laws which were in fact -inconsistent with it, and in this way managed to deprive the <i>Justicia</i> -of some of the vast power to which he had attained.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Jaime II and the Sicilian question.</div> - -<p>The reign of Jaime II was especially interesting from the standpoint of -foreign affairs. Having been king in Sicily, Jaime was not disposed to -surrender the island to the pope, and left his son, Fadrique, there to -govern for him. Soon he changed his mind, and made a similar agreement -to that of Alfonso III, whereby the island was to be given to the pope, -and Jaime was to employ force, if necessary, to achieve this end. Jaime -was soon afterward granted Sardinia and Corsica in compensation for -Sicily, although they were to be held as a fief from the pope, and he -was to make good his claim by conquering them. The Sicilians were not -favorable to Jaime’s agreement, and proceeded to elect Fadrique king, -resisting Jaime’s attempts to enforce his treaty. After a long war, -peace was made in 1302 on terms whereby Fadrique married the daughter of -the Angevin claimant, the papal candidate, and promised the succession -to his father-in-law. Toward the close of Jaime’s reign Sardinia<a name="page_129" id="page_129"></a> was -conquered, in 1324, by the king’s eldest son. It was at this time, too, -that a body of Catalan mercenaries set up their rule in the duchy of -Athens, thus extending Catalan influence to the eastern -Mediterranean.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso “the Benign.”</div> - -<p>Alfonso IV “the Benign” (1327-1335) had a brief, not very eventful -reign, marked by wars with Pisa and Genoa for the possession of -Sardinia, but more especially interesting as a preparation for the reign -to follow. Alfonso’s second wife tried to procure a kingdom for her son -by a partition of the realm, thus depriving the king’s eldest son, -Pedro, of his full inheritance. Alfonso was willing to accede to her -wishes, but the energetic character of Pedro, backed by popular -sentiment, obliged him to desist from the project.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pedro “the Ceremonious” and the overthrow of seigniorial -anarchy.</div> - -<p>Pedro IV “the Ceremonious” (1335-1387) forms a curious parallel to his -Castilian contemporaries, the great Alfonso XI and the violent Pedro I. -Like the latter he was energetic,<a name="page_130" id="page_130"></a> treacherous, and cruel, but was more -hypocritical, having a great regard for appearances and standing on the -letter of the law (hence his nickname). Withal, like Alfonso XI, he was -the type of ruler needed at the time, and was even more successful than -the great Castilian, for he definitely decided the question between the -nobility and the crown. The struggle began over a dynastic issue when -Pedro, who at the time had no sons, endeavored to arrange for the -succession of his daughter Constance, instead of his brother Jaime. The -nobles and the towns of the Aragonese and Valencian parts of the kingdom -used this event as a pretext for a renewal of the activities of the -Union, and in the first conflict they were too strong for Pedro. He was -obliged in 1347 to acknowledge the Privilege of the Union, and in -addition had to consent to a division of the kingdom into districts -ruled by delegates of the Union, who had broad powers, including a right -to receive the taxes, which henceforth were not to go to the king. Pedro -was not a man to bow at the first defeat, and in the same year renewed -the contest. It is noteworthy that the Catalonian nobles and towns were -on the king’s side, possibly because of their interest in Mediterranean -expansion, which necessitated the backing of a strong government. In -addition, certain democratic towns in Valencia and Aragon joined Pedro, -as well as many individuals who resented the tyranny of the recently -victorious Union. In 1348 Pedro crushed the Aragonese opposition at the -battle of Épila, and then overwhelmed his opponents in Valencia, -punishing them afterwards with a ruthless hand, displaying a rather -vitriolic humor when he made some of his enemies drink the molten metal -of which the bell for calling meetings of the Union had been composed. -The legal effect of these victories was little more than the -nullification of the Privilege of the Union and a reduction of the -powers of the <i>Justicia</i> and of the exaggerated pretensions, social and -otherwise, of the nobles, while the General Privilege and other royal -charters remained in force. In fact, however, a death-blow had been -struck at feudal anarchy, and the tendency henceforth was toward -centralization and absolutism.<a name="page_131" id="page_131"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pedro’s successful foreign policy.</div> - -<p>The reign of Pedro was not without note, also, in foreign affairs. Even -before settling his dispute with the Union he had accomplished something -for the aggrandizement of Aragon. He somewhat treacherously provoked a -quarrel with the king of Majorca, and then conquered the island in 1343. -Proceeding at once against the same king’s possessions in southern -France he incorporated them into his kingdom. Pedro had also assisted -Alfonso XI of Castile against the Benimerines, contributing to the -victory of the Salado in 1340. The war with Genoa and the uprisings in -Sardinia which had filled the reign of his predecessor gave trouble also -to Pedro, but after a campaign in Sardinia in person he was able -temporarily to get the upper hand. His intervention in the civil wars of -Castile has already been noted, and from these he came out with some not -greatly important advantages. He also cast his eyes upon Sicily with a -view to restoring it to the direct authority of the Aragonese crown, -although this was not accomplished in his reign, and he encouraged -commercial relations with the lands of the eastern Mediterranean. In -1381 he accepted an offer to become the sovereign of the Catalan duchy -of Athens. These events were more indicative of a conscious Catalan -policy of predominance in the Mediterranean than important in -themselves.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Juan I and Martín I.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The dispute over the succession and the crowning of Ferdinand -I.</div> - -<p>The reigns of the next two kings, Juan I (1387-1395) and Martín I -(1395-1410), were more important from the standpoint of social -institutions than in external political events. In the former reign -occurred the loss of the duchy of Athens. In the latter, the island of -Sicily, as foreseen by Pedro IV, returned to the Aragonese line when -Martín of Sicily succeeded his father as king of Aragon. On the death of -Martín without issue, a dispute arose as to the succession to the -throne. The most prominent claimants were Ferdinand of Antequera, then -regent of Castile, a son of Martín’s sister, and Jaime, count of Urgel, -son of a cousin of Martín. Ferdinand was supported by the Aragonese -anti-pope, Benedict XIII,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> by the ecclesiastical and popular -elements<a name="page_132" id="page_132"></a> of most of Aragon proper, by various nobles, and by the -political influence of the Castilian state, while Jaime counted on the -popular support of Catalonia and Valencia and of part of Aragon, as well -as on various noble families. Jaime had the advantage of being a native -of the kingdom, while Ferdinand was looked upon as a foreigner, but as a -matter of law Ferdinand had the better claim. For two years there were -serious disturbances on the part of the noble families, which united -their personal rivalries to the question of the dynastic succession. -Finally, the matter was left to a commission of nine, three each from -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, and this body rendered a decision, in -1412, in favor of the Castilian claimant, who thereby became Ferdinand I -of Aragon (1410-1416). Jaime resisted for a time, but was soon obliged -to submit, and was imprisoned in a castle, although well treated there.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso “the Magnanimous” and Aragonese expansion into -Italy.</div> - -<p>Ferdinand was succeeded by his son, Alfonso V, called variously “the -Learned” or “the Magnanimous” (1416-1458) under whom the Catalan Policy -of Mediterranean expansion advanced to a stage far beyond anything -previously attempted. Most of his reign was passed by him in warfare in -Italy. Invited by the queen of Naples, who adopted him as her heir, to -assist her against the house of Anjou, Alfonso was at length able to -dominate the land and to set up a brilliant court at the city of Naples. -He also intervened successfully in other wars, and even thought of -attempting to reconquer Constantinople from the Turks, for that city had -been taken by them in 1453. Meanwhile, his absence from his Spanish -dominions permitted of a revival of internal disorders, which were to -come to a head in the next reign. Alfonso gave Naples (southern Italy) -to his illegitimate son Ferdinand, and the rest of his domains, -including Sardinia and Sicily, to his brother Juan.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Juan II, Juana Enríquez, and Charles of Viana.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The revolt of the Catalans.</div> - -<p>Prior to his succession to the Aragonese throne Juan II (1458-1479) had -married the queen of Navarre, and at her wish, consented to by their -son, Charles, Prince of Viana, had continued to act as king of that land -after his wife’s death. He had contracted a second marriage with a -Castilian lady, Juana Enríquez, and her intrigues against<a name="page_133" id="page_133"></a> Charles of -Viana had already caused that prince no little trouble. In the interests -of her own children (one of whom, the later great King Ferdinand, was to -be a worthy exemplar of the scheming traits of his mother) she plotted -to deprive him of his rights, first to the throne of Navarre, and later, -after Juan had succeeded to the Aragonese crown, to that of Aragon. The -Catalans took up the cause of Charles of Viana with enthusiasm, and when -Juan refused to declare him his heir civil war broke out, not only in -Catalonia, but also in Aragon and Navarre. Charles was at first -successful, and his father consented to recognize him as his successor -and to appoint him governor of Catalonia, but the agreement had hardly -been signed when the young prince died. Public opinion ascribed his -death to poisoning at the instigation of his step-mother, and so great -was the general indignation over this event that civil war in Catalonia -broke out afresh. The Catalans were at a legal disadvantage in not -having a legitimate lord to set up against Juan II. They elected various -individuals as count of Barcelona, and even thought of organizing a -republic, but the successive deaths of their chosen rulers, and the -length of the war, which had already lasted twelve years, inclined many, -toward the close of the year 1470, to make peace with the king. The very -misfortunes of the latter, despite the crimes which he had committed, -tended to this end, for he had again become a widower, and was blind and -alone, for his son, Ferdinand, had remained in Castile after his -important marriage with Isabella in 1469. Finally, in 1472, a peace -satisfactory to both sides was arranged. It is to be noted that this war -had nothing to do with the earlier struggle of the lords against the -king, but was sustained rather by the city of Barcelona and the -permanent committee, or deputation, representing the <i>Cortes</i> of -Catalonia, against the king, being fought mostly in Catalonia, and being -involved also with the attempts of the Catalan peasant classes to shake -off the social burdens which they had so long been obliged to bear. The -former seigniorial stronghold of Aragon proper was in this war the most -powerful royalist element. The closing years of Juan’s reign were -devoted<a name="page_134" id="page_134"></a> to a war against France for the reconquest of Cerdagne and the -Roussillon, which had previously been granted by Juan to the French king -in return for support against the former’s Catalan enemies. This war was -still going on when, in 1479, Juan died, and Ferdinand ascended the -throne, to rule, jointly with Isabella, the entire realms of Castile and -Aragon. Thus had the evil intrigues of Juana Enríquez redounded to the -benefit of Spain.</p> - -<h3><i>Navarre</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Navarre re-enters the current of peninsula history.</div> - -<p>From 1285 to 1328 Navarre was a French province, but recovered its -independence under the house of Evreux on the death of Charles IV of -France without succession. The next heir after Charles of Viana was his -sister Blanche, but her father, Juan II of Aragon, had her imprisoned, -and a younger sister, Leonor, was enthroned in her stead.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Leonor and -her husband, the count of Foix, established a new dynasty which was -destined to be of short duration, for in 1512 Ferdinand of Aragon -conquered Spanish Navarre. French Navarre remained for a time under the -rule of the house of Foix, but presently became a part of the kingdom of -France.</p> - -<h3><i>The Basque Provinces</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Early history of the Basque provinces and their ultimate -incorporation in the kingdom of Castile.</div> - -<p>The three Basque provinces of Álava, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa had more of -interest in their internal organization than in their external political -history, since in the latter respect they were closely united to Navarre -and Castile, which states disputed the dominion of these provinces. They -were usually subject to one power or the other, although some of their -towns, together with others of the Castilian north coast, formed -themselves into leagues (<i>hermandades</i>), and enjoyed a certain amount of -independence in their dealings with England and France.<a name="page_135" id="page_135"></a> A number of -popular beliefs exist with regard to the history of these provinces, one -of which is that they have never been conquered. It is true that no -conqueror ever stamped out the indomitable spirit and the customs of the -people, but the land was rarely independent. It is believed that the -Moslem invasion of the eighth century did not extend to these provinces, -but at a later time they did suffer from Moslem incursions. With the -organization of the kingdom of Asturias, both Álava and Vizcaya seem to -have been either dependent on that realm or at least in close -relationship with it. At times, from the eighth to the tenth centuries, -the counts of Álava were also counts of Castile. Passing into the hands -of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Álava was incorporated in that kingdom -until the reign of Alfonso VIII of Castile. Alfonso VIII won the battle -of Vitoria, and conquered the land in 1200. Thenceforth it remained -under the sovereignty of the Castilian monarch, although with an -assembly, the <i>Cofradía</i> (Fraternity, or Association) of Arriaga, of its -own. In 1332, in the reign of Alfonso XI, the incorporation with Castile -was made complete, although with a retention of the charters and -liberties of the province. Vizcaya also vacillated between Navarre and -Castile as a more or less independent, protected country, until in 1370 -it passed over to the Castilian crown by inheritance of the wife of -Henry III. The course of events in Guipúzcoa was very similar. In 1200 -the province submitted to the conqueror of Vitoria, and from that time -forth the external political history of Guipúzcoa was that of Castile.</p> - -<h3><i>Granada</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Inconsequential character of Granadine political history.</div> - -<p>The Moslem state of Granada was of very slight political importance in -this period, despite its by no means insignificant territorial extent, -wealth, and population. It was a mere political accident, annoying to -the Christians at times, but as a rule not worthy of serious -consideration as an enemy. It was precisely because it was not greatly -to be feared or very troublesome that it was permitted to maintain its -independence. It is to be noted, also, that there was very<a name="page_136" id="page_136"></a> little of -the crusading spirit in these centuries; if there had been, Granada -would soon have been conquered. On several occasions, when the rulers of -Granada called in the Benimerines and others from Africa, the Moslems -were a serious peril to Christian Spain, but the battle of the Salado in -1340 proved decisive, being followed by a decline of the political -strength of the Moslem states of northern Africa. After 1340 the rulers -of Granada limited themselves, in their relations with the Christian -states, to intervening in Castile during periods of civil war, or to -asking Castilian aid at times of internal strife in Granada. Uprisings -and dethronements were of frequent occurrence, but so too were Moslem -raids into Castilian territory.<a name="page_137" id="page_137"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br /><br /> -<small>SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479</small></h2> - -<h3><i>Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Social changes of the era in Castile.</div> - -<p>A<small>S</small> regards social organization this period represents merely an -evolution of the factors which had already appeared in the preceding -era, and its chief results were the following: the end of serfdom; the -advance of the middle class and its opposition to the lords, principally -through its jurisconsults and the <i>caballeros</i> of the towns; an increase -in the privileges of the clergy; and additional landed wealth for the -nobles through the donations of the kings or private conquests. The -principal social struggle was no longer that of the serfs against their -lords, but rather of the middle class, as represented by the wealthier -citizens of the towns, against the nobles and clergy for legal equality, -especially as regards taxation and other duties to the state. The -disappearance of serfdom did not bring economic well-being to the -agricultural laborers; their fortunes in this regard were often as -vexatious and hard to bear as their former personal dependence had been. -At the same time, the poorer people of the towns became a fairly -numerous class, but they were in a position of inferiority as compared -with the wealthier citizens.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social and political prestige of the nobility.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Primogeniture and <i>latifundia</i>.</div> - -<p>Through civil wars and the weakness of the kings the power of the -nobles, both socially and politically, appeared to increase. They did -not confine their strife to opposition to the king, but fought one -another incessantly, not for any political or other ideal, but mainly -for personal reasons. Such was the nature of the wars, for example, -between the<a name="page_138" id="page_138"></a> Guzmán and Ponce families of Seville. As time went on, -these intra-class struggles increased, being more numerous than ever in -the fifteenth century. The nobility would have destroyed itself if the -kings had known how to take advantage of the situation, but most of them -failed to appreciate their opportunity. Sancho IV, Alfonso XI, Pedro I, -and Henry III tried to reduce the nobles by direct attack, and Henry IV -gave special attention to the development of a new nobility as a -counterpoise to the old, but usually the kings dared to fight only -indirectly, as by granting the petitions of the towns which involved a -diminution of seigniorial authority. Two circumstances in addition to -their political victories tended to secure the position of the nobles: -the adoption of the law of primogeniture with regard to the succession -to both their titles and their lands; and the increase in the -territorial domains in the possession of the nobles. By the law of -primogeniture the wealth of the family and the lustre of its name were -given in charge of the eldest son, maintaining in this way the powerful -position of the particular noble house. The second sons (<i>segundones</i>), -in large measure disinherited, sought a career as members of the clergy -or as soldiers. Henry II himself was partly responsible for the -introduction of this new practice of the nobility, and he and later -kings usually required that the lands granted by them to the nobles -should be inalienable and subject to the law of primogeniture. The royal -donations, which were especially great from the time of Henry II on, -were usually of two kinds: <i>honores</i> (honors), or grants of the fiscal -rights which the king had in a specifically named place; and <i>tierras</i> -(lands), or grants of a fixed rent on a certain town or towns. Both -forms were termed generally grants in <i>encomienda</i>. The nobles increased -their holdings yet more by usurpations and private conquests. Early in -the reign of Henry IV, for example, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and other -nobles conquered territories of vast size from the Moslems, and these -<i>latifundia</i>, (broad estates) have influenced even to the present day -the economic life of Andalusia.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Decline of the military orders.</div> - -<p>The <i>caballeros</i> of the military orders were a notably important<a name="page_139" id="page_139"></a> -element. A noble of high rank was usually chosen as grand master, and -this gave him a preponderantly strong position. The vast power of these -orders was the cause of their downfall, the impulse for which came from -without, through the joint action of the French monarchy and the popes. -The order of the Templars, the strongest of all, was abolished by the -pope in 1312, and this reacted to cause a decline of the other orders. -Furthermore, the reason for their existence ceased with the entry of the -Turks into Europe and the cessation of the Spanish crusades. Except as -concerned the military orders the nobles seemed to have reached the -height of their social ambitions, conducting themselves in a lawless -manner with a more or less complete lack of loyalty, high ideals, or -moral sense, but (as will be pointed out in the following chapter) their -authority appeared to be greater than it actually was.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social importance of the clergy.</div> - -<p>The personal immunities of the clergy were not only extended, but were -also made applicable to a greater number than formerly, and the wealth -of the church was increased. Not only priests, but also their servants -and the members of the religious orders, including even those of the lay -orders, acquired the so-called<a name="page_140" id="page_140"></a> “benefit of clergy,” which exempted them -from certain financial obligations to the state and to the towns, and -secured them the privilege of being subject judicially to the -ecclesiastical courts only. Furthermore, entry into religious orders -became so comparatively easy that the number of ecclesiastics proper -increased greatly, although many of them continued to be business men, -lawyers, administrative officers, and even jugglers and buffoons, -frequently leading a licentious life. Similarly, the mendicant orders -had lost their early ideals of poverty and self-sacrifice, and besides -being lax at times in their mode of life were devoting themselves to the -acquisition of wealth, especially by procuring inheritances. These -conditions were cited in complaint after complaint of the national -<i>Cortes</i>, asking the king for their redress. Finally, Henry II issued a -law, confirmed by Juan I, that clergymen should contribute to the funds -applied on public works, and that lands which had been tributary should -continue to pay taxes after their acquisition by the church. These laws -seem not to have been complied with, for the complaints were renewed in -later meetings of the <i>Cortes</i>; it was charged that the clergymen -excommunicated the tax collectors. On the other hand the right of the -church to collect the <i>diezmo</i>, or tithe (not precisely a tenth), of the -produce of lands not their own, a right which had already existed in -some jurisdictions, became general. The king profited by this -arrangement, since a portion called the royal thirds (<i>tercias -reales</i>)<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> went to him for expenditure for public charities or pious -works, such as the building of churches, although the kings did not -always so employ it.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance of the middle class.</div> - -<p>The same causes which had conduced to the development of the middle -class in the preceding era were accentuated to procure a corresponding -advance in this,—such as the increase in population, the growth of -industry, commerce, and agriculture, the freedom of the servile classes, -the prominence of the jurisconsults and secondary nobility, or<a name="page_141" id="page_141"></a> -<i>caballeros</i> (proceeding usually from the towns, and living there allied -with the middle class against the greater nobles), and the great -political importance which the towns acquired. The basis of the middle -class was the town, partisan of the centralizing, absolutist tendency of -the kings so far as it related to the nobles and clergy, but strenuously -insistent on the retention of its own local charter. The middle class -had control of production and was the nerve of the state, but was -virtually the only element to pay taxes, despite the fact that the great -bulk of territorial wealth was in the hands of the nobility and the -church. The term “middle class” began to refer more and more clearly to -the wealthier, free, but untitled element, for the laboring class became -more prominent in the towns, sharing in the charter privileges of their -richer neighbors, but with certain limitations on their economic -liberty. There was no social conflict of consequence between the two -classes, however, for the laborers were not yet very numerous, and the -evils of their situation were not so great as they later became, besides -which, self-interest united them with the middle class against the -nobles and clergy. Such strife as there was between them was of a -political, and not of a social, character. The so-called popular element -of the <i>Cortes</i> represented the middle class only. The practice of -forming leagues (<i>hermandades</i>) of towns and <i>caballeros</i> against the -abuses of the higher nobility was much indulged in, for it was not safe -to rely solely on the king. The victory in the end lay with the towns, -although they were far from obtaining their specific aims at this time. -Nevertheless, the fourteenth century was characterized by the -transformation of society from its earlier basis of chivalry and war, -when the scene had been laid in the castles of the country, to the -bourgeois life of the towns, devoted to industry and commerce.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Improved basis of rural society.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Slavery.</div> - -<p>The rural servile classes, which had all but won complete personal -liberty in the preceding period, attained both that and nearly complete -economic liberty at this time. Thus the ordinance of Valladolid, in -1325, prohibited the lords from retaining either the realty or the -personalty of any man who should move from seigniorial to royal lands, -preserving<a name="page_142" id="page_142"></a> the owner’s right to cultivate or sell his lands, and to -make any use he saw fit of his personal effects. The ordinance of -Alcalá, of 1348, took a step backward, limiting the owner’s freedom of -sale, lest the lands fall into privileged, non-taxpaying hands, and -requiring him to keep somebody on the land, so that there might always -be a taxpayer there. Finally, the ideal of the ordinance of Valladolid -prevailed. At the same time, the old servile relation whereby the lord -procured the cultivation of his own lands changed to one of landlord and -tenant, based on the payment of a stipulated rent. The fact that there -were no social struggles in Castile in the fourteenth and fifteenth -centuries is evidence of the comparatively satisfactory condition of the -rural classes. Naturally, there were abuses of an extra-legal character -by the nobles, such as the forced loans exacted by them, the compulsory -marriages of rich widows to members of a lord’s following, and outright -robbery, but the real interests of the lords called for them to use -conciliatory measures to attract population, and some of them at least -did follow that policy. Personal slavery still continued, but the number -of slaves was very greatly diminished and gradually got smaller,—a -tendency which was favored by the laws.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Treatment of the Mudéjares.</div> - -<p>The free Mudéjares continued to receive lenient treatment, and their -numbers increased greatly; many of the Moslem faith preferred to leave -Granada and live in Christian Castile. The legislation of Alfonso X put -them under the royal protection and allowed them to have their own -courts and their own law. They were permitted to retain the mosques they -already had, but were forbidden to build new ones; they could not -worship in public in places settled chiefly by Christians, but otherwise -no objection was made; the obligations of former times as regards -taxation, mode of dress, and dealings with Christians were also -retained; and the gathering of Mudéjares into the cities, despite the -greater number of restrictions imposed upon them, went on, caused by the -abuses of an unofficial character to which they were subjected at the -hands of the Christian population in the country. In later reigns the -restrictions were increased, but many of them were not enforced. In -fact, the Mudéjares<a name="page_143" id="page_143"></a> enjoyed greater prosperity in the last reign of the -era than at any other time of the period, being a wealthy and important -social element, represented at court even, and enjoying a number of -advantages which for a long time had been denied them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Harsh measures against the Jews.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Marranos.</div> - -<p>For a while the legal situation of the Jews was comparable to that of -the Mudéjares, but the Christian clergy was particularly vindictive -against the former, and popular sentiment was bitterly hostile to them, -due not only to the influence of the church, but also in part to hatred -of the Jewish tax collectors, and partly to the avarice awakened by the -wealth of the Jews (fabulously exaggerated as a rule). This enmity was -evidenced in more and more restrictive laws and in the open insults and -violence of the Christian populace. Popular feeling began to make itself -more rigorously felt from about the year 1391. In 1391 a great massacre -of the Jews took place in Seville, and this was a signal for similar -massacres in other parts of Spain. Shortly afterward the Jews lost their -separate law courts; they were forbidden among other things to engage in -commerce with Christians, to rent the taxes<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> or hold public -positions, to be artisans, to carry arms, or to have intimate relations -with Christians; and they were even compelled to listen to sermons -preached with a view to their conversion. These laws were not always -enforced, but the position of the Jews was far from equalling that of -the Mudéjares. Great numbers of them were converted, but it was -believed, probably with truth, that they continued to practise the -Jewish faith in secret. The converts were insulted by their Christian -brethren, even in the name “Marranos” (pigs) applied to them as a class. -They were also envied because of their industry and wealth, and were -accused of diabolical practices of which they were almost certainly not -guilty. In the last years of the reign of Henry IV the massacres of Jews -began to be extended to them as well as to the unconverted element.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Changes in the laws of marriage, the family, and property.</div> - -<p>Two forces combined to change the former type of family life: the Roman -civil law (of tremendous importance); and<a name="page_144" id="page_144"></a> the doctrines of the church, -which indeed in their judicial expression were influenced profoundly by -the Roman law. They were able to strike a death-blow at the marriage <i>á -yuras</i>; henceforth the law required the sanction of the church. -<i>Barraganía</i> still maintained a legal though restricted standing. Cases -of marriage and divorce were taken away from civil jurisdiction and -turned over to the ecclesiastical courts. As an illustration of the -individualistic tendencies springing from the influence of Roman -jurisprudence it may be noted that up to twenty-five years of age a -daughter had to have her father’s consent in order to contract marriage, -but could dispense with his permission after that time. The most -important reform in family life was the establishment of the rule of -primogeniture, a practice which rapidly became customary. The Roman law -was equally influential in its effects upon property. Whereas formerly -the wealth of Castile had been based on agriculture and stock-raising, -with the land concentrated in few hands and cultivated by serfs, now -urban lands and personalty, based on industry and commerce and adapted -to Roman principles, became the more important; and despite the -<i>latifundia</i> of the era a large part of the former seigniorial lands was -now given over in small lots to free proprietors protected by the law. -The Roman formalism appeared to some extent also in the law of property, -contract, and wills, especially in the legislation of Alfonso X.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Survivals of medieval collectivity.</div> - -<p>The collectivity of medieval times had a survival in the lands common of -the towns, and appeared also in the industrial guilds and the -semi-religious <i>cofradías</i>, or fraternities. The latter included various -classes of people organized into a group for the accomplishment of some -social object, such as to perform acts of charity or hold funerary -dinners, as well as to provide mutual aid; the law forbade associations -for political, immoral, or illegal purposes. The guilds were far more -important, and were greatly favored by the laws. At first they were -closely dependent on the municipalities, which intervened to regulate -the trades, even in technical respects, but at length the guilds began -to receive charters directly from the king. The new charters, too, in -keeping<a name="page_145" id="page_145"></a> with the practices of the era, were minute in their directions -with regard to the conduct of the various industries. By the fifteenth -century the guilds were paying little attention to the social matters -which formerly were their most important function,—these had passed -over to the <i>cofradías</i>,—and had become almost wholly economic and -professional, although their members marched together in processions, -and the guilds as a body rendered public service of one kind or -another,—as, for example, maintaining some public charity. They were -also a factor in the political life of the towns.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">General social customs.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dress.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Superstition.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sports.</div> - -<p>In general social customs, so far as they relate to the upper classes, -for the practices of the humbler elements are less well known, this era -was marked by great immorality, license in expression (even when -referring to matters of religion), luxury, a desire for honors and noble -rank (even to the point of falsely pretending to them), the mixture of -an appetite for knowledge with the pursuit of superstitions, and the -exaggerated practice of chivalric principles (professed more as an -affectation than with sincerity). The luxury of the times manifested -itself in the usual ways, and it is worthy of note that members of the -middle class were now able to vie with the nobles. Women painted and -powdered and used exaggerated effects in their dress, and men wore -high-heeled boots, employed various devices to correct the natural -defects of the body, and used perfumes. Foreign influences entered to -modify clothing so that it tended more to fit the body than before, with -a resulting abandonment of the flowing garments of earlier times. Men -often wore stockings of different colors, a feather in their hat, and a -much-adorned, variegated cape. Color, too, was equally prominent for its -diversity in women’s dress, but the dress itself allowed greater freedom -of movement than the earlier styles had done. Superstitions were -prevalent, from the alchemy and astrology of the learned, to the various -forms of divination and ancient practices—such, for example, as the -mass for the dead dedicated to living persons—of the common people. -Jousts and tourneys and attempts to imitate the warlike feats of the -heroes of fiction in such works as <i>Amadís de Gaula</i> (of which later)<a name="page_146" id="page_146"></a> -formed a part of the chivalric customs of the day. Bull-fighting was -clearly in existence by the time of Alfonso X, and thenceforth enjoyed -great popularity.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<p>In social and political institutions Aragon proper, Catalonia, and -Valencia still differed from one another sufficiently to merit separate -treatment. While in many ways their customs were like those of Castile -there were certain variations worthy of record.</p> - -<h3><i>Aragon proper</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Social differences in Aragon proper.</div> - -<p>Prior to the reign of Pedro IV the nobles increased their authority both -with respect to their rights over the lower classes and in the exercise -of political power, but if Pedro reduced their privileges in the latter -respect neither he nor his successors did anything to prepare the -emancipation of the servile classes. The nobles retained their social -privileges even to the extent of procuring a law in 1451 doing away with -the royal practice of granting titles of nobility of the lower grades. -Feudalism continued, though in a modified form, for if the nobles could -receive lands from the king and reissue them to vassals of their own -they were obliged to return them to the king whenever he should ask them -to do so, and were not allowed to build castles without his consent; -moreover, there were various other limitations on their former nearly -absolute sway. They collected taxes for themselves, and were exempt from -paying them to the royal treasury, but were under the necessity of -rendering military service when called upon. The clergy gained increased -social importance just as it did in Castile, and the middle class became -a prominent factor with the development of the towns, though far from -attaining to the high place of the same element in Castile. The towns -followed a divided policy, for those of the north were feudal in type -and allied with the nobility, while those of the south were more -democratic and royal. The condition of the servile classes was even -worse than before, and no serious attempt<a name="page_147" id="page_147"></a> was made either by them or -the <i>Cortes</i> to relieve their hard lot.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> The laws continued to -recognize the lord’s right to deal with them as he pleased, and even to -kill them, and lands were still sold with the men and women both -Christians and others who dwelt thereon. The history of the Jews and -Mudéjares followed the same course that it did in Castile. Not merely in -Aragon proper but in all the dominions of the crown the Jews were -subjected to exceedingly harsh treatment. The Mudéjares of both Aragon -and Valencia were protected by the kings and the nobles with a view to -keeping their lands occupied so that they might not fail to yield rents -and taxes, and in both regions the rural population was principally -Mudéjar. The Roman law exercised a powerful influence in Aragon as -elsewhere. Thus freedom of testament was introduced, and primogeniture -attained to a predominant place. The guilds did not advance to the point -reached in Castile, existing rather for purposes of mutual aid, and -lacking the technical regulations of the Castilian guilds.</p> - -<h3><i>Catalonia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Revolts of the serfs.</div> - -<p>There are two prime facts in the social history of Catalonia in this -period: the uprising of the serfs; and the outstanding importance of the -cities, especially Barcelona. The first marked the decline of the -nobility and the appearance of a new social factor; the second indicated -the direction which modern social organization was to take. Having lost -their political power the nobles concentrated their interest on getting -wealth out of their lands, especially through the tributes of their -serfs. In this respect they had the enormous advantage of possessing the -greater part of Catalan territory.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> The serfs were subject to a great -number of annoying personal services, and (in a typical case) to as many -as thirty different tributes, most of them in kind, besides the<a name="page_148" id="page_148"></a> -ordinary rental for the land. They had already won a right to redeem -themselves for money, and Juan I, Martín I, and María (the wife and -regent of Alfonso V), as well as many jurisconsults, made some more or -less ineffectual attempts to better their condition. The plagues which -swept Europe in the fourteenth century were a greater aid, since -laborers became scarce and therefore more desirable. By the time of -Alfonso V the serfs had become sufficiently emboldened to formulate -demands, on the threat of a general uprising. Alfonso accepted a sum of -money from them, granted what they asked, and then withdrew his promises -when the nobles also bribed him. The revolt was delayed, however, to the -year 1462 in the next reign, when it formed one of the complications in -the wars of Juan II against the deputation of Catalonia and the city of -Barcelona. Both sides sought the aid of the serfs, but Juan was able to -win them to his support, although their military operations were -directed primarily against their own lords. The peace of 1472 did not -solve the social question; so there was another uprising in 1475, and it -was still going on at Juan’s death, in 1479, being left for solution to -the reign of his son, Ferdinand.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Decline of the nobility.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Persecution of the Jews.</div> - -<p>As a result of these troubles the nobles declined even in social -prestige, for they had received very little in the way of tributes from -the serfs since the reign of Alfonso V, and had aggravated the situation -by their wars with one another or against the towns. Meanwhile, the -<i>caballeros</i> and others of the secondary nobility, natural enemies of -the great lords, had advanced in importance, and in the reign of Pedro -IV had won a right to law courts of their own, free from the -jurisdiction of nobles of the upper grades. On the other hand, the great -nobles continued to receive donations of land from the king, with more -or less complete jurisdiction, since the existing needs of the royal -treasury usually seemed greater than the ultimate evil of the grants; -often the kings gave away towns which they had previously pledged their -word never to alienate. It is to be noted that the mere ownership of -land did not entitle the lords to exercise civil and criminal -jurisdiction without a specific grant of those powers from the king. In -addition to the serfs and the kings,<a name="page_149" id="page_149"></a> the nobility had a third element -against it, the very powerful bourgeoisie, or middle class, which in -this period attained to the greatest splendor. The history of the -Mudéjares at this time was unimportant, for there were not many in -Catalonia. The Jews suffered as they did in Castile. The year 1391, -which witnessed the massacre in Seville, was marked by a similar event -in Barcelona, where the Jewish quarter completely disappeared. From that -time on, harsh measures were taken in Catalonia, and as a result the -Jews came to be regarded as sharing with slaves (of whom there were -still a considerable number) the lowest level in the social hierarchy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Catalan guilds.</div> - -<p>The modifications of family life arising from the influence of the Roman -law were as notable in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon. The guilds -were developed to a point even surpassing that of Castile. As early as -the fourteenth century they were already organizations for technical -objects related to their trade. Every trade had its guild, from the more -important associations of weavers, bakers, and the like, down to the -more humble blind beggars’ guilds.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Transition from medievalism to modernity in social customs.</div> - -<p>All that has been said of Castile as regards the immorality, luxury, -dress, superstition, and chivalric pursuits of the aristocracy and -middle class applies generally, not only to Catalonia, but also to -Aragon and Valencia. The nobles endeavored to emulate the king in -extravagances, with the result that many were ruined, and their attempts -to avoid paying their debts to the Jews were one cause of the massacres -of the latter. The luxury in dress brought in its train the development -of tailoring to such an extent that the Catalan modes were well-known -even in foreign countries. In many of the amusements of the -period,—dances, illuminations, pantomimes, processions, masquerades, -and others,—one sees the influence of Renaissance tastes, which were to -lead to modern civilization, although these same diversions were also -tainted with the rudeness of earlier times.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> In fine, the customs of -the period were made<a name="page_150" id="page_150"></a> up of a curious mixture of passing medievalism and -coming modernity. For example, while some seigniorial castles were -centres of luxury and entertainment, others retained the austere, -military customs of the past. Again, at the same time that there -appeared a veneer of literary and scientific culture, ideas as regards -sanitation, both public and private, were still rudimentary. Laws -continued to be passed forbidding people to wash clothes in public -fountains, to throw water and filth in the streets, and to loose pigs -therein, but they were not very generally obeyed. Even the public baths -which had existed formerly fell into disuse. Thus epidemics were -frequent, but aside from prayers and sequestration of cases not much was -done to check their progress.</p> - -<h3><i>Valencia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Victory of Catalan civilization in Valencia.</div> - -<p>The majority of the Christian settlers of Valencia were both bourgeois -and Catalan, while the nobles were mostly Aragonese. Down to the time of -Pedro IV, the latter exerted themselves to deprive the former of the -power which Jaime I had given them, and they were successful to the -point of sharing in administrative posts which had formerly been denied -them, and also procured the application of the Aragonese law in the -land. After their defeat by Pedro IV they declined rapidly, hastening -their fall by partisan quarrels among themselves. The history of the -Mudéjares and Jews followed the same course as in Aragon; here, as -elsewhere, the terrible year 1391 was a time of massacres of the Jews, -followed by increasingly harsh legislation. The influence of the Roman -law in modifying family institutions and the development of the guilds -proceeded on lines analogous to the same factors in Catalonia.<a name="page_151" id="page_151"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br /><br /> -<small>THE CASTILIAN STATE, 1252-1479</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">General character and importance of the era in political -institutions.</div> - -<p>I<small>N</small> the relations of the seigniorial elements and the monarchy this was a -critical period for the latter, deciding as a result of the virtual, -though not at the time apparent, victory of the kings that Castile was -to become a power in the world. For that very reason the evolution of -political institutions in this era was important, for on the development -of monarchy depended the conquest of America, but they were also -important because the institutions which were set up in the new world -had noteworthy antecedents at this time. Influenced largely by the -principles of the Roman law the kings aspired to absolute monarchy in a -centralized state, with a view to overcoming the social and political -strife resulting from the diffusion of power inherent in the seigniorial -system. Their most dangerous enemies were the nobles, whose spirit of -independence and self-esteem and whose vast wealth in lands and fighting -men made them a powerful factor in themselves. They were yet stronger -because the kings had to depend on them for military service since there -was no large standing army, and because they in a measure developed a -class consciousness in opposition to absolutism, becoming a nobility -rather than remaining a mere aggregation of nobles. While the -seigniorial ideal was not lacking in the towns, they were not nearly so -dangerous to the monarchy, because they were usually as hostile to the -nobility as the kings were. Often, however, they fought against the -kings, or exacted concessions for their services. The task for the -fulfilment of royal ideals was therefore a difficult one, requiring a -sagacious type of<a name="page_152" id="page_152"></a> monarch, such as in fact rarely appeared in the -period. Circumstances fought better than the kings, and nowhere does -this show forth more clearly than in a review of the political -institutions of the era.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Internal decline in the power of the nobles.</div> - -<p>The external vicissitudes of the strife between the nobles and the kings -have already been traced, and it would appear from them that the former -gained the upper hand. In fact, however, their cause was already -internally dead. One symptom of their approaching dissolution was the -change in the practices of the nobles whereby they became more and more -a court nobility, plotting in the shadow of the king (like the -chancellor López de Ayala) instead of being semi-independent potentates -on their own estates as formerly. Despite their class consciousness, -parties arose within their ranks with distinct ideals, apart from -personal ambition, dividing them against one another. Thus in Seville -the Guzmán faction represented conservatism, while the Ponces were -radical. Most important of all were the blows resulting from the social -and economic changes which deprived the nobles of their serfs and -created a new form of wealth in the hands of the middle class, an -element better fitted than the old nobility to acquire and develop the -new resources. The eagerness with which the nobles took up the practice -of primogeniture, leaving their estates nearly intact to their eldest -sons so that their house and their name might not be lost, showed that -they realized the force of the new order of things and were taking -thought for the future. In earlier times, when wealth was territorial -and serfs were numerous, the land-rich nobility had been secure, but -that day had passed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The absolutist ideal of Alfonso X.</div> - -<p>The great representative of absolutism was Alfonso X, not that he -invented the idea or was the first to attempt its achievement, but -because he formulated the program more clearly than any of his -predecessors, embodying it in his legislation, and because he received -the first shock in defence of these principles. He enacted that the -legislative, judicial, and military powers and the right to coin money -were fundamental, inalienable rights of the king, who could not give -them away for a period longer than his own life,<a name="page_153" id="page_153"></a> and declared that the -lords could not exercise any judicial or other sovereign powers on their -estates except those which had been granted to them by the king, or -which they had enjoyed by immemorial custom. His laws also prescribed -certain forms of etiquette which should be employed in treating with the -king, establishing the ceremonial which has always served as such a prop -for monarchy. The divine origin of royal power was asserted. -Independence of the Holy Roman Emperors was specifically proclaimed, but -a measure of subjection to the pope was admitted. The absolutism of -Alfonso X did not pretend, even in principle, that the king might -exercise arbitrary or tyrannical authority; Alfonso declared that the -king was bound to observe the law and deal justly with the people, -acting as their guardian and administrator, and granting them certain -rights to inspect his conduct. Those who wrongly possessed themselves of -the royal power, or made bad use of it, were declared to be tyrants and -not legitimate kings. The people, on the other hand, owed respect, -obedience, and loyalty to the legitimate king, and even a species of -guardianship to prevent his non-fulfilment of obligations. Alfonso X was -not able to sustain his principles in open conflict, but they remained -as the ideal of future kings, even though some of them were modified by -the legislation of later reigns; thus Alfonso XI declared that sovereign -rights might be acquired from the crown by prescription, except the -taxing power and high justice (or the hearing of cases on appeal), and -that the kings could alienate any of their sovereign powers except those -of high justice, coinage, and war.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Establishment of hereditary succession and development of -court officialdom.</div> - -<p>Two fundamental results of the centralizing, absolutist policy of the -kings were the final establishment of hereditary succession and the -development of consultive and other bodies about the king, the -forerunners of modern bureaucracy. The former has already been referred -to. Alfonso himself was the first to break his own law in this respect, -but after his reign the principle was definitely recognized. The pomp -and ceremonial of royalty increased the number of officials whose -principal functions were those of adding splendor to the court,—such, -for example, as the king<a name="page_154" id="page_154"></a>’s cup-bearer, butler, and chamberlain. Great -nobles also sent their sons to court to be educated under the protection -and with the favor of the king, and these young men formed a special -royal guard. In addition there began to be an infinity of servants, -notaries, doctors, and others occupying posts of a less ornamental -character. The most important novelty of the period was the development -of the <i>Consejo Real</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Consejo Real.</i></div> - -<p>The kings had long been surrounded by a body of nobles and prelates -called the <i>Consejo Real</i>, or Royal Council, which advised them in -matters of government, or sat as the <i>Cort</i>, or supreme court, in -appeals from lower jurisdictions, but its membership and functions had -not been very clearly established, for it dealt indiscriminately with -any subject upon which the king might want advice. One important reform -was the introduction of representatives of the popular element in this -body. Different kings, from Sancho IV on, decreed that a certain number -of the council should be “good men,”—or members of the untitled, -secular class,—although the practice did not become fixed. A law of -Juan I in 1385 provided that the council should be composed of twelve -men, of whom four should be plebeians. Two years later it was required -that the last-named should be <i>letrados</i>,—that is, men learned in the -law,—and shortly afterward they began to be called <i>oidores</i> (hearers -of cases). Juan II divided the council into two bodies, one of -government, the other of justice. It was not until the time of Ferdinand -and Isabella, however, that the <i>Consejo Real</i> acquired real stability.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The hierarchy of officialdom.</div> - -<p>There were important developments, too, in the general administrative -and judicial hierarchy, although with a mixture of the two functions. -The hierarchy of officialdom, from the lowest grade to the highest, with -especial regard to comparative judicial authority, ran from the -<i>alcaldes</i> of the towns through <i>merinos mayores</i> or the <i>adelantados</i>, -the <i>alcalde del rey</i> (royal <i>alcalde</i>) of the court, and the -<i>adelantado mayor</i> (or chief justice of Castile) to the king himself. In -some jurisdictions cases in first instance came before <i>alcaldes del -rey</i> (different from the above-named) with an<a name="page_155" id="page_155"></a> appeal to <i>merinos -menores</i><a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> and <i>merinos mayores</i>, or directly to the latter, and -thence upward. The <i>merinos menores</i> limited themselves to jurisdiction -in certain criminal cases. The <i>merinos mayores</i> were, like the -<i>adelantados</i>, governors of large districts as well as judges in cases -of appeal, for which latter purpose they were assisted by men acquainted -with the law. They took the place of many of the former <i>adelantados</i>. -The <i>adelantado mayor</i> also had administrative functions, as the -superior of the <i>merinos</i> and other officials below him. Alfonso X -employed the old term, <i>cort</i>, in the new and more restricted sense of a -royal judicial tribunal which acted for the king. In later reigns this -came to be known as the <i>chancillería</i> (chancery), or -<i>audiencia</i>,<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>—which latter name was eventually transmitted to the -Americas for bodies exercising similar functions.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Diversity of jurisdictions and tendencies toward -centralization.</div> - -<p>Despite appearances, uniformity and order in the administrative and -judicial organization were far from being completely established. Not -only was there a great variety of jurisdictions, but there was also a -great diversity in the law, for one region would differ radically from -another. The towns, nobles, clergy, universities, and the great -corporation of stock-raisers (the <i>Mesta</i>) all had officials of their -own and exemption from royal jurisdiction. At the same time, great -<i>hermandades</i>, or leagues of cities, were formed for the maintenance of -public security against highwaymen or other disturbing elements, since -royal activity in this regard left much to be desired, and these also -had their separate jurisdictions.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The current toward centralization<a name="page_156" id="page_156"></a> -was very strong, however, being aided by the education in the Roman law -of the <i>letrados</i>, whom the king employed as his officials (for these -men were pronouncedly monarchical in sentiment), and by the increase in -powers to which the <i>adelantados</i> and <i>merinos mayores</i> were attaining -at the expense of the semi-independent elements. The successors of -Alfonso X, especially Alfonso XI, furthered this policy of -centralization. Royal judges began to appear in the towns, either taking -the place of the formerly elected officials, or acting concurrently with -them, for the kings took advantage of one pretext or another to make an -opening for their own appointees. Another important reform was the -division of the <i>audiencia</i> into two sections, one of which remained in -Segovia, while the other went on circuit for brief periods in Andalusia. -Under Juan II there appeared in the <i>audiencia</i> the official known as -the <i>fiscal</i>, who at this time was a royal prosecuting attorney, but who -later was to become one of the most important all-round administrative -officials in Spanish and Spanish colonial government. As an example, -too, of the extension of royal jurisdiction may be mentioned the -so-called recourse of <i>fuerza</i> in cases of usurpation (by force,—hence -<i>fuerza</i>) of lands or jurisdiction by the clergy. The trial of these -cases was ordered to be held in the royal courts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Judicial procedure.</div> - -<p>Punishments for crime continued to be atrocious, and torture was still -employed, but only in the case of persons of bad reputation or when the -accused bore the evidences of crime. Privilege still obtained to modify -the punishment of the upper classes. A very notable reform was the -introduction of the <i>pesquisa</i>, or inquisitorial investigation, for the -bringing of an indictment, or accusation, of crime. Formerly the state -had intervened when one individual charged another with crime, a process -which resulted to the detriment of the weak, who would not dare to -accuse<a name="page_157" id="page_157"></a> the more powerful. The <i>pesquisa</i> not only introduced the grand -jury function of an accusation by the state, without necessarily -involving any individual accusers, but it also made crime partake more -of the nature of a public offence than of a mere infringement of -individual rights. The vulgar proofs, with one exception, were -abolished, and the importance of written documents and the testimony of -witnesses became more generally recognized. This also caused the rise of -the lawyers, who, after a lapse of centuries, began again to be a -noteworthy element in judicial affairs. The <i>riepto</i>, or duel, a special -form of the wager of battle, was the only one of the vulgar proofs to -remain in existence. This was a special privilege enjoyed only by those -of noble blood. The duel was hedged in by a number of rules, one of -which was that it must take place in the presence of the king. If the -challenger were killed, the innocence of his opponent was proclaimed, -but if the latter were killed, still protesting innocence, he was in -this case, too, declared guiltless. The challenger could win by -defeating his opponent without killing him, in which event the latter -was banished, and half of his goods were granted to the king.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The new system of taxation.</div> - -<p>Although the expenses of the state were greater than formerly, the -income was also greater. Many new forms of taxation were introduced: the -royal monopolies on salt and mines; the <i>alcabala</i>, or tax on sales, -which first became general in the reign of Alfonso XI; stamp taxes; and -the <i>consumo</i>, or tax on all merchandise entering the city. These taxes -fell upon goods or upon acts of individuals in connection with the state -(as distinguished from the king) differing radically from the services -of a feudal character, with a multitude of exceptions and privileges, -which had formerly been the basis of the public income. Owing to the -turbulence of the era and the excessive alienation of public wealth by -grants of the kings to the nobles, receipts did not equal the royal -needs, and resort was had frequently to loans, debasement of the -coinage, and arbitrary confiscations of property. Even under the new -system of taxation the nobles and clergy very rarely had to pay any of -the numerous taxes, and privileges and exemptions were granted, much<a name="page_158" id="page_158"></a> as -before. Nevertheless, the methods employed contained the germ of a sound -financial system, which was to develop in succeeding centuries. The -collection of taxes was rented out as formerly, being given in charge -usually of Mudéjares, Jews, or Marranos. Complaints against these -collectors were so insistent that at one time churchmen were substituted -for them,—without diminishing the complaints, for the fault lay in the -system. There were royal financial officials for receiving the funds and -examining accounts, but no organized treasury department was as yet -developed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The army and navy.</div> - -<p>The principal military fact of the era was the increase in the number of -troops sustained by the king, but in other respects there was no -fundamental difference from the preceding period. Technically there were -advances in the art of war,—such as the development of a greater -variety in the branches of the service and the introduction of -powder,—but except for cannon of not very great utility the use of -firearms did not become general. Complete armor came in with the white -companies. The royal navy, initiated by Ferdinand III, was continued -throughout the era, and this was a period of brilliant victories against -the Moslems in the Mediterranean and the English in the north; on one -occasion the Castilian admiral, Pero Niño, ravaged the English coast. No -results of note seem to have proceeded from these victories, however.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Greatness and decline of the towns in political authority.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance of the seigniorial towns.</div> - -<p>This was the most flourishing epoch in the history of the free Castilian -towns: their numbers and political importance increased; they received -new privileges; and they made their presence felt in national affairs -through their representatives in the <i>Cortes</i>. The most extreme example -of municipal independence was provided by the towns of the north coast, -which recognized the sovereignty of the Castilian king, but in fact -governed themselves, even intervening in foreign affairs through the -agency of their league. In the interior the towns were less independent -politically and administratively, and in the fourteenth century their -authority began to wane. The entry of royal judges into the towns has -already been mentioned. In administration the kings were also able at -length to exercise influence.<a name="page_159" id="page_159"></a> This came about as a result of a number -of political changes, such as the substitution of a life term in office -for one of a period of years, the usurpation by the <i>ayuntamiento</i> (or -body of municipal officials) of powers formerly exercised by the general -assembly, the limitation of the right to hold office to the <i>caballeros</i> -or to specified families, the disturbances at times of election, and the -corruption which occasionally manifested itself in municipal -administration. In the interests of internal peace the towns themselves -often sought intervention by the kings, who did not fail to profit by -the situation. Under Alfonso XI some towns began to be ruled by -officials appointed by the king, and that monarch also created the post -of <i>corregidor</i>,<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> a royal agent placed in many towns to watch the -course of local affairs and represent the king, acting with the local -<i>alcaldes</i>. The <i>corregidores</i> gradually acquired considerable -influence, thereby reducing the power of the popularly elected -officials. Internal municipal strife continued, but now the great -families fought, not for the favor of the electorate, but for that of -the king, since this had become the surer route to public office. The -greater towns or cities suffered through the breaking away of the -villages and rural districts which had formerly been subordinate to -them. These villages were desirous of local autonomy, because the -municipalities on which they depended were wont to exploit them or to -exclude them from a share in government. The kings granted their -petitions, thus weakening the greater towns, even if they did extend the -institution of chartered municipalities. It should be said, however, -that this decline of the towns, with the incidents accompanying it, was -not uniform, for a number of them still retained their earlier -liberties, including popular election, at the end of the period. In the -seigniorial towns, especially those under ecclesiastical domination, -there were frequent struggles with a view to reducing the lord’s -intervention in local affairs, and these ended almost everywhere<a name="page_160" id="page_160"></a> in a -victory for the towns, which won a right to name their own officers and -to possess much the same degree of liberty enjoyed by the royal towns. -Here, too, the kings intervened, not only through the practice of -judicial appeals to the royal courts, but also in other ways, even with -armed forces, in order to reduce the power of the lords. The victory of -the seigniorial towns lessened the power of the lords to an appreciable -extent; the struggles of the lords with the kings were thenceforth -maintained only through combinations of nobles, often with Mudéjar -levies, joined at times by some of the towns.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Great age of the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>.</div> - -<p>The institution which most clearly represented the different factors of -Castilian political life, but especially that of the municipalities, was -the <i>Cortes</i>, which grew in importance until the fifteenth century, when -it began to show signs of decline. The <i>Cortes</i> was hardly mentioned in -the legislation of Alfonso X, for it did not comport well with his -theories of absolutism, but the later kings paid it great consideration, -seeking the aid of the popular branch against seigniorial anarchy. Its -principal function continued to be economic, rather than legislative, -through the grants of subsidies by the representatives of the towns. -While these were not the only source of royal revenue they were so -urgently needed that the <i>Cortes</i> was able to procure legislation from -the kings in response to its petitions. The fourteenth century was -particularly rich in ordinances of the <i>Cortes</i>, especially those -arising from the meetings of 1329 (Madrid), 1348 (Alcalá), 1351 -(Valladolid), 1366 (Burgos), 1371 (Toro), 1373 (Toro), 1377 (Burgos), -1379 (Burgos), and 1380 (Soria). In most cases the kings did not put the -ordinances (which should rather be considered petitions) into effect, -wherefore many of them were repeated time and again,—such, for example, -as the legislation requested against the Jews, against the granting of -Castilian benefices by the pope, against the abuses of royal officials -and renters of taxes, and against the royal donations to the lords. In a -number of instances the <i>Cortes</i> got what it asked for, even in cases -affecting the king’s personal authority, such as a law in 1329 which -prohibited the issuing of royal letters, or orders,<a name="page_161" id="page_161"></a> in blank (whereby -the possessor of the letter might insert anybody’s name he chose,—a -practice which usually served to promote unjust ends, just as in the -case of the <i>lettres de cachet</i> in France prior to the French -Revolution), and another of 1348 extending the prohibition to letters -which the kings were in the habit of granting to individuals empowering -them to marry designated persons, with or without the latter’s consent. -The kings also accepted petitions of a more general character, such as -those asking that steps be taken for the suppression of banditry, the -specification of the powers of royal officers, the correction of various -abuses, the lowering of certain taxes, the regulation of disputes -between the stockmen and the farmers, and the reform of judicial -procedure. It was also affirmed several times,—in 1348, for -example,—that there could be no new tax without a grant of the -<i>Cortes</i>. The laws of Alfonso X insisted upon the king’s sole right to -legislate, however, and this principle was maintained by the later -kings, for despite the fact that a law of 1387 declared that the -ordinances of the <i>Cortes</i> were irrevocable, unless by the act of a -<i>Cortes</i> itself, the kings proceeded according to their own pleasure, -apparently regarding the concession of 1387 as purely theoretical. The -ordinances of the various <i>Cortes</i> appeared without method or plan, and -lacked the full force of law, but they demonstrated the enormous -activity of this body, and were in fact a basis for much legislation, -both at the time and in later years. In organization the <i>Cortes</i> -followed the general practices of the preceding era. Among the -comparatively few novelties may be mentioned a law of Juan II, fixing -the number of representatives from a town as two, and a law of 1351 -granting immunity from arrest to members of the <i>Cortes</i> while that body -was in session. Up to 1301 Castile and León had a separate <i>Cortes</i>, -although there were a number of joint meetings before that date. After -1301 there was but a single <i>Cortes</i> for the entire kingdom.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Diversity in the laws and tendencies toward unification.</div> - -<p>Not only in the ordinances of the <i>Cortes</i>, but also in the general laws -of the king without intervention of the <i>Cortes</i>, in grants of municipal -charters, and in the innumerable private grants (often modifying the -general law) this period<a name="page_162" id="page_162"></a> was exceedingly rich in legislation. The fame -of the laws of Alfonso X and of Alfonso XI has obscured the legislation -of other reigns, but the output of the other kings was great in -quantity, if less in importance than that of the two Alfonsos. Diversity -was still a leading characteristic of the legislation. For example, from -Alfonso X to 1299 at least 127 local charters were granted; in the -fourteenth century at least 94; and in the fifteenth, at least 5, -although many were reproductions or slight modifications of certain -typical charters. The <i>Fuero Juzgo</i> continued to be the general law, but -there was very little of it which was not contradicted or changed by -other legislation. A tendency toward unification of the laws manifested -itself in many ways, however. Alfonso X issued a municipal charter in -1254, variously named, but usually called the <i>Fuero Real</i> (Royal -Charter), which was a new model, more complete and systematic than those -which had preceded it, but based on those already in existence and on -the <i>Fuero Juzgo</i>, preserving the Visigothic and early Leonese and -Castilian principles of law. The <i>Fuero Real</i> was adopted as -supplementary law for use in cases of appeal to the royal courts, but -was also granted as the local charter of a great many towns, being the -most extensively used of the typical charters, although by no means in a -majority of the municipalities. To bring about unification at one stroke -it is believed that Ferdinand III and Alfonso X projected a code to -apply in all the land. Ferdinand is said to have begun the drawing up of -the <i>Setenario</i> (or Septenary, so-called because it was to be in seven -parts), which was completed by Alfonso after the former’s death. This -code, if such it may be called, was never promulgated, and may rather -have been intended as an encyclopedia of law. A similar compilation of -the reign of Alfonso X was the <i>Espéculo</i> (or <i>Espejo</i>) <i>de todos los -derechos</i> (mirror of all the laws), but it, too, never became law, -although used as a reference book by jurisconsults. Yet another such -compilation appeared in this reign, the famous <i>Leyes de las siete -partidas</i> (laws of the seven parts), or simply the <i>Partidas</i>, and this -was to attain to a very different lot from the others just named.<a name="page_163" id="page_163"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The code of the <i>Siete Partidas</i> and the revival of Roman -principles.</div> - -<p>The <i>Partidas</i> was the work of a number of jurisconsults under the -inspection, and with more or less intervention, of Alfonso himself; -these men began work in 1256 and finished it in 1265. Some of the laws -and customs of Castile,—for example, the <i>Fuero Juzgo</i> and the <i>Fuero -Real</i>,—were used as sources, but the preponderant influences were those -of the canon law and the codes of the Roman emperor Justinian,—so much -so that the <i>Partidas</i> amounted to an encyclopedia of these two sources -of law, both of which were Roman in origin and very different from the -customs, Visigothic and otherwise, at that time prevailing in Castile. -Whether Alfonso intended that the <i>Partidas</i> should become the general -law, or merely that it should serve as an encyclopedia, it was not -promulgated in his day, and there were many later laws directly -contradicting it. Nevertheless, it constantly gained ground, favored -especially by lawyers and university men (both of which elements were -strong partisans of the Roman law), being used as a book of reference -and as a text-book. Finally the current in its favor became so strong -that so far as it was not inconsistent with certain specified -compilations it was declared to be law in the reign of Alfonso XI by the -important ordinance of the <i>Cortes</i> of Alcalá (1348). This set forth -that the decisions of that <i>Cortes</i> should be the principal fountain of -Castilian law, followed in order of precedence by the <i>Fuero Real</i>, the -other municipal charters, and finally by way of supplement by the -<i>Partidas</i>, which was not to be enforced in such parts as it -contradicted the privileges of the nobility, for these also were -confirmed. Despite this lowly position of the <i>Partidas</i> and despite the -vast quantity of later laws which took precedence of the above-mentioned -hierarchy of sources, the ultimate victory of Alfonso’s code was assured -from the time of its official promulgation. Without any statute to that -effect it gradually became recognized, not as a mere supplementary -source, but as the principal law of the land. Reformations of its text -were undertaken to make it conform with the necessities of later times, -but in substance the ideas of the original remained.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Leading factors in ecclesiastical history.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Papal intervention in the Castilian church.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Wealth of the church.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Pilgrimages.</div> - -<p>Next to the state the church was the most powerful and<a name="page_164" id="page_164"></a> influential -factor in Castile. This period was one of serious internal disturbance -in the Castilian church and of relaxation in discipline. Despite the -efforts of the popes and some Castilian prelates, the practice of -<i>barraganía</i> continued. There also occurred such incidents as -competitions in beauty between the nuns of Seville and Toledo, such -instances of lack of discipline as the armed resistance of the dean of -Sigüenza to the pope’s appointee as bishop, such turbulent intervention -in politics as that of the bishops of Seville and Toledo in the time of -Henry IV, and such cases of strife and violence as the attack of the -monks of Melón on those of Armenteira, and that of the bishop of -Mondoñedo on the Cistercians of Meyra. The disorder was enhanced owing -to the appearance of the Great Schism in the church at large, in which -Spanish countries were particularly interested, since several of the -popes and anti-popes were of Spanish blood. On the other hand, the popes -intervened more than ever in the affairs of the Castilian church. The -ideas of Gregory VII of the supremacy of the papacy over temporal rulers -did not fail to produce results in Castile. In the <i>Partidas</i> of the -absolutist Alfonso X it was recognized that one legitimate way of -acquiring the crown was by a grant of the pope, and that the latter -might also absolve Castilian subjects from obedience to the king in -certain cases. The election of bishops, normally the act of the -cathedral canons, provoked many disputes between the kings and the -popes, for the latter frequently intervened to impose their candidate, -or even to make direct appointments, while the former claimed that no -election was valid until it had their approval. One of the most -unpopular practices of the popes was the appointment of foreigners to -Castilian benefices, and frequent protests were made against it, but -usually without avail. Although the popes got rather the better of the -dispute over appointments to bishoprics, the kings manifested their -prerogative in other respects, as by banishing prelates who worked -against royal interests, by prohibiting the publication of papal bulls -which might do harm to the state, and by employing the already mentioned -process of recourse of <i>fuerza</i> in cases of ecclesiastical usurpations<a name="page_165" id="page_165"></a> -of jurisdiction. The <i>Partidas</i> named certain cases where clergymen lost -their right of resort to ecclesiastical courts,—for example, suits -between clerical and lay individuals over lands and inheritances. Even -Alfonso XI, who (though somewhat immoral in private life) was very pious -and notably generous with churches and monasteries, was very strict in -guarding the rights of the state against the intrusions of the church. -On the other hand, he confirmed the jurisdiction of the church courts in -spiritual and related matters, including such cases as those arising out -of church taxation, marriage, births, divorce, adultery, usury, and -robbery in a sacred place, as well as those of a more purely religious -or ecclesiastical character. The wealth of the church in lands increased -greatly, both as a result of royal donations, and through the gifts of -individuals, especially in the fourteenth century when the terror of the -plagues which were sweeping Europe caused many to seek divine favor -through benefactions to the church. There were a number of protests in -the <i>Cortes</i>, especially in the case of the monasteries. The objections -were based on social and financial, rather than anti-clerical, grounds, -since the accumulation of landed wealth in the hands of the church -tended to reduce the agricultural classes to a perpetual condition of -mere usufruct or rental of lands, and resulted in vast tracts remaining -uncultivated. Furthermore, these lands as a rule became exempted from -taxation. The <i>Partidas</i> recognized the right of the church to receive -such gifts, and no effectual steps were taken to check them. It may be -mentioned here that this was the golden age of pilgrimages to holy -places, due to religious devotion, or in fulfilment of vows, or from -pure love of travel and adventure. Naturally, Santiago de Compostela was -the chief objective of pilgrims in Spain, and to that place went not -only Spaniards but also many thousands of persons from all parts of -western Europe.<a name="page_166" id="page_166"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br /><br /> -<small>THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479</small></h2> - -<h3><i>Aragon proper</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Victory of the royal authority in Aragon proper.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> struggle of the kings against the seigniorial elements of Aragon and -Valencia (in furtherance of their policy of absolutism and -centralization) has already been traced up to the point where royalty -gained the upper hand in the reign of Pedro IV. One result of Pedro’s -victory was the reduction of the power of the <i>Justicia</i>, no longer a -creature of the nobility (to mediate between them and the king) but a -royal appointee, exercising strictly judicial powers as chief justice of -the realm. Even in this respect his authority was limited by the -founding of a tribunal to accompany the king. Attempts continued to be -made to establish the independence of the <i>Justicia</i>, and the <i>Cortes</i> -declared him irremovable, but the kings compelled their appointees to -give them a letter of resignation, with the date left blank, or -disregarded the prohibition of the <i>Cortes</i> altogether, deposing a -<i>Justicia</i> if it suited them to do so. Pedro IV enacted that no person -of higher rank than that of <i>caballero</i> should be governor in Aragon, -thus removing another factor which had formerly contributed to civil -strife. Aside from the abolition of the Privilege of the Union and the -reforms just mentioned (together with others of lesser note), the kings -did not modify the political organization of Aragon, but became in fact -the principal element in the state, working their will even to the point -of acts at variance with the laws. Great diversity in charter rights and -jurisdictions continued to exist, although a number of general -compilations of legislation like those in Castile were made. These -became supplements<a name="page_167" id="page_167"></a> to the already-mentioned code of Jaime I.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Other -volumes were prepared of the customs of the realm, and the agreements of -the <i>Cortes</i> were also an important legislative source. The abolition of -torture and of the vulgar proofs may be mentioned among the reforms in -judicial procedure. The nobles remained almost wholly exempt from -taxation, even with respect to the lands which they might acquire in -royal territory.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relations of church and state in Aragon.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Benedict XIII.</div> - -<p>The relations of the state and church in Aragon were more acute than in -Castile, because of the consequences of Pedro II’s act of vassalage and -the wars in Italy, and because of the Great Schism, in which Aragon -played a leading part, since one of the anti-popes, Benedict XIII, an -Aragonese, fixed his court in Aragon for a time, causing a divided -allegiance of the clergy. The matter of the election of bishops was -settled early in favor of the popes when Jaime II enacted that the pope -himself should appoint them. This occasioned a number of disagreeable -results, especially at the time of the schism, when there were two or -more popes. Some appointments were manifestly improper. Clement V -appointed his nephew, a mere boy at the time, as archbishop of -Saragossa, and even Benedict XIII, though a man of the highest -character, made a similar appointment to the archbishopric of Toledo. In -other respects the kings often insisted on the rights of the state, and -intervened in matters of an ecclesiastical character. Alfonso V was the -first Aragonese ruler to pronounce for the retention of papal bulls when -their publication was against the interests of the monarchy, availing -himself of the <i>pase regio</i> (royal permit), on which the kings based -their claims to prevent documents which displeased them from being put -into effect or even from reaching their intended destination. Pedro de -Luna had for a long time been influential in Spain before he became Pope -Benedict XIII; he it was who persuaded Juan I of Castile and Juan I of -Aragon to recognize Clement VII<a name="page_168" id="page_168"></a> of Avignon instead of the pope at Rome. -He himself succeeded Clement VII, and because of his upright character, -piety, intellectual capacity, and Spanish blood received the adhesion of -most of the peninsula prelates. It was largely through his support that -Ferdinand of Antequera was crowned king of Aragon instead of Jaime of -Urgel. When a general church council was called to elect a pope to -replace the three then in power, Benedict XIII alone of the three -refused to abdicate. Ferdinand, who for a time endeavored to support -him, felt obliged at last to deny him obedience. Benedict maintained -himself in the fortress of Peñíscola until 1422 or 1423, when he -died,—almost certainly poisoned by a friar. His cardinals elected Gil -Muñoz, a canon of Barcelona, but in 1429 Muñoz renounced the title and -the schism ended.</p> - -<h3><i>Catalonia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of the Catalan towns.</div> - -<p>The most marked feature in the political life of Catalonia in this -period was the rise of the towns, and especially the vast power -exercised by the city of Barcelona. The towns became veritable lords, -buying jurisdictions, privileges, immunities, castles, and lesser towns -from the king, just as the nobles were in the habit of doing. Important -cities got to be protectors of villages and towns, granting the right of -<i>carreratge</i>, which entitled them to be considered a street of the city. -As a rule the kings favored this increase in the power of the -municipalities, and the latter might have made themselves an -irresistible force, had it not been for their internal party strife, and -for the armed struggles of rival cities. There began to be a certain -uniformity in the organization of royal towns in the thirteenth century, -and in the fourteenth it became more marked under the influence of the -centralizing policy of Pedro IV. The general assembly was the basis of -government at first, but its place was taken later by a council elected -from the wealthy citizens; at times, the officials themselves were the -only ones to vote, and they too chose the representatives to the -<i>Cortes</i>. This aristocratic form of government did not please the -kings,<a name="page_169" id="page_169"></a> since it tended to create a force which would be hostile to them -and led to social strife in the municipalities, wherefore matters were -adjusted at the close of the fourteenth century by the entry of the -popular element into the council. Just as in Castile, the nobles and -churchmen were forced to grant privileges to their towns almost equal to -those enjoyed by the royal municipalities, in order to retain the -people. They still collected certain taxes, exercised judicial powers, -and appointed some officials, but the greater part of local -administration was in the hands of the towns themselves, which developed -along lines similar to those of the royal towns.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Greatness of the city of Barcelona.</div> - -<p>The most accentuated representation of municipal life was to be found in -the city of Barcelona. The administrative organization of the preceding -era did not change fundamentally, but the power and privileges of the -city increased greatly, due to the concessions of the kings. The council -of five was at first composed only of <i>honrats</i>, or members of the -bourgeois aristocracy, but by the year 1455 only two were of this class, -a third was a merchant, a fourth an artist, and a fifth an artisan. The -classes of lower grade than the <i>honrats</i> were admitted to the <i>Consell</i> -in 1387, and by the end of the period the popular element had become -preponderant. The five councillors, though subject to the <i>Consell</i>, -formed an administrative commission for the government of the city. It -was also their privilege to advise the king, something which they -frequently did, and they were charged with the duty of maintaining the -charter rights of the city, a matter to which they attended most -zealously, even to the point of war with the king. Through purchase, -annexation, royal donations, and the extensive application of the -institution of <i>carreratge</i> Barcelona acquired a great part of Catalonia -and other portions of the realm; the possession of Elche and other towns -in Valencian territory illustrates the far-reaching authority of the -great Catalan city. The subject towns had a right to protection and to -the privileges and exemptions of Barcelona, in return for which the -latter had more or less complete control of the administration of -justice, was supposed to have their coöperation in matters<a name="page_170" id="page_170"></a> of general -interest, and was entitled to contributions of soldiers and the payment -of certain tributes. The vast power of Barcelona was not always -exercised for the best interests of the state, as in the case of the -blow inflicted on the commerce of Valencia, through the influence of -Barcelona, whereby no merchandise was allowed to be shipped from that -port in foreign vessels. At times, the governing authorities of -Barcelona equalled, or even exceeded, the power of the deputation of the -<i>Cortes</i> of Catalonia, and sustained disputes with it. On the other -hand, Barcelona repeatedly intervened in the struggles of <i>caballeros</i>, -towns, and social classes to impose peace. The authority of the city was -reflected in the pride of its aristocracy, the <i>honrats</i>. They enjoyed -the right of <i>riepto</i>, or duel, the same as members of the nobility, and -vigorously protested against measures which seemed to place them on a -lower level than any other class of society,—for example, when the -order of St. John proposed to admit only the descendants of nobles. -Anybody might become an <i>honrat</i> if he combined certain prerequisites, -such as wealth, with an election by the council.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Struggle between absolutism and seigniorial society in -Catalonia.</div> - -<p>The same struggle of absolutism against the seigniorial elements -appeared in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon, although the monarchy -was more consistently victorious there than elsewhere. The nobles -opposed the kings, though somewhat weakly, for they were more concerned -with the social problems of the era. The cities and towns, especially -Barcelona, also constituted a feudal element which was not always in -accord with the king. Although during most of the era there was no armed -conflict between these forces, there were a number of symptoms of -discontent which at length broke forth in the civil wars of the reign of -Juan II. Some of the causes of dissatisfaction were the following: the -belief that their Castilian sovereign, Ferdinand I, and his successors -had an exaggerated ideal of absolutism; the employment of foreigners in -public offices, especially Castilians, by the same monarchs,—a -demonstration also of the lack of Spanish national feeling; and the -absence of Alfonso V in Italy and his expensive wars there, although the -Catalans were as a rule partisans of the policy of Mediterranean<a name="page_171" id="page_171"></a> -expansion. Fundamentally, however, the strife at the end of this period -was a conflict between centralized absolute monarchy and -decentralization based on charter rights. Neither Juan II nor his -predecessors varied the charters or the political organization of the -principality, but nevertheless the blow was struck, and the downfall of -the sovereign rights of the lords and towns was already at hand.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Catalan <i>Cortes</i>.</div> - -<p>The <i>Cortes</i> continued to meet separately from that of Aragon and to be -chiefly important for its grant or refusal of taxes. The third estate -(representatives of the towns) endeavored to establish its right to -participate with the king in legislation, but the latter made laws -independently of the <i>Cortes</i> as before. When the <i>Cortes</i> was not in -session, it was represented by the general deputation, or <i>Generalitat</i>, -usually made up of three members, or one for each branch of the -<i>Cortes</i>. In addition to keeping watch to see that the laws were -strictly observed, the deputation had certain police powers, including -the defence of the principality, and other less notable administrative -functions. The general <i>Cortes</i> of the entire realm held occasional -meetings, as did also a new <i>Cortes</i> for the Mediterranean possessions -of the kingdom (Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Legislation in Catalonia.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Administration in general.</div> - -<p>Legislation was characterized by the variety of jurisdictions of former -years, but the number of grants of new municipal charters diminished -greatly, and the general decrees of the kings increased. If this -manifested a tendency toward unity, the citation of the principles of -the Roman law did so even more. This had already proved influential in -the preceding era, but it did not establish itself securely until the -fifteenth century. There was a strong sentiment in its favor in -Catalonia, and Pedro IV ordered its study and its use in cases at law. -Finally it was established in the <i>Cortes</i> of 1409 that the Roman and -canon law might be cited as supplementary law after certain other -specified legal sources. Like the adoption of the <i>Partidas</i> in Castile -(in 1348) this meant an ultimate, complete victory for the Roman -principles. In most other respects the administration of justice in -Catalonia followed the course already described for<a name="page_172" id="page_172"></a> Castile. In -financial history the only features worthy of note were the development -of a system of taxation by the deputation of Catalonia, whereby it met -its own expenses and provided funds for the grants to the king, and the -growth of a system of municipal finance in Barcelona on a scale in -keeping with its extensive power. In both military and naval affairs the -authority of the deputation was the most striking element. This body -merely loaned the army and navy to the king, specifying the cases when -the loan was allowable. The principal military force was that of the -municipal militia, although the seigniorial levies still formed part of -the army. In addition to the flotilla of the deputation there were the -navies of the king, of the corporation of merchants of the city of -Barcelona, and of private individuals or towns. The most persistent -enemies in the Mediterranean were pirates, both the Moslems of northern -Africa, and the Christians from Majorca, southern France, Italy, and -Catalonia itself. Towers were built and a messenger service developed to -advise of the presence of pirates, but the evil was not eliminated.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Power of the great prelates.</div> - -<p>The general relaxation in the customs and discipline of churchmen -already mentioned in the case of Castile and the course of -ecclesiastical history described for Aragon apply equally to the church -of Catalonia. The most noteworthy characteristic in the relations of the -church and state was the continuation of the feudal authority of the -more powerful prelates. Principal among them were the bishops of Gerona, -whose dominions and wealth in personalty were greatly increased in this -period. As they were virtual monarchs on their lands, they were able to -challenge the authority of neighboring nobles or of the kings -themselves, and they oppressed the people. Their scant respect for the -royal power was often displayed; on one occasion they compelled two of -the highest officials of the kingdom to walk through the streets of -Gerona in the garb of criminals, submitting all the while to a beating, -and made them ascend the long stairway fronting the cathedral on their -knees, wearing only a shirt, and carrying a candle. Several of the -bishops were banished, and even the nobles joined the<a name="page_173" id="page_173"></a> kings against the -ecclesiastical lords. The Franciscans and Dominicans opposed the bishops -and abbots, but although they had popular sympathy in their favor they -did not have an equal political influence, since they were not -represented in the <i>Cortes</i>. The power of the great churchmen was not -materially diminished, but the last bishop of Gerona in the era was a -strong partisan of the king.</p> - -<h3><i>Valencia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Distinctive features in Valencian political life.</div> - -<p>In some parts of Valencia the law of Aragon applied, but the usual rule, -especially after the victory of Pedro IV, was the jurisdiction of the -laws, or <i>furs</i>, granted by Jaime I, added to, or modified by, the -grants of different kings and the ordinances of the <i>Cortes</i>. The law of -Barcelona applied in a number of towns which were joined to that city by -the institution of <i>carreratge</i>. In general administration the practices -were much the same as those mentioned for Castile. The extreme harshness -of judicial punishments, possibly surpassing other regions, may be -noted. The death penalty was habitually given, and various cruel methods -of execution were employed. A sentence of imprisonment was rarely -inflicted. The greatness of the city of Valencia was almost as -noteworthy in this part of Spain as that of Barcelona in Catalonia. -Valencia put itself at the head of the Union which fought Pedro IV, only -to go down in defeat.<a name="page_174" id="page_174"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br /><br /> -<small>ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479</small></h2> - -<h3><i>Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">General factors of Castilian economic life.</div> - -<p>A <small>CONTINUATION</small> in this era of the factors which had tended in the -preceding period to develop material resources brought about progress in -agriculture, stock-raising, mining, industry, and commerce, although it -was not great enough to cause general economic prosperity. The -stock-raisers, as before, received more favors than their rivals, the -farmers, and it was at this time that the powerful corporation of -sheepmen, the <i>Mesta</i>, was formed. Alfonso X granted charters to various -of these corporations, entitling them to elect <i>alcaldes</i> with special -jurisdiction in the affairs of the <i>Mesta</i> and its disputes with the -farmers. The different organizations were united in the reign of Alfonso -XI to form a single Castilian <i>Mesta</i>, a body which possessed immense -power. Gold, silver, quicksilver, and lead mines were worked to some -extent; these, with salt mines and fisheries, constituted a royal -monopoly, but were exploited by private individuals who paid rent to the -kings. The advance in industry was particularly marked. Santiago de -Compostela no longer enjoyed a unique position as a manufacturing -centre, for every important town now had its industries devoted to -supplying the needs of daily life and the exigencies of a growing -artistic refinement, as evidenced by the wealth in jewelry, arms, -architecture and its appurtenances, furniture, rich embroideries, and -other articles far superior in quality and quantity to those of the -preceding era. The towns conquered from the Moslems, especially the city -of Seville, were particularly<a name="page_175" id="page_175"></a> noteworthy for their industrial life. -Among the principal commercial outlets for Castilian products were the -ports of the Basque provinces; their exports seem to have been chiefly -raw materials, but there were also such items as cloth, wine, oil, and -sugar. It is probable, however, that most of the manufacturing done in -the Castilian towns was for the consumption of the towns themselves and -a very limited neighboring area. Distribution within Castile was not -well developed, for many of the same (or similar) products as those -exported were also imported. Industry and commerce were very largely in -the hands of foreigners, Jews, and Mudéjares.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Legislative helps and hindrances to economic progress.</div> - -<p>Legislation showed the double tendency of encouraging economic -development and of checking it by laws looking to the temporary needs of -the royal treasury. The <i>Partidas</i> urged the cultivation of the soil, -the building of bridges and repair of roads, the prevention of frauds in -customs houses, and the exemption of certain imports from the payment of -duty when they seemed likely to aid in material progress,—such as -farming utensils when destined for use by the importer himself and not -intended for resale. Commercial treaties with foreign countries began to -be made in the fourteenth century, although often by merely a portion of -the kingdom, particularly the north coast ports; thus there were -treaties of 1351 and 1366 with England. On the other hand there were the -royal monopolies, the <i>alcabala</i>, and the rigid maintenance of customs -duties,—for the exemptions, after all, were few in number. Not only was -there the obstacle of different state boundaries, but also there were -the duties collected by many, if not most, of the towns. No distinction -was made as to the source of goods, and those of Castile paid equally -with foreign products. Another hindrance to economic advance was the -well-intentioned, but mistaken, policy of excessive governmental -regulation of the industries. Both the state and the guilds themselves -made laws fixing wages, the hours of labor, prices, methods of contract, -amount of interest, and even the way in which goods should be made. -These regulations were not uniform for all Castile, but varied according -to the special circumstances<a name="page_176" id="page_176"></a> of the different regions. The -municipalities also intervened to fix prices for goods of prime -necessity or of general use. At times they granted an exclusive right of -sale, or established municipal shops.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress in commerce.</div> - -<p>To facilitate commerce fairs and general markets were greatly resorted -to, being established by law, or, if already in existence, favored by -grants of new privileges. The insecurity of the roads and the civil wars -prevented the royal grants from having their full effect, and other -circumstances, such as the popular attacks on Jewish districts, the -variety and uncertainty of coins and of weights and measures, the -debasement of the coinage by the kings, and the prevalence of -counterfeiting (despite the penalty imposed,—burning to death), tended -to interfere with commerce. Nevertheless, notable progress was made. -Bills of exchange first appeared in this era. Foreign merchants visited -Castile, and Castilians went abroad, especially to England and Flanders; -there were Castilian consuls in Bruges. The Jews figured prominently in -foreign trade, as money changers and makers of loans, while their -international relations due to the solidarity of their race enabled them -to act as bankers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Public works.</div> - -<p>Something, though little, was done to assist in economic betterment by -the building of public works. The lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, -resisted many of these projects, notably the building of bridges, since -it deprived them of the tolls which they were in the habit of collecting -for ferrying goods, animals, and persons across the rivers. Men -travelled on horseback, or on a litter, and goods were carried by -pack-animals or carts, although the latter could rarely be used because -of the bad condition of the roads. Measures to improve the highways were -frequently taken, however. The greater part of the revenues devoted to -public works was still applied to the building or repair of -fortifications.</p> - -<h3><i>Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic factors in the kingdom of Aragon, especially in -Catalonia.</div> - -<p>The economic history of this region, based on the natural differences of -the three principal sections, followed much the same lines as before, -but the principal note was the all-round<a name="page_177" id="page_177"></a> development in Catalonia. -Grain in that region was scarce, on which account large quantities were -imported from Aragon and from foreign countries, but some other -agricultural products, such as rice, grapes, and olives, were cultivated -with success. Stock-raising was also a prominent occupation. The most -important source of Catalan wealth continued to be in manufacturing, -especially in Barcelona. A great variety of cloths and fabrics was made, -as also pottery, barrels, rope, glass, and many other articles of -practical utility. Aragon was less important in commerce, as in other -respects, than the other parts of the realm. Something was done there by -royal legislation to favor trade, and enough of it existed to warrant -the founding of a <i>consulado</i> in Saragossa (1391) with mercantile -jurisdiction. Catalan commerce was so great in volume that it rivalled -that of the Italian cities. From the Scandinavian lands in the northwest -to the extremes of the Mediterranean, Catalan ships might be seen, and -if there were many Italian vessels which visited the ports of Catalonia, -so too the Catalans carried their trade to the cities of Italy, where -many Catalan consuls resided. Kings, lords, and towns endeavored to -build up Catalan industry and commerce, by favorable legislation, by -extending the institution of the <i>consulados</i>, and by making commercial -treaties. Nevertheless, not a few obstacles were also raised, largely as -a result of the false economic ideas of the era. Thus, prices were often -fixed; a precise order, or sequence, of sale might be required,—for -example, in La Bisbal the crop of the bishop had to be sold first; the -technical regulation of industries was carried to excess, far beyond the -rules established in this respect in the other lands of the peninsula; -taxes were numerous in kind, and some were very heavy; and the policy of -protection was carried to extremes in favor of some municipalities as -against others. Furthermore there were dangers of piracy and the -insecurity of the roads. Valencia was commercially prosperous in only -less degree than Catalonia. Both regions were represented principally, -in industry and commerce, by their great capital cities.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The industrial and mercantile system of Barcelona.</div> - -<p>Barcelona was easily the greatest industrial and mercantile<a name="page_178" id="page_178"></a> centre in -Spain, and was also the leading exponent of the Catalan policy of -protection. Foreign goods like those produced in Catalonia were either -prohibited from entry or charged with excessive duties. On the other -hand, the importing of goods which had no counterpart in Catalonia, such -as fine cloths, or which existed in small quantity, such as grain, was -encouraged. In the case of grain, premiums were granted to importers, -and heavy export duties were collected, or its exportation entirely -prohibited. From 1249 to 1347 the <i>Consell</i> exercised mercantile -jurisdiction through the medium of two consuls of the sea (<i>consules de -mar</i>), but in the last-named year a <i>consulado</i> was created to perform -that function and to provide for the protection of commerce against -pirates. Both the deputation of the <i>Cortes</i> and the two local councils -occasionally intervened, however. The local authorities appointed the -consuls to represent Catalan interests in foreign countries. This was a -post of high consequence, and was rewarded by a grant of a certain -percentage of the purchases and sales of merchandise in the entire realm -of Aragon. The consuls acted as judges, mercantile agents, and guardians -and defenders of the persons and property of their compatriots. The -councils of Barcelona concerned themselves with the introduction of new -industries, bringing in foreigners skilled in such manufactures. -Financial and technical experts were maintained at municipal expense. -Not only do these facts evidence the attention paid by the people of -Barcelona to mercantile life, but they also demonstrate a surprising -modernity in point of view. It is no wonder that the merchants of that -city were notably wealthy, proud, and given to luxury.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic prominence of the city of Valencia.</div> - -<p>Favored by the rich agricultural productivity of the Valencian kingdom, -the industrial traditions of the Moslem population, and the energy of -its Catalan bourgeoisie, the city of Valencia became a veritable rival -of Barcelona in industry and commerce, and enjoyed a wide fame in -Mediterranean lands, especially in Italy. A <i>consulado</i> was founded as -early as 1283, and the first bills of exchange known in the peninsula -(from 1376) were drawn up in Valencia. Legislation favoring Barcelona at -Valencia’s expense caused a considerable<a name="page_179" id="page_179"></a> damage to the latter’s -commerce, although it continued to be important.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Public works.</div> - -<p>In the erection of public works this was a notable era in all the -kingdom of Aragon. A number of bridges were built, and tolls were -collected to provide for their preservation and repair. The Catalans -were particularly mindful of improving their ports. That of Barcelona -was enlarged in the fourteenth century, and in the fifteenth an -artificial port was begun and completed. The fifteenth century also -marked the beginning of work on the artificial port of Valencia. Old -roads were improved and new ones built. A considerable advance was made -in works of irrigation in all parts of the realm. In this respect -Valencia took the lead, making use of the canals dating from the Moslem -period, but amplifying and improving them. A mail service developed at -this time. The kings and the municipalities had their separate mails, -but in Catalonia there was also a private mail-carrying industry as -early as the latter part of the thirteenth century.<a name="page_180" id="page_180"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI<br /><br /> -<small>INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1252-1479</small></h2> - -<h3><i>Castile</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginning of Castilian intellectual superiority in the -peninsula.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of the era.</div> - -<p>W<small>ITH</small> the advance of the Christian conquest against the Moslems the -political centre had passed from the northern coast to the Castilian -table-land, and thence to Andalusia, where for a time the court was set -up in Seville. There was a tendency, however, to return to Castile -proper, since the people of that region were the principal element in -the conquest and in internal political affairs. The political -preponderance of the Castilian part of the realm was so clearly -established that it transformed that region in many ways, and caused it -to have for the first time a civilization superior to that of the -coastal plains, overcoming the geographical handicaps which hitherto had -held it back. The predominance of Castile in intellectual life was to -become yet more marked in later centuries. In earlier times the rude -Asturians and Galicians had joined with the no less rude Leonese and -Castilians against the Moslems, but they had become modified by contact -with the conquered people themselves and with the various foreigners who -joined them in the conquest. The indigenous people did not lose their -own individuality, however; rather they assimilated the new influences, -and paved the way for the brilliant and original manifestation of -intellectual culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The -principal characteristic of this epoch was the desire for knowledge, -leading to the incorporation into indigenous civilization of many other -elements. The conquest of Andalusia brought Castile into more intimate -contact with Moslem civilization, which reached its<a name="page_181" id="page_181"></a> culminating point -in science and in art in the fourteenth century. French elements -continued to affect polite literature and didactic works. Especially -noteworthy was the great prominence of the influences coming out of -Italy, giving a new direction to Castilian literature, and substituting -for the Moslem scientific element the direct study of classical texts -and the use of observation and experiment as a means to knowledge. The -entry of western European culture into Castile was accelerated by those -Castilians who went to France and Italy at this time to study in the -great schools and universities of those lands. The two capital moments -of the era were the reigns of Alfonso X and Juan II.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">University and other education.</div> - -<p>The universities increased in number and influence to the point of being -a vital factor in the intellectual life of the period. In the -<i>Partidas</i>, Alfonso X distinguished between the “general studies” -founded by the pope, emperor, or king, and the “particular studies,” the -creation of an individual or town. The former combined secondary and -higher education, for the old <i>trivium</i> and <i>quadrivium</i> were retained, -with the addition of the Roman and canon law.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Gradually the higher -studies began to predominate, and associated themselves with the term -“university.” The “particular studies” were usually conducted by a -single master with a few students, and were confined to some one or two -branches of learning. Some of these subjects, when they differed from -the fundamental courses of the “general studies,” tended to be adopted -by the latter. Thus theology was added to the university curriculum in -the fifteenth century. Other subjects were also studied in the -universities, even though not common to all, such as medicine and -surgery at Salamanca. Primary education was neglected, although the -church schools still continued and some towns or individuals founded -such schools. The universities received considerable government aid, but -were autonomous, and depended in part on other sources of income, such -as their<a name="page_182" id="page_182"></a> own fees and the gifts by individuals or corporations other -than the state. The students and teachers together formed a <i>cofradía</i>, -or fraternity, which elected its own rector, or president. A bishop, -dean, or abbot was usually constituted a kind of guardian by royal -mandate. This official was gradually replaced by the “schoolmaster of -the cathedral,” who came to be judge in cases affecting university -students, and even arrogated to himself the right to confer degrees, -rivalling the president of the university in authority. All members of -the university were granted special legal privileges (approximately -those of the clergy) with respect to their persons and goods. The method -of teaching employed was the reading of a text by the teacher, who -commented upon and explained it. Examinations were held for the granting -of the bachelor’s and doctor’s degrees. Not only did each university -possess a library, but there were also many other public and private -libraries, and the trade of the copyist and the manufacture of books -were markedly more prominent than before. In the universities texts were -loaned (not sold) to students to enable them to correct their -notes,—which shows that books were still comparatively scarce. Some -time before 1475, at an uncertain date, the art of printing was -introduced into Castile,—with effects which belong to the following -eras.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Moslem, Jewish, and other influences on Castilian thought and -science.</div> - -<p>The oriental influence on Castilian thought and science, or rather the -classical influences transmitted through Moslem and Jewish writers, -advanced for a time, and continued to be preponderant until the -fifteenth century, when European ideas, principally Italian, became the -more important. There was a change in direction of the Moslem influence, -however. Philosophy dropped back from the leading place, and was -substituted by juridical and moral studies, while the physical and -natural sciences, including their superstitious derivations, acquired a -remarkable vogue. Christian writers imitated Moslem philosophers and -moralists, or translated their works; many Castilian writers were of -Moslem or Jewish origin, or still continued to belong to those peoples -and faiths; many Arabic works were included in the libraries of the -time; and the oriental form of scientific<a name="page_183" id="page_183"></a> exposition, the encyclopedia, -was frequently used. The oriental influence manifested itself especially -in the natural sciences. Books of mathematics, physics, chemistry, -medicine, and astronomy were almost the only ones to be translated from -the Arabic, and these branches were also the ones to which Mudéjar -scholars of the period most frequently devoted themselves. Moslems and -Jews continued to be the most famous physicians of Castile. The -deductive method and dialectic forms were still employed by them, rather -than personal observation and experiment. The most marked characteristic -of the cultivation of the natural sciences was in their extravagant -applications with a view to a knowledge of the future or to obtain vast -wealth through supernatural agencies. Thus chemistry tended toward -alchemy, with the aim of finding the philosopher’s stone, whereby base -metals might be turned into gold, or with the object of producing -mysterious elixirs endowed with wonder-working virtues. Chemists and -alchemists came to be considered as practicers of magic arts in more or -less intimate communion with the Devil, a belief in which the -individuals themselves often shared. Men of high attainments were -credulous exponents of these superstitions,—for example, Archbishop -Alonso de Carrillo and the learned Enrique de Villena; the latter -attained to a legendary fame which has endured even to the present day. -Similarly, astronomers were at the same time astrologers. Both alchemy -and astrology served a useful purpose, however, in stimulating the study -of the true sciences, with a resulting advance in knowledge. The age of -the Moslem and Jewish philosopher was past, and very little that was -original in the realm of philosophy appeared in Castile in this period; -even theological writings were not prominent, despite the study of -theology in the universities and schools. Moral and political literature -abounded, such as discussions of the wiles or virtues of women on the -one hand, and works on the relations between church and state on the -other. In the latter respect ecclesiastical writers maintained the -superior authority of the pope over the king, but were in the main -defenders of monarchy, although distinguishing the legitimate king from -the<a name="page_184" id="page_184"></a> tyrant, and sustaining the ultimate dependence of the monarch on -his people. The Italian influence appeared in philosophy through -translations of classical (Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca) and -contemporary Italian (Colonna, Petrarch, Boccaccio) texts. The most -influential manifestation of Castilian thought was in the field of -jurisprudence, to which references have already been made in dealing -with the <i>Partidas</i> and other legal volumes. The entire period abounded -in this type of literature, not only in compilations of an official -character, but also in those of private individuals, all of them greatly -influenced by the legal works of Justinian.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The triumph of Castilian in polite literature.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">External influences upon Castilian literature.</div> - -<p>The same factors which affected the literary history of the preceding -period continued to exist in this, although occupying different -positions, and in addition competing with the Classical Renaissance and -Italian elements, which almost overwhelmed the others. Just as in the -scientific works, so in literature, these factors were assimilated and -made over to produce the original Castilian product of succeeding -centuries. Castilian became the language of poetry and of didactic -works, routing its Galician and Latin rivals. Latin works were -translated to Castilian, and from the middle of the thirteenth century -the latter began to be used instead of the former in public documents. -Galician-Portuguese lyric poetry, half erudite, half popular, born of -the Provençal, which it had assimilated and transformed, advanced to its -highest point, and seemed to have won a victory over Castilian. About -the middle of the fourteenth century it commenced to decline, and by the -end of that century Castilian lyric poetry was already predominant; in -the fifteenth century Galician ceased to be a literary language, and -even Portuguese writers frequently used Castilian. Besides satire and -even more sensuality than its Provençal prototype the Galician -literature often included ethical and religious sentiments in the same -poem. The Provençal influences proper also affected Castile, but did not -take root as in Catalonia, because of the difference in language. When -Galician poetry lost its place it was the Castilian which became its -successor, manifesting in one of its forms the same<a name="page_185" id="page_185"></a> curious mixture of -ethics and satire. At length a satirical element of a free and sensual -type prevailed, and brought about a degeneration of this kind of -literature. With the fourteenth century the powerful Classical and -Italian Renaissance influences made themselves felt in Castile both in -poetry and in prose. Works of the classical poets (Homer, Virgil, Ovid, -Lucan) and writers of prose (Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Plutarch, and others) -were translated, and served to enrich Castilian literature both in form -and in content. The Italian influence proper (Dante, Petrarch, -Boccaccio) was by far the greatest, however, especially that of Dante, -which vanquished the former French influence in poetry, and in part the -Galician, and banished the earlier Castilian literary forms. The Italian -influence was most deeply felt in its effects on lyric poetry. Epic -poetry and prose were not altogether uncultivated, however, and in this -field French influence continued to exist. Many of the older unwritten -poems were reduced to writing, and French poems of chivalry and French -novels of adventure, telling of the fantastic deeds of King Arthur, -Charlemagne, the magician Merlin, and others, were repeated or -reconstructed in Castilian. The fabulous element became predominant, -leading to the books of <i>caballería</i>, or chivalry, based on the -extraordinary adventures of wandering knights (<i>caballeros andantes</i>), -full of the extravagant exaggeration of unbridled imagination. The first -great work of this sort in the peninsula, and the best of its kind, was -a novel by Vasco de Lobeira called <i>Amadés de Gaula</i>, written originally -in Portuguese, but already known in Castile in the later fourteenth -century. In the fifteenth century amatory novels began to appear.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Historical literature.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The drama.</div> - -<p>The advance of the preceding period in historical literature was -continued in this. One of the principal names was that of Alfonso X, who -was also a writer of note in other branches of literature and learning. -His principal work was a history of Spain, compiled probably by a number -of men under his direction, just as the <i>Partidas</i> was. Various sources -were employed, Spanish, French, Latin, and Arabic, and a certain spirit -of criticism, superior to that of the earlier histories, was<a name="page_186" id="page_186"></a> displayed. -On the other hand the work was defective from the historiographical -standpoint because of its lack of proportion, its inclusion of epic -poems in the body of the narrative, and its manifestation of an ardent -patriotism. Perhaps the best historian of the era was the many-sided -chancellor and litterateur, López de Ayala, author among other -historical works of a chronicle of the reigns of Pedro I, Henry II, Juan -I, and part of that of Henry III. López de Ayala wrote in direct -imitation of classical writers, especially Livy. Pérez de Guzmán, as -author of a collection of biographies reaching down to the fifteenth -century, made use of a psychological interpretation of human events. -Dramatic literature did not change from the religious dramas and popular -representations of jugglers of the preceding era, but progress was made -in both of these forms, and each attained to greater favor, preparing -the way for the rapidly approaching inauguration of the national -theatre.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The developed Castilian Gothic architecture.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mudéjar architecture.</div> - -<p>Gothic architecture had its most brilliant expression in the early part -of this period, degenerating later largely through an exaggeration of -its elements. At the end of the thirteenth century Castilian Gothic may -be said to have differed from that of the other European countries in -the following respects: its maintenance of classical proportions, with -scant difference between the length and width of an edifice, reducing -the height; less development in the use of windows; greater robustness -of walls, columns, and piers, diminishing the importance of buttresses; -more nearly flat roofs; and the general use and ample size of cloisters -in convents and churches. The structural basis and sober character of -early Gothic began to be lost sight of in the fourteenth century, and, -in particular, ornamentation was used without any relation to structural -needs. The corruption of Gothic became more and more marked in the -fifteenth century, when proportions and structural ideals were -forgotten, and adornment, notably in the use of pinnacles, was employed -in excessive degree. It was at this time that the choir of Spanish -cathedrals was moved to the centre of the nave, in front of the high -altar. This was the greatest age of Gothic civil and military art, -especially of the latter.<a name="page_187" id="page_187"></a> Castles were more solidly and more richly -built, with handsome towers and other exterior defences and with -embattled walls. Towers and battlements also appeared on the walls of -cities. Mudéjar architecture continued to develop, notably in Toledo and -Seville, in both religious and civil edifices, and some of the best -specimens of this art date from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. -It was especially employed in the interior decoration of palaces and -private houses,—in panelling, handsomely worked wooden roofs, painted -and sculptured friezes, and the use of tiles. On the outside it appeared -in eaves and beams of brightly colored woods.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The lesser arts.</div> - -<p>Sculpture remained, as before, an adjunct of architecture, but was -employed more than formerly in the ornamentation of buildings. In form -it became more and more affected by Italian influences. The comparative -wealth and luxury of the era, as well as the needs of religion, led to -an advance in metal work and the making of jewelry and rich -embroideries. The illumination of manuscripts reached a higher level -than before, but declined before the end of the period, partly because -of the invention of printing. The painting of windows in cathedrals -attained to a greater richness and variety in scene, and wall painting -acquired an independent position. The Italian influence of Giotto was -apparent in the fifteenth century, although it did not get beyond the -point of mere copying. The Flemish influence was more important, dating -from Van Eyck’s visit to Spain in 1428, after which date paintings in -the Flemish style abounded in Castile, especially altar-pieces. Music -turned upon singing, usually of one part, although occasionally other -parts were sung. Musical instruments were employed solely for -accompaniments of songs and dances.</p> - -<h3><i>Aragon</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of intellectual culture in the -kingdom of Aragon.</div> - -<p>In intellectual culture Aragon proper, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca -may be considered together. The same general line of progress was in -evidence as that already described for Castile. There was the same -eagerness for learning among<a name="page_188" id="page_188"></a> the upper classes, the same development of -educational institutions, an analogous penetration of foreign influences -(especially French and Italian), and an identical practice of going to -other parts of Europe to study. The landmarks in intellectual history -were the reign of Pedro IV in didactic literature, that of Juan I for -the Provençal troubadour literature, and that of Alfonso V for the -Classical Renaissance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Education and printing.</div> - -<p>The most noteworthy university founded in the period was that of -Barcelona, which evolved from an academy in the opening years of the -fourteenth century to the rank of a university in 1450, with courses in -theology, civil and canon law, philosophy, arts, and medicine. In -addition to numerous other schools similar to those of Castile there -were two more or less distinct types here: the primary school, much more -frequently met with than in other parts of the peninsula; and the Lulian -schools (due originally to the initiative of Raymond Lull, but carried -on throughout the era), which devoted themselves primarily to -philosophy, but also to foreign languages, especially Arabic. Naturally -the invention of printing at the end of the period gave a fresh impulse -to intellectual culture. The first book to be printed in this region was -published in Valencia in 1474. In 1478, or a little before, books began -to be printed in Barcelona.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Leading currents in thought and science.</div> - -<p>Philosophy, medicine, nautical science, cartography, and cosmography -were the studies most cultivated. The influence of Raymond Lull -continued to be felt, both in the imitations and translations of Hebrew -and Arabic philosophers, especially Averröes, and in the reaction -against them. In the fifteenth century the Italian, and to a less extent -the French, influences began to be felt. The Neapolitan court of Alfonso -V was the great centre for the penetration of Italian and classical -thought. Theologians proper contributed little in this period, but there -were numerous writings on ecclesiastical subjects,—works of a -controversial or moral nature, translations, and histories of saints, -mystics, ascetics, and sacred orators. The extraordinary development of -the study of medicine was due primarily to Jewish and Moslem elements. -Toward the end<a name="page_189" id="page_189"></a> of the fifteenth century a marked current of opinion -against the deductive method in medicine and in favor of experimental -studies became apparent. Chemistry, the companion study of medicine, was -much in favor, as also was alchemy, which counted King Juan I and Miguel -Jiménez de Urrea, bishop of Tarazona, among its devotees. The Catalans -and Majorcans were famous for their knowledge of cartography and the -related sciences. To the Catalans were due the first map of the Danish -peninsula and the correction of the maps of the Norwegian and Swedish -coasts and the lands touching the Baltic Sea. Jaime Ferrer, a Marrano of -Majorca, was the leading nautical and geographical scholar of those whom -Prince Henry attracted to Portugal to prepare the Portuguese for their -rôle in the history of maritime exploration. In addition to the kindred -sciences of mathematics and astronomy the pseudo-science of astrology -was also much pursued. Just as in Castile, so in Aragon, juridical -studies in both the civil and canon law had a great vogue.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Struggle of the Catalan, Latin, and Castilian languages for -predominance in polite literature.</div> - -<p>At the close of the preceding era Catalan was already being employed in -prose works in Catalonia, while the Provençal predominated in poetry. In -this period the Catalan, which also found support in Valencia and -Majorca, invaded all types of literature. Against this current there -appeared two powerful forces which made themselves most felt in the last -century of the era,—Latin and Castilian. Latin was much more firmly -rooted in Catalonia than in Castile, and the Latin tradition was greatly -reinforced by contact with the Classical Renaissance influences -throughout the period, owing to the intimate political relations of the -kings with Sicily and Naples. These influences were at their height in -the reign of Alfonso V. Castilian had the support of Aragon proper, -since the Aragonese tongue was very similar to that of Castile, and it -was furthered by the Castilian dynasty of Ferdinand I, which began to -rule in Aragon in 1410. The same element appeared at the court of -Alfonso V, much frequented by Castilian and Aragonese poets, and even by -Catalans who chose to write in Castilian. As a result Catalan began to -decline as a literary language, although it did not disappear, but on -the contrary improved<a name="page_190" id="page_190"></a> in its elements and forms. Catalan poetry of the -era never completely effaced the Provençal influence, as evidenced by -the subject-matter, which was predominantly amatory, although somewhat -erudite, artificial, conventional, mystical, allegorical, satirical, and -even moral. Catalan prose appeared principally in novels of chivalry and -in history. Castilian poetry and prose also had interesting -manifestations in the entire realm of Aragon. The history of dramatic -literature followed the same course as in Castile, although in some of -the choral representations at the court of Alfonso V an approach to the -modern theatre was made.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The fine arts.</div> - -<p>With respect to architecture, sculpture, and the related arts the -general remarks about their development in Castile may be applied to the -kingdom of Aragon, subject to the observation already made<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> as to the -difference of Catalan Gothic from that of Castile. The Italian -influences were exceptionally strong in Catalonia and Valencia, and the -French were marked in regions near the Pyrenees and in Majorca. One type -of edifice peculiar to the eastern coasts was the defensive tower to -which the inhabitants resorted on the appearance of pirates or in times -of military danger. In painting, the Italian style of Giotto was more -completely assimilated than in Castile. Flemish influences were equally -prevalent.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mutual influence of Aragonese and other European -civilizations.</div> - -<p>Despite the long occupation of the duchy of Athens by Catalan rulers, -who used Catalan speech and customs, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization -had no noteworthy effect in Greece, and, similarly, neither the -Byzantine nor the Athenian civilization reacted upon the kingdom of -Aragon. In southern France, however, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization -did produce effects, just as it was in turn affected. The same mutual -exchange of influences was also observable between Aragon and Italy, if -indeed the civilization of the latter was recognized as superior by the -Spanish conquerors themselves. The principal impulse came at the time of -Alfonso V and the contemporary papal reign of the Spanish pope, Alfonso -Borgia, as Calixtus III (1455-1458). There was a great influx of -Spaniards, especially from the realm<a name="page_191" id="page_191"></a> of Aragon, and as they occupied -the highest official posts in southern Italy, they could not but make -their presence felt. Many Spaniards left Italy upon the deaths of -Alfonso V and Calixtus III, but others remained, and political relations -were maintained between the two kingdoms, since the Neapolitan ruling -family proceeded from the same trunk as that of Aragon, thus preparing a -new period of Spanish rule and influence with the reign of Ferdinand of -Aragon.<a name="page_192" id="page_192"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII<br /><br /> -<small>INSTITUTIONS OF OUTLYING HISPANIC STATES, 1252-1479</small></h2> - -<p>So far as they have not already been discussed, in dealing with Castile -and Aragon, the institutions of Majorca, Navarre, the Basque provinces, -and Granada may be dealt with here, especially in their original -aspects.</p> - -<h3><i>Majorca</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Outline of Majorcan history.</div> - -<p>B<small>y</small> the will of Jaime I, Majorca and the Roussillon were constituted into -a kingdom apart from Aragon, but almost immediately afterward Pedro III -of Aragon compelled Jaime II of Majorca to acknowledge the overlordship -of the peninsula monarch. In 1349 Pedro IV of Aragon annexed Majorca, -but the political change was one of monarch only, for Majorca continued -to be a separate state with a history of its own. The political life of -Majorca centred about the workings of the municipal organization of -Palma, its capital city (on which the government of the island was -based), and was involved with social problems.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The peculiar social bases of Majorca.</div> - -<p>After the conquest of the island by Jaime I nearly all of the great -nobles who had accompanied the king returned to the peninsula, granting -their lands to <i>caballeros</i> of their following, or renting them to -plebeian cultivators, and Jaime I did much the same. Thus the -<i>caballeros</i>, or nobility of the second grade, were virtually the only -representatives of the feudal aristocracy in Majorca, and laws were -passed limiting the amount of land which they might hold, so as to avoid -the evil of vast estates. The <i>caballeros</i> were reinforced by a Catalan -middle class element which constituted a majority of the Christians in -the island in the early years following<a name="page_193" id="page_193"></a> the conquest. From these two -elements there emerged a new aristocracy, based on wealth, growing out -of Majorcan commerce, an aristocracy open to all, given to pomp and -luxury, and dwelling mostly in Palma. Some of the wealthy lived in the -country, where there was also a large number of free tillers of the -soil. A few of these became wealthy, but there was always a tendency for -the rich to migrate to Palma. The position of the rural classes was not -satisfactory at any time, but two causes appeared in the fourteenth -century to make it worse. One was the increase in taxation after the -reincorporation into the crown of Aragon, and the other a change in the -form of wealth with the decline of Majorcan commerce in the latter -fourteenth century, when the aristocracy of Palma began to buy lands and -rights to collect taxes. Thus the rural districts became economically -dependent on the absentee landlords at the capital, who were more -zealous over the collection of their rents and taxes than in cultivating -the land. Society divided itself largely on the lines of the country and -the city, with the inhabitants of the former bitterly hostile to the -aristocracy of the latter.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conversion of the Mudéjares and Jews.</div> - -<p>Of the despised classes the Mudéjares, as such, soon disappeared, -despite their great numbers at the time of the conquest. Upon conversion -to Christianity or emancipation from slavery they mixed with the lower -classes of the Christians, and were completely absorbed. The history of -the Jews was almost identical with that of their race in the peninsula, -but was involved with the peculiar social problems of Majorca apart from -race and religion. The kings collected heavy tributes from them, but -protected them, allowing them the free exercise of their business and -the practice of their faith, exempting them from all taxation (even -municipal) except the royal tributes, aiding them in the collection of -debts, and facilitating the entry of Jews and Marranos into Majorca. -Numerous attacks were made on them in the fourteenth century, -culminating in the sack of the Jewish quarter of the capital in 1391 -(the year which was so disastrous to the Jews in other parts of Spain), -when some three hundred men and women were killed. In addition to the -usual animosities against them because of their<a name="page_194" id="page_194"></a> religion and the -incitement of debtors this attack was in part an outgrowth of the -struggle of the rural classes against the landlords, to whom the sack of -the Jewish quarter was a severe financial blow, since much of their -wealth depended on their relations with the Jews, with whom also they -were wont to deposit their jewels. The rioters were able to obtain -decrees from the royal governor-general extinguishing debts and interest -due to the Jews, confirming the title of those who had taken part in the -attack to the money and jewelry they had stolen, pardoning all offences -committed, and ordering an immediate conversion of the Jews. The general -conversion took place at once, but had to be repeated in 1435.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The municipal form of Majorcan government.</div> - -<p>Since the outlying settlements were unimportant at the time of the -conquest, the government of the city of Palma was extended over the -entire island. At length the administration at the capital was organized -on the basis of a magistracy of six persons (a <i>caballero</i>, two -citizens, two merchants, and an artisan), who served for a year and -appointed their successors. The attempt to maintain this organization -after the rural population had grown to appreciable numbers was one of -the causes of the social strife between the rural and city elements. -Within Palma itself there were also the disputes of different social -classes and of rival powerful families. By a reform of 1358 the rural -population obtained some financial independence whereby their -contributions were limited to those which were to be applied for -expenses in which they had an interest in common with the city, and a -portion was assigned to them to spend on matters of their own, for which -purpose a rural organization was formed to provide for the management of -their affairs. Another reform established a council subordinate to the -six magistrates, in which the rural population had a minority -representation, thirty in ninety-three in 1398. This did not satisfy -them, for they desired a complete separation from the city government. -Still other reforms were made, but they did not get at the root of the -evil, for the city remained dominant over the affairs of the country, -oppressing the people both economically and politically.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The social wars of Majorca and Minorca.</div> - -<p>Shortly after the successful issue of the attack upon the<a name="page_195" id="page_195"></a> Jews in 1391 -the rural levies moved against their Christian enemies in Palma. This -time they failed, and a number of their chiefs were executed. No further -conflict of importance occurred until 1450, when a bitter civil war -broke out. Aided by the laboring classes of Palma the rural forces -besieged the capital, but were unable to take it. In 1452 the -insurrection was put down. In 1463 there was another uprising, and from -that date to the end of the era a state of affairs bordering on anarchy -prevailed, enhanced by the economic decline of Majorca, and by the -disorders on the mainland which filled the reign of Juan II. In the -island of Minorca a parallel situation existed throughout the era in the -conflicts of the capital, Ciudadela, with the rural districts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Greatness and decline of Majorcan commerce.</div> - -<p>Majorca had an excellent climate and a fertile soil which fitted it for -agricultural wealth, and the Moslems had furthered this by their use of -irrigation. They had also engaged considerably in manufacturing, and had -an already well-developed trade at the time of the conquest. Under -Christian domination Majorca soon attained to an extraordinary -commercial importance, trading in all parts of the Mediterranean and in -Flanders, and having consuls and commercial exchanges in nearly all -European countries. In the fourteenth century more than thirty thousand -sailors resided in Palma, and many foreign merchants dwelt there. The -wealthy trader was the veritable great lord in the island, with his -palaces, country estates, and his display of luxury. The decline set in -about the middle of the fourteenth century, due in part to the -annexation of Majorca to the kingdom of Aragon. Other causes hastened -the fall: disastrous plagues, earthquakes, and floods; the advance of -the Turks into Europe, cutting off a rich commercial field; the -increased importance of the Italian cities in the eastern Mediterranean -trade; the raids of pirates; the expensive wars of Aragon; and the -persistent social and political strife in Majorca itself. Nevertheless, -a considerable trade remained until the middle of the fifteenth century, -when a new series of misfortunes,—such as the fall of Constantinople in -1453, the prohibition of the entry of Majorcan cloths into Naples, the -competition of Rhodes and Portugal in the east, and hostilities with -the<a name="page_196" id="page_196"></a> Moslem states of northern Africa (thus cutting off that avenue of -trade),—added to the continuing effect of some of the already-named -evils, brought about the complete downfall of the Majorcan mercantile -power. One advantage resulted, though not great enough to offset the -commercial loss: a beginning was made of a more intensive cultivation of -the agricultural wealth which the island was so well able to produce.</p> - -<h3><i>Navarre</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Backwardness of Navarre.</div> - -<p>The institutions of Navarre at this time were affected by French -influences, but in the main resembled those of the rest of the peninsula -both in form and in their evolution, except that they displayed a -backwardness which was natural in a region so thinly populated. The -feudal régime persisted, although some gains were made by the servile -classes, the towns, and the kings. A corporate sense of society, as -manifested in the importance of the family as a whole and in the -associations of neighbors and citizens (especially marked in the rural -districts), still existed. The Mudéjares and Jews were comparatively -numerous, and their lot was the same as in other parts of the peninsula. -The marriage <i>á yuras</i> was sanctioned in Navarre longer than elsewhere, -although at length it was banished. <i>Barraganía</i> (much resorted to by -churchmen) survived, and received a measure of acceptance. The customs -of chivalry were greatly in vogue, and bull-fighting and ball-games<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> -were very popular. Agriculture, with the aid of irrigation, and -stock-raising were the principal occupations. In intellectual culture -and the fine arts Navarre was rather a continuation of France than a -part of Spain. The country was markedly backward in<a name="page_197" id="page_197"></a> these respects, -however, as evidenced by the ignorance of the clergy, compared with -churchmen in other regions, and by the fact that the kings rarely had -any books other than those of prayer. Although Basque was the national -tongue, such books as were written usually appeared in Latin or in -Castilian,—one more demonstration of the intellectual predominance of -central Spain. French Gothic prevailed in architecture, sculpture, gold -work, and painting.</p> - -<h3><i>The Basque provinces</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Unique character of Basque institutions.</div> - -<p>The three Basque provinces of Álava, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa have always -been unique in their history and institutions, and are the subject of -many popular legends more or less founded on fact, such as the one -already discussed that the Basques have never been conquered, and -another that they are all nobles. In this period they were becoming more -and more Castilian in customs, but they still retained much that was -indigenous.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The social and political system in Álava.</div> - -<p>In general social organization Álava did not differ from other Spanish -regions. It was technically a <i>behetría de mar á mar</i> (free town from -sea to sea): made up of a group of small seigniorial estates, both noble -and ecclesiastical, whose rulers were free to elect a common lord -without being restrained to a determinate family. The untitled -inhabitants were rural laborers, who were either serfs or in a state but -little removed from serfdom, and the free, popular classes of the towns, -but neither of these elements exercised great influence. After the -incorporation of Álava into Castile in 1332, the older type of -government, based primarily on the <i>Cofradía</i> of Arriaga and the elected -lord, underwent a radical change. The overlordship became fixed in the -crown of Castile, and the <i>cofradía</i> disappeared, although a similar -body soon developed. The king was represented at times by an -<i>adelantado</i> as well as by lesser royal officials, and reserved high -justice to himself, besides rights to military service and a certain few -taxes. Local government was carried on by various assemblies, reaching -in a hierarchy from the lesser regional institutions to the general -assembly<a name="page_198" id="page_198"></a> for the entire province. The general assembly was both a -legislative and an administrative body, but its principal function was -the inspection of royal orders to see if they conformed to the regional -charters. A juridical difference existed between the towns and the -country, for the former were ruled by Castilian law and the latter by -ancient custom, resulting in the economic dependence of the rural -laboring classes, even after serfdom had disappeared.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The social and political system in Vizcaya.</div> - -<p>Until its consolidation with the Castilian crown by inheritance in 1370, -Vizcaya was a <i>behetría de linaje</i> (free town within a family), electing -its lord from a determinate family, but both before and after that date -there was a marked lack of regional solidarity, for various groups were -to a great degree autonomous. There were two principal types of -jurisdiction: the seigniorial estates, with the usual incidents found -elsewhere; and the indigenous Basque settlements, which pretended to the -nobility of their inhabitants, even to the point of refusing to permit -foreigners to dwell among them unless they too were of noble rank. The -indigenous element was to be found in rural districts, and was ruled by -customs, which were written down for the first time in 1452. The -patriarchal form of family life continued to exist here, as evidenced by -the requirement that lands should return to the family from which they -proceeded in case of a failure of direct heirs, and by the right to -leave virtually one’s entire estate to a single descendant. Custom -recognized a right of way over the lands of others, even when -enclosed,—which would seem to indicate backwardness in the development -of means of communication. In government the king was represented -principally by a <i>corregidor</i>. The inhabitants of Vizcaya were exempt -from any taxes of Castilian origin, but paid certain other contributions -to the king, were subject to both military and naval service, and -acknowledged the right of high justice in the royal officials. The -general assembly of Vizcaya, like that of Álava, had a right to inspect -royal decrees.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The social and political system in Guipúzcoa.</div> - -<p>The people of Guipúzcoa claimed to be of noble rank, and this status was -legally recognized for most of them by laws enacted before, during, and -after this period. Nevertheless<a name="page_199" id="page_199"></a> the customs of the land itself amounted -to a denial of their claim, and the familiar social differences existed, -even though the majority of the people were legally nobles. There was a -seigniorial class of the usual variety, with dependents in a more or -less servile relation. A middle class nobility existed, composed of -small proprietors or the industrial laborers and merchants of the towns. -This element was very insistent on its noble rank (which indeed carried -with it special privileges, such as the exclusive right to hold public -office and certain exemptions from taxation), and enacted laws excluding -those who were not of noble blood from a right to live in the towns. -These laws were not enforced, however, and a popular class grew up, -composed of Guipuzcoans whose noble rank was not recognized and of -foreigners, many of whom settled in the land. Politically Guipúzcoa was -a <i>behetría</i> subject alternately to the kings of Navarre and Castile, -until in 1200 the overlordship became fixed in the Castilian crown. At -first the king was represented by an <i>adelantado</i>, who was customarily -ruler at the same time of Álava or of the county of Castile; later a -<i>corregidor</i> for Guipúzcoa alone was named, while there were a number of -royal <i>merinos</i> as well. There was no other organization for the entire -province until the fourteenth century, but each region dealt separately -with the royal government. Gradually, through the formation of groups of -settlements, a general league and at length a general assembly -developed, with much the same powers as the assemblies of Álava and -Vizcaya. The municipalities continued to be the principal centre of -regional autonomy, however, especially the more important towns, which -protected the lesser settlements through an institution similar to the -Catalonian <i>carreratge</i>. Like the other Basque provinces Guipúzcoa -enjoyed a number of privileges, of which the most prized was the -exemption from general taxation, although certain specified tributes -were regularly collected. More than once the province rose in arms to -resist the imposition of taxes of Castilian origin.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inter-relations of the Basque provinces.</div> - -<p>Despite community of race and language the three provinces never formed -a political unit. At times Guipúzcoa<a name="page_200" id="page_200"></a> and Álava had the same -<i>adelantado</i> or held general assemblies in common, and there were some -instances where the assemblies of all three provinces met to discuss -matters of common interest. Alliances were made between towns of the -same or different provinces, perhaps including towns in France, for such -purposes as the regulation of the use of lands common. In one respect -there was a certain amount of unity (in interest at least): in the -conflict of the towns against the great lords and their allies, the -rural population, in all three provinces. The lords were so turbulent -that the kings joined with the towns in attempts to suppress them, and -the lords even fought one another, wherefore their power was -considerably reduced, though not entirely broken.</p> - -<h3><i>Granada</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote">Social and political decadence of Granada.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic wealth.</div> - -<p>According to modern estimates Granada had a population of three or four -millions in its last days, which bespeaks a great density, due largely -to the migrations of Mudéjares from Christian lands. In social and -political organization Granada was a miniature of the early caliphate. -The Arabs reappeared as the principal element, and furnished the ruling -family. They had the same scornful and quarrelsome aristocratic pride as -in other days, and were opposed, as before, by the Berbers, who -outnumbered them. The most numerous element was that of the Renegados, -which was also next in importance to the Arabs. There were many -thousands of Christian slaves as well. Signs of social decay were -everywhere visible, especially in the passion of the wealthy for luxury -and futile diversions at vast expense, while on the other hand there -existed the poverty-stricken proletariat.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Internal political history -reduced itself to a series of riots, assassinations, rebellions, acts of -vengeance,<a name="page_201" id="page_201"></a> and exhibitions of partisan rancor. The influence of -Christian Spain was more and more intense, manifesting itself in general -customs and dress; even the practices of chivalry were introduced. Given -the richness of soil and favoring climate and the great population of -Granada, it was natural that there should have been a considerable -measure of economic prosperity there. This became less as the period -advanced, as a result of political weakness and social decay, but -Granada was still wealthy at the time (in the next era) it disappeared -as a kingdom.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Granadine architecture.</div> - -<p>In sciences and letters Granada continued the intellectual traditions of -Moslem Spain, but it cannot be said that its influence was great. In the -arts, however, Granada introduced features of general importance, and -especially in architecture, of which the outstanding example is the -palace of the Alhambra in the city of Granada. The most salient note in -Granadine architecture was richness in ornamentation, in which it is not -surpassed by any other style in the world. The walls were adorned with -relief work in stucco, and variegated azulejos tiles were also used in -great profusion. The decorative motives were geometrical or floral, and -the <i>tout ensemble</i> was not only brilliant in color, but also -harmoniously appealing. In structural features, too, Granadine -architecture attained to great beauty.<a name="page_202" id="page_202"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII<br /><br /> -<small>ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Transition from medieval to modern Spain.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> joint reign of Ferdinand (1479-1516) and Isabella (1474-1504), known -as “the Catholic Kings,” witnessed the substantial fulfilment of the -aims of medieval Hispanic royalty, and at the same time began in -striking fashion that complexity of life and action which characterizes -the modern age. On the one hand the turbulent elements which had for so -long stood for decentralization and disorder as opposed to national -unity and internal peace were done away with or rendered powerless; on -the other, life in its various institutional phases approximated itself -in a considerable degree to that of our own times, and Spain stood forth -from the domestic bickerings which had formerly absorbed her attention -to enter upon the career and status of a world power. The greatest -single event in the period was undoubtedly the discovery of America, -from which came, directly or indirectly, Spain’s principal claims to the -recognition of posterity. Important only in less degree were the -conquest of Granada, the establishment of the Inquisition and the -expulsion from Spain of the non-Catholic elements, and Spain’s entry -into the maelstrom of European politics on a greater scale than ever -before, through the medium of Ferdinand’s intervention in Italy. -Measured by the success attained in their own day the Catholic Kings -prospered in nearly everything they undertook, but the ultimate result, -which could not have been foreseen at the time, was in many respects to -prove disastrous to Spain herself, if, indeed, there were -counter-balancing advantages and a glorious memory. The wealth and -greatness proceeding from the conquest of the Americas<a name="page_203" id="page_203"></a> were to be -sacrificed in a fruitless attempt to gain a predominant place in -Europe,—which, indeed, Spain might have had, much as England acquired -it, if she had not pursued it so directly and insistently, but had been -willing to devote her attention to her colonies. On the other hand, the -Americas drained Spain of some of her best resources in manhood, while -the Italian wars brought her into the current of the highest European -civilization. These consequences, whatever attitude one may take with -regard to them, did not become manifest until a much later time, but -they had the most pronounced of their impulses, if not in all cases -their origins, in the reign of the Catholic Kings.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Nature of the union of Castile and Aragon.</div> - -<p>Ferdinand’s accession to the crown of Aragon and the recognition of -Isabella as queen of Castile did not at that time bring about a -political union of the two kingdoms, and resulted in no radical change -in the separate institutions of either. They did mean the establishment -of consistent policies in each (especially in international affairs) -which were to bring about a more effectual union at a later day and -produce the Spanish nation. The first problem of the Catholic Kings was -that of the pacification of their realms. Aragon and Catalonia offered -no serious difficulty, but the violence of the Castilian nobility called -for repression of a vigorous type. Galicia and Andalusia were the -regions where such action was most imperatively needed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Overthrow of seigniorial anarchy.</div> - -<p>The real weakness of the seigniorial class is well illustrated by the -case of Galicia. The lawless conduct of the nobility and even of the -high functionaries of the church was traditional, besides which Juana la -Beltraneja had counted with many partisans there. Petty war, the -oppression of individuals and towns (through the medium of illegal -tributes or the collection of those belonging to the kings), and an -almost complete disobedience of royal authority were the rule. Resolved -to do away with such an evil state of affairs the Catholic Kings sent -two delegates there in 1480, the one a soldier, Fernando de Acuña, and -the other a lawyer and member of the <i>Consejo Real</i>, Garcí López de -Chinchilla, accompanied by three hundred picked horsemen. Without loss -of time and with praiseworthy energy they proceeded to<a name="page_204" id="page_204"></a> carry out the -royal will. Forty-six castles were demolished, the tributes which the -nobles had been diverting from the king were collected once more for the -royal treasury, many individuals of greater or less degree (both nobles -and ordinary bandits) were put to death, and others were dominated or -compelled to flee the country. Similar action was taken in Andalusia and -Castile proper, wherefore within a few years the pacification of the -kingdom was achieved; the seemingly hopeless anarchy of the period of -Henry IV had been overcome.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The conquest of Granada.</div> - -<p>At the same time that the Catholic Kings were engaged in the -establishment of good order in the realm of Castile, they were giving -their attention to another problem which may well be considered as of -domestic import,—the long delayed conquest of Granada. The last years -of the Moslem kingdom epitomized the history of that government during -its more than two centuries of existence, with the important difference -that it was no longer to escape the bitter pill of conquest which its -own weakness and decadent life had long rendered inevitable once a -determined effort should be made. There appeared the figure of the emir, -Abul Hassan, dominated by the passion which his slave girl, Zoraya, had -inspired in him. Other members of his family, notably his brother, El -Zagal (or Al Zagal), and his son, Abu Abdullah, best known as Boabdil, -headed factions which warred with Abul Hassan or with each other. -Meanwhile, the war with Castile, which had broken forth anew in 1481, -was going on, and to the credit of the Moslem warrior as a fighting man -was being sustained, if not with success, at least without great loss of -territory. Ferdinand, to whom treachery was only a fine art of kingship, -availed himself of the internal disorder of Granada to gain advantages -to which his military victories in open combat did not entitle him. -Twice he had Boabdil in his power as a prisoner, and on each occasion -let him go, so that he might cause trouble for El Zagal, who had become -emir, at the same time making promises of peace and of abstention from -conquest which he disloyally failed to observe. Another time, El Zagal -was similarly deceived. By these means, after ten years of war, -Ferdinand was able<a name="page_205" id="page_205"></a> to enter the Granadine plain and besiege the Moslem -capital, courageously defended by Boabdil and his followers. The -military camp of Santa Fe was founded, and for months the siege went on, -signalized by deeds of valor on both sides. Overcome by hunger the -defenders were at length obliged to capitulate, and on January 2, 1492, -the Castilian troops occupied the Alhambra. Some time later Boabdil and -his household departed for Africa. It is fitting to observe that many of -the legends concerning this prince, notably those which reflect on his -courage and manliness, are without foundation in fact.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Forced conversion of the Mudéjares of Castile.</div> - -<p>The terms of surrender had included numerous articles providing for the -security of the Moslem population. Virtually they amounted to a promise -that the Mudéjar, or Moslem, element would not be molested in any -respect, whether in Granada or elsewhere in Castile. Such a treaty could -not long be enforced in the face of the religious ardor and intolerance -of the age. The greatest men of the kingdom, and among them the most -notable of all, the archbishop of Toledo, Ximénez de Cisneros, confessor -of the queen, joined in urging a different policy. Pressure began to be -exerted in direct contravention of the treaty to bring about an enforced -conversion of the Mudéjares to Christianity. A Moslem uprising was the -result, and this was seized upon by Ximénez as justifying a complete -disregard, henceforth, of the terms of the capitulation, on the ground -that the Moslems had nullified the treaty by their rebellion,—a -convenient argument which did not enquire into the real causes of the -outbreak. Christianization by force, not without a number of serious -uprisings, now went on at a rapid rate, and was completed by a royal -decree of 1502 which ordered that all Mudéjares in the Castilian domains -should accept Christianity or leave the country. Many took the latter -course, but the greater number remained, Christians in outward -appearance if not so at heart. Officially there were no more Mudéjares -in Castile except slaves. The newly converted element became known, -henceforth, as “Moriscos,” thus attaching them by association of ideas -to their ancient faith, and since their Christianity did not inspire<a name="page_206" id="page_206"></a> -much confidence they were made subject to the dread Inquisition.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Castilian activities in northwestern Africa and the Canary -Islands.</div> - -<p>The discovery of America in 1492, together with other factors, directed -Castilian attention to the Canary Islands and northwestern Africa, -bringing the Spanish kingdom into contact and rivalry with the -Portuguese, who had devoted themselves to exploration, conquest, and -colonization in that region for nearly a century. It may suffice here to -say that in successive treaties of 1480, 1494, and 1509 Portugal -recognized Castile’s claim to the Canaries and certain posts in -northwestern Africa. The security of the American route was not the -principal motive of Castilian interest at that time in northwestern -Africa. The wars with Granada and the danger of fresh invasions, coupled -with the crusading zeal which had been aroused against the Moslems, and -aggravated by the activities of North African corsairs, were perhaps the -leading factors affecting the policy of the Catholic Kings. In 1494 the -definitive conquest of the Canary Islands was made, and at the same time -a post was established on the neighboring coast of western Africa to -serve as a centre for the resistance to the Moslems. Meanwhile, private -attacks by Spaniards on North African ports were being made, but it was -not until 1497 that the Catholic Kings formally embarked on that -enterprise. Bent upon checking piracy in that region they took -possession of Melilla, which thenceforth became an important Spanish -post.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ferdinand’s European policy.</div> - -<p>While Ferdinand had much to do with the events which have thus far been -discussed, he and his subjects of Aragon and Catalonia were more -interested in other affairs. Ferdinand aimed at nothing less than a -predominant place for Spain in European affairs, to be preceded by the -establishment of Aragonese supremacy in the Mediterranean. The principal -stumbling-block was the power of the French kings. Ferdinand schemed, -therefore, to bring about the isolation and humiliation of France. The -entering wedge came through the French possession of the Catalan regions -of Cerdagne and the Roussillon which had been granted to the king of -France by Juan II. Charles VIII of France consented to restore the two -provinces, but in return exacted<a name="page_207" id="page_207"></a> Ferdinand’s promise not to interfere -with the former’s designs respecting the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand -readily agreed in 1493 to aid no enemy of the French king save the pope, -and not to form matrimonial alliances between members of his family and -those of the reigning houses of Austria, England, and Naples. With -Cerdagne and the Roussillon in his possession he proceeded with -characteristic duplicity to disregard the treaty. Marriage alliances -were projected or arranged, some of them to be sure before 1493, not -only with the ruling families of Portugal and Navarre but also with -those of Austria and England. Thus Ferdinand hoped to secure -considerable accessions of territory and to avoid any interference on -the part of the Holy Roman Empire and England, the only outstanding -powers which might be able to hinder his plots against France. It is -perhaps poetic justice that these plans, so cleverly made and executed -at the time, were to have an ultimate result which was quite different -from that which Ferdinand had reason to expect. Untimely deaths rendered -the various Portuguese alliances of no effect; the authorities of -Navarre would have nothing to do with Ferdinand’s proffer; and Spanish -Catherine in England was to figure in the famous divorce from Henry -VIII, precipitating the English Reformation. One marriage was productive -of results, that of Juana, heir of Ferdinand and Isabella, to Philip the -Handsome of Burgundy. Thus the Spanish kings were brought into the line -of the Hapsburg family and of imperial succession, which was to prove -less a boon than a fatality.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The acquisition of Naples.</div> - -<p>Charles VIII wished to revive the Angevin claim to the Neapolitan -territory held at the time by the illegitimate branch of Alfonso V of -Aragon, related by blood to Ferdinand the Catholic. Alleging that Naples -was a fief of the pope and therefore excepted from the treaty of 1493, -Ferdinand resisted the pretensions of Charles, and formed an alliance -with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and Milan against him. The forces of -the league proving too much for him, Charles was forced in 1497 to -suspend hostilities, whereupon Ferdinand agreed with him in secret to -divide Naples between them, renewing the agreement with<a name="page_208" id="page_208"></a> Louis XII, who -ascended the French throne in 1498. The division was carried into -effect, but a quarrel sprang up over a certain portion of the territory, -and war broke out. Thanks to the military genius of the great Spanish -leader, Gonzalo de Córdoba, Ferdinand was victorious by the year 1504, -and Naples came under his authority.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Juana la Loca and Philip the Handsome.</div> - -<p>In the same year, 1504, Isabella the Catholic died, leaving her throne -to her elder daughter, Juana, and in case she should prove unable to -govern to Ferdinand as regent until Juana’s heir should become twenty -years of age. Since Juana had already given evidence of that mental -instability which was to earn for her the soubriquet “La Loca” (the -Crazy), it was the intention of both Isabella and Ferdinand that the -latter should rule, but Philip the Handsome, husband of Juana, -intervened to procure the regency for himself. This was a serious -set-back to the plans of Ferdinand, but fortunately for him there -occurred the unexpected death of Philip in 1506. On the occasion of the -latter’s burial Juana gave such ample proof of her mental unfitness that -it was now clear that Ferdinand would be called in as regent. In 1507 he -was so installed, and he now had the resources of Spain at his back in -the accomplishment of his ambitious designs. Leaving Cardinal Ximénez to -effect conquests in northern Africa and to carry into execution other -Castilian projects Ferdinand once again turned his attention to the -aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy and the conquest of -Navarre.</div> - -<p>In 1508 Ferdinand joined an alliance of the pope, the emperor, and Louis -XII of France against Venice, whereby he rounded out his Neapolitan -possessions. Seeing that the French were gaining more than he desired he -formed a new alliance, in 1511, with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and -Henry VIII of England against France. The French were defeated and -thrown out of Italy. Meanwhile, Ferdinand had taken advantage of the -French sympathies of the ruler of Navarre and the excommunication of -that king by the pope to overrun Navarre in 1512. The pope sanctioned -the conquest of that part of the kingdom lying south of the Pyrenees, -and it was definitely added to the Spanish domain. The French became -dangerous anew with the accession of<a name="page_209" id="page_209"></a> the glory-loving, ambitious -Francis I in 1515. Ferdinand hastened to concert a league against him, -into which entered the pope, the emperor, Milan, Florence, the Swiss -states, and England, but war had hardly broken out when in 1516 -Ferdinand died. For good or evil he had brought Spain into a leading -place in European affairs. If his methods were questionable they were in -keeping with the practices of his age; he was only worse than his rivals -in that he was more successful.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The accession of Charles I.</div> - -<p>Juana was still alive, but was utterly incompetent to act as head of the -state. The logic of events and the will of Ferdinand pointed to her -eldest son, Charles of Ghent, as the one to rule Aragon and Navarre and -to act as regent of Castile (during his mother’s life), although he had -not attained to his twentieth year, a condition which had been exacted -by the will of Isabella. Until such time as he could reach Spain, for he -was then in the Low Countries, Cardinal Ximénez served as regent. With -two acts of doubtful propriety Charles I, the later Charles V of the -Empire, began his reign in the peninsula. He sent word to Ximénez, -demanding that he be proclaimed king of Castile, despite the fact that -the queen, his mother, was living. Notwithstanding the opposition of the -<i>Cortes</i> and his own unwillingness Ximénez did as Charles had required. -In 1517 Charles reached Spain, surrounded by a horde of Flemish -courtiers. Foreseeing the difficulties likely to result from this -invasion of foreign favorites Ximénez wrote to Charles, giving him -advice in the matter, and hastening to meet him asked for an interview. -Instead of granting this request Charles sent him a note, thanking him -for his services, and giving him leave to retire to his diocese<a name="page_210" id="page_210"></a> “to rest -and await the reward of Heaven for his merits.”</p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX<br /><br /> -<small>SOCIAL REFORMS, 1479-1517</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Leading elements in the social history of the era.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> most important events in Spain of a social character during the -period of the Catholic Kings were the expulsion of the Jews and the -conversion of the Castilian Mudéjares, with the relations of the new -Inquisition to both of these elements of Spanish society. Other events -of more than ordinary note were the deprivation of the nobility of some -of their former prestige, the settlement of the dispute between the -serfs and lords of Catalonia, the purification of the Castilian clergy, -and the definitive triumph of the Roman principles in private law. -Greater than all of these were the problems which were to arise through -the Spanish subjection of new races in the colonies overseas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Prestige of the nobility, despite their reverses.</div> - -<p>Though with diminished prestige the nobility continued to be the leading -social class in Castile, sharing this honor with the higher officials of -the church. Much of the former economic preponderance of the nobles was -gone, due to the development of personalty as a form of wealth as -distinguished from land, the fruit of the commerce and industry of the -Jews, Mudéjares, and middle classes. They suffered still further through -Isabella’s revocation of the land grants they had received at times of -civil war and internal weakness in former reigns, especially in that of -Henry IV. Few nobles or great churchmen, for the decree applied equally -to the latter, escaped without loss of at least a portion of their -rents, and some forfeited all they had. Naturally, the measure caused -not a little discontent, but it was executed without any noteworthy -resistance. On the other hand, through the continuance of the -institution of primogeniture and through new acquisitions of land in -return for<a name="page_211" id="page_211"></a> services in the war against Granada, the greater nobles -still possessed immense wealth. The Duke of Medina Sidonia, for example, -offered Philip the Handsome two thousand <i>caballeros</i> and 50,000 ducats -($750,000) if he would disembark in Andalusia. Not only in political -authority but also in prestige the nobles were lowered by the measures -of the Catholic Kings. Such practices as the use of a royal crown on -their shields and the employment of royal insignia or ceremonial in any -form were forbidden. On the other hand, the ancient privileges of the -nobility, both high and low, were confirmed to them,—such, for example, -as exemption from taxation and from the application in certain cases of -the penalties of the law. At the same time, the Catholic Kings offered a -new kind of dignity, depending for its lustre on the favor of the crown. -Nobles were encouraged to appear at court and strive for the purely -ornamental honors of palace officialdom. Many came, for those who -remained on their estates consigned themselves to obscurity, being -without power to improve their fortunes by a revolt as their ancestors -had done. In Aragon and Catalonia they still displayed tendencies to -engage in private war and banditry, a condition of affairs which endured -throughout this period and into the next, though it was by no means so -serious a problem as it had been in earlier times.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Grades of nobility.</div> - -<p>The grades of nobility remained much as before, but with a change in -nomenclature. The old term of <i>ricoshombres</i> for the great nobles -disappeared (though not until 1520 officially), and was substituted by -that of <i>grandes</i>, or grandees. Among the grandees the title of duke -(<i>duque</i>) and marquis (<i>marqués</i>) now became of more frequent usage than -the formerly more general count (<i>conde</i>). In the epoch of the Catholic -Kings there were fifteen grandees in Castile, but eight of them had been -created, with the title of duke, by Isabella. For the nobility of the -second grade, the terms <i>hijosdalgo</i> (modern <i>hidalgo</i>) and <i>caballero</i>, -used in a generic sense to denote noble lineage, were employed -indiscriminately. Nobles without fortune lived, as formerly, under the -protection of the grandees, or took service in the military orders or -even in the new royal army.<a name="page_212" id="page_212"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance of the rural masses.</div> - -<p>The situation of the former servile classes of Castile, aside from the -slaves, had been rendered very nearly satisfactory from a juridical -point of view in the previous era, but their new liberty was insecure -and was not freely accorded in practice. The Catholic Kings -energetically cut short the greater part of the abuses, and definitely -decided that a man adscripted to the land (a <i>solariego</i>) could sell or -carry away his personalty, and go wherever he willed. In Aragon proper -the problem was more serious, because of the social backwardness of that -region. The first step toward freedom from serfdom was taken at this -time, consisting in the frequent uprisings of the serfs. Ferdinand made -some attempts to modify the <i>malos usos</i>, or evil customs, of the -relation of lord and serf, but found the institutions too deeply rooted -in his day for remedy. In Catalonia, Ferdinand inherited the problem of -the warfare of the serfs with the nobles and the high churchmen, against -the latter of whom, particularly the bishop of Gerona, the wrath of the -rural classes was especially directed. At the outset he attempted, as -had Alfonso V and Juan II before him, to utilize the quarrel to serve -his own political and financial ends, accepting bribes from both sides. -Finally, an agreement was reached whereby the king was to serve as -arbitrator, without appeal, between the warring elements. The Sentence -of Guadalupe, so-called because the evidence was taken and the decision -rendered at Guadalupe in Extremadura, in 1486, was the judgment -pronounced by Ferdinand. It went to the root of the matter by abolishing -the <i>malos usos</i> and declaring the freedom of the rural serfs. -Furthermore, the lords were deprived of criminal jurisdiction over their -vassals, this right passing to the crown, and the same privileges as -that just recorded in the case of the <i>solariegos</i> of Castile was -granted to the rural masses of Catalonia. On the other hand, the now -freed serfs were obliged to pay a heavy ransom to their lords. The -decision satisfied neither party to the issue, but was accepted, and -proved in fact the solution of the evil. A rural class of small -proprietors soon grew up, while many other persons occupied lands for -which they paid rent instead of the former irksome services.<a name="page_213" id="page_213"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Policy of the Catholic Kings toward the Mudéjares.</div> - -<p>If a policy of benevolent assimilation had been followed by the -Christians of Spain with regard to the other great elements of the -population, the Mudéjar and the Jewish, it is possible that the two -latter might have been made use of to the advantage of the peninsula, -for they were Spanish in most of their habits, and had intermarried with -Christians, even those of high rank. For centuries, however, a different -practice, based primarily on religious intolerance, had tended to -promote the adoption of an opposite course, and it was in the reign of -the Catholic Kings that the first steps were taken to bring the matter -to an issue. The measures by which the Mudéjares were compelled to -emigrate from Castile or become converted as Moriscos have already been -chronicled, and the same procedure was taken with regard to Navarre and -the Basque provinces. Ferdinand, who was less zealous in this -undertaking than his pious consort, did not go to the same lengths in -Aragon. On the petition of the lords, who had many Moslem vassals and -feared to lose them, he confirmed the privileges of the Mudéjares, -though forbidding the erection of new mosques, and permitted of -preaching to bring about their voluntary conversion.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expulsion of the Jews.</div> - -<p>The hatred of the Christians for the Jews was so great that the time was -ripe for the final step in the measures taken against them, and early in -the reign of the Catholic Kings it was decided to expel them from the -peninsula. While the religious motive was the principal one, Ferdinand -and Isabella were also actuated, as indeed also in the case of the -Mudéjares, by their ideal of a centralized absolutism, wherefore an -element which was not in sympathy with the religion of the state seemed -to them to constitute a political danger. Their action was hastened, no -doubt, by popular fanaticism, which expressed itself in numerous acts of -violence against the hated race. With Granada conquered the Catholic -Kings lost no time in promulgating a decree, dated March 31, 1492, -requiring conversion or expulsion, and applicable to both Castile and -Aragon. The Jews were granted four months to dispose of their affairs -and leave Spain. The blow to them financially was ruinous. Forced -sales,<a name="page_214" id="page_214"></a> especially when there was so much to be sold, could not be -expected to yield a fair return, and this was aggravated by prohibitions -against carrying away any gold, silver, coin, or other kinds of -personalty, except what the laws ordinarily permitted to be exported. -The full effect of this harsh legislation was avoided by some through a -resort to the international banking agencies which the Jews had -established. A number preferred to become Christians rather than go into -exile, but thousands took the latter course. Some computations hold that -as many as 2,000,000 left the country, but a more careful estimate by a -Jewish historian gives the following figures: emigrants, 165,000; -baptized, 50,000; those who lost their lives in course of the execution -of the decree, 20,000. The exiles went to Portugal, North Africa, Italy, -and France, but were so harshly treated, especially in the two -first-named lands, that a great many preferred to return to Spain and -accept baptism. Portugal and Navarre soon followed the action of Castile -and Aragon, thus completing the cycle of anti-Jewish legislation in the -peninsula. In law there were no more Jews; they had become Marranos.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Activities of the Inquisition in Castile.</div> - -<p>Not a few of the converts, both Mudéjar and Jewish, became sincere -Christians, and some of them attained to high rank in the church. -Hernando de Talavera, for example, at one time confessor of the queen -and one of the most influential men in the kingdom, had Jewish blood in -his veins. A great many, very likely the majority, remained faithful at -heart to the religion of their fathers, due partly to the lack of -Christian instruction, and even when they did not, they were suspected -of so doing, or maliciously accused of it by those who were envious of -their wealth or social position. This had led the Catholic Kings to -procure a papal bull, as early as 1478, granting the monarchs a right to -name certain men, whom they should choose, as inquisitors, with power to -exercise the usual authority of ecclesiastical judges. This was the -beginning of the modern Spanish Inquisition. Leaving aside, for the -present, its formal constitution and procedure, its activities against -converts may here be traced. The Inquisition began its<a name="page_215" id="page_215"></a> work in Seville -in 1480, with the object of uprooting heresy, especially among the -Marranos. Afraid of being accused many fled, but enough remained for -scores to be apprehended. In 1481 the first <i>auto de fe</i> (decision of -the faith) was held, and sixteen persons were burned to death. From -Seville the institution spread to other cities, and the terror became -general. There is no doubt that the inquisitors displayed an excess of -zeal, of which various papal documents themselves furnish ample proof. A -great many were put to death, especially while Juan de Torquemada was at -the head of the institution, 1485 to 1494. Some charge his inquisitorial -reign with the death of 8000 persons, but more dispassionate estimates -reduce the figures greatly, calculating the number to be 2000 for the -reign of Isabella, ending in 1504. Very many more were either burned in -effigy or put in prison, while confiscation of goods was one of the -usual concomitants of a sentence involving loss of life or liberty. -Books were also examined and burned or their publication or circulation -forbidden, and in every way efforts were made to prevent heresy as well -as to stamp it out. By far the greatest number of sufferers were the -Judaizantes, or those Marranos who practised the Jewish faith in secret. -It must be said that public opinion was not by any means on the side of -the Inquisition; in course of time it became universally hated, as also -feared, for nobody was entirely safe from accusation before the dread -tribunal.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Inquisition in Aragon.</div> - -<p>The Inquisition had existed in the kingdom of Aragon since the -thirteenth century, but Ferdinand now introduced the Castilian body. In -1485 the Inquisition became a single institution for all Spain, although -it was not until 1518 that this became definitive. The new organization -had not been welcomed in Castile, but it found even less favor in -Aragon, not only because of its excessive pretensions and rigors, but -also because it superseded the traditional Aragonese Inquisition, was in -the hands of Castilian “foreigners,” and interfered with business. The -city of Barcelona was especially resentful on this last account, because -its prosperity depended not a little on the trade in the hands of Jewish -converts, whom fear was driving away. On the first occasion<a name="page_216" id="page_216"></a> of their -appearance, in 1486, the inquisitors were obliged to leave Barcelona, -and no less a personage than the bishop joined in the act of ejecting -them, but in 1487 they returned to stay. The fear of the Inquisition and -certain social and political disadvantages of being regarded as of -Jewish or Moslem descent occasioned the introduction of documents of -<i>limpieza de sangre</i> (purity of blood), attesting the Catholic ancestry -of the possessors, although the development of this custom was more -marked in the reign of Charles I.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reform of the Castilian church.</div> - -<p>One of the most signal reforms of the period, to which the pious -Isabella, aided by Ximénez, gave her attention, was the purification of -the Castilian clergy. The church, like the great nobles, had suffered -from the revocation of land grants it had gained in times of stress, and -was obliged, furthermore, to restore the financial rights, such as the -<i>alcabala</i> and certain rents, it had usurped from the crown. -Nevertheless, its wealth was enormous. The rents of the secular church -in all Spain are said to have amounted to some 4,000,000 ducats -($60,000,000), of which the archbishop of Toledo alone received 80,000 -($1,200,000). The regular clergy were equally wealthy. Vast as these -sums appear, even today, their real value should be considered from the -standpoint of the far greater purchasing power of money in that age than -now. Whether or not the members of the clergy were softened by this -wealth and by the favors they received as representatives of the church -at a time of great religious zeal on the part of the Spanish people, it -is certain that ignorance and immorality were prevalent among them. -Despite the centuries of conflict against it, the institution of -<i>barraganía</i> still had its followers, among others, Alfonso de Aragón, -archbishop of Saragossa, and Cardinal Pedro de Mendoza. Laws were passed -imposing fines, banishment, and the lash,—without avail. Church -councils met to discuss the various evils within the church. Ximénez at -length applied to the church of Castile the methods Isabella had used in -suppressing seigniorial anarchy. A Franciscan himself, he proceeded to -visit the convents of the order and to administer correction with a -heavy hand, expelling the more recalcitrant. It is said that some four<a name="page_217" id="page_217"></a> -hundred friars emigrated to Africa, and became Mohammedans, rather than -submit to his rulings. From the Franciscan order the reforms passed on -to others. Isabella intervened more particularly in the case of the -secular clergy, exercising great care in the choice of candidates for -the higher dignities, selecting them from the lower nobility or the -middle class instead of from the families of great nobles as had -formerly been the practice. At the same time, she took steps with -considerable success to prevent the appointment of foreigners by the -popes to Castilian benefices. In Aragon the same evils existed as in -Castile, but the reforms did not come at this time to modify them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Triumph of Roman principles in Castilian private law.</div> - -<p>In private law, especially as regards the family, the long struggle of -the Roman principles to gain a predominant place in Castilian -jurisprudence ended in triumph. The victory came with the legislation of -the <i>Cortes</i> of Toledo in 1502, but as it was not published until the -time of the <i>Cortes</i> of Toro in 1505 it became known as the <i>Leyes de -Toro</i> (Laws of Toro). For example, the complete emancipation of children -after marriage, the prohibition of the gift of all one’s possessions to -other than the heirs, the increase in the formalities required in the -case of wills, and the lengthening of terms of years on which to base -claims by prescription were all recognized in the new laws.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">General social customs.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dress.</div> - -<p>In immorality and luxury the reign of the Catholic Kings differed little -from the preceding era; abundant evidence thereof appears in the -literary works of this period and the opening years of the next. The -most extravagant taste was exhibited both by men and women in matters of -dress. Clothing was made up of ruffs and puffs, ribbons and rings, -many-materialed and many-colored component parts, clothes which dragged -behind and clothes which were immodestly short, open-work waists and -cloaks which were not infrequently used to cover adventures, fancy -laces, daggers, purses, pouches, and a host of other accessories which -must have been considered ornamental, since they were only slightly -useful. Isabella herself, serious-minded and religious though she was, -liked to appear in public richly gowned and bejewelled. This lavish -magnificence seems only to have been<a name="page_218" id="page_218"></a> on display for gala occasions; at -other times Spaniards lived and dressed soberly and modestly. As an -Italian traveller expressed it, the Spaniard was prodigal on holidays, -and lived sadly the rest of the year, for his occasional extravagances -demanded more protracted economies. This was true, even in the palace, -for, numerous as were the employes there, the annual expenditure was the -equivalent of only about $100,000. Other social customs, such as sports, -including bull-fighting, did not undergo any changes sufficient to -require comment.<a name="page_219" id="page_219"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XX" id="CHAPTER_XX"></a>CHAPTER XX<br /><br /> -<small>POLITICAL REFORMS, 1479-1517</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Tendency toward Spanish unity under Castile.</div> - -<p>I<small>T</small> has already been pointed out that the union of Castile and Aragon -under the Catholic Kings lacked a real political or institutional basis. -Both monarchs signed papers applicable to the two kingdoms and exercised -personal influence, each with the other, but although Ferdinand assisted -his consort in Castilian affairs, Isabella was clearly regarded as ruler -in Castile, as Ferdinand was in Aragon. The latter’s will advised -Charles I to maintain the separation of the kingdoms and to conduct -their affairs through native officials. Nevertheless, the long -continuance of the same royal family at the head of both was bound to -produce a greater unity eventually. Castile was drawn into European -politics through the medium of the Aragonese wars in Italy. On the other -hand, she tended to become the centre of authority and influence on -account of the greater extent of her territory (especially with the -addition of Granada, Navarre, and the Americas), her greater wealth, the -royal practice of residing in Castile, and the more advanced social and -political condition of Castile as the result of Isabella’s reforms.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Masterships of the military orders incorporated into the -crown.</div> - -<p>Both sovereigns followed the policy of centralization in their -respective kingdoms. In Castile the major problem was the reduction of -the oligarchical nobility, for the middle classes had already been won -over in great part when Isabella ascended the throne. Her success in -reducing the lawless nobles has already been discussed; it only remains -to point out the significance of the act by which she completed this -task,—her incorporation of the masterships of the military orders into -the crown. The principal element in the three great orders of Santiago, -Calatrava, and Alcántara were the<a name="page_220" id="page_220"></a> <i>segundones</i> of great noble families -and members of the lesser nobility. Not only by their military power but -also by their numbers and wealth these orders constituted a potential -danger to the crown unless their action could be controlled. An estimate -of the year 1493 showed that there were 700,000 members and vassals in -the order of Santiago, and 200,000 and 100,000 respectively in those of -Calatrava and Alcántara. The first-named had annual revenues of some -60,000 ducats ($900,000), and the two last combined, some 95,000 -($1,425,000). With the masterships in royal hands the probability of -civil strife was greatly lessened.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Increase of the royal authority and tendency toward unity in -municipal life.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Decline of the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>.</div> - -<p>As regards the towns the Catholic Kings followed precisely the same -practices which had been employed with such success in the previous era. -It was rare, indeed, that they suppressed charters, but circumstances -like those already recorded<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> enabled the <i>corregidores</i> and other -royal officers to exercise virtual control. Meanwhile, the process of -unification was going on through the ordinances of the <i>Cortes</i> and -royal decrees, fortified by the unrecorded development of similarity in -customs in Castilian municipal life. This was furthered by the -representatives of the towns themselves, for royal and municipal -interests were usually in accord. Noteworthy extensions of royal -authority appeared in the subjection of local officials to the -<i>residencia</i> (or trial during a number of days after the completion of a -term of office, to determine the liability of an official for the -wrongful acts of his administration) and in the sending of royal -<i>pesquisidores</i>, or enquirers (in cases of crime), and <i>veedores</i> -(inspectors), later more often called <i>visitadores</i> (visitors), to -investigate matters of government, such as the accounts of financial -agents and the conduct of public officers. These institutions were later -transferred to the Americas, becoming an important means of sustaining -the authority of the mother country. In some instances the Catholic -Kings resorted to force to reduce municipalities which were too -autonomous in character, notably in the case of the <i>hermandad</i> of the -north coast towns, whose decadence dates from this reign.<a name="page_221" id="page_221"></a></p> - -<p>The royalist ideal was manifested strikingly in the relations of the -Catholic Kings with the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>. From 1475 to 1503 the -<i>Cortes</i> was summoned but nine times, and during the years 1482 to 1498, -at a time when Granada was being conquered, America discovered and -occupied, the new Inquisition instituted, and the Jews expelled, it did -not meet even once. Its decline was evidenced still further in the -increasingly respectful language employed whenever it addressed the -monarch and its growing dependence on the <i>Consejo Real</i>, which body -subjected the acts of the <i>Cortes</i> to its own revision and whose -president acted in a similar capacity for the <i>Cortes</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Decline of the Aragonese <i>Cortes</i> and of the power of -Barcelona.</div> - -<p>Ferdinand followed the same policy in Aragon. The various <i>Cortes</i> of -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia and the general <i>Cortes</i> of all three -were infrequently called; the king acted in an arbitrary manner in his -methods of raising funds, without observing the spirit of the laws. It -was in his dealings with Barcelona that he most clearly manifested the -royalist tendency, for that city was the most powerful element in the -kingdom. Through his intervention the practice of electing the five -<i>concelleres</i>, or councillors, was suspended in favor of royal -appointment, and the <i>Consell</i>, or council of a hundred, was altered so -that it was no longer democratic but represented the will of the -monarch. The fact that these changes were made without provoking -resistance and almost without protest shows how utterly dead were the -political ideals of the past.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The new bureaucracy.</div> - -<p>The concentration in royal hands of so many powers which were formerly -exercised by the lords and towns made necessary the development of a -numerous and varied officialdom to assist the monarch. As the basis of -the new bureaucracy in Castile the Catholic Kings had at hand the -<i>Consejo Real</i>, which with some changes was admirably adapted to the -purpose. The first step was to rid it of the great nobles. In 1480 the -untitled <i>letrados</i> became a majority in this body. The counts, dukes, -and marquises were still allowed to attend, but were deprived of the -right to vote. Shortly afterward they were excluded altogether, and the -<i>Consejo Real</i> now responded without question to the will of the king.<a name="page_222" id="page_222"></a> -It served as the head of the various branches of the bureaucratic -organization, with the final decision, subject to the wishes of the -king, in all matters of government. Pressure of work led to the -formation of three additional councils, those of the Inquisition -(<i>Inquisición</i>), the military orders, (<i>Órdenes Militares</i>), and the -Americas, or Indies (<i>Indias</i>), while there were still others in the -kingdom of Aragon. Particularly important among the other officials was -the monarch’s private secretary, who came to have a very nearly decisive -influence, owing to the favor he enjoyed with the head of the state. A -horde of other officers, old and new, made up the ranks of the -bureaucracy. Among the older group it is to be noted that the -<i>adelantados</i> were supplanted by <i>alcaldes mayores</i>, until only one of -the former was left. Among newer officials the important inquisitors and -<i>veedores</i>, or <i>visitadores</i>, should be noted.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Administration of justice.</div> - -<p>A similar development to that of the executive branch was experienced in -the administration of justice. The fountain-head was the <i>chancillería</i> -at the capital, Valladolid, to which were subordinate in a measure the -several regional <i>audiencias</i>, which were now established for the first -time, besides the hierarchy of the judiciary of lower grades. In -addition to unifying and regulating the judicial system the Catholic -Kings gave attention to the internal purification of the courts, with a -view to eliminating the unfit or undesirable and to checking abuses. The -corrupt practices of those outside the courts were also attacked, -especially powerful persons who attempted to overawe judges or procure a -miscarriage of justice. One of the principal difficulties encountered -was that of conflicts of jurisdiction, notably in the case of the church -courts. Good Catholic though she was, Isabella was determined in her -opposition to ecclesiastical invasions of royal jurisdiction, but -despite her energetic measures the issue was far from being decided in -her day. In line with the royal policy of settling disputes by law -rather than by force the use of firearms was prohibited, gambling was -persecuted, and the <i>riepto</i> (or judicial duel, the last survival of -medieval procedure) was abolished. Good order in the present-day sense -was far from existing,<a name="page_223" id="page_223"></a> and this led to a revival of the medieval idea -of the <i>hermandades</i> for the punishment of crimes committed in -uninhabited places or small villages as well as for the pursuit and -execution generally of those guilty of felony. The <i>Santa Hermandad</i>, -with its capital at Toledo, was created as a kind of judicial body, -sustained by the groups of citizens who formed part of it, employing a -militia of mounted men, and making use of summary methods and extreme -penalties in its procedure. Its life as an effective body was brief, -although it continued to exist for many years. On the other hand the -medieval <i>hermandad</i> of Toledo enjoyed a revival of life and -usefulness.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reforms in Aragon.</div> - -<p>It is hardly necessary to trace the administrative and judicial reforms -of Ferdinand in Aragon. Suffice to say that they followed the Castilian -pattern much more closely, indeed, than in the matter of social -organization.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Procedure of the Inquisition.</div> - -<p>The Castilian Inquisition, first created in 1478 for specific and -temporary objects, underwent considerable modification when retained as -a permanent body to combat heresy in general. The popes refused to allow -it to be in all respects a royal instrument, and retained the right of -appointing or dismissing inquisitors, permitting the kings to recommend -candidates. The expansion of the institution from Seville to other -cities in Spain and the creation of a supreme council of the Inquisition -have already been mentioned. Ximénez, who became head of the Inquisition -of Castile in 1507, extended its operations to Africa and the Americas. -The methods of trial were harsh, though less so if gauged by the -standards of that time. Torture was used as a means of obtaining -confessions. The accused was kept utterly apart from his family and -friends, who did not learn what had become of him until his liberation -or his appearance in an <i>auto de fe</i>. The same secrecy was employed in -dealing with the prisoner, who was informed of the general charge -against him, without the details and without knowing his accuser’s name. -He was allowed to indicate those in whom he lacked confidence, and if he -should chance to hit upon an accuser that person’s evidence was -eliminated. Two witnesses<a name="page_224" id="page_224"></a> against him were sufficient to outweigh any -testimony he might give. He might have a lawyer, but could not confer -with him in private. He might also object to a judge whose impartiality -he had reason to suspect, and could appeal to the pope. Penalties varied -from the imposition of a light penance to imprisonment or burning to -death. Burning in effigy of those who escaped or burning of the remains -of those who had died was also practised. The <i>auto de fe</i> represented, -as the words imply, merely the decision in the given case, and not the -imposition of the penalty as has often been stated. The general rule was -for the executions to take place on holidays, which in Spain are indeed -“holy days,” or days in celebration of events in church history. A -procession was held, in which the functionaries of the Inquisition took -part. A public announcement of the decisions was made, and those who -were condemned to death were turned over to the civil authorities, who -carried out the execution in the customary place. As has already been -said, the imposition of sentences was accompanied by confiscations or -the levy of fines. Since the Inquisition was supported by these -amercements there were numerous scandals in connection therewith. -Certain royal orders implied, and complaints by men of such standing as -Juan de Daza, bishop of Cordova, directly charged, that the Inquisition -displayed a too great eagerness to insure its financial standing by -confiscations. On one occasion it seems that the estate of a wealthy -victim of the Inquisition was divided between Cardinal Carvajal, the -inquisitor Lucero, the royal treasurer Morales, and Ferdinand’s private -secretary. The funds did not belong in law to the Inquisition. That body -collected them and turned them over to the king, who granted them back -again.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Financial administration.</div> - -<p>The new Castilian and Aragonese states required greatly increased funds -and a royal army, and both of these matters received the careful -consideration of Ferdinand and Isabella. In financial affairs their -activities were twofold: to procure more revenues; and to bring about -greater economy in their collection and administration. The revocation -of earlier land grants was one measure productive of income,<a name="page_225" id="page_225"></a> since the -taxes from them now went to the crown rather than to the lords. Two -sources of revenue of a religious character were procured by papal -grant. One of these was the <i>cruzada</i>, or sale of indulgences, based on -the crusade (<i>cruzada</i>) against the Moslems. Designed for a temporary -purpose it became an enduring element in the royal income. The other was -the <i>diezmo</i>, or tithe, presumably for the same objects as the -<i>cruzada</i>, although it too was diverted to other uses. Great attention -was paid to the administration of the remunerative <i>alcabala</i>, and to -stamp taxes and customs duties. The treasury department as a modern -institution may be said to date from this era. In addition the Catholic -Kings corrected abuses in the coinage of money. The final result is -shown in the increase in the revenues from about 900,000 <i>reales</i><a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> in -1474 to well over 26,000,000 in 1504. Expenses were so heavy, however, -that more than once a resort to loans was necessary.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Modernization of the army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The royal navy.</div> - -<p>The army kept pace with other institutions in the advance out of -medievalism into modernity. The seigniorial levies, unequal in size and -subversive of discipline as well as a potential danger, were virtually -done away with after the Granadine war, although such bodies appeared -occasionally even in the next era. In their place were substituted a -larger royal army at state expense and the principle of universal -military service. One man in every twelve of those between twenty and -forty years of age was held liable, but did not take the field and was -not paid except when specifically called. The glory of the new -professional army attracted many who had formerly served the great -lords, including a number of the nobility and the adventurous<a name="page_226" id="page_226"></a> element. -Under the leadership of Gonzalo de Ayora and especially of the “great -captain,” Gonzalo de Córdoba, noteworthy reforms in tactics were made. -The army was now an aggregation of equal groups, based on battalions and -companies, while the larger divisions were assigned a proportionate -number of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. From this period date many -current military titles: colonel, captain, and others. Arms and -equipment were much improved and military administration bettered. The -importance of firearms was just becoming recognized; cannon, firing -balls of stone, played a prominent part in the war with Granada. A -similar if less pronounced development appeared in the navy. The admiral -of Castile, who had enjoyed a semi-independent sinecure, now lost much -of his authority, for many of his powers were taken over by the crown.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Ordinance of Montalvo and other codifications of the -laws.</div> - -<p>The reforms which have been chronicled were the result of a great body -of legislation, most of which emanated directly from the crown, although -some important laws were enacted in conjunction with the <i>Cortes</i>. Taken -with the variety of legislation in preceding years it caused not a -little confusion as to the precise principle governing a specific case. -This led to the compilation by Alfonso Díaz de Montalvo of the -<i>Ordenanzas Reales de Castilla</i> (1484?), or Royal Ordinances of Castile, -commonly called the Ordinance (<i>Ordenamiento</i>) of Doctor Montalvo, in -which were set forth various ordinances of the <i>Cortes</i> since that of -Alcalá in 1348 and certain orders of the kings from the time of Alfonso -X, together with some provisions of earlier date. In all, 1163 laws were -included, of which 230 belonged to the era of the Catholic Kings. -Although it is not certain, the <i>Ordenanzas</i> seems to have been -promulgated as law, and in any event was very influential, running -through thirteen editions down to the year 1513. The compilation was far -from meeting the full requirement of the times, however. Besides being -incomplete, as was only to be expected, it contained various -inaccuracies of form and substance. Furthermore, with such varying -elements still in effect as the <i>Partidas</i> and the medieval <i>fueros</i>, -besides the unwritten<a name="page_227" id="page_227"></a> transformation and unification which had been -going on for two centuries (as a result of royalist policies), there was -need for a clear and methodical revision of Castilian legislation. -Various other publications covering special phases of the laws, such as -the <i>Ordenanzas de Alcabalas</i> (1491), or Ordinances of the <i>Alcabala</i>, -the already mentioned <i>Leyes de Toro</i> (1505), and the privileges of the -<i>Mesta</i> (1511), date from this era, while there was a similar tendency -toward legislative publication in the Catalonian and Valencian parts of -the kingdom of Aragon.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relations of church and state.</div> - -<p>Although the piety of Ferdinand and Isabella earned them the sobriquet -of the “Catholic Kings,” particularly merited in the case of Isabella, -they did not let their regard for the church interfere with their -conceptions of the royal authority. Something has already been said -about their resistance to the intrusions of ecclesiastical courts and -their objection to appointments of foreigners to Spanish benefices. The -same conflict with the pope was maintained with regard to papal -appointments of Spaniards. In the case of Granada and the Americas the -crown gained the <i>patronato real</i>, or royal patronage, in such degree -that the monarch became the virtual administrative head of the church, -but the concession for the rest of Spain was not so complete. -Nevertheless, the royal nominees were usually appointed. The Catholic -Kings displayed great consideration for the church when the interests of -the latter did not run counter to the monarchical ideal, and in Castile -the confessors of the queen obtained a certain ascendency which made -them among the most powerful individuals in the state. They proved to be -well deserving of their influence, however, notably cardinals Mendoza, -Talavera, and Ximénez, of whom the last-named was, after the Catholic -Kings, by far the most important figure of the times.<a name="page_228" id="page_228"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXI" id="CHAPTER_XXI"></a>CHAPTER XXI<br /><br /> -<small>MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS, 1479-1517</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic medievalism.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Privileges of the <i>Mesta</i>.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> Catholic Kings attacked the economic problems of their era with much -the same zeal they had displayed in social and political reforms, but -without equal success, for medievalism in material affairs was more -persistent than in social, political, and intellectual institutions. The -same false economic ideas of the past were still operative. Especially -was this manifest in the belief that legislation and state intervention -in business provided a panacea for all evils, when the real needs were -the development of the wealth at hand and the modification of -geographical conditions in such a way as to permit of additional -productivity. Protection and excessive regulation were the keynote of -the laws. As a result manufactures were stimulated on the one hand, and -various cities of the two kingdoms became notable industrial centres, -but on the other hand, these same industries were hindered by -inspections, by laws regulating the fashion and style of goods and -fixing prices, wages, and the hours of labor, and by a host of other -measures which killed initiative and hindered rapidity of work. In part -to promote this artificial industrial life, so that raw wool might be -readily procured, the Catholic Kings recognized and even extended the -privileges of the great corporation of the <i>Mesta</i>. Starting from La -Mancha and Extremadura in April, flocks of sheep annually ravaged -Castile, returning in September to the place whence they had come. The -<i>cañada real</i>, or royal sheepwalk, was set aside for their exclusive -use, and a prohibition was placed on clearing, working, or enclosing any -part of that strip. In fact the sheepmen ventured beyond the legal -limits, and although required by law to pay<a name="page_229" id="page_229"></a> damages in such cases were -so powerful that they rarely did so. Withal, the stimulus to -manufacturing was almost purely artificial, and the Spanish cities, even -Barcelona, found competition with foreign cloths and other goods too -keen. In the main, Spain continued to be a raw material land, exporting -primary articles to foreign countries, in return for manufactures.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lack of progress in agriculture.</div> - -<p>Attempts were made to encourage agriculture, but the spirit of -legislative interference and the superior importance accorded the -grazing industry were not conducive to progress. The menace of the -<i>Mesta</i> was responsible for the almost complete destruction of forestry -and agriculture in many regions which were suitable to development in -those respects, while the irrigation ditches of Andalusia and other -former Moslem lands were too often allowed to decay.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Vicissitudes of commerce.</div> - -<p>The same royal solicitude appeared, to assist and to retard commerce. -Interior customs lines were to some extent done away with, notably on -the frontier of Castile and Aragon proper. Shipbuilding was encouraged, -but favors were shown to owners of large ships, wherefore the smaller -ship traffic was damaged, at the same time that the larger boats were -too big for the needs of the trade. A flourishing foreign commerce -developed, nevertheless, but it was in the hands of the Jews and, after -their expulsion, of foreigners of Italian, Germanic, and French -extraction. Many laws were passed subjecting foreigners to annoyances, -lest they export precious metal or in other ways act contrary to the -economic interests of the peninsula as they were then understood. It was -in this period that the commerce of the Mediterranean cities of the -kingdom of Aragon sank into a hopeless decline. Other factors than those -of the false economic principles of the day were primarily responsible, -such as the conquests of the Turks, which ended the eastern -Mediterranean trade, and the Portuguese discovery of the sea-route to -India, along with the Castilian voyages to America, which made the -Atlantic Ocean the chief centre of sea-going traffic and closed the era -of Mediterranean supremacy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance in wealth.</div> - -<p>Nevertheless, the net result of the period was a marked advance in -material wealth,—in part, perhaps, because the<a name="page_230" id="page_230"></a> false economic ideas of -the Catholic Kings were shared by them with the other rulers of Europe, -wherefore they did not prove so great a handicap to Spain, and, in part, -because some of their measures were well calculated to prove beneficial. -At this time, too, the wealth of the Americas began to pour in, although -the future was to hold far more in store.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of -Humanism.</div> - -<p>Brief as was the span of years embraced by the reign of the Catholic -Kings it was as notable a period in intellectual progress as in other -respects, bringing Spain into the current of modern life. This was due -primarily to the rapid extension of printing, which had appeared in the -peninsula in the closing years of the preceding period, and which now -came into such general use that the works of Spanish and classical -writers became available to all. Through private initiative many schools -were founded which later became universities, although this activity was -limited to Castile. Most notable of these institutions was that of -Alcalá founded by Ximénez. This undertaking was due to the great -cardinal’s desire to establish a Humanist centre of learning, where -Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and philology could be studied to the best -advantage. The most learned Spanish Humanists assembled there, together -with many foreigners, and works of note were produced, such as the -famous polyglot Bible in Hebrew, Greek, Chaldean, and Latin, with -accompanying grammars and vocabularies. Not a little of the advancement -in intellectual manifestations was due to the encouragement of the -Catholic Kings, especially Isabella. Books coming into Spain were -exempted from duty; ordinances were made regulating university life, and -ridding it of much of its turbulence and abuses; and the court set an -example in showing favor to distinguished scholars, who were engaged as -teachers of the royal children. The great nobles imitated royalty, and -invited foreign savants to Spain, among whom was the Italian, Peter -Martyr of Anghiera, celebrated as the author of the first history of the -Americas, the <i>De orbe novo</i> (Concerning the new world). The most marked -impulse to the spread of Humanist ideals came through Spaniards studying -abroad, and these men returned to give Spain her leading names in -intellectual production for the period. The greatest<a name="page_231" id="page_231"></a> of them was -Antonio de Nebrija, educated in Italy, a man of such encyclopedic -attainments that he left works on theology, law, archæology, history, -natural science, geography, and geodesy, although particularly -noteworthy as a Latin scholar. Cardinal Ximénez is deserving of a high -place in the achievements of the era for his patronage of letters, for -it was through his aid that some of the most valuable work of the period -was accomplished. Education was a matter for the higher classes only; -people had not even begun to think, yet, of popular education.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress in the sciences.</div> - -<p>Although the extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of -Humanism were outstanding facts of the period, there were notable -cultivators, too, of the sciences, moral, social, and natural, -especially the last-named. Studies in geography, cosmography, and -cartography received a great impulse through the discovery of America, -and many scientific works along these lines were due to the scholars -connected with the <i>Casa de Contratación</i> (House of Trade), or India -House. Medical works were even more prominent, not a few of them on the -subject of venereal disease. A number of these works were mutilated or -condemned altogether by the Inquisition, in part because of their -doctrines, but also because of the anatomical details which they -contained, for they were considered immoral.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Polite literature.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">La Celestina.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">History.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The theatre.</div> - -<p>In polite literature the leading characteristics were the complete -victory of the Italian influence, the predominance of Castilian, the -popularity of the romances, and the beginning of the Castilian theatre. -The Italian influence manifested itself both in the translation of -Classical and Italian Renaissance works and in an imitation of their -models and forms. Castilian was employed, not only in Castile and Aragon -proper, but even in the literary works of Portuguese, Catalans, -Valencians, and not a few individuals (Spaniards in the main) at the -court of Naples, although Catalan and Valencian poetry still had a -vogue. The poetry of the era often exhibited tendencies of a medieval -character,—for example, in its use of allegory. It is curious to note -also the prevalence of two somewhat opposed types of subject-matter, -religious and erotic; in the latter there was a vigorous<a name="page_232" id="page_232"></a> school which -often went to the extreme of license. The romances of love and chivalry -gained even greater favor than in the preceding period. The <i>Amadís de -Gaula</i> (Amadis of Gaul) of Vasco de Lobeira was translated from the -Portuguese by Garcí Ordóñez de Montalvo, and many other novels on the -same model were written. One of these was <i>Las sergas de Esplandián</i> -(The deeds of Esplandián) by Ordóñez de Montalvo himself, references in -which to an “island California” as a land of fabulous wealth were to -result in the naming of the present-day California, once believed to be -just such an island. Much superior to the amatory or chivalric novels -was a remarkable book which stood alone in its time, the <i>Tragicomedia -de Calixto y Melibea</i> (The tragi-comedy of Calixtus and Melibea), better -known as <i>La Celestina</i> (1499), from the name of one of the characters, -believed to have been the work of Fernando de Rojas. In eloquent Spanish -and with intense realism <i>La Celestina</i> dealt with people in what might -be called “the under-world.” This was the first of the picaresque novels -(so-called because they dealt with the life of <i>pícaros</i>, or rogues), -out of which was to develop the true Spanish novel. History, too, had a -notable growth. The outstanding name was that of Hernando del Pulgar. -His <i>Crónica</i> (Chronicle) and his <i>Claros varones de España</i> -(Illustrious men of Spain), besides being well written, noteworthy for -their characterizations of individuals, and influenced by classical -Latin authors, showed a distinct historical sense. The already mentioned -<i>De orbe novo</i> of Peter Martyr and the letters of Columbus were the -chief contributions to the history of the new world. As to the theatre, -while the religious mysteries continued to be played, popular -representations in dialogue, some of them religious and others profane -in subject-matter, began to be written and staged. The most notable -writer was Juan del Enzina (1468-1534), who has been called the “father -of Spanish comedy.” His compositions were not represented publicly in a -theatre, but only in private houses or on the occasions of royal or -aristocratic feasts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Plateresque architecture.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sculpture and the lesser arts.</div> - -<p>The transitional character of the age was nowhere more clear than in the -various forms of art. The principal architectural<a name="page_233" id="page_233"></a> style was a -combination of late Gothic with early Renaissance features, which, -because of its exuberantly decorative character, was called plateresque, -for many of its forms resembled the work of <i>plateros</i>, or makers of -plate. Structurally there was a mingling of the two above-named -elements, with a superimposition of adornment marked by great profusion -and richness,—such, for example, as in the façade of the convent of San -Pablo of Valladolid. At the same time, edifices were still built which -were more properly to be called Gothic, and there were yet others -predominantly representative of the Renaissance, characterized by the -restoration of the later classical structural and decorative elements, -such as the slightly pointed arch, intersecting vaults, columns, -entablatures, pediments, and lavish ornamentation. Sculpture displayed -the same manifestations, and became in a measure independent of -architecture. Noteworthy survivals are the richly carved sepulchres of -the era. Gold and silver work had an extraordinary development not only -in articles of luxury but also in those for popular use, and as regards -luxury the same was true of work in rich embroideries and textures.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance in painting.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Music.</div> - -<p>The contest between the Flemish and Italian influences on Spanish -painting resolved itself decidedly in favor of the latter, although a -certain eclecticism, the germ of a national school, made itself apparent -in the works of Spanish artists. Characteristics of a medieval type -still persisted, such as faulty drawing, color lacking in energy and -richness, a sad and sober ambient, and a disregard for everything in a -painting except the human figures. Like sculpture, painting began to be -dissociated from architecture, and was encouraged by the purchases of -the wealthy. It was not yet the custom to hang paintings on the walls; -they were kept in chests or otherwise under lock and key except when -brought out for temporary display. Music, employed principally in song -as the accompaniment of verse, enjoyed a favor comparable with that of -the plastic arts.<a name="page_234" id="page_234"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXII" id="CHAPTER_XXII"></a>CHAPTER XXII<br /><br /> -<small>CHARLES I OF SPAIN, 1516-1556</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Historical setting of the era of the House of Austria.</div> - -<p>F<small>ROM</small> the standpoint of European history the period of the House of -Hapsburg, or Austria, covering nearly two centuries, when Spain was one -of the great powers of the world, should be replete with the details of -Spanish intervention in European affairs. The purposes of the present -work will be served, however, by a comparatively brief treatment of this -phase of Spanish history; indeed, the central idea underlying it reduces -itself to this: Spain wasted her energies and expended her wealth in a -fruitless attempt, first to become the dominant power in Europe, and -later to maintain possessions in Italy and the Low Countries which were -productive only of trouble; what she took from the Americas with the one -hand, she squandered in Europe with the other. Internally there were -changes which were to react on the Spanish colonial dominions, wherefore -a correspondingly greater space must be accorded peninsula history than -directly to the wars in Europe. The greatest feature of the period was -the conquest of the Americas, accomplished in part by the spectacular -expeditions of the <i>conquistadores</i>, or conquerors, and in part by the -slower advance of the Spanish settlers, pushing onward the frontier of -profits. Not only was this the most notable achievement when considered -from the American angle, but it was, also, when taken from the -standpoint of Spain, and possibly, too, from that of Europe and the -world.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Vast empire of Charles I of Spain, the Emperor Charles V.</div> - -<p>The Italian venture of the Aragonese kings had yielded probably more of -advantage than of harm down to the time of Ferdinand, and it may be that -even he did not overstep the bounds of prudence in his ambitious -designs. When his<a name="page_235" id="page_235"></a> policies were continued, however, in the person of -Charles I, better known by his imperial title as the Emperor Charles V, -the results were to prove more disastrous to Spain than beneficial. The -circumstances were in fact different for the two monarchs, although -their aims were much the same. Some writers have supposed that Ferdinand -himself recognized the danger of a union of the Austrian, Burgundian, -and Spanish dominions under one king, and they assert that he planned to -make Charles’ younger brother, Ferdinand, ruler of Spain and the Two -Sicilies in case the former should be elected emperor. In his will, -however, he respected the principle of primogeniture, and left all to -Charles, eldest son of Philip the Handsome and Juana la Loca. Through -his mother and Ferdinand, Charles inherited Castile, Aragon, and -Navarre, the Castilian dominions in Africa and America (where the era of -great conquests was just about to begin), the Roussillon and Cerdagne -across the Pyrenees, and Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples in Italy; through -his father he had already become possessed of the territories of the -House of Burgundy, comprised of Flanders and Artois in northern France, -Franche-Comté and Charolais in the east, Luxembourg, and the Low -Countries. This was not all, for Charles was heir of the Emperor -Maximilian, and in addition to inheriting the latter’s Austrian -dominions might hope to succeed to the imperial title as ruler of the -Holy Roman Empire. To be sure, the system of electing the emperors by -the electoral princes still obtained, but the Germanic states of the -empire were almost certain to prefer a powerful Hapsburg, with such -dominions as Charles had, to any other candidate, if only to serve as a -counterpoise to the ambitions of France. Nevertheless, the electors did -not miss the opportunity to make a profit out of the situation, and -encouraged the candidacy of Henry VIII of England and especially of -Francis I of France as well as that of Charles, receiving bribes and -favors from all. In the end, following the death of Maximilian in 1519, -they decided in favor of Charles. He was now ruler, at least in name, of -one of the most vast empires in the history of the world.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inherent weakness of his empire.</div> - -<p>The mere possession of such extensive domains inevitably<a name="page_236" id="page_236"></a> led to an -imperialistic policy to insure their retention. Each of the three -principal elements therein, Spain, Burgundy, and the Austrian dominions, -was ambitious in itself and especially hostile to France, and all of -these aspirations and enmities were now combined in a single monarch. -Charles himself was desirous not only of conquest but also of becoming -the most powerful prince in the world, thus assuring the Hapsburg -supremacy in Europe, and making himself the arbiter in European -political affairs and the protector of Christianity; he may even have -dreamed of a world monarchy, for if he did not aspire to such a state -for himself he believed its attainment possible of realization. In the -achievement of a less vast ideal, however, Charles was certain to -experience many difficulties, and at some point or other was bound to -encounter the hostility not only of France but also of the other states -of Europe. If this were not enough there came along the unforeseen -dilemma of the Reformation. Finally, his own dominions were none too -strongly held together, one with another or within themselves. They were -widely separated, some indeed entirely surrounded by French territory, -leading to a multiplicity of problems of a military and a political -nature. The imperial rank carried little real authority in Germany, and -the Burgundian realms were not a great source of power. It appears, -therefore, that the empire was more a matter of show than of strength, -and that Spain, who already had a surfeit of responsibility, what with -her conquests in Italy, Africa, and the Americas, must bear the burden -for all. The reign of Charles would seem to be the parting of the ways -for Spain. If she could have restricted herself to her purely Spanish -inheritance, even with the incubus of her Italian possessions, she might -have prolonged her existence as a great power indefinitely. A century -ahead of England in colonial enterprise, she had such an opportunity as -that which made the island of Britain one of the dominant factors in the -world. Even as matters were, Spain was able to stand forth as a first -rank nation for well over a century. Whatever might have happened if a -different policy had been followed, it hardly admits of doubt that -Spain’s intervention in European affairs involved too<a name="page_237" id="page_237"></a> great a strain on -her resources, and proved a detriment politically and economically to -the peninsula.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Dissatisfaction over foreign favorites and increased -taxation.</div> - -<p>Charles had been brought up in Flanders, and, it is said, was unable to -speak Spanish when he first entered the peninsula as king of Spain. His -official reign began in 1516, but it was not until his arrival in the -following year that the full effect of his measures began to be felt. -Even before that time there was some inkling of what was to come in the -appointments of foreigners, mostly Flemings, to political or -ecclesiastical office in Castile. At length Charles reached Spain, -surrounded by Flemish courtiers, who proceeded to supplant Spaniards not -only in the favor but also in the patronage of the king. The new -officials, more eager for personal profit than patriotic, began to sell -privileges and the posts of lower grade to the highest bidders. Such -practices could not fail to wound the feelings of Spaniards, besides -which they contravened the laws, and many protests by individuals and -towns were made, to which was joined the complaint of the <i>Cortes</i> of -Valladolid in 1518. To make matters worse Chièvres, the favorite -minister of the king, caused taxes to be raised. The amount of the -<i>alcabala</i> was increased, and the tax was made applicable to the -hitherto privileged nobility, much against their will. In like manner -the opposition of the clergy was roused through a bull procured from the -pope requiring ecclesiastical estates to pay a tenth of their income to -the king during a period of three years. Furthermore it was commonly -believed, no doubt with justice, that the Flemish office-holders were -sending gold and other precious metals out of the country, despite the -laws forbidding such export. Nevertheless the <i>Cortes</i> of 1518 granted a -generous subsidy to the king, but this was followed by new increases in -royal taxation. Opposition to these practices now began to crystallize, -with the nobles of Toledo taking the lead in remonstrance against them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles’ manipulation of the <i>Cortes</i> in Galicia.</div> - -<p>The situation in Castile was complicated by the question of the imperial -election. Between the death of Maximilian in January, 1519, and the -election of Charles in June of the same year it was necessary to pay -huge bribes to the electoral princes. Once chosen, Charles accepted the -imperial<a name="page_238" id="page_238"></a> honor, and prepared to go to Germany to be crowned, an event -which called for yet more expenditures of a substantial nature. So, -notwithstanding the grant of 1518, it was decided to call the <i>Cortes</i> -early in 1520 with a view to a fresh subsidy. Since all Castile was in a -state of tumult it was deemed best that the meeting should take place at -some point whence an escape from the country would be easy in case of -need. Thus Santiago de Compostela in Galicia was selected, and it was -there that the <i>Cortes</i> eventually met, moving to the neighboring port -of Coruña after the first few days’ sessions. The call for the <i>Cortes</i> -provoked a storm of protest not only by Toledo but also by many other -cities with which the first-named was in correspondence. Messengers were -sent to the king to beg of him not to leave Spain, or, if he must do so, -to place Spaniards in control of the affairs of state, and complaints -were made against the practices already recounted and numerous others, -such, for example, as the royal use of the title “Majesty,” an unwonted -term in Spain. From the first, Charles turned a deaf ear, refusing to -receive the messengers of the towns, or reproving them when he did give -them audience, and he even went so far as to order the arrest of the -Toledan leaders. The <i>Cortes</i> at length met, and gave evidence of the -widespread discontent in its demands upon the king. In accordance with -their instructions most of the deputies were disinclined to take up the -matter of a supply for the king until he should accede to their -petitions. Under the royal eye, however, they gradually modified their -demands, and when Charles took it upon himself to absolve them from the -pledges they had given to their constituents they voted the subsidy -without obtaining any tangible redress of grievances. The king did -promise not to appoint any foreigners to Spanish benefices or political -holdings during his absence, but broke his word forthwith when he named -Cardinal Adrian, a foreigner, as his representative and governor during -his absence. This done, Charles set out in the same year, 1520, for -Germany.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">War of the <i>Comunidades</i> in Castile.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, a riot in Toledo, promoted by the nobles whom Charles had -ordered arrested, converted itself into a veritable revolt when the -royal <i>corregidor</i> was expelled from the city.<a name="page_239" id="page_239"></a> This action was stated -to have been taken in the name of the <i>Comunidad</i>, or community, of -Toledo, and served to give a name to the uprising which now took place -in all parts of Castile. Deputies to the <i>Cortes</i> who had been faithless -to their trust, some of whom had accepted bribes from the king, were -roughly handled upon their return home, and city after city joined -Toledo in proclaiming the <i>Comunidad</i>. In July, 1520, delegates of the -rebellious communities met, and formed the <i>Junta</i> of Ávila, which from -that town and later from Tordesillas and Valladolid served as the -executive body of the revolution. For a time the <i>Junta</i> was practically -the ruling body in the state; so complete was the overturn of royal -authority that Cardinal Adrian and his advisers made no attempt to put -down the rebellion. Time worked to the advantage of the king, however. -The revolt of Toledo had begun as a protest of the nobles and clergy -against the imposition of taxes against them. The program of the <i>Junta</i> -of Ávila went much further than that, going into the question of the -grievances of the various social classes. At length many of the -<i>comuneros</i> began to indulge in acts of violence and revenge against -those by whom they regarded themselves as having been oppressed, and the -movement changed from one of all the classes, including the nobles, -against the royal infractions of law and privileges, to one of the -popular element against the lords. Thus the middle classes, who objected -to the disorder of the times as harmful to business, and the nobles, in -self-defence, began to take sides with the king. City after city went -over to Charles, and late in 1520 the government was strong enough to -declare war on the communities still faithful to the <i>Junta</i>. -Dissension, treason, and incompetent leadership furthered the decline of -the popular cause, and in 1521 the revolt was crushed at the battle of -Villalar. Charles promised a general pardon, but when he came to Spain -in 1522 he caused a great many to be put to death. Not until 1526 did he -show a disposition to clemency. Moreover he retained his Flemish -advisers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social wars in Valencia and Majorca.</div> - -<p>During the period of the revolt of the <i>Comunidades</i> in Castile even -more bitter civil wars were going on in Valencia<a name="page_240" id="page_240"></a> (1520-1522) and -Majorca (1521-1523). The contest in Valencia was a social conflict from -the start, of plebeians against the lords, whereas the Castilian -conflict was fundamentally political. In Majorca the strife began over -pressure for financial reforms, but developed into an attempt to -eliminate the nobility altogether. Both uprisings were independent of -the Castilian revolt, although serving to aid the latter through the -necessary diversion of troops. As in Castile, so in Valencia and -Majorca, Charles took sides against the popular element, and put down -the insurrections, displaying great severity toward the leaders.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles’ difficulties in Germany and war with France.</div> - -<p>While the civil wars were at their height Charles was having more than -his share of trouble in other quarters. The princes of Germany compelled -him to sign a document affirming their privileges, in which appeared -many paragraphs similar to those of the Castilian petitions to the king, -together with one requiring Charles to maintain the empire independently -of the Spanish crown. The acceptance of these principles by the emperor -is an evidence of the weakness of his authority in the subject states of -Germany, for not only was he a believer in the divine origin of the -imperial dignity, a doctrine which would have impelled him to establish -his personal and absolute rule in all of his realms if possible, but he -seems also to have intended to make Spain the political centre of his -dominions, because she was, after all, his strongest element of support. -At the same time, a fresh difficulty appeared in Germany with the -Lutheran outbreak of 1521. Charles himself favored reform in the church, -but was opposed to any change in dogma. Before he could confront either -the political or the religious problem in Germany, he found himself -attacked on another quarter. Francis I of France had seized upon -Charles’ difficulties as affording him a rich opportunity to strike to -advantage; so in 1521 he twice sent French armies into Spain through the -western Pyrenees on the pretext of restoring the crown of Navarre to the -Labrit family. With all these questions pressing for solution Charles -was in an exceedingly unsatisfactory position. Thus early in the period -lack of funds to prosecute European policies was chronic. Spain herself, -even if there<a name="page_241" id="page_241"></a> had been no civil wars, was not united internally like -the compact French nation, and the other Hapsburg dominions could give -but little help. Finally, Charles could not depend on the alliance of -any other power, for his own realms were neighbors of all the others, -and his designs were therefore generally suspected. Nevertheless, -Charles brought to his many tasks an indomitable will, marked energy, a -steadfast purpose, and an all-round ability which were to do much toward -overcoming the obstacles that hindered him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wars with France, the pope, the Italian states, and German -princes.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The outcome.</div> - -<p>It is profitless, here, to relate the course of the wars with France and -other European states. In the years 1521 to 1529, 1536 to 1538, and 1542 -to 1544, France and Spain were at war, and at other times, down to the -death of Francis I in 1547, the two countries enjoyed what was virtually -no more than a truce. Meanwhile, Charles was usually in conflict with -the popes, whose temporal dominions in central Italy were threatened by -the growing power of Spain and the empire in the Italian peninsula. -Other states in Italy fought now on Charles’ side, now against him, -while the princes of Germany were an equally variable quantity. England -favored each side in turn, but offered little effective aid to either. -As affecting the history of religion these wars gave Protestantism a -chance to develop. Neither Charles nor Francis disdained the aid of -Protestant princes, and the former had little opportunity to proceed -against them on religious grounds. Francis even allied himself with the -Moslem power of Turkey. On the whole, Charles was the victor in the -wars, and could point to the occupation of Milan as a tangible evidence -of his success,—about the only territorial change of consequence as a -result of the many campaigns. Perhaps the most noteworthy fact as -affecting the history of Spain and Spanish America was the financial -drain occasioned by the fighting. Time and again lack of funds was -mainly responsible for defeats or failures to follow up a victory. Spain -and the Americas had to meet the bills, but, liberal as were their -contributions, more were always needed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wars with the Turks and the Moslems of northern Africa.</div> - -<p>The wars with Turkey had a special significance because of the ever -impending peril from Moslem northern Africa. The pirates of the Berber, -or Barbary, Coast, as the lands in<a name="page_242" id="page_242"></a> northwestern Africa are often -called, seemed to be more than ever audacious in the early years of the -reign of Charles. Not only did they attack Spanish ships and even -Spanish ports, but they also made numerous incursions inland in the -peninsula. Aside from the loss in captives and in economic wealth that -these visitations represented, they served to remind the authorities of -the Moslem sympathies of Spanish Moriscos and of the ease with which a -Moslem invasion might be effected. Furthermore the conquests of Isabella -and Ximénez had created Castilian interests in northern Africa, of both -a political and an economic character, which were in need of defence -against the efforts of the tributary princes to free themselves by -Turkish aid. The situation was aggravated by the achievements of a -renegade Greek adventurer and pirate, known best by the sobriquet -“Barbarossa.” This daring corsair became so powerful that he was able to -dethrone the king of Algiers and set up his own brother in his stead. On -the death of the latter at the hands of the Spaniards in 1518, -Barbarossa placed the kingdom of Algiers under the protection of the -sultan of Turkey, became himself an admiral in the Turkish navy, and -soon afterward conquered the kingdom of Tunis, whence during many years -he menaced the Spanish dominions in Italy. Charles in person led an -expedition in 1535 which was successful in dethroning Barbarossa and in -restoring the former king to the throne, but an expedition of 1541, sent -against Algiers, was a dismal failure. On yet another frontier, that of -Hungary, Spanish troops were called upon to meet the Turks, and there -they contributed to the checking of that people at a time when their -military power threatened Europe. The problem of northern Africa, -however, had been little affected by the efforts of Charles.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles’ failure to stamp out Protestantism.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the religious question in Germany had all along been -considered by Charles as one of his most important problems. The first -war with France prevented any action on his part until 1529, since he -needed the support of the Protestant princes. The movement therefore had -time to gather headway, and it was evident that Charles would meet with -determined opposition whenever he should<a name="page_243" id="page_243"></a> decide to face the issue. -Various factors entered in to complicate the matter, such, for example, -as the fear on the part of many princes of the growing Hapsburg power -and the belief that Charles meant to make the imperial succession -hereditary in his family. A temporary adjustment of the religious -situation was made by the imperial Diet held at Spires in 1526, when it -was agreed that every prince should decide for himself in matters of -religion. With the close of the war with France in 1529, Charles caused -the Diet to meet again at Spires, on which occasion the previous -decision was revoked. The princes devoted to the reform ideas protested, -giving rise to the name “Protestant,” but without avail. The Diet was -called for the next year at Augsburg, when Charles sat in judgment -between the two parties. The Protestants presented their side in a -document which became known as the confession of Augsburg. The Catholic -theologians replied, and Charles accepted their view, ordering the -Protestant leaders to submit, and threatening to employ force unless -they should do so. The international situation again operated to protect -the reform movement, for the Turks became threatening, and, indeed, what -with the wars with France and his numerous other difficulties Charles -was unable to proceed resolutely to a solution of the religious problem -until the year 1545. At last he was ready to declare war. In 1547 he won -what seemed to be a decisive victory in the Battle of Mühlberg, -resulting in the subjection of the Protestant princes to the Roman -Church. They protested anew, and, aided by the opposition to Charles on -other grounds,—for example, because of his introduction of Italian and -Spanish soldiery into what was regarded as a domestic quarrel,—were -able to present a warlike front again. This time they were joined by -Charles’ former powerful ally, Maurice of Saxony, through whose -assistance they successfully defended themselves. Peace was made at -Passau in 1552, ratified by the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, whereby the -Protestant princes obtained equal rights with the Catholic lords as to -their freedom in religious beliefs.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Other failures of Charles and his abdication.</div> - -<p>Great as were to be the results of Charles’ reign on its European side, -it had nevertheless been a failure so far as<a name="page_244" id="page_244"></a> Spain and Charles’ own -objects were concerned. Yet other disappointments were to fall to his -lot. He aspired to the imperial title for his son Philip. In this he was -opposed both by the Germanic nobility, who saw in it an attempt to foist -upon them a Spanish-controlled absolutism, and by his brother Ferdinand, -who held the Austrian dominions as a fief of the empire and aimed to -become emperor himself. Unable to prevail in his own policy Charles -eventually supported Ferdinand. For many years, too, he thought of -establishing an independent Burgundian kingdom as a counterpoise to -France, but changed his mind to take up a plan for uniting England and -the Low Countries, with the same object in view. For this latter purpose -he procured the hand of Queen Mary of England for his son Philip. The -marriage proved childless, and Philip was both unpopular and without -power in England. The death of Mary in 1558 ended this prospect. At last -Charles’ spirit was broken. For nearly forty years he had battled for -ideals which he was unable to bring to fulfilment; so he resolved to -retire from public life. In 1555 he renounced his title to the Low -Countries in favor of Philip. In 1556 he abdicated in Spain, and went to -live at the monastery of Yuste in Cáceres. He was unable to drop out of -political life completely, however, and was wont to intervene in the -affairs of Spain from his monastic retreat. In 1558 he gave up his -imperial crown, to which his brother Ferdinand was elected. Thus Spain -was separated from Austria, but she retained the Burgundian inheritance -and the Italian possessions of Aragon. The marriage of Philip the -Handsome and Juana la Loca was still to be productive of fatal -consequences to Spain, for together with the Burgundian domains there -remained the feeling of Hapsburg solidarity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Greatness of Charles in the history of Spain and Spanish -America.</div> - -<p>Charles had failed in Europe, but in Spain and especially in the -Americas he had done more than enough to compensate for his European -reverses. His achievements in Spain belong to the field of institutional -development rather than to that of political narrative, however. As for -the Americas his reign was characterized by such a series of remarkable -mainland conquests that it is often treated as a distinct epoch<a name="page_245" id="page_245"></a> in -American history, the era of the <i>conquistadores</i>, and Spanish America -is, after all, the principal monument to the greatness of his reign. The -Emperor Charles V was a failure; but King Charles I of Spain gave the -Americas to European civilization.<a name="page_246" id="page_246"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXIII"></a>CHAPTER XXIII<br /><br /> -<small>THE REIGN OF PHILIP II, 1556-1598</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Resemblance of the reign of Philip II to that of Charles I.</div> - -<p>I<small>N</small> underlying essentials the reign of Philip II was a reproduction of -that of Charles I. There were scattered dominions and family prestige to -maintain, the enemies of the Catholic Church to combat, the dominant -place of Spain in Europe to assure, the strain on Spanish resources, -and, as glorious offsets to general failure in Europe, the acquisition -of some European domains and the advance of the colonial conquests. Only -the details varied. Philip had a more compact nation behind him than had -fallen to the lot of Charles, although there was still much to be -desired in that respect; France was hostile, though less powerful than -formerly, but England and Philip’s rebellious Protestant Netherlands -more than made up for the weakness of France; issues in Germany no -longer called for great attention, but family politics were not -forgotten; on the other hand Philip achieved the ideal of peninsula -unity through the acquisition of Portugal, carrying with it that -country’s colonies; and, finally, his conquests in the new world, though -less spectacular than those of Charles, compared favorably with them in -actual fact.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Education and character of Philip II.</div> - -<p>Historians have often gone to extremes in their judgments of Philip II. -Some have been ardently pro-Philip, while others were as bitterly -condemnatory. Recently, opinions have been more moderately expressed. In -addition to native ability and intelligence Philip had the benefit of an -unusually good education in preparation for government. Charles himself -was one of the youth’s instructors, and, long before his various -abdications, had given Philip political practice in various ways,—for -example, by making him co-regent of Spain with Cardinal Tavera during -Charles’ own absence in<a name="page_247" id="page_247"></a> Germany. Philip also travelled extensively in -the lands which he one day hoped to govern,—in Italy (1548), the Low -Countries (1549), and Germany (1550). In 1543 he married a Portuguese -princess, María, his first cousin. One son, Charles, was born of this -marriage, but the mother died in childbirth. His fruitless marriage with -Mary Tudor, in 1553, has already been mentioned. He remained in England -until 1555, when he went to the Low Countries to be crowned, and thence -to Spain, of which country he became king in 1556, being at that time -twenty-nine years old. His abilities as king of Spain were offset in a -measure by certain unfortunate traits and practices. He was of a -vacillating type of mind; delays in his administration were often long -and fatal, and more than once he let slip a golden opportunity for -victory, because he could not make up his mind to strike. Of a -suspicious nature, he was too little inclined to rely upon men from -whose abilities he might have profited. A tremendous worker, he was too -much in the habit of trying to do everything himself, with the result -that greater affairs were held up, while the king of Spain worked over -details. Finally, he was extremely rigorous with heretics, from motives -of religion and of political policy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">War with the pope.</div> - -<p>The principal aim of Philip’s life was the triumph of Catholicism, but -this did not hinder his distinguishing clearly between the interests of -the church and those of the popes as rulers of the Papal States. Thus it -was not strange that Philip’s reign should begin with a war against Pope -Paul IV. The latter excommunicated both Charles and Philip, and procured -alliances with France and, curious to relate, the sultan of Turkey, head -of the Moslem world. The pope was defeated, but it was not until the -accession of Pius IV, in 1559, that the bans of excommunication were -raised.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wars with France.</div> - -<p>There was a constant succession of war and peace with France throughout -the reign, with the campaigns being fought more often in northern France -from the vantage ground of Flanders than in Italy as in the time of -Charles. In 1557 Philip might have been able to take Paris, but he -hesitated, and the chance was lost. Many other times Philip’s generals -won victories, but attacks from other quarters<a name="page_248" id="page_248"></a> of Europe would cause a -diversion, or funds would give out, or Philip himself would change his -plans. France was usually on the defensive, because she was weakened -during most of the period by the domestic strife between Catholics and -Protestants. When in 1589 the Protestant leader became entitled to the -throne as Henry IV, Philip and the uncompromising wing of the French -Catholic party endeavored to prevent his actual accession to power. At -one time it was planned to make Philip himself king of France, but, as -this idea did not meet with favor, various others were suggested, -including the proposal of Philip’s daughter for the crown, or the -partition of France between Philip and others. Henry IV settled the -matter in 1594 by becoming a Catholic, wherefore he received the -adhesion of the Catholic party. Philip was not dissatisfied, for it -seemed that he had rid himself of a dangerous Protestant neighbor. Had -he but known it, Henry IV was to accomplish the regeneration of a France -which was to strike the decisive blow, under Louis XIV, to remove Spain -from the ranks of the first-rate powers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">War with the Granadine Moriscos.</div> - -<p>While Philip had no such widespread discontent in Spain to deal with as -had characterized the early years of the reign of Charles, there was one -problem leading to a serious civil war in southern Spain. The Moriscos -of Granada had proved to be an industrious and loyal element, supporting -Charles in the war of the communities, but there was reason to doubt the -sincerity of their conversion to Christianity. The populace generally -and the clergy in particular were very bitter against them, and procured -the passage of laws which were increasingly severe in their treatment of -the Moriscos. An edict of 1526 prohibited the use of Arabic speech or -dress, the taking of baths (a Moslem custom), the bearing of arms, the -employment of non-Christian names, and the giving of lodging in their -houses to Mohammedans whether free or slave. The Moriscos were also -subjected to oppressive inspections to prevent Mohammedan religious -practices; they were obliged to send their children to Christian -schools; and a branch of the Inquisition was established in Granada to -execute, with all the rigors of that institution, the laws against -apostasy. The full effect of the edict was avoided<a name="page_249" id="page_249"></a> by means of a -financial gift to the king, but the Inquisition was not withdrawn. For -many years the situation underwent no substantial change. The clergy, -and the Christian element generally, continued to accuse the Moriscos, -and the latter complained of the confiscations and severity of the -Inquisition. In 1567, however, the edict of 1526 was renewed, but in -harsher form, amplifying the prohibitions. When attempts were made to -put the law into effect, and especially when agents came to take the -Morisco children to Christian schools, by force if necessary, an -uprising was not long in breaking out. The war lasted four years. The -Moriscos were aided by the mountainous character of the country, and -they received help from the Moslems of northern Africa and even from the -Turks. The decisive campaign was fought in 1570, when Spanish troops -under Philip’s half-brother, Juan (or Don John) of Austria, an -illegitimate son of Charles I, defeated the Moriscos, although the war -dragged on to the following year. The surviving Moriscos, including -those who had not taken up arms, were deported <i>en masse</i> and -distributed in other parts of Castilian Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wars with the Turks.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Juan of Austria.</div> - -<p>The external peril from the Moslem peoples had not confined itself to -the period of the Morisco war. Piracy still existed in the western -Mediterranean, and the Turkish Empire continued to advance its conquests -in northern Africa. Philip gained great victories, notably when he -compelled the Turks to raise the siege of Malta in 1564, and especially -in 1571, when he won the naval battle of Lepanto, in which nearly 80,000 -Christians were engaged, most of them Spaniards. These victories were -very important in their European bearings, for they broke the Turkish -naval power, and perhaps saved Europe, but from the standpoint of Spain -alone they were of less consequence. Philip failed to follow them up, -partly because of the pressure of other affairs, and in part because of -his suspicions of the victor of Lepanto, the same Juan of Austria who -had just previously defeated the Moriscos. Juan of Austria was at the -same time a visionary and a capable man of affairs. He was ambitious to -pursue the Turks to Constantinople, capture that city, and restore the -Byzantine Empire, with himself as ruler. Philip<a name="page_250" id="page_250"></a> withdrew his support, -whereupon Juan devised a new project of a great North African empire. -Juan even captured Tunis in pursuance of his plan, but Philip would give -him no help, and Juan was obliged to retire, thus permitting of a -Turkish reconquest. Philip was always able to offer the excuse of lack -of funds,—and, indeed, the expenditures in the wars with Turkey, with -all the effects they carried in their train, were the principal result -to the peninsula of these campaigns.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wars in the Low Countries.</div> - -<p>The greatest of Philip’s difficulties, and one which bulked large in its -importance in European history, was the warfare with his rebellious -provinces in the Low Countries. Its principal bearing in Spanish history -was that it caused the most continuous and very likely the heaviest -drain on the royal treasury of any of Philip’s problems. The war lasted -the entire reign, and was to be a factor for more than a half century -after Philip’s death. It got to be in essence a religious struggle -between the Protestants of what became the Netherlands and Philip, in -which the latter was supported to a certain extent by the provinces of -the Catholic Netherlands, or modern Belgium. Religion, however, was not -the initial, or at any time the sole, matter in controversy. At the -outset the causes were such practices as the Castilian communities had -objected to in the reign of Charles, namely: the appointments of -foreigners to office; the presence of foreign (Spanish) troops; measures -which were regarded as the forerunner to an extension of the Spanish -Inquisition to the Low Countries (against which the nobles and the -clergy alike, practically all of whom were Catholic at that time, made -strenuous objections); Philip’s policy of centralization and absolutism; -the popular aversion for Philip as a Spaniard (just as Spaniards had -objected to Charles as a Fleming); and the excessive rigors employed in -the suppression of heresy. The early leaders were Catholics, many of -them members of the clergy, and the hotbed of rebellion was rather in -the Catholic south than in the Protestant north. It was this situation -which gave the Protestants a chance to strike on their own behalf. The -war, or rather series of wars, was characterized by deeds of valor and -by extreme cruelty. Philip was even more harsh in his instructions for -dealing<a name="page_251" id="page_251"></a> with heretics than his generals were in executing them. Alba -(noted for his severity), Requesens (an able man who followed a more -moderate policy), Juan of Austria (builder of air castles, but winner of -battles), and the able Farnese,—these were the Spanish rulers of the -period, all of them military men. The elder and the younger William of -Orange were the principal Protestant leaders. In open combat the Spanish -infantry was almost invincible, but its victories were nullified, -sometimes because it was drawn away to wage war in France, but more -often because money and supplies were lacking. On various occasions the -troops were left unpaid for so long a time that they took matters into -their own hands. Then, terrible scenes of riot and pillage were enacted, -without distinction as to the religious faith of the sufferers, for even -Catholic churches were sacked by the soldiery. The outcome for the Low -Countries was the virtual independence of the Protestant Netherlands, -although Spain did not yet acknowledge it. For Spain the result was the -same as that of her other ventures in European politics, only greater in -degree than most of them,—exhausting expenditures.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The annexation of Portugal.</div> - -<p>In the middle years of Philip’s reign there was one project of great -moment in Spanish history which he pushed to a successful -conclusion,—the annexation of Portugal. While the ultimate importance -of this event was to be lessened by the later separation of the two -kingdoms, they were united long enough (sixty years) for notable effects -to be felt in Spain and more particularly in the Americas. The desire -for peninsula unity had long been an aspiration of the Castilian kings, -and its consummation from the standpoint of the acquisition of Portugal -had several times been attempted, though without success. The death of -King Sebastián in 1578 without issue left the Portuguese throne to -Cardinal Henry, who was already very old, and whom in any event the pope -refused to release from his religious vows. This caused various -claimants to the succession to announce themselves, among whom were the -Duchess of Braganza, Antonio (the prior of Crato), and Philip. The -first-named had the best hereditary claim, since she was descended from<a name="page_252" id="page_252"></a> -a son (the youngest) of King Manuel, a predecessor of Sebastián. Antonio -of Crato was son of another of King Manuel’s sons, but was of -illegitimate birth; nevertheless, he was the favorite of the regular -clergy, the popular classes, some nobles, and the pope, and was the only -serious rival Philip had to consider. Philip’s mother was the eldest -daughter of the same King Manuel. With this foundation for his claim he -pushed his candidacy with great ability, aided by the skilful diplomacy -of his special ambassador, Cristóbal de Moura. One of the master strokes -was the public announcement of Philip’s proposed governmental policy in -Portugal, promising among other things to respect the autonomy of the -kingdom, recognizing it as a separate political entity from Spain. A -Portuguese <i>Cortes</i> of 1580 voted for the succession of Philip, for the -noble and ecclesiastical branches supported him, against the opposition -of the third estate. A few days later King Henry died, and Philip -prepared to take possession. The partisans of Antonio resisted, but -Philip, who had long been in readiness for the emergency, sent an army -into Portugal under the Duke of Alba, and he easily routed the forces of -Antonio. In keeping with his desire to avoid giving offence to the -Portuguese, Philip gave Alba the strictest orders to punish any -infractions of discipline or improper acts of the soldiery against the -inhabitants, and these commands were carefully complied with,—in -striking contrast with the policy which had been followed while Alba was -governor in the Low Countries. Thus it was that a Portuguese <i>Cortes</i> of -1581 solemnly recognized Philip as king of Portugal. Philip took oath -not to appoint any Spaniards to Portuguese offices, and he kept his word -to the end of his reign. Portugal had now come into the peninsula union -in much the same fashion that Aragon had joined with Castile. With her -came the vast area and great wealth of the Portuguese colonies of Asia, -Africa, and more particularly Brazil. If only the Spanish kings might -hold the country long enough, it appeared inevitable that a real -amalgamation of such kindred peoples would one day take place. -Furthermore, if only the kings would have, or could have, confined -themselves to a Pan-Hispanic policy, embracing<a name="page_253" id="page_253"></a> Spain and Portugal and -their colonies, the opportunity for the continued greatness of the -peninsula seemed striking. The case was a different one from that of the -union of Castile and Aragon, however, for a strong feeling of Portuguese -nationality had already developed, based largely on a hatred of -Spaniards. This spirit had something to feed upon from the outset in the -defeat of the popular Antonio of Crato and in the discontent of many -nobles, who did not profit as much by Philip’s accession as they had -been led to expect. It was necessary to put strong garrisons in -Portuguese cities and to fortify strategic points. Nevertheless, Philip -experienced no serious trouble and was able to leave Portugal to his -immediate successor.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of the war with England.</div> - -<p>Philip’s relations with England, in which the outstanding event was the -defeat of the Spanish Armada, had elements of importance as affecting -Spanish history, especially in so far as they concerned English -depredations in the Americas. They were more important to England, -however, than to Spain, and the story from the English standpoint has -become a familiar one. From the moment of Protestant Elizabeth’s -accession to the English throne in 1558, in succession to Catholic Mary, -there was a constant atmosphere of impending conflict between Spain and -England. Greatest of the motives in Philip’s mind was that her rule -meant a Protestant England, a serious break in the authority of Catholic -Christianity, but there were other causes for war as well. English aid -of an unofficial but substantial character was helping to sustain the -Protestant Netherlands in revolt against Spain. In the Americas “beyond -the line” (of Tordesillas) the two countries were virtually at war, -although in the main it was a conflict of piratical attacks and the -sacking of cities on the part of the English, with acts of retaliation -by the Spaniards. This was the age of Drake’s and Hawkins’ exploits -along the Spanish Main (in the Caribbean area), but it was also the age -of Gilbert and Raleigh, and the first, though ineffectual, attempts of -England to despoil Spain of her American dominions through the founding -of colonies in the Spanish-claimed new world. Incidents of a special -character served to accentuate the feeling<a name="page_254" id="page_254"></a> engendered by these more -permanent causes,—such, for example, as Elizabeth’s appropriation of -the treasure which Philip was sending to the Low Countries as pay for -his soldiers: the Spanish vessels took shelter in an English port to -escape from pirates, whereupon Elizabeth proceeded to “borrow,” as she -termed it, the wealth they were carrying. Hard pressed for funds as -Philip always was, this was indeed a severe blow.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Why a declaration of war was delayed.</div> - -<p>Nevertheless, a declaration of war was postponed for nearly thirty -years. English historians ascribe the delay to the diplomatic skill of -their favorite queen, but, while there is no need to deny her -resourcefulness in that respect, there were reasons in plenty why Philip -himself was desirous of deferring hostilities, or better still, avoiding -them. In view of his existing troubles with France and the Low Countries -he drew back before the enormous expense that a war with England would -entail, to say nothing of the military difficulties of attacking an -island power. Though he received frequent invitations from the Catholics -of England and Scotland to effect an invasion, these projects were too -often linked with similar proposals to the kings of France, the leading -European opponents of the Spanish monarch. Philip wished to break the -power of Elizabeth and of Protestantism if possible, however, and gave -encouragement to plots against the life of the English queen or to -schemes for revolutionary uprisings in favor of Mary Stuart, a Catholic -and Elizabeth’s rival, but none of these designs met with success. Many -Spanish leaders urged a descent upon England, among them Juan of -Austria, who wished to lead the expeditionary force himself, dreaming -possibly of an English crown for his reward, but it was not until 1583 -that Philip viewed these proposals with favor.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Preparations for a descent upon England.</div> - -<p>Once having decided upon an expedition Philip began to lay his plans. -Mary Stuart was persuaded to disinherit her son, who was a Protestant -(the later James I of England), and to make Philip her heir. The pope -was induced to lend both financial and moral support to the undertaking, -although it was necessary to deceive him as to Philip’s intentions to -acquire England for himself; the pope was told that Philip<a name="page_255" id="page_255"></a>’s daughter -was to be made queen of England. The proposed descent upon England was -no secret to Elizabeth, who made ready to resist. With a view to -delaying Philip’s preparations, Drake made an attack upon Cádiz in 1587, -on which occasion he burned all the shipping in the bay. This only -strengthened Philip’s resolutions with regard to the undertaking, and -tended to make him impatient for its early execution. Plans were made -which proved to be in many cases ill considered. The first mistake -occurred when Philip did not entertain a proposition of the Scotch and -French Catholics that he should work in concert with them, thus -declining an opportunity to avail himself of ports and bases of supply -near the point of attack; political reasons were the foundation for his -attitude in this matter. Against advice he also decided to divide the -expedition into a naval and a military section, the troops to come from -the Low Countries after the arrival of the fleet there to transport -them. The worst error of all was that of Philip’s insistence on -directing the organization of the fleet himself. All details had to be -passed upon by the king from his palace of the Escorial near Madrid, -which necessarily involved both delay and a faulty execution of orders. -Evil practices and incompetence were manifest on every hand; quantities -of the supplies purchased proved to be useless; and the officers and men -were badly chosen, many of the former being without naval experience. A -great mistake was made in the appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia -to lead the expedition; the principal recommendation of the duke was -that of his family prestige, for he was absolutely lacking in knowledge -of maritime affairs, and said as much to the king, but the latter -insisted that he should take command.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Defeat of the Armada.</div> - -<p>At length the fleet was able to leave Lisbon, and later Coruña, in the -year 1588. Because of its great size it was termed the <i>Armada -Invencible</i> (the Invincible Fleet), a name which has been taken over -into English as the Spanish, or the Invincible, Armada. In all there -were 131 ships, with over 25,000 sailors, soldiers, and officers. The -evil effect of Philip’s management followed the Armada to sea. He had -given detailed instructions what to do, and the commander<a name="page_256" id="page_256"></a>-in-chief -would not vary from them. Many officers thought it would be best to make -an attack on Plymouth, to secure that port as a base of operations, but -Philip had given orders that the fleet should first go to the Low -Countries to effect a junction with the troops held in readiness there. -The story of the battle with the English fleet is well known. The -contest was altogether one-sided, for the English ships were both -superior in speed and equipped with longer range artillery. -Nevertheless, storms contributed more than the enemy to the Spanish -defeat. The Armada was utterly dispersed, and many vessels were wrecked. -Only 65 ships and some 10,000 men were able to return to Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Domestic troubles and death of Philip.</div> - -<p>The decisive blow had been struck, and Spain was the loser. The English -war went on into the next reign, and there were several spectacular -military events, not all of them unfavorable to Spanish arms, but they -affected the general situation only in that they continued the strain on -the royal exchequer. In the final analysis Philip had failed in this as -in so many other enterprises. This fact was clear, even at the time, -although the eventualities of later years were to make the outcome -appear the more decisive. Philip’s evil star did not confine its effects -to his international policies. His eldest son, Charles, proved to be of -feeble body and unbalanced mind. Getting into difficulties with his -father, he was placed in prison by the latter’s orders, and was never -seen again, dying in 1568. Charges have been made that Philip caused his -death, but he was probably blameless, although he did plan to disinherit -him. Philip had no other son until 1571, when his eventual successor was -born, by his fourth wife. Certain other domestic troubles, not divorced -from scandal (although the evidence is in no case conclusive), may be -passed over, except to mention the crowning grief of all. It early -became clear that his son and heir, the later Philip III, was a weak -character. “God, who has given me so many kingdoms,” Philip is reported -to have said, “has denied me a son capable of ruling them.” In 1598 -Philip died. His last days were passed in extreme physical suffering, -which he endured with admirable resignation. Philip, like the Emperor -Charles, his father, had<a name="page_257" id="page_257"></a> been indeed a great king, but he was a victim, -as Charles had been, of a mistaken policy. Nevertheless, they had ruled -Spain in her century of greatness, when Spain was not only the leading -power in Europe, but was planting her institutions, for all time, in the -vast domains of the Americas.<a name="page_258" id="page_258"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXIV"></a>CHAPTER XXIV<br /><br /> -<small>A CENTURY OF DECLINE, 1598-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish defeats of the sixteenth century.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> unfortunate policies of Charles I and Philip II were continued -during the seventeenth century in the reigns of Philip III, Philip IV, -and Charles II, but Spain was no longer able to hold her front rank -position in European affairs, especially after the buffets of fortune -which fell to her lot in the reign of Philip IV. Not only that, but a -decline also set in which affected Spanish civilization in all its -phases. The impetus of Spain’s greatness in the sixteenth century -carried her along to yet loftier heights in some manifestations of her -inner life, notably in art and literature, but even in these -characteristics the decline was rapid and almost complete by the end of -the reign of Charles II. Italy, France, and the Low Countries continued -to absorb Spanish effort, but now it was Spain’s turn to acknowledge -defeat, while France, the great power of the century, took toll for the -losses she had suffered at the hands of Charles I and Philip II. The -unsuccessful Catalan revolt and the victorious war of the Portuguese for -independence assisted to drain Spain of her resources, financial and -otherwise, while the last-named event destroyed peninsula unity, -carrying with it such of the Portuguese colonies as had not already been -lost. Spain yielded the aggressive to her strongest opponent, and -endeavored herself to maintain the defence. Nevertheless, great -achievements were still the rule in the colonies, even if of a less -showy type than formerly. Spain was still the conqueror and civilizer. -On the other hand, the efforts of other nations to found colonies in -lands claimed by Spain began to be successful, and this movement -gathered force throughout the century,<a name="page_259" id="page_259"></a> together with the direct -annexation of some lands which were already Spanish.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Philip III and Spanish relations with England, the Low -Countries, and the Empire.</div> - -<p>Philip III (1598-1621) was the first of three sovereigns, each of whom -was weaker than his predecessor. The fifteenth-century practice of -government by favorites was restored. Philip III turned over the -political management of his kingdom to the Duke of Lerma, while he -himself indulged in wasteful extravagances, punctuated by an equal -excess in religious devotions. He had inherited wars with England and -the Protestant Netherlands, but the first of these was brought to an end -in 1604, shortly after the accession of James I of England. The war in -the Low Countries was characterized by the same features which had -marked its progress in the previous reign. Philip II had endeavored to -solve the problem by making an independent kingdom of that region, under -his daughter and her husband as the rulers, with a proviso for a -reversion to Spain in case of a failure of the line. This measure was -practically without effect, for Spanish troops and Spanish moneys -continued to be the basis for the wars against the Dutch, or Protestant, -element. Before the end of Philip III’s reign the decision for a -reversion to Spanish authority had already been made and accepted. There -were two factors in the Dutch wars of the period worthy of mention. For -one thing the Dutch became more bold on the seas, and began a remarkable -career of maritime conquest which was to last well over half a century. -As affecting Spain this new activity manifested itself mainly in -piratical attacks on Spanish ships, or in descents upon Spanish coasts, -but a number of Philip’s Portuguese colonies were picked up by the -Dutch. The Dutch wars also produced a man who was both a great soldier -(a not uncommon type in that day of Spanish military importance) and a -great statesman, who sensed the evil course which Spain was following in -her European relations and argued against it, all to no avail. This man -was Ambrosio Spínola. Spínola won victory upon victory from the Dutch, -but was often obliged to rely on his personal estate for the funds with -which to carry on the campaigns; so when the Dutch asked for a truce he -favored the idea, and on this occasion his views<a name="page_260" id="page_260"></a> were allowed to -prevail. A twelve-year truce was agreed upon in 1609, one condition of -which was the recognition of the independence of the Protestant states. -In 1618 the great conflict which has become known as the Thirty Years’ -War broke out in Germany, having its beginnings in a dispute between the -Hapsburg emperor, Ferdinand, and the Protestant elector of the -Palatinate. Spain entered the war on the side of Ferdinand, largely -because of family reasons, but also in support of Catholicism. Spínola -was sent into the Palatinate with a Spanish army, where he swept -everything before him. Thus casually did Spain enter a war which was to -be a thirty-nine years’ conflict for her (1620-1659) and productive of -her own undoing.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relations with France, the Italian states, Turkey, and the -pirates of the Barbary Coast.</div> - -<p>Affairs with France were characterized by a bit of good fortune which -postponed the evil day for Spain. Henry IV had reorganized the French -kingdom until it reached a state of preparation which would have enabled -it to take the offensive, a policy which Henry had in mind. The -assassination of the French king, in 1610, prevented an outbreak of war -between France and Spain at a time when the latter was almost certain to -be defeated. Marie de Medici became regent in France, and chose to keep -the peace. Italy was a constant source of trouble in this reign, due to -the conflict of interests between the kings of Spain and the popes and -princes of the Italian peninsula. There was a succession of petty wars -or of the prospects of war, which meant that affairs were always in a -disturbed condition. The Turks continued to be a peril to Europe, and -their co-religionists and subjects in northern Africa were the terror of -the seas. Spain rendered service to Europe by repulsing the attempts of -the former to get a foothold in Italy, but could do nothing to check -piratical ventures. The pirates of the Barbary Coast plied their trade -both in the Mediterranean and along Spain’s Atlantic coasts to their -limits in the Bay of Biscay, while English and Dutch ships were active -in the same pursuits.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Philip IV and Olivares.</div> - -<p>The storm broke in the reign of Philip IV (1621-1665). Philip IV was -only sixteen at the time of his accession to the throne. He had good -intentions, and tried to interest<a name="page_261" id="page_261"></a> himself in matters of government, but -was of a frivolous and dissolute nature, unable to give consideration -for any length of time to serious affairs. The result was the rule of -another favorite, the Count-Duke of Olivares. Olivares was possibly the -worst man who could have been chosen, precisely because he had -sufficient ability to attempt the execution of his mistaken ideas. He -was energetic, intelligent, and well educated, but was stubborn, proud, -irascible, boastful, and insulting. He was able to make plans on a -gigantic scale, and had real discernment as to the strength of Spain’s -enemies, but lacked the practical capacity to handle the details. The -times were such as demanded a Spínola, but the counsels of Olivares -prevailed, and their keynote was imperialism in Europe and a centralized -absolutism in the peninsula.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish losses in the Thirty Years’ War.</div> - -<p>The truce with the Dutch came to an end in 1621. Spínola urged that it -be continued, but Olivares gave orders for the resumption of -hostilities. No advantages of consequence were obtained by Spain, but -the Dutch were again successful in their career on the seas. The Thirty -Years’ War continued to involve Spain. France, though Catholic and -virtually ruled by a Catholic cardinal, Richelieu, was more intent on -the development of the French state than upon the religious question, -and aided the Protestants against their enemies. Richelieu did not bring -France into the war until 1635, but, in the meantime, through grants of -money and skilful diplomacy, he was able to make trouble for Spain in -Italy and in the Low Countries. When at length it seemed as if the -Catholic states might win, due largely to the effectiveness of the -Spanish infantry, France entered the war on the side of the Protestant -princes. Spanish troops continued to win battles, without profiting -greatly because of the incessant difficulties from lack of funds. In -1643 the French, under Condé, defeated the Spaniards at Rocroy. The -moral effect of this victory was tremendous, like the surrender of the -ancient Spartans at the Island of Sphacteria, for it was the first time -in some two centuries that the Spanish infantry had been defeated in -pitched battle under nearly equal conditions. Henceforth defeats were no -novelty. The tide had turned; Rocroy spelled Spain’s doom as a great<a name="page_262" id="page_262"></a> -power. The treaties of Westphalia in 1648 affected Spain only so far as -concerned the war with the Protestant Netherlands. Dutch independence -was reaffirmed, and the colonies which the Dutch had won, mainly from -the Portuguese in the East Indies, were formally granted to them. The -Catholic Netherlands remained Spanish. The war with France went on until -1659. In 1652 Cromwell offered Spain an alliance against France, but the -price demanded was high; one of the conditions was that Spain should -permit Englishmen to trade with the Spanish colonies,—an entering wedge -for an English commercial supremacy which might easily be converted into -political acquisition. Spain declined and Cromwell joined France. The -English conquest of Jamaica in the ensuing war was the first great break -in the solidarity of the actually occupied Spanish domain, marking a -turning point in colonial history, as Rocroy had done in that of Europe. -By the treaty of 1659 Spain gave up the Roussillon and Cerdagne, thus -accepting the Pyrenees as the boundary between herself and France. Spain -also surrendered Sardinia and large parts both of the Catholic -Netherlands and of her former Burgundian possessions. The most fruitful -clause in the treaty was that providing for the marriage of the Spanish -princess, María Teresa, with Louis XIV of France. The former was to -renounce for herself and her heirs any rights she or they might -otherwise have to the Spanish throne, while a considerable dowry was to -be paid by Spain on her behalf. The results of this marriage will be -mentioned presently.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Catalan discontent.</div> - -<p>Intimately related to the wars just referred to was the Catalan revolt. -The Catalans had long been a nation so far as separate language and -institutions go, and their traditions compared well with those of -Castile, which had now come to dominate in the Spanish state. The whole -course of the revolt is illustrative of the difficulties under which -Spain labored in this era of European wars. The Catalans had objected -for centuries, even before the union with Castile, to the policy of -centralization and absolutism of the kings, alleging their charter -rights which were thus contravened. Such acts as the failure of the -kings to call the Catalan<a name="page_263" id="page_263"></a> <i>Cortes</i>, the increases in taxation, or the -levying of taxes like those paid in Castile, and the introduction of the -Castilian Inquisition had been unfavorably received in the past. Now -came the monarchical designs of Olivares, coupled with the unavoidable -exigencies of the wars, to heighten the discontent. Aside from the -increased taxation there were two matters to which the Catalans were -strenuously opposed on the ground that they were against their legal -rights,—the maintenance of foreign troops (even Castilians and -Aragonese being so regarded) in Catalonia and the enjoyment of public -office by persons who were not Catalans. Furthermore they objected to -the employment of Catalan troops in foreign countries, holding that -their obligations were limited to defending Catalonia, and similarly -they maintained that funds raised in Catalonia should not be used for -wars outside that province. Philip IV tried to procure a subsidy from -the Catalan <i>Cortes</i> in 1626, but the grant was denied. Another attempt -was made in 1632, on which occasion Olivares imprudently followed the -methods of Charles I at the time of the <i>Cortes</i> of Santiago-Coruña. He -got the funds, but his action caused great dissatisfaction in the -province. Meanwhile the danger of an invasion from France had led to the -sending of troops to Catalonia, and constant friction followed their -arrival. The imperfect military discipline of that age, together with -the annoyances usually inseparable from the presence of armies, resulted -in many abuses, which were resented even to the point of armed conflict; -as early as 1629, eleven years before the outbreak, there was a bloody -encounter between the citizens and the soldiery at Barcelona. The -irksome requirement calling upon the towns to lodge the troops was also -productive of ill feeling. By law the most that could be demanded was -the use of a room, a bed, a table, fire, salt, vinegar, and service, -while all else must be paid for. Lack of funds was such, however, that -more than this was exacted. In addition to this there came an order from -Madrid calling for the imposition of the <i>quinto</i>, or fifth, of the -revenues of the municipalities. France took advantage of the situation -to fan the flame of discontent and to win certain Catalan nobles of the -frontier to her side. Nevertheless,<a name="page_264" id="page_264"></a> when the French invaded the -Roussillon in 1639 the Catalans rushed to arms and helped to expel them -early in 1640.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginning of the Catalan revolt.</div> - -<p>The questions of lodging the soldiers and of procuring additional funds -continued to provoke trouble. Olivares said in an open meeting of the -<i>Consejo Real</i> that the Catalans ought to be made to contribute in -proportion to their wealth. Later he ordered an enforced levy of Catalan -troops for use in Italy, and stated in the decree so providing that it -was necessary to proceed without paying attention to “provincial -pettiness” (<i>menudencias provinciales</i>). The impulse for the outbreak -proceeded, however, from the conflicts between the soldiers and the -peasantry of the country districts, especially on account of the -excesses of the retreating royal troops at the time of the French -invasion of the Roussillon. Curiously enough, the peasantry acted very -largely from religious motives. Many of the soldiers were utter -foreigners to the Catalans,—such, for example, as the Italians and the -Irish, both of which elements were present in considerable numbers. To -the ignorant peasants these strange-mannered people, who were Catholics -in fact, seemed most certainly heretics. Attacks on the soldiery began -in the mountain districts early in 1640, and soon extended to the cities -as well. In June a serious riot occurred in Barcelona, during which the -hated royal viceroy was killed. That act marked the triumph of the -revolution and the beginning of the war.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The war against the Catalans.</div> - -<p>It is possible that a policy of moderation might still have avoided the -conflict, but such action was not taken. The war lasted nineteen years, -and was fought bitterly until 1653. In 1640 the Catalans formed a -republic, and made an alliance with France, putting themselves under the -protection of the French monarchy. The republic was short-lived; in 1641 -the monarchical form returned, with a recognition of the king of France -as ruler. French troops aided the Catalans in many expeditions, but in -this very fact lay the remedy for the grievances against Spain. The -Catalans found that French officials and French soldiers committed the -same abuses as those which they had objected to in the case of Castile. -Coupled with a statement of Philip IV that<a name="page_265" id="page_265"></a> he had never intended to -interfere with the Catalan <i>fueros</i>, or charter rights (although -Olivares certainly had so intended), this proved to be the turning -point. Philip confirmed the charters in 1653, but the fighting went on -in certain regions until 1659, when Catalonia was recognized as part of -Spain in the treaty of peace with France. The war had one good result; -it occasioned the dismissal of Olivares in 1643. Nevertheless, the evil -had been done beyond repair, though the dispute had experienced a turn -for the better, dating from Olivares’ deprivation from office.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mildness of Spanish rule in Portugal.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, Olivares had involved Spain in another direction. From the -time of the acquisition of Portugal by Philip II that region had been -exceedingly well treated by the Spanish kings: no public offices were -given to any but Portuguese; no military or naval forces and no taxes -were required for purely Spanish objects; the Portuguese colonies were -left to the Portuguese, and the route around Africa to the Far East was -closed to Spaniards; Lisbon continued to be the centre of Portuguese -colonial traffic, as Seville was for Spain; and even the members of the -House of Braganza, despite their dangerous claim to the throne, were -allowed to remain in Portugal, and were greatly favored. Furthermore, -Philip II abolished customs houses between Portugal and Castile, made -advantageous administrative improvements (among other things, reforming -colonial management, on the Spanish model), and attempted something in -the way of public works. The annexation weighed very lightly on the -country. The king was represented by a viceroy; there were a few Spanish -troops in Portugal; and some taxes were collected, though they were far -from heavy in amount. Spain has been charged with the responsibility for -the loss of many Portuguese colonies, on the ground that Portugal became -involved in the wars against the Spanish kings, and therefore open to -the attack of Spain’s enemies. There is reason for believing, however, -that the connection served rather as a pretext than a cause; this was an -age when the North European powers were engaging in colonial -enterprises, and it is worthy of note that the Dutch, who were the -principal successors to the Portuguese possessions, continued<a name="page_266" id="page_266"></a> to make -conquests from Portugal after they had formed an alliance with that -country in the war of Portuguese independence from Spain. In fact, very -little passed into foreign hands prior to the Portuguese separation from -the Spanish crown as compared with what was lost afterward.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The imperialism of Olivares and the uprising in Portugal.</div> - -<p>While the nobility and the wealthy classes favored the union with Spain, -there were strong elements in the country of a contrary opinion, for -whom leaders were to be found in the lower ranks of the secular clergy -and especially among the Jesuits. The masses of the people still hated -Spaniards; several generations were necessary before that traditional -feeling could be appreciably lessened. A current of opposition -manifested itself as early as the reign of Philip III, when the Duke of -Lerma, the king’s favorite minister, proposed to raise the prohibition -maintained against the Jews forbidding them to sell their goods when -emigrating, and planned to grant them civil equality with Christians. -This had coincided with a slight increase in taxation to produce -discontent. It was natural that the imperialistic Olivares should wish -to introduce a radical change in the relations of Spain and Portugal. He -early addressed the king on the advisability of bringing about a -veritable amalgamation of the two countries, and suggested that -Portuguese individuals should be given some offices in Castile, and -Castilians in like manner awarded posts in Portugal. When this purpose -became known it was used as one of the principal means of stirring up -opposition to Spain, on the ground that Portugal was to be deprived of -her autonomy. The renewal of legislation such as that proposed by the -Duke of Lerma with respect to the Jews and an increase in taxation added -to the dissatisfaction in Portugal to such an extent that there were -several riots. Spain’s financial difficulties arising from the European -wars led Olivares to turn yet more insistently to Portugal, and in the -year 1635 new and heavier taxes began to be imposed, together with the -collection of certain ecclesiastical rents which had been granted to the -king by the pope. This produced the first outbreak against the royal -authority. A revolution was started at Évora in 1637 which soon spread -to all parts of Portugal, but the<a name="page_267" id="page_267"></a> nobles, the wealthy classes, and the -Duke of Braganza were not in favor of the movement, and it was soon -suppressed. The condition of affairs which had provoked it continued, -however, and was accentuated by new burdens and fresh departures from -the agreement of Philip II. Taxes became heavier still; Portuguese -troops were required to serve in the Low Countries; and the Duke of -Braganza, of whom Olivares was unreasonably suspicious, was appointed -viceroy of Milan, with a view to getting him out of Portugal. It was -this last measure which was to bring about a fresh and more determined -uprising than that of 1637. The duke refused the appointment, whereupon -Olivares completely changed front, possibly with a view to concealment -of his real suspicions, and made Braganza military governor of Portugal, -besides sending him funds with which to repair the fortifications of the -kingdom. The duke would almost certainly have been satisfied with this -arrangement, had it not been for his wife, whose ambitious character was -not duly taken into account by Olivares. This lady was a Spaniard of the -family of the dukes of Medina Sidonia, but she was desirous of being a -queen, even though it should strike a blow at her native land. She -conspired to bring about a Portuguese revolution headed by her husband, -who should thus become king of Portugal. The Catalonian outbreak of 1640 -furnished a pretext and the propitious occasion desired. The Duke of -Braganza and the nobility generally were ordered to join the royal army -in suppressing the Catalans. Instead, the nobles rebelled, and the -revolution broke out on the first of December in the same year, 1640. -Fortresses were seized, and the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed as João -(or John) IV, king of Portugal.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The war of Portuguese independence.</div> - -<p>The war lasted twenty-eight years, but, although it might well have been -considered as more important than any of the problems of the time, other -than the equally momentous Catalan revolt, it was not actively -prosecuted by Spain. Spain was engaged in too many other wars, to which -she gave perhaps an undue share of her attention, and was more than ever -beset by her chronic difficulty of lack of funds. France, England, and -the Protestant Netherlands gave help to Portugal<a name="page_268" id="page_268"></a> at different times, -whereby the last-named was able to maintain herself against the weak -attacks of Spain. The decisive battle was fought at Villaviciosa in -1665, but it was not until 1668, in the reign of Charles II, that peace -was made. Portugal was recognized as independent, retaining such of her -former colonies as had not already been taken by the Dutch,—with one -exception; the post of Ceuta, in northern Africa, remained Spanish,—the -only reminder of Spain’s great opportunity to establish peninsula unity -through the union with Portugal.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Other revolts and plottings.</div> - -<p>Still other difficulties arose in Italy and in Spain to harass the reign -of Philip IV. There were revolts in Sicily in 1646-1647, and in Naples -in 1647-1648, both of which were put down. An Aragonese plot was -discovered, and there was no uprising. A similar plot in Andalusia was -headed by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, captain general of the province -and brother of the new queen of Portugal. This too was uncovered in time -to prevent an outbreak. In Vizcaya there was a serious revolt, growing -out of an alleged tampering with local privileges, but it was eventually -put down. In fine, the reign had been one of disaster. Olivares had been -the chief instrument to bring it about, but, after all, he only -represented the prevailing opinion and traditional policies. The moment -of reckoning had come.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles “the Bewitched.”</div> - -<div class="sidenote">French aggressions.</div> - -<p>The reign of Charles II (1665-1700) was a period of waiting for what -seemed likely to be the end, unless fate should intervene to give a new -turn to affairs. The king himself was doubly in need of a regent, for he -was only four years old when he succeeded to the throne and was also -weak and sick in mind and body. He was subject to epileptic fits, on -which account he was termed Charles “the Bewitched” (<i>el Hechizado</i>), -and many people believed that he was indeed possessed of a Devil. This -disgusting, but pitiful, creature was expected to die at any moment, but -he lived to rule, though little more than in name, for thirty-five -years. The whole reign was one of plotting for the succession, since it -early became clear that Charles II could have no heir. There was a -pro-French party, a pro-Austrian party, and a very strong group which -favored a Spaniard, Juan of Austria,<a name="page_269" id="page_269"></a> illegitimate son of a Spanish -king, as his predecessor of the same name had been. Juan of Austria -became virtual ruler in 1677, but died in 1679, thus eliminating the -only prominent claimant in Spain. France, at the height of her power -under Louis XIV, was unwilling to wait for the death of Charles II -before profiting by Spanish weakness, and therefore engaged in several -wars of aggression, directed primarily against Spain’s possessions in -the Low Countries and against the Protestant Netherlands. In many of -these wars other powers fought on the side of Spain and the Dutch, -notably the Holy Roman Emperor, many princes of Germany, and Sweden, -while England and the pope joined the allies against the French military -lord in the last war of the period. Four times Spain was forced into -conflict, in 1667-1668, 1672-1678, 1681-1684, and 1689-1697. Province -after province in northern Europe was wrested away, until, after the -last war, when Louis XIV had achieved his greatest success, little would -have remained, but for an unusual spirit of generosity on the part of -the French king. Instead of taking further lands from Spain, he restored -some which he had won in this and previous wars. The reason was that he -now hoped to procure the entire dominions of Spain for his own family.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Plottings of the Austrian and French parties for the -succession.</div> - -<p>The leader of the party favoring the Hapsburg, or Austrian, succession -in Spain was the queen-mother, María Ana, herself of the House of -Austria. After many vicissitudes she at length seemed to have achieved a -victory, when she brought about the marriage of Charles II to an -Austrian princess in 1689, the same year in which the king’s former -wife, a French princess, had died. The situation was all the more -favorable in that Louis XIV declared war against Spain in that year for -the fourth time in the reign. The very necessities of the war, added to -the now chronic bad administration and the general state of misery in -Spain, operated, however, to arouse discontent and to provoke opposition -to the party in power. Thus the French succession was more popular, even -during the war, than that of the allied House of Austria. After the war -was over, the French propaganda was established on a solid basis, for it -was evident, now, that Charles II could not long survive. Louis XIV put -forward<a name="page_270" id="page_270"></a> his grandson, Philip of Anjou, as a candidate, and the Holy -Roman Emperor urged the claims of his son, the Archduke Charles. Not -only did Philip have the weaker hereditary claim, but he also had the -renunciation of his grandmother, María Teresa, wife of Louis XIV, -against him. The last-named objection was easily overcome, since Spain -had never paid the promised dowry of María Teresa, wherefore Louis XIV -held that the renunciation was of no effect.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Success of the French party.</div> - -<p>The fight, after all, was a political one, and not a mere determination -of legal right, and in this respect Louis XIV and his candidate, Philip, -had the advantage, through skilful diplomacy. The French party in Madrid -was headed by Cardinal Portocarrero, a man of great influence, assisted -by Harcourt, the French ambassador. The imperial ambassador, Harrach, -and Stanhope, the representative of England, worked together; the union -of France and Spain under Bourbon rulers, who would probably be -French-controlled, represented a serious upsetting of the balance of -power, wherefore England desired the succession of the Archduke Charles, -who at that time was not a probable candidate for the imperial crown. -For several years Madrid was the scene of one of the most fascinating -diplomatic battles in European history. The feeble-minded king did not -know what to do, and asked advice on all sides, but could not make up -his mind about the succession. The Austrian party had his ear, however, -through his Austrian wife, and through the king’s confessor, who was one -of their group, but by a clever strike of Portocarrero’s the king was -persuaded that his wife was plotting to kill him, and was induced to -change confessors, this time accepting a member of the French party. To -divide his opponents Louis XIV proposed the dismemberment of Spain and -her possessions among the leading claimants, assigning Spain, Flanders, -and the colonies to a third candidate, the Prince of Bavaria. The French -king did not intend that any such division should take place, and in any -event the Bavarian prince soon died, but through measures of this type -Louis XIV eventually contrived to supplant in office and in influence -nearly all who opposed the Bourbon succession. Meanwhile, the -unfortunate king was stirred<a name="page_271" id="page_271"></a> up and worried, although possibly without -evil design, so that his health was more and more broken and his -mentality disordered to the point of idiocy, hastening his death. -Strange medicines and exorcisms were used in order to cast out the Devil -with which he was told he was possessed, exciting the king to the point -of frenzy. In 1700 Louis XIV abandoned his course of dissimulation to -such an extent that it became clear that he would endeavor to procure -all the Spanish dominions for Philip. Henceforth it was a struggle -between the two principal claimants for exclusive rule. The wretched -Spanish monarch was at length obliged to go to bed by what was clearly -his last illness. Even then he was not left in peace, and the plotting -continued almost to the very end. On October 3, Philip was named by the -dying king as sole heir to all his dominions. On November 1, Charles II -died, and with him passed the rule of the House of Austria.<a name="page_272" id="page_272"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXV" id="CHAPTER_XXV"></a>CHAPTER XXV<br /><br /> -<small>SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1516-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Principal events in the social history of the era.</div> - -<p>A<small>S</small> compared with the two preceding eras there was little in this period -strikingly new in social history. In the main, society tended to become -more thoroughly modern, but along lines whose origins dated farther -back. The most marked novelty in Spain was the conversion of the -Mudéjares of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, followed less than a -century later by the expulsion of the Moriscos from every part of Spain. -The most remarkable phase of social history of the time, however, was -the subjection, conversion, and to a certain extent the civilization of -millions of Indians in the Americas. The work was thorough enough to -mark those lands permanently with the impress of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Gradual approximation of the nobility to present-day -society.</div> - -<p>By a process of natural evolution from the practices current in the -reign of the Catholic Kings the nobles came to exhibit characteristics -very similar to those of present-day society. They now went to court if -they could, or else to the nearest large city, where they became a -bourgeois nobility. Those who remained on their estates were soon -forgotten. Through social prestige the nobles were still able to procure -not only the honorary palace posts but also the majority of the greater -political and military commands. Now and then, an untitled <i>letrado</i> -would attain to a viceroyalty or other high position, but these cases -were the exception. In this way, the great body of the nobles were able -to counteract the economic losses of their class occasioned by the new -importance of mercantile and industrial wealth. Nevertheless, the -wealthiest men of the times were nobles, with whom the richest of -middle-class merchants could<a name="page_273" id="page_273"></a> hardly compare in material possessions. -The more extraordinary accumulations of wealth, based on vast lands and -the institution of primogeniture, were confined to a few of the greatest -nobles of the land, however. The vast horde of the <i>segundones</i> and -others of the lesser nobility found service as before at court, or in -the train of some great noble, in the army, and in the church. The -nobles retained most of the privileges they had previously enjoyed, but -except in Aragon proper lost much of the political jurisdiction they had -formerly exercised over their own lands. The sentiment in favor of the -royal authority was now so strong that any limitation on the power of -the sovereign was viewed with disapproval. The jurisdiction which the -lords retained was limited by many royal rights of intervention, such as -the superior authority of the king’s law, or the royal institution of -the <i>pesquisa</i>. Some remnants of the lords’ former political and social -power over their vassals existed, but in general the relation was the -purely civil one of landlord and tenant. In Aragon, despite attempts to -effect reforms, the lords still possessed seigniorial authority, -accompanied by the irksome incidents of serfdom; required personal -services of their vassals; collected tributes of a medieval character; -exercised a paternal authority (such as that of permitting or refusing -their vassals a right to marry); and had the power of life and death.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Hierarchy of the nobility.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Social vanity.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Survivals of medievalism among the nobles.</div> - -<p>The hierarchy of the nobility was definitely established in this period. -At the top, representing the medieval <i>ricoshombres</i>, were the grandees -(<i>Grandes</i>) and the “titles” (<i>Títulos</i>). The principal difference -between the two was that the former were privileged to remain covered in -the presence of the king and to be called “cousins” of the monarch, -while those of the second grade might only be called “relatives,”—empty -honors, which were much esteemed, however, as symbolic of rank. These -groups monopolized all titles such as marquis, duke, count, and prince. -Below them were the <i>caballeros</i> and the <i>hidalgos</i>. The word <i>hidalgos</i> -was employed to designate those nobles of inferior rank without fortune, -lands, jurisdiction, or high public office. The desire for the noble -rank of <i>hidalgo</i> and the<a name="page_274" id="page_274"></a> vanity marked by the devising of family -shields became a national disease, and resulted in fact in the increase -of the <i>hidalgo</i> class. The people of Guipúzcoa claimed that they were -all <i>hidalgos</i>, and received the royal recognition of their pretension. -Measures were taken to check this dangerous exemplification of social -pride, but on the other hand the treasury found the sale of rights of -<i>hidalguía</i> a profitable source of income. In 1541 there were less than -800,000 taxpayers in Castile, but over 100,000 <i>hidalgos</i>. The nobles -did not at once forget their medieval practices of duelling, private -war, plotting, and violence. There were instances of these throughout -the era, and in Aragon and Majorca they were almost continuous. -Nevertheless, the situation did not become so serious as it had been in -the past; it merely represented the deeply rooted force of noble -tradition, which objected to any submission to discipline. Both the -hierarchy of the nobility, with all its incidents of broad estates, -jurisdictions, class pride, and vanity, and the irresponsible practices -of the nobles passed over into the Americas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advance of the plebeian classes through the rise of the -merchants and the <i>letrados</i>.</div> - -<p>While there were many different categories of free Christian society the -essential grades were those of nobles (or members of the clergy) and -plebeians. There were many rich merchants of the middle class who aped -the nobility in entailing their estates and in luxurious display, and -there were learned men who received distinguished honors or exemptions -from duties to the state, but in social prestige they could not compare -with the lowest <i>hidalgo</i>. Many of them became noble by royal favor, and -especially was this way open to the learned class of the <i>letrados</i>. -These men provided lawyers and administrative officers for the state, -and, as such, occupied positions which put them on a level, at least in -authority, with the nobles. The advance of the merchants and the -<i>letrados</i> represented a gain for the plebeian class as a whole, for any -free Christian might get to be one or the other and even become -ennobled. The economic decline of Spain in the seventeenth century was a -severe blow to the merchants, while the <i>letrados</i> were unpopular with -nobles and plebeians alike; nevertheless, thoughtful<a name="page_275" id="page_275"></a> men agreed that -the regeneration of the country must come from these two elements.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Improvement in the legal condition of the masses.</div> - -<p>The masses were poor, as always, but their legal condition, except in -Aragon, had been improved. There were many social wars in Aragon -throughout the period, but the serfs, unable to act together, could not -overcome their oppressors. Something was done by the kings through the -incorporation into the crown of seigniorial estates where abuses were -most pronounced. The same state of chronic warfare existed in Catalonia, -where the rural population, though now freed from serfdom, was still -subject to certain seigniorial rights. By the end of the period the -victory of the plebeians was clear, and the ties which bound them to the -lords were loosened. The social aspects of the civil wars in Castile, -Valencia, and Majorca at the outset of the reign of Charles I have -already been referred to. These revolts failed, and there were no -similar great uprisings of the Christian masses in these regions, but -the tendency of the nobility to go to court and the expulsion of the -Moriscos were to operate to break down the survivals of seigniorial -authority.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Slavery.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The gypsies.</div> - -<p>Although objections were raised to the enslavement of the Indians in the -Americas, the institution of slavery itself was generally recognized; -even charitable and religious establishments possessed slaves. Moslem -prisoners and negroes (acquired through war or purchase), together with -their children, made up the bulk of this class, although there were some -slaves of white race. Conversion to Christianity did not procure -emancipation, but the slaves were allowed to earn something for -themselves with which to purchase their freedom. Certain -restrictions—such, for example, as the prohibition against their living -in quarters inhabited by newly converted Christians, or against their -entering the guilds—were placed upon them once they had become free. -Only a little higher in status than the slaves were the Egipcianos, or -gypsies. About the middle of the fifteenth century they had entered -Spain for the first time by way of Catalonia, and, thenceforth, groups -of them wandered about the peninsula, stealing and telling fortunes for -a living, and having a government of their own. A law of<a name="page_276" id="page_276"></a> 1499 required -them to settle down in towns and ply honest trades on pain of expulsion -from Spain or of enslavement, but the gypsies neither left Spain nor -abandoned their nomadic ways, and they were a continual problem to the -kings of the House of Austria. Various royal orders provided that they -must take up an occupation, although their choice was virtually limited -by law to the cultivation of the soil; they were not to live in the -smaller villages, were forbidden to use their native language, dress, or -names, or to employ their customs in marriage and other matters, and -were prohibited from dwelling in a separate quarter of their own. Fear -lest the Christian population become contaminated by gypsy superstitions -and a regard for public security were the guiding motives for this -legislation. Severe penalties were attached, but the evil was not -eradicated; similar laws had to be enacted as late as the eighteenth -century.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Forced conversion of the Mudéjares of the kingdom of Aragon.</div> - -<p>After the time of the Catholic Kings there were no free Mudéjares in -Castile, although there were many Moriscos, but in Aragon, Catalonia, -and especially in Valencia the Mudéjares were numerous. Many elements, -including the majority of the clergy (the officers of the Inquisition in -particular), the king, and the Christian masses were in favor of their -forcible conversion with a view to the establishment of religious unity -in the country, although other reasons were alleged as well. The nobles -were warmly opposed, mainly on economic grounds because the Mudéjares -formed the principal element among their agricultural workers. Many of -the higher clergy joined with them for the same reason, although some of -them voiced their objections on the ground that compulsory baptism would -only result in apostasy. During the social war in Valencia early in the -reign of Charles I the popular faction had forcibly converted a number -of the Mudéjares who had fought against them on the side of the lords. -The question arose whether these baptisms were valid. Charles decided -that they were, and ordered the children of the Mudéjares, who had thus -unwillingly become Moriscos, to be baptized also. This provoked a storm -of protest on the part of the lords, for the<a name="page_277" id="page_277"></a> continuance of such a -policy might result in emigrations or uprisings, much to their -detriment. They cited the royal oath of Ferdinand and of Charles himself -to the <i>Cortes</i> of Aragon not to compel the Mudéjares to abjure their -faith, but this difficulty was easily overcome. The pope was persuaded -to absolve Charles from his oath, and gave his consent to the forcible -conversion of the free Mudéjares, on pain of perpetual enslavement or -expulsion from Spain. In 1525 Charles published a decree in accordance -with the terms of the papal license. The objections of the nobles and -the <i>Cortes</i> were overruled, and several isolated rebellions were put -down. While many Mudéjares went to Africa, thousands accepted -conversion, and, although it was clear that they did not do so of their -own free will, were at once made subject to the usual rules applying to -converts, including the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Soon afterward, -however, Charles consented to exempt them from religious persecution for -a number of years.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure of the attempts to Christianize the Moriscos.</div> - -<p>The problem of religious unity was now officially solved; all Spain -legally had become Christian. The Moriscos were the subject of grave -suspicions, however, as regards their orthodoxy, and with reason, since -most of them continued to be Mohammedans in fact. The harsh legislation -of other days was resurrected, and was applied with even greater -severity. Prohibitions extended to the use of anything reminiscent of -their former religion or customs, such as amulets, the Arabic language, -Arabic names, their special form of dress, their characteristic songs -and dances, and their habit of taking baths. The laws applying to -Granada were particularly harsh, provoking the already mentioned war of -1568-1571. After the suppression of that rebellion and the deportation -of the Granadine Moriscos to other parts of Castile, steps were taken to -prevent their return and to keep them under surveillance. The Moriscos -were not allowed to dwell together in a district of their own; they -might not stay out overnight, or change their residence without -permission; and their children were ordered to be brought up in the -homes of Christians of long standing, or at any rate to be sent to -Christian schools. Prohibitions<a name="page_278" id="page_278"></a> against carrying arms and other -measures designed to prevent the Moriscos from endangering the peace -were general throughout Spain. Gradually the idea arose that the best -thing to do would be to get rid of the Moriscos in some way. In the -first place the attempt to convert them had been a failure. The Moriscos -were not altogether to blame, for no adequate steps had been taken to -instruct them in the Christian religion. Orders to do so had been -issued, but for many reasons they were difficult to execute. Such a task -would have been enormously expensive, and the funds were not at hand; -few Christian priests were competent to serve as instructors, since not -many of them knew Arabic; there existed the serious obstacle of the -hatred of the Moriscos for the Christian religion, due to the bad -treatment they had received and their fear of the Inquisition; and the -nobles threw the weight of their influence against molesting the -Moriscos in this way as in others. In the second place, the very hatred -of the Christian masses for the Moriscos had rendered their conversion -difficult. Some of the charges made against them would seem to indicate -that prejudice was the real foundation of this animosity. It was said -that the Moriscos ate so little meat and drank so little wine that -Christians had to pay nearly all of the <i>alcabala</i>, or the tax on their -sale; they were denounced because they monopolized the industrial arts -and trades, to the disadvantage of Christians; complaints were made that -they always married, never becoming monks, wherefore their numbers -increased more rapidly than those of the Christian population. Thus -their frugality, industry, and domesticity were made the subject of -accusations. Naturally there were more serious grounds of complaint than -these, such as the inevitable private conflicts of old Christians and -Moriscos, but differences in race, religion, and general customs were -enough to cause popular hatred in that day, when intolerance was the -rule. In the third place, it must be said in measurable justification of -Spanish policy that the Moriscos did represent a danger to the state. -They were numerous, and, naturally enough, hostile to the government; -time and again they were proved to have fostered or taken part in -uprisings<a name="page_279" id="page_279"></a> and to have worked in conjunction with Moslem pirates; -finally, the likelihood of a fresh Moslem descent from Africa, assisted -by Spanish Moriscos, was not to be disregarded.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expulsion of the Moriscos.</div> - -<p>The failure of the attempts to convert the Moriscos had long been -recognized, and the question arose what to do with them. Some men -proposed a general massacre, or sending them to sea and scuttling the -ships. Others suggested that they be sent to the Americas to work in the -mines,—a solution which might have had interesting consequences. From -about 1582, however, the idea of expelling them from Spain became more -and more general, and was favored by men of the highest character,—for -example, by Juan de Ribera, archbishop of Valencia (canonized in the -eighteenth century). The expulsion was virtually decided upon as early -as 1602, but the decrees were postponed for several years. In September, -1609, the expulsion from Valencia was ordered. All Moriscos except -certain specified groups were required to be at various designated ports -within three days; they were allowed to carry such movable property as -they could, while the rest of their possessions was to go to their -lords,—a sop to the nobles, for whom the expulsion meant great economic -loss; they were informed that they would be taken to Africa free of -charge, but were told to carry as much food as they could. Six per cent -of the Morisco men and their families were excepted by the decree, so -that they might instruct the laborers who should take the place of the -expelled Moriscos. Various other groups, such as slaves, small children -(under certain specified conditions), and those whose conversion was -regarded as unquestionably sincere, were also exempted. The Moriscos -were unwilling to avail themselves of the exceptions in their favor, and -a general exodus began. The decree was cruelly executed, despite the -government’s attempt to prevent it. Murder, robbery, and outrages -against women went unpunished; even the soldiers sent to protect the -Moriscos were guilty of these abuses. Many Moriscos were sold into -slavery, especially children, who were taken from their parents. When -news came that the peoples of northern Africa had given a harsh -reception to the first of the Moriscos to disembark there,<a name="page_280" id="page_280"></a> many -preferred to take the chances of revolt rather than submit to expulsion, -but these uprisings were easily put down. Decrees for the other parts of -Spain soon followed; the decree for Castile proper, Extremadura, and La -Mancha came in the same year, 1609; for Granada, Andalusia, and Aragon -in 1610; and for Catalonia and Murcia in 1611, although the execution of -the decree for Murcia was postponed until 1614. The terms of all, while -varying in details, resembled that of Valencia. More time was given, -usually a month; the permission to carry away personalty was accompanied -by a prohibition against the taking of money or precious metals; and in -some cases all children under seven were required to remain in Spain -when their parents elected to go to Africa. On this account many -Moriscos made the voyage to Africa by way of France, on the pretence -that they were going to the latter country, thus retaining their -children.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure of the expulsions to stamp out the Morisco and Jewish -elements in Spanish blood.</div> - -<p>Various estimates have been made as to the number of the expelled -Moriscos. It is probable that some half a million were obliged to -emigrate. Many remained in Spain, forming outlaw bands in the mountains, -or hiding under the protection of their lords, while thousands had long -since merged with the Christian population. Almost from the start a -current of re-immigration set in, for, after all, the Moriscos had in -many respects become Spaniards, and they found that conditions in the -lands to which they had gone were far from agreeable. Throughout the -seventeenth century laws were enacted against returning Moriscos, but -were of such little effect that the government virtually admitted its -powerlessness in the matter. Southern Spain and the east coast below -Catalonia remained strongly Moslem in blood, and the other provinces of -the peninsula were not a little affected as well, but as regards -religion the Morisco element was gradually merged, and this matter never -became a serious problem again. Similar questions arose over returning -Jews, who came back to Spain for much the same reasons the Moriscos did. -They were not nearly so numerous, however, wherefore their return did -not represent such a political danger as did that of the Moriscos.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Influence of Roman principles on the institutions of the -family and private property.</div> - -<p>The legal status of the family underwent no striking<a name="page_281" id="page_281"></a> change in this -period, except that the victory of Roman principles was more and more -confirmed. The decisions of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), a famous -general council of the Catholic Church, prohibited divorce, clandestine -marriage, and in general any kind of marital union not made according to -the solemnities and forms of the church, and these principles became law -in Spain, but they represented tendencies which had long before appeared -in the <i>Partidas</i> and the <i>Leyes de Toro</i>. Unions lacking the sanction -of the law did not disappear; rather they were one of the prominent -features of the immorality of the times. It was in its economic aspects -that the family experienced its most marked change, and this was due to -the exceptional favor with which the institution of primogeniture had -come to be viewed, keeping pace with the vanity and the furor for -ennoblement of the age. The very extension of the practice was its -saving grace, for not only the great nobles but also persons of lesser -note, including plebeians with not too vast estates, were wont to leave -their properties to the eldest son; thus accumulation in the hands of a -very few was avoided. For the same reason the crown often favored the -custom for the smaller holdings, but restricted it in the case of the -<i>latifundia</i>,—for example, in the prohibition issued against the -combining of two such great estates. The individualism and capitalism of -the Roman law was most marked of all in matters of property. One -interesting attempt was made to get around the laws against usury -through the purchase of annuities, the <i>censo consignativo</i>. Popular -opinion, reinforced by the ideas of the moralists and jurisconsults and -even by a bull of the pope, opposed the practice, and it did not -survive. Despite the supremacy of the Roman ideas there were many -writings of a socialistic character citing the collectivism of the -Peruvian Incas or other such states of society as desirable of adoption -in Spain. The philosopher Luis Vives, for example, favored a -redistribution of natural resources and their equal enjoyment by all.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Evolution of the guilds.</div> - -<p>While the law frowned upon the spirit of association, even prohibiting -the founding of new <i>cofradías</i>, the guilds enjoyed<a name="page_282" id="page_282"></a> their greatest era -of prosperity. This was due in part to the intervention of the state, -which supplanted the municipalities in control of the institution. State -regulation, even in technical matters, went further than it had in the -fifteenth century. Despite government interest, as evidenced by the -according of numerous privileges, the germs of the decline of the guilds -were already apparent at the close of the seventeenth century. The -exclusive spirit of the guilds whereby they endeavored to keep trade in -the hands of their own members and their families, without admitting -others who were competent to belong, was one cause of this decline, -while their loss of liberty (due to government intervention) and the -strife within and without the guild were contributing factors. One -novelty of the era was the growing distinction between the manual arts -and the liberal professions, the latter of which rose to a higher -consideration. Thus lawyers, notaries, and doctors were rated above -those engaged in manual labors, while there was also a recognized -hierarchy among the last-named, from the workers in gold, silver, -jewelry, and rich cloths down to the drivers of mules. The great -association of the <i>Mesta</i> still enjoyed wide powers, as did also that -of the carriers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Low moral tone of the era.</div> - -<p>In laxness of morals and in luxury this period was much like the two -preceding. It seems worse, but this may be due to the greater variety of -materials at hand for study, such as books of travel, novels, plays, -satires, letters, laws, and the frequently appearing “relations of -events,” which in that day took the place occupied by the modern -newspaper. A Spanish writer has characterized the practices of the time -in the following language:<a name="page_283" id="page_283"></a> “The ideal of an exaggerated sense of honor, -chivalric quixotism, religious fanaticism, and the exalted predominance -of form over the essence of things ruled Spanish society of the -seventeenth century, absolutely and tyrannically. Duels and stabbings at -every moment to sustain the least question of etiquette or courtesy; -scandalous conflicts of jurisdiction between the highest tribunals of -state; absurd and ridiculous projects to make silver without silver, -fomented by the leading ministers; extremely costly and showy feasts to -solemnize ordinary events, while cities, islands, provinces, and even -kingdoms were being lost through bad government and worse -administration; frequent and pompous public processions; blind belief in -the miraculous virtue of some medal, stamp, or old rag of Mother Luisa -or some other impostor; politico-religious sermons within and without -the royal palace; the most abominable and nefarious sins scattered to an -almost unbelievable extent among all classes of Madrid society; the vice -of gambling converted into a profession by many persons; and, in fine, -the censure of our court, by those who formed part of it and by those -who did not, for its astonishing abundance and its depraved life of -strumpets and wenches.... It is true that there were men of high degree -who preferred the coarse sackcloth of the religious to the rich clothing -of brocade and gold, and military leaders who exchanged the sword for -the monkish girdle, but these were exceptions, which by the very fewness -of their numbers stand out the more strongly from the general stock of -that society, so accustomed to laziness, hypocrisy, routine, and -external practices as it was, removed from the true paths of virtue, -wisdom, and progress.” If to these characteristics there are added those -of the misery and ignorance of the common people, and if an exception is -made of the men devoted to intellectual pursuits, the above is fairly -representative of Spanish society in this period. Loose practices were -prevalent in excessive degree at Madrid, which had become the capital in -the time of Philip II. While such a state of affairs is not unusual in -all great capitals, immorality infected all classes of society in -Madrid, and little if any stigma attached in the matter. Philip IV had -thirty-two illegitimate children, and Charles I and even the somewhat -sombre Philip II were not without reproach. Much that is unspeakable was -prevalent, and gambling was generally indulged in. Lack of discipline -also manifested itself in frequent duelling, despite prohibitive laws, -and in the turbulence of the people on different occasions; university -students were somewhat notorious in this respect, indulging in riots -which were not free from incidents of an unsavory character. Other -cities were little better than Madrid, and those of the south and<a name="page_284" id="page_284"></a> east, -where Moslem blood had been most plentiful, especially Seville and -Valencia, had a yet worse reputation; Valencia had even a European -notoriety for its licentious customs. These practices passed over into -the Americas in an exaggerated form. The Andalusian blood of the -conquerors and their adventurous life amidst subject races were not -conducive to self-restraint. These evils were not to be without effect -in the moulding of the Spanish American peoples. In the smaller Spanish -towns and villages there was probably less vice, but there was more -ignorance and greater lack of public security. Bands of robbers infested -the country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal extravagance.</div> - -<p>In luxury as in immorality the example was set by the kings themselves. -Some of its manifestations were meritorious (except that expenditures -were out of proportion to the resources and needs of the state), -especially the encouragement of art through the purchase of paintings -and the construction of palaces. But if Charles I and Philip II were -lavish, Philip III and Philip IV were extravagant. Both of these kings, -in addition to their fondness for the theatre, bull-fighting, dancing, -and hunting, were responsible for the most ostentatious display on -occasions of court celebrations. When Philip III went to San Sebastián -in 1615 to attend the double wedding which was to bind together the -houses of Austria and Bourbon, he was accompanied by a train of 74 -carriages, 174 litters, 190 state coaches, 2750 saddle mules, 374 beasts -of burden (of which 128 had coverings embroidered with the royal coat of -arms), 1750 mules with silver bells, and 6500 persons, besides an escort -of 4000 Guipuzcoans. Equal pomp and extravagance marked the reception to -the Archduchess María Ana of Austria when she came to Spain as the -fiancée of Philip IV; similarly, the entertainment accorded the Prince -of Wales (the later Charles I of England) and the Duke of Buckingham -when they visited Spain early in the reign of Philip IV; and likewise -the various masquerades during the period of Olivares, one of which is -said to have cost over 300,000 ducats (nearly $5,000,000). It would seem -that war was not alone responsible for the drains on the Spanish -treasury. There<a name="page_285" id="page_285"></a> was a decline in expenditures in the reign of Charles -II, due principally to the fact that there was little left to spend.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Luxury in general.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dress.</div> - -<p>Private individuals could not equal the kings in extravagance, but they -did the best they could. Houses often lacked comforts in the way of -furniture, but made a brave showing in tapestries and paintings. -Naturally, great attention was paid to dress. Under Charles I, just as -in art, so also in dress, clothing was in a stage which may be called -the transition from the “plateresque” to the “Spanish Renaissance.” For -example, influenced by German and Swiss fashions, men wore puffs on -their forearm or between the waist and hips, variegated oblong pieces in -their jackets, bright colors generally, and a tall conical hat. In -keeping with the greater sobriety of Philip II, styles became “Herreran” -in that the puffs were abandoned, obscure colors replaced gay, and a cap -superseded its more pretentious predecessor. Philip III inaugurated the -“baroque” in dress with a return to the styles of Charles I, but in an -exaggerated form.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sports and amusements.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">General social customs.</div> - -<p>Men were much given to sports and outings. The duel as a sport passed -out at the beginning of the era, and jousts and tourneys lost their -vogue by the end of the sixteenth century, but a host of new games took -their place, such as equestrian contests of skill in the use of reed -spears, lances, or pikes, but, more than all, the game which has ever -since gripped Spanish interest, the bull-fight. Dances, parties, -excursions, picnics, and masquerades were also in high favor. Dancing on -the stage had a tendency to be indecent,—so much so, that it had to be -prohibited. Tobacco was introduced from America at this time. Bathing -was unpopular, partly because of the stigma attaching to that hygienic -practice as a result of Moslem indulgence therein, but it was also the -subject of attacks by writers on ethics, who complained of the immoral -uses to which bath-houses were put. Public celebrations of feast days -and carnivals were characterized by exhibitions of rough horse-play -which were far removed from modern refinement. People considered it -amusing to empty tiny baskets of ashes on one another, to trip up -passers-by with a rope across the street, to put a lighted rag or a -piece of punk in a horse<a name="page_286" id="page_286"></a>’s ear, to pin an animal’s tail or some other -unseemly object on a woman’s dress, to loose harmless snakes or rats in -a crowd, to drop filthy waters on passers-by in the streets below, and -to hurl egg-shells full of odorous essences at one another, varying the -last-named missile with what the present-day American school-boy knows -as the “spitball.” These were not the acts of children, but of ladies -and gentlemen! Nevertheless, there was a beginning of refinement in -table manners. Napkins were introduced, first as an unnecessary luxury, -and later more generally,—replacing the use of the table cloth! It also -became a polite custom to wash one’s hands before eating. The same -progress is to be noted in another respect; Charles I indulged in the -somewhat “plateresque” custom of kissing all ladies who were presented -to him at court; Philip II in true “Herreran” style gave it up.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Bad care of cities.</div> - -<p>Cities were badly cared for. Barcelona, Madrid, and Seville were alone -in being paved. Uncleanly human practices, despite efforts to check -them, led to the accumulation of filth and odors in the streets, and -this condition was not remedied, although there were officials charged -with the duty of street-cleaning. No city had a lighting system worthy -of the name; in Madrid the only street lights were the faintly -glimmering candles or lamps which were placed before sacred images. All -Europe exhibited the same social defects as those which have just been -detailed, but Spain seemed reduced more than other countries to a state -of poverty and misery, displaying every manifestation of mortal decay.<a name="page_287" id="page_287"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXVI"></a>CHAPTER XXVI<br /><br /> -<small>POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1516-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The establishment of absolutism.</div> - -<p>T<small>WO</small> outstanding features marked the history of Spanish political -institutions in the era of the House of Hapsburg, or Austria: the -absolutism of the kings; and the development of a modern bureaucratic -machinery. The Hapsburgs did not introduce absolutism into Spain, but, -rather, succeeded to a system which the efforts of their predecessors, -especially the Catholic Kings, had made possible. Nevertheless, it was -in this period that the kings, aided by greater resources than former -Spanish monarchs had possessed, by the prestige of ruling the most -extensive and powerful dominions in the world, and by the predominantly -royalist ideas of the age, including the theory of divine right, were -able for the first time to direct the affairs of state much as they -chose. To be sure, they were still supposed to respect the laws and to -rule for the good of their subjects, but in practice it was left to them -to interpret their own conduct. Instances have already been given of -Charles I’s infringements of the law,—for example, in his employment of -Flemish favorites. He also introduced a system of personal rule, making -himself the head and centre of all governmental action. It was Philip -II, however, who carried the ideal of personal rule to the greatest -extreme. Suspicion and direct intervention in state affairs were the -basic principles of his government, wherefore he gave no man his full -confidence, but tried to do as much as he could himself. If the methods -of Philip II, the most bureaucratic king in history, often had -unfortunate results,—for example, in the case of preparing the famous -Armada,—those of his successors<a name="page_288" id="page_288"></a> were far more disastrous. Under Philip -III and Philip IV the royal authority was granted to favorites, while -the power of Charles II had necessarily to be exercised most of the time -by some other than the feeble-minded king himself. Thus these reigns -were a period of continual intriguing by different factions for the -king’s confidence, in order that the victors might rule Spain for their -own enrichment.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tendencies toward centralization.</div> - -<p>At first sight it would seem that the kings were not successful in their -policy of centralization. It was hardly to be expected that the -dominions outside the peninsula could be brought under the same system -of law and custom as governed in Castile, and the case was much the same -as regards Portugal when that kingdom was added to the monarchy. With -respect to the rest of the peninsula, however, Olivares expressed what -was at least a desirable ideal, when he wished to bring about an -amalgamation on the Castilian pattern, both in law and in common -sentiment, of the dominions of the crown. Some changes were in fact made -which tended to promote legal unification, but in essentials the ancient -customs of Navarre, Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque -provinces were left undisturbed. It is possible that the merger might -have been attempted with safety at almost any time before 1640, when -Olivares tried it,—quite probably so in the sixteenth century. That it -was not undertaken may have been due to the attention given to foreign -wars, but in any event the autonomy of the non-Castilian kingdoms of the -monarchy was more apparent than real. The nobility and many of the -people were intensely royalist, and even when they were not so in -principle they supported the kings because, like them, they were -profoundly Catholic. Furthermore, the organization representing the old -régime had declined internally to such an extent that it was a mere -shadow of its former self. Centralization had in fact been going on -without process of law, and for that very reason it was easy in the next -period to make it legally effective.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Submissiveness of the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Comparative independence of the other <i>Cortes</i>.</div> - -<p>Nowhere was the absolutism of the kings more manifest than in their -dealings with the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>. The principal functions of this -body had always been to grant or withhold subsidies and to make -petitions, which the kings<a name="page_289" id="page_289"></a> might, or might not, enact into law. In this -period the deputies were so submissive that they never failed to grant -the required subsidy, despite the exhaustion of the country, while their -petitions received scant attention. Under the circumstances, since the -grant of a subsidy by the representatives of the towns was now the only -reason for calling a <i>Cortes</i>, the nobles and the clergy were not always -summoned. Charles I encountered some resistance of the <i>Cortes</i> in the -early part of his reign, but in later years the kings experienced no -serious difficulty. The deputies themselves lost interest, and not -infrequently sold their privilege of attendance to some individual who -might even be a non-resident of the town he was to represent. The kings -procured the right to appoint many of the deputies, or else issued -orders to the towns, directing them how to instruct their delegates, and -also gave pensions to the deputies, thus insuring the expression of -their own will in the meetings of the <i>Cortes</i>. It is not strange that -the <i>Cortes</i> was called frequently,—forty-four times down to 1665. In -1665 the function of granting subsidies was given directly to the -towns,—with the result that no <i>Cortes</i> was held in the entire reign of -Charles II. The various other <i>Cortes</i> of the peninsula were more -fortunate than that of Castile. Those of the kingdom of Aragon (Aragon -proper, Catalonia, and Valencia) had always participated more than that -of Castile in legislation, and had been more prone to voice their -grievances. The calling of a <i>Cortes</i> in these regions involved -difficulties, especially in Valencia, where the king was obliged to be -present, in order to constitute a legal meeting. The need for funds was -such, however, that a number of <i>Cortes</i> were summoned,—seventeen in -Aragon, thirteen in Catalonia, fourteen in Valencia, and seventy-three -in Navarre,—but the kings did not obtain a great deal from them. Often -the delegates refused to make a grant, or else gave so little that it -hardly covered the expenses of the king’s journey to the place of -meeting. No effort was made to join these bodies with that of Castile to -form a national <i>Cortes</i>; the force of particularism was as yet too -strong to attempt it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Subservience of the towns to the royal will.</div> - -<p>Just as in the case of the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>, so also in that<a name="page_290" id="page_290"></a> of the -towns, the absolutism of the kings made itself felt to a marked degree, -for the way had been prepared in previous reigns, and in this instance -the royal authority was equally as noteworthy in Aragon, Catalonia, -Valencia, and Majorca as in Castile. This was brought about principally -through the decline of the towns in political spirit, a movement which -had been going on since the fourteenth century. As a result the -<i>ayuntamientos</i> had usurped the powers which formerly belonged to the -general assembly of citizens, and now their functions became absorbed -more and more by the kings through their officials in the towns, such as -the <i>corregidores</i> and others. So great was the authority of the kings -that they were able to make a profit for the treasury by the sale in -perpetuity of local offices, and when the evils which resulted became -too pronounced they gave orders abolishing all such positions acquired -before 1630. Furthermore, all local legislation of an important -character had to receive the sanction of the <i>Consejo Real</i>. Much the -same local officials as in the past administered the affairs of the -municipalities, and the methods of their acquisition of office continued -to be diverse, being in some towns by election, in others by lot, in -still others by inheritance, and in yet others by royal appointment; but -in all of the large royal towns (<i>realengos</i>) the king’s authority was -paramount. In fine, local autonomy was virtually dead, although the -forms of the period when the towns were a virile political factor still -persisted. In two classes of municipalities the royal victory was not -complete. One was that of the small villages, where the system of the -medieval <i>villa</i>, or <i>concejo</i>, obtained, but since these units were of -small consequence the retention of their earlier liberties had little or -no effect on the general situation. The other was that of the -seigniorial towns, most of them in Aragon, Catalonia, and Navarre, where -the struggles of past eras, of the citizens against the lords, were -repeated in this.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of the bureaucracy.</div> - -<p>With the advance both in royal authority and in the scope and extension -of government it was inevitable that the new bureaucracy, which had made -its appearance in the modern sense under the Catholic Kings, should -increase in the number of its officials and in power until it absorbed a -great part<a name="page_291" id="page_291"></a> of the functions which the kings themselves had formerly -exercised in person. Aside from the royal secretaries, the -governor-generals (during the absence of the king), regents, and members -of the various administrative groups there were often individuals -without portfolios who exercised great power as private counselors of -the king. Some of the members of the <i>Consejo Real</i> were also prominent -in this extra-official way. The importance of the royal secretaries, of -whom there were always more than one, was notably great in this period. -Whenever one of them became the favorite, the others were nevertheless -retained, grouping themselves around the one who had the ear of the -king. The office of the latter became a universal bureau and secretariat -of state (<i>Secretaría de Estado y del Despacho Universal</i>), presiding -over the others.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Power of the <i>Consejo Real</i>.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the <i>Consejo Real</i> advanced in power, and new councils were -added. The most notable reform in the <i>Consejo Real</i> was its division in -1608 into four sections, or <i>salas</i>, respectively of government -(<i>Gobierno</i>), justice (<i>Justicia</i>), “fifteen hundred” (<i>Mil y -quinientos</i>), and the provinces (<i>Provincia</i>). The last three had to do -with affairs of justice, while the <i>Sala de Gobierno</i>, the most -important of the four, was supposed to concern itself mainly with -politics and administration. Nevertheless, the variety of functions -which had always characterized the <i>Consejo</i> as a whole applied in like -manner to each of the <i>salas</i>. Thus the <i>Sala de Gobierno</i> handled such -widely divergent matters as the extirpation of vice and sin, the -economic development of the country, the decision in cases of conflict -of laws or jurisdictions, cases of recourse of <i>fuerza</i>, the cleaning -and improvement of Madrid, questions of peace and war, together with a -great number of others. Moreover, many of its functions were judicial in -character. Important affairs, especially those on which the king -requested advice, were taken up by the <i>Consejo</i> in full (<i>en -pleno</i>),—that is, by a joint meeting of the four <i>salas</i>. While the -<i>Consejo</i> had been in origin a purely consultive body, it now acquired -the privilege of making suggestions to the king of its own volition and -of indicating its objections to any measures he might<a name="page_292" id="page_292"></a> have taken. It -was natural that the decisions, or <i>autos</i>, of the <i>Consejo</i> should have -great weight, both as affecting matters of justice, and as concerned -government and administration in general, since the <i>Consejo</i> might make -new laws and annul or dispense with old ones, although of course -consulting with the king before publishing its decision. The <i>autos</i> of -the <i>Consejo</i> became, therefore, an important source of legislation, and -in 1552 it was decided that they should have the same force as the laws -of the king himself. Late in the sixteenth century it became customary -to call the <i>Consejo</i> the <i>Consejo de Castilla</i> (Council of Castile), by -which name, henceforth, it was more generally known.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of the Cámara.</div> - -<p>In like manner other councils were formed (in addition to those dating -from the era of the Catholic Kings) which relieved the monarch of many -of his responsibilities. The most important was the <i>Consejo de la Real -Cámara</i> (Council of the Royal Chamber), more often called the <i>Cámara de -Castilla</i>, or simply the <i>Cámara</i>. This was founded by Philip II in 1588 -to assist him in handling such matters as the kings had always retained -for themselves, apart from the <i>Consejo Real</i>, such as questions arising -in connection with the <i>patronato real</i>, or royal patronage, of the -church and appointments generally to the various councils, <i>audiencias</i>, -and other important posts in Castilian administration. Men of the -highest character were chosen to compose the <i>Cámara</i>, and secrecy as to -their discussions was imposed upon them. In 1616 the <i>Cámara</i> advanced a -step further, in that certain affairs—such as pardons for crime, -authorizations for entailing estates in primogeniture, the -naturalization of foreigners, and the removal of civil and political -disabilities from individuals subject to them—were left for it to -resolve without consulting the king. The king still intervened in the -more important matters. Among the new councils of the era were those of -finance (<i>Hacienda</i>), war (<i>Guerra</i>), and indulgences (<i>Cruzada</i>), all -of Castilian origin.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expansion of the royal judiciary.</div> - -<p>The expansion of officialdom in the peninsula made its presence felt in -the judiciary as elsewhere. The three judicial <i>salas</i> of the <i>Consejo -Real</i> and in some cases the <i>Sala de<a name="page_293" id="page_293"></a> Gobierno</i> as well became the -fountain-head of justice, under the king. This was especially true of -the full <i>Consejo</i>, which met weekly. This body also named special -judges, such as <i>visitadores</i>, both to procure information for the -<i>Consejo</i> and to inspect the tribunals of lower grade. The number of -<i>audiencias</i> was increased until there were five in the peninsula and -one each in Majorca and the Canary Islands, besides a number in the -Americas.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Below these was the hierarchy of the lesser officials. -There were still various outstanding jurisdictions, such as those of the -towns, the military orders, the Inquisition, and the church, but one of -the keynotes of the era was the advance of the royal courts at the -expense of the others. The administration of justice left much to be -desired, however. As a result of the wars and civil conflicts and the -general state of misery and lack of discipline, public security was -almost non-existent. Banditry and crime went unsuppressed, and -legislation served for little in the face of the corruption of officials -and the lack of means to make the laws effective.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Vastness of the royal expenditures.</div> - -<p>Frequent references have already been made to the desperate state of -Spanish finances in the era of the House of Austria and to its -importance as an ultimate factor affecting Spanish dominion in the -Americas. Vast sums were expended for political and military ends, the -only compensations for which were extensions of territory and power and -a satisfaction of the desire for glory, without reflecting themselves in -an increase of public wealth, the well-being of Spaniards, or even in -commercial advantage; on the contrary, economic development was checked -or hindered by the continual wars in which the kings engaged. -Expenditures very greatly increased over what they had been before. It -will be sufficient to explain this if some comment is made on two -noteworthy objects to which state revenues were devoted: the maintenance -of the court; and the cost of the wars. The ordinary expenses of the -royal family jumped under Charles I to about 150,000 ducats ($2,250,000) -a year,—more than ten times the amount required by the Catholic<a name="page_294" id="page_294"></a> Kings. -To this should be added the vast sums granted to the princes; in 1550 -Philip (the later Philip II) received 55,000 ducats (over $800,000) in -the course of four months. The expenditures of the court constantly -increased. In 1562 the ordinary court expenses amounted to 415,000 -ducats (well over $6,000,000), and under Philip III they were 1,300,000 -(nearly $20,000,000) annually. In addition there were the <i>fiestas</i> -(festivities) and royal marriages, on which tremendous sums were -squandered. As for military expenditures the war in Flanders alone -consumed 37,488,565 ducats (nearly $600,000,000) in the space of eleven -years, 1598 to 1609, and other campaigns were costly in proportion,—and -this in spite of the fact that supplies were often not provided and -salaries were left unpaid, leading to tumults on the part of the -soldiery. To gain an adequate idea of the vastness of these sums one -must bear in mind, not only the greater purchasing power of money in -that day and the comparatively small population of the peninsula, -especially the small number of taxpayers, but also the fact that the -resources of the Spanish state then were as little, as compared with -those of the present day, as they were great in comparison with those of -medieval Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tremendous increase in taxation in Castile.</div> - -<p>It is no wonder that the people through their representatives in the -<i>Cortes</i> began to ask for peace and the termination of military -adventures, even in the period when victories were frequent; the nobles -also favored an end of the wars,—when the kings endeavored to get them, -too, to grant a subsidy. One result of the greater financial -requirements of the state was an increase in taxation, both in the -collection of the existing taxes at a higher rate, and in the imposition -of new ones. The grants, or <i>servicios</i>, of the Castilian <i>Cortes</i> were -frequent and large in amount. In 1538 there appeared the new tax of the -<i>millones</i>, so-called because it was calculated in millions of ducats. -This was an excise on articles of prime necessity,—meat, wine, oil, and -vinegar. It was extended soon to powder, lead, sulphur, red ochre, -vermilion, sealing-wax, and playing cards, which together were called -the <i>siete rentillas</i> (seven little rents). Salt, gold, silver, mercury, -and many other materials were the<a name="page_295" id="page_295"></a> subject of a state monopoly, and to -them were added in the reign of Philip IV the monopoly on tobacco, which -was to prove an exceptionally profitable source of revenue. The <i>diezmo</i> -and <i>cruzada</i> (otherwise Bula) continued to be collected from the -church, together with several new rents which were authorized by the -pope. One of these was the <i>subsidio de galeras</i> (subsidy of the -galleys), or <i>galeras</i>, so-called because it was theoretically designed -to assist in the expenses of the galleys used in fighting the Moslem -peoples. This was granted in 1561, and consisted of an annual subsidy of -420,000 ducats (over $6,000,000). The <i>alcabala</i> and the various customs -duties were increased. Stamp taxes were extended to new types of -documents. The nobles were required to pay a tax called <i>lanzas</i> -(lances) in lieu of military service. Various offices and titles were -made subject to the <i>media anata</i> (half annates), a discount of a half -year’s salary, or rents, in the first year of enjoyment. The -transmission of a title of nobility to one’s heir was also taxed. Vanity -was seized upon as likely to yield a revenue, and money was collected in -return for the privilege of using the word “<i>Don</i>” before one’s -Christian name. In like manner illegitimate children were pronounced -legitimate on payment of a specified sum. Other methods were employed to -obtain ready cash which tended ultimately to dry up certain sources of -revenue: the coinage was debased; portions of the government rents were -disposed of; public offices and royal towns were granted in perpetuity; -and the title of <i>hidalgo</i> was sold to many persons, who thereby entered -the non-taxpaying class. Other ways of acquiring funds were made use of, -ranging from the high-handed to the shameless. Under the name of -<i>donativos</i> (gifts) the government resorted to forced loans, or even -trickery, to exact money from the nobles and churchmen; confiscations of -goods for offences against religion and for other delinquencies were -frequently ordered; and most disgusting of all was the <i>limosna al rey</i> -(alms for the king), which was collected by gentlemen of the court, each -accompanied by a parish priest and a friar, in a house to house canvass -of the citizens, who were asked to give what they could spare. If the -kings and their favorites<a name="page_296" id="page_296"></a> thought of the most obvious way to accumulate -funds, economy in expenditures, they at least did not try to put it into -practice; the court <i>fiestas</i> were held, even if the king’s gentlemen -had to beg the money and the nation had to starve.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Taxes in the other kingdoms.</div> - -<p>The above refers to taxes collected in Castile, but the other dominions -of Spain, peninsula and otherwise, produced considerable amounts for the -state. Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia yielded much less than Castile. -The Low Countries were profitable for a time; Charles I procured 450,000 -ducats a year (nearly $7,000,000) at the outset of his reign. Under -Philip II, however, they were the scene of heavy expenditures. The -Americas have often been considered as the principal financial resort of -the Spanish kings, and although this is not certain and may even be -doubtful they did yield vast sums. Prior to the conquest of Mexico the -annual revenues were only some 70,000 ducats (about $1,000,000), but the -conquests of Cortés, followed soon by those of Pizarro in Peru, resulted -in an enormous increase. Under Philip II they amounted annually to about -1,200,000 ($18,000,000) according to some writers, and to as much as -2,000,000 ($30,000,000) in the opinion of others. Castilian taxes were -applied in the new world, together with certain others arising out of -the special circumstances of colonial affairs, such as the royal fifth -on precious metals from the mines and the poll tax collected from the -Indians. Data are not at hand for an accurate estimate of the entire -revenues of Spain, but it seems clear that they increased enormously in -the period. They may have reached their highest point under Philip III, -when it was estimated that they were some 24,000,000 ducats -($360,000,000) a year, of which not more than half reached the Spanish -treasury. An estimate made toward the close of the century gave the -revenues as about 17,750,000 ($270,000,000), of which only a third was -actually available.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Growth of the national debt.</div> - -<p>Despite these relatively great sums the national debt was a constant -factor, and advanced greatly in amount under Philip II, who is said to -have left a debt of 100,000,000 ducats ($1,500,000,000). This was -reduced in later reigns, but was still 70,000,000 (well over -$1,000,000,000) in 1690,—<a name="page_297" id="page_297"></a>a huge sum as national debts went then, even -though creditors were frequently scaled down or not paid at all. One of -the important elements in the debt was that of the loans made by -Flemish, German, and Italian bankers, especially those of Genoa. The -frequency with which these loans were sought and the high rate of -interest required have caused Spain to be characterized, with accuracy, -as a mere bridge over which the wealth of the Americas (and, to be sure, -that of the peninsula itself) passed to other nations as interest and -part payment of the nation’s debts. In 1539 this form of indebtedness -amounted to about 1,000,000 ducats ($15,000,000), and in 1560, some -7,000,000 (over $100,000,000). When the Spanish kings were unable to pay -a note that had become due, as much as 33-1/3 per cent might be charged -for its renewal; indeed, the ordinary rate of interest ranged from 15 to -30 per cent. The inability of Philip II to meet his obligations caused -all but the Genoese bankers to refuse him credit, and they joined with -the others when he suspended the payment of interest on their notes. -Unable to get funds in any other way, Philip surrendered to the Genoese, -who exacted as part payment for fresh loans a share in various revenues -of the Spanish state, such as in that of the salt monopoly and in -certain of the taxes collected from the church,—thus belying the -original object for which the latter had been imposed. The <i>Cortes</i>, -though it had declined in other respects, was perhaps the most important -organ of public finance. It not only voted subsidies but also collected -them, a function which it had exercised in previous eras. It had charge -of several other taxes as well, such as the productive <i>alcabala</i> and -the <i>millones</i>. For these purposes special committees of the <i>Cortes</i> -were formed. Nevertheless, the <i>Consejo de Hacienda</i>, founded in 1593, -grew rapidly in functions and in power, and by the close of the -seventeenth century is said to have had over 60,000 employes. This vast -number was due in part to the variety in the origin and character of the -various tributes. Without taking into consideration the inevitable -accompaniment of graft, such a horde of officials involved the state in -a heavy cost for the collection and administration of the revenues.<a name="page_298" id="page_298"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Spanish army in the days of its greatness.</div> - -<p>The principal element in the Spanish army was the volunteer soldiery in -the king’s pay. Foreign mercenaries were obtained for stated lengths of -time or for specific campaigns, but Spaniards enlisted for indefinite -service, and thus became the veterans of the army. Military life was -popular during the sixteenth century and the early part of the -seventeenth, and the army abounded in <i>hidalgos</i> and others of yet -higher rank who did not disdain to serve as privates. Later the number -of Spanish recruits grew less, when the state began to fail in its -regularity of payments, and their withdrawal marked the era when defeats -became frequent. Among the noteworthy changes in tactics was the -appearance of the regiment. Firearms had now come into general use, and -cannon were greatly improved, but it was the pikemen of the Spanish -infantry who formed the principal branch of the army until near the -close of the period. Because of the inferiority of their weapons the -troops with firearms were regarded as a mere auxiliary to the pikemen. -Armies were small; 20,000 to 40,000 men was perhaps the usual rule. Even -in the century of Spain’s greatness many lands were left without -garrison, as occurred nearly always in the case of the Americas; one -report of the period of Charles I stated that there was not a port in -the colonies which could resist an attack of three hundred men. The -worst evils in connection with the army were those of bad administration -and a lack of regularity in paying the troops and in remitting funds for -munitions and other supplies. Fraud and graft accounted for a great deal -of the money which the state did apply to the army. These factors -contributed to a lack of military discipline; it was not unusual for -ragged and starving soldiers to beg from door to door, and it is not to -be wondered at that the troops occasionally took the matter of the -collection of their wages into their own hands. It was customary for -women of bad repute to accompany the armies, and it sounds strange today -that one of the military manuals of the time recommended that there -should be eight women, who should be common to all, for every hundred -soldiers. Nevertheless, the Spanish infantry, for more than a century, -enjoyed the reputation of being the most capable military unit in -Europe.<a name="page_299" id="page_299"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Naval warfare.</div> - -<p>Despite the frequency of naval warfare and the necessity of maintaining -communications with the Americas, comparatively little attention was -paid to the marine establishment, and properly speaking there was no -official navy in the entire period. The principal method employed to -assemble a fleet was by renting ships, whether from Spaniards or -foreigners. In addition a few were built by the state, or purchased, and -in times of stress merchant vessels were pressed into service, but this -proved ruinous to commerce and ship-building alike. So long as other -powers used the same methods Spain was not greatly handicapped, but with -the development of national navies in England, France, and the -Protestant Netherlands, she was placed at a disadvantage. Nevertheless, -considerable fleets were often assembled. In 1643 a special fleet called -the <i>Armada de Barlovento</i> (fleet of the Barlovento, modern Windward, -Islands) was organized at colonial expense for the defence of the -Americas. It was soon withdrawn,—but the tax remained. The fleet of the -Catalonian deputation was maintained for a while, but disappeared early -in the seventeenth century. There were also a number of private fleets, -engaged principally in reprisals against the Moslems, a kind of piracy. -While privateering of this sort was forbidden by law the kings -frequently granted dispensations which enabled the traffic to be carried -on almost continuously. Greater strictness was employed in the Americas -lest the privateers should fail to resist the temptation to pick up -Spanish merchantmen, but the prohibition there was at length removed, -and the Spanish boats rendered great service against pirates and -national enemies. During the sixteenth century Spanish fleets were -manned by volunteer forces, but this was changed in the seventeenth to -compulsory service of the fishermen of the coasts. The heavier work, -especially the rowing of the galleys, was done by captives in war and by -criminals, who served terms in the galleys rather than in prison. During -most of the period the galley, with three banks of oars, was the -principal type of vessel. In ocean warfare, the <i>nao</i>, or light -sailing-vessel, soon came into use, and this was gradually supplanted by -heavier ships, until late in the era there developed<a name="page_300" id="page_300"></a> the <i>fragata</i>, or -frigate, of over two thousand tons, capable of carrying as many as 120 -cannon. While the artillery was the principal arm of the fleet, Spanish -tactics were at fault in depending on getting close to the enemy and -boarding him, making a military action out of the combat and paying -little attention to the use of cannon of long range. The same evils -which have been described in connection with the army—graft, -irregularity of payments, and laxity of discipline—obtained also in the -navy; in the expedition of Charles I against Tunis, room on board was -found for four thousand <i>enamoradas</i> (sweethearts!) of the soldiers and -sailors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of diplomacy.</div> - -<p>In common with other European countries Spain developed a diplomatic -service in this period. The sending of special embassies and the making -of treaties had been customary since ancient times, but the practice of -appointing ministers to reside at foreign courts and that of receiving -those sent from abroad did not begin in Spain until the reign of Charles -I. The initiative had come earlier from the Italian republics. From this -time forward Spanish diplomacy, like that of other countries, took on a -modern form, and ambassadors sent reports about the state of the -countries to which they were accredited, strove to obtain advantages for -Spain, endeavored to check the intrigues of the ambassadors of other -nations, and made treaties. The use of spies as an auxiliary to -ambassadorial work was general. For a time Spanish diplomacy enjoyed a -high reputation for success, but in the later seventeenth century it was -quite overshadowed by the French.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>Nueva Recopilación</i> and other codes.</div> - -<p>The absolutism of the monarchy, its bureaucratic character, and the -instinct of the <i>letrados</i> for reducing everything to rules and -regulations produced an abundance of legislation, much of which was -exceedingly minute in detail and casual in subject-matter. It was -natural therefore that there should be a desire for a fresh -codification, and this at length took shape in a compilation by -Bartolomé de Arrieta in 1567 of the <i>Nueva Recopilación</i> (New -Compendium, or Compilation), so-called with reference to the code of -Montalvo, its predecessor, of the period of the Catholic Kings. The new<a name="page_301" id="page_301"></a> -collection, which was for Castile only, filled nine volumes, and -amounted to little more than an elaboration of the <i>Ordenanzas</i> of -Montalvo, with the addition of laws enacted since 1484. It contained the -same defects, omitting many royal orders or petitions of the <i>Cortes</i> -which had been granted, neglecting to eliminate obsolete laws, and -failing to correct others whose text contained errors. Furthermore, in -perpetuating the hierarchy of legal sources which had been established -in the <i>Leyes de Toro</i> it failed to distinguish between laws in the -so-called supplementary codes (such as the <i>Partidas</i>) which were indeed -supplementary or obsolete and those which had in fact come to be in -force as the principal law. As a result the <i>Nueva Recopilación</i> was -generally discredited, and the Roman law of the <i>Partidas</i>, or even of -the code of Justinian, was cited in preference. The force of government -maintained the new code, however, and it ran through four more -editions,—1581, 1592, 1598, and 1640,—and in each case added -legislation since the preceding publication. The zeal for codification -found expression also in Aragon, Catalonia, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa, -while the laws with regard to the Americas were gathered together, after -various lesser publications had been made in earlier times, in the -<i>Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias</i>, first issued in 1680. The -tendency toward the legal unity of the peninsula was not systematically -striven for by the kings, since the variety in private law did not -greatly affect their political sovereignty. Nevertheless, something was -accomplished along these lines, and within each separate unit a great -deal was effected. Thus, in Castile many of the former privileges which -made for a division into classes and for consequent differences in the -law were done away with, and the same process, though on a smaller -scale, made itself felt in the other kingdoms of the peninsula.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Underlying discontent of the people over the Spanish -political system.</div> - -<p>The submissiveness of the Spanish peoples under absolute rule has often -been greatly exaggerated. In fact, neither then nor ever since were they -loth to criticise the “<i>mal gobierno</i>” (bad government). Evidences are -to be found on every hand of complaints against the bureaucratic -organization which was absorbing a great part of the national<a name="page_302" id="page_302"></a> wealth -and of dissatisfaction with the system of government by favorites, the -evils of which were only too apparent. Not a few went so far as to -desire a republic. Nevertheless, as a general rule, people favored the -principle of monarchy, and did not object to the reigning house, but -they did desire a reform of the existing régime. The ideal of limited -monarchy found strong support among political thinkers, due in a measure -to the resentment of Catholics over the enforced apostasy of the -subjects of Protestant princes. On this account the <i>Cortes</i> had -numerous defenders, some of whom urged its participation in legislation. -Many treatises also pronounced against such practices as the sale of -public offices or the grant of posts in perpetuity, and against others -which have been described as current in this era. In fine, Spaniards -were well aware of the evils of their political system and, though -patient, were keenly desirous of reform,—despite which, little -attention was paid to their wishes.<a name="page_303" id="page_303"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXVII"></a>CHAPTER XXVII<br /><br /> -<small>RELIGION AND THE CHURCH, 1516-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Outstanding facts in the religious and ecclesiastical history -of the era.</div> - -<p>P<small>RIOR</small> to the era of the House of Austria it is possible to deal with the -ecclesiastical institutions in Spain at the same time with other -manifestations of a social, political, economic, or intellectual -character, but the period of Hapsburg rule was so replete with interest -on the religious side and so important in that respect in its ultimate -results on the Americas that this phase of Spanish life in the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries is deserving of separate treatment. Two ideas -dominated the period: the struggle for the maintenance of the Catholic -faith against the inroads of Protestantism and other heretical beliefs; -and the efforts of the Spanish state to acquire a virtual political -supremacy over the church. Few periods of history more clearly -illustrate the distinction maintained in Catholic countries between -Catholicism as a religious faith and the Catholic Church as an -institution, a difference which people of the United States do not -readily grasp. Thus it was entirely consistent that the kings of Spain -should have been almost the most ardent champions in Europe of Catholic -Christianity, officers of the church not excepted, and also most -persistent in their endeavors to limit the ecclesiastical authority in -Spanish domains. The greatest exponent of the latter policy as well as -of the former was Philip II, one of the most devout monarchs who ever -occupied the Spanish throne. In both of these controversies the kings -were successful. Heresy made no headway in Spain or in the colonies, and -the king gained the upper hand in the management of the Spanish and -American church. Meanwhile Spanish missionaries were carrying on one of -the<a name="page_304" id="page_304"></a> greatest campaigns of proselytism ever waged. The thoroughness of -the conversion of the natives in Spain’s colonial possessions has been -questioned, but there is no doubt that something of the external forms -and the glamour—so much, at least—of the Catholic religion was -implanted in the Americas in such a way that it has withstood the -experiences of centuries. Spanish American peoples, like Spaniards, were -to have their conflicts with the church,—very bitter ones in recent -years,—but never, since the Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit Fathers -first preached their doctrine, has favor been shown for any great length -of time to the other exotic faiths, or has any noteworthy success been -met with in the attempts, usually short-lived, at a reversion to the -earlier native creeds. The work of the Spanish missionary was indeed a -permanent factor of indisputable importance in the new world.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Religious exaltation and the increase in the prestige and -wealth of the clergy.</div> - -<p>One of the effects of the attainment of religious unity by the -conversion or expulsion from Spain of the Jews, Mudéjares and Moriscos -was to exalt the feeling of religious sentiment in the peninsula. The -Protestant Reformation and the religious wars which accompanied it -tended to keep alive these emotions among Spaniards, partly because of -the spirit of controversy they excited, and partly because of the blows -and suffering they involved, and this spirit of religious exaltation was -sustained by the increasing vigor of the Inquisition and by the -activities of the Jesuit order, founded in this period. In consequence -the power and social influence of the clergy were materially enhanced. -The regular clergy was looked upon with especial favor, with the result -that both in riches and in membership they far surpassed the secular -branch. Many new orders were founded, while the older ones received -fresh stimulus. At the beginning of the seventeenth century there were -some 200,000 members of the regular clergy and over 9000 convents for -men, and in both cases the numbers increased thereafter, while the -population of the peninsula declined,—a factor which caused political -and economic writers, many of whom were churchmen, not a little -concern.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Despite this fact<a name="page_305" id="page_305"></a> the clergy enjoyed the highest social -consideration, and intervened in all phases of Spanish life. This was -due not only to the religious sentiment of the people but also in great -measure to the superior intellectual attainments of some of the clergy. -Thus they distinguished themselves on the one hand as theologians, -students of the canon law, jurisconsults, men of letters, historians, -and university professors, and on the other as members of state -councils, or in high political positions in the Americas. The increase -in the landed wealth of the church, while it was the subject of numerous -unsuccessful petitions of the <i>Cortes</i> to forbid the giving of lands in -mortmain, was largely responsible for the imposition of taxes on the -clergy, thus diminishing the immunities they had formerly enjoyed. The -church could well afford to pay, for if not the richest proprietor in -Spain it was certainly among the first; toward the middle of the -sixteenth century the combined rents of the clergy amounted to some -5,000,000 ducats ($75,000,000) a year, or half the total for the -kingdom, four-fifths of which amount was paid to the establishments of -the regular clergy. Part of the funds was expended in charities for the -benefit of the poor, such as the maintenance of asylums, hospitals, and -soup-kitchens, measures which (disinterested though they might be) -served also to augment their popularity with the masses.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Prevalence of loose practices among the clergy.</div> - -<p>Despite the flourishing condition of the Spanish clergy and their high -standing in the peninsula the state of morality among them left much to -be desired. Abundant evidences on this score are at hand, not only in -the form of unsympathetic attacks and satires, but also in the works of -zealous and devout reformers. The fact that such writings were not -condemned by the Inquisition argues the need for reproof. The practice -of <i>barraganía</i> was not unknown, even among bishops, some of whom -entailed estates to their sons. Among the lesser churchmen, more -particularly the secular clergy, the custom was more general. -Solicitation by confessors and the avarice of clerical collectors of -revenues were also frequently censured in the writings of the time. -Nevertheless, it is but fair to consider these evils from the standpoint -of that era. As compared with previous periods this<a name="page_306" id="page_306"></a> age was one of -marked advance in the average of clerical rectitude, and there were even -writers who could claim that the Spanish clergy surpassed the churchmen -of other countries in moderation and chasteness of life. Meanwhile, -reforms like those instituted in the time of the Catholic Kings by -Ximénez were being pushed on vigorously and effectively, and were -reinforced by the decisions of the great church council of Trent -(1545-1563).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Prominence of Spanish kings and prelates in church reform.</div> - -<p>The Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Reaction, or -Counter-Reformation, belong rather to European and church history than -peculiarly to that of Spain, although Spain played a leading part in the -events connected with them. Much in regard to them may therefore be -omitted, except in so far as they affected problems in the peninsula -itself and, by extension, the Spanish colonies. Charles I was an ardent -partisan of church reform, but was desirous that it should be effected -without change in dogma, and in this attitude he was joined by many of -the greatest Catholic churchmen of the day, including some of the popes, -who recognized the prevalence of abuses of which the Protestant leaders -were able to make capital in the furtherance of their reforms. One of -the principal policies of Charles I was the calling of a general church -council for the discussion of this matter, and despite the resistance of -several of the popes he labored to attain this end until he was at -length successful. In 1545 there began the series of congresses which -are called collectively the Council of Trent. Spanish prelates were one -of the most important elements at these meetings, and in accordance with -the ideas of Charles I and Philip II resisted the attempts made at a -suspension of the sessions and the efforts of certain popes and other -churchmen to bring about their failure. They were not only among the -most frank in their references to the need for reform, but were also -most rigid in their insistence upon disciplinary methods, even -suggesting the application of the Spanish institution of the -<i>residencia</i> to officers of the church. The eventual success of the -council was due in no small degree to Spaniards, who also were among the -most active in executing the corrective measures which were decided -upon.<a name="page_307" id="page_307"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure of Protestantism to gain a substantial footing in -Spain.</div> - -<p>The kings of Spain combated heresy within the peninsula to the fullest -extent of their ability, supported by the general opinion of Spanish -Christians, who were almost unanimously opposed to the new ideas. -Measures were taken to prevent the dissemination in Spain of the works -of Martin Luther or other heretical thinkers. In 1546 Charles I caused -the first <i>Index</i>, or list of prohibited works, to be published, and -this was reproduced, with the addition of some other volumes, by the -Inquisition. Later the Bible was included in the <i>Index</i>, except the -authorized Latin version, on the ground that the reading of the -scriptures by uncultivated persons might result in misconceptions as to -the true religion. Nevertheless, Protestantism gained devotees in the -various cities of Spain, more particularly in Seville and Valladolid. -The number of heretics was at no time great, but it was recruited from -the highest ranks of society. Churchmen, more often friars, were the -principal element, and they found converts in not a few members of noble -families. Foreigners from northern lands frequently cast in their lot -with the Protestant groups. As was natural, proselytism on a wide scale -could not be carried on; the Valladolid group numbered only about fifty -and that of Seville one hundred and thirty (although there is some -evidence to the effect that the latter body attained a membership of -eight hundred), while those of other cities were still fewer in numbers. -The greatest name in the Sevillian movement was that of Constantino -Ponce de la Fuente, whom a modern writer has ventured to compare with -Martin Luther for his high qualities, within the Protestant movement. -Ponce, who was at one time the confessor of Charles I and Philip II, was -the author of various heretical works. Discovered, at length, he was -imprisoned, and shortly afterward was found dead. In the year 1559 great -activity was displayed by the Inquisition in ferreting out and punishing -the Protestant communities. Some individuals escaped to foreign -countries, but many were condemned to die at the stake, meeting their -fate, almost without exception, with admirable fortitude. The most -celebrated case was that of Bartolomé Carranza, archbishop of Toledo. -Head of the Spanish secular church<a name="page_308" id="page_308"></a> though he was, only the efforts of -Pope Pius IV saved him. After more than seven years of imprisonment he -was allowed to go to Rome. Some years later he was required to forswear -some of his writings which had figured in the original proceedings -against him in Spain, shortly after which he died. In all of this -vigorous persecution of Protestantism, Charles I and Philip II took the -lead. By the end of the sixteenth century the new faith was no longer a -problem in Spain. Under Philip IV a degree of toleration which would not -have been dreamed of in earlier years began to be allowed. By that time -Catholic France was Spain’s principal enemy, and this tended to soften -the attitude of Spaniards toward Protestants, although the restrictions -of the laws were still enforced. In 1641 a treaty was made with Denmark, -permitting Protestants of that country to enter the peninsula. From this -time forward Spain was to evolve toward a more lenient policy still. A -discussion of Spanish Protestantism would not be complete without a -reference to the numerous Spaniards who took refuge in Protestant lands, -and even for a time in Italy and France. They wrote a number of works -which were remarkable for the excellent literary qualities of the -Castilian they employed and for the scientific value of their content. -While most of their writings were of a controversial, religious type -they also made translations into Castilian or even wrote volumes of a -scientific character dissociated from religion. Juan de Valdés and Juan -Díaz were outstanding names among them. Miguel Servet and Pedro Galés, -whose heresies were equally in disfavor with Catholics and Protestants, -were also men of great distinction.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Illuminist and Quietist heresies.</div> - -<p>Protestantism was not the only heterodoxy to menace the religious unity -of the peninsula. The conversion of the Mudéjares of the eastern -provinces and the expulsion of the Moriscos have already been mentioned. -The Jews also gave occasional trouble. Of the other sects the most -noteworthy was that of the <i>Iluminados</i> (Illuminati). The origins of -this faith are obscure. Many believe it to have been purely Spanish, a -conclusion to which the peculiar mystical character of the creed lends -color. Others hold that it was of German extraction. In any event, -though the time of its<a name="page_309" id="page_309"></a> founding is not clear, it antedated the Lutheran -outbreak, for it was in existence at least as early as 1512. Many of the -doctrines sustained by Luther were a part of its creed, and indeed it -paved the way for the entry of Protestantism into Spain. In addition it -upheld the following tenets: the abdication of one’s own will in that of -the divine; and the capacity of the faithful, by means of ecstacies, to -put themselves in personal communication with the divine essence, on -which occasions it was impossible for them to commit sin. The practical -result of these beliefs was an indulgence in all manner of licentious -practices while in the sinless state. As in the case of Protestantism, -so in this, the devotees were usually members of the clergy, especially -friars and nuns. The Inquisition attacked the new faith with vigor, but -found it difficult to extirpate in entirety. A notable derivation from -Illuminism was that of <i>Quietismo</i> (Quietism), or <i>Molinismo</i>, founded -in the seventeenth century by Miguel de Molinos, a member of the clergy. -This creed, though similar even in its licentiousness to Illuminism, was -not at first considered unorthodox, wherefore it gained many converts, -but in the end it was condemned.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish Mysticism.</div> - -<p>Similar in some respects to the two heretical creeds just mentioned was -a peculiarly Spanish religious philosophy, that of Catholic Mysticism. -It traces back through the ideas of Raymond Lull to those of the Arabic -philosophers, but in the main it was a product of the Spanish religious -thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The fundamental idea -was that of direct communication with God through prayer, love of God, -and the renunciation of earthly things, which enabled the purified soul -in a state of ecstasy to appear in the divine presence. The whole -process was accompanied by miracles, but without any loss to the -individual of his spiritual existence or of his intelligence for an -understanding of God. At first the ecclesiastical authorities were -suspicious of it, prohibiting the writings of the mystics and conducting -investigations into the conduct of those who professed a belief in it. -At length, however, it was accepted as orthodox, and its devotees were -not molested. They produced a rich literature, in which they set forth -not<a name="page_310" id="page_310"></a> only the fundamental bases of their belief but also the experiences -they had in journeying to God. One of the mystics, María de Jesús de -Ágreda, is famous as “the Blue Lady” of the American (United States) -southwest and Pacific coast, for she is said to have visited these -regions while in a state of ecstacy and to have converted many of the -natives, recounting her travels in her published works. She is also -famous for her correspondence with Philip IV. The greatest names, -however, were those of Santa Teresa de Jesús<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> and San Juan de la -Cruz, the former notable in literature for the excellence of her prose, -and the latter equally noteworthy as a poet. The writings of these and -other mystics also displayed a profound psychological study, such, for -example, as was required by their ability to distinguish between the -processes of the soul on the way to communication with God, and as was -evidenced by their skill in differentiating between the various elements -in religious sentiment.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Inquisition as an instrument of the kings and an agency -to suppress heresy.</div> - -<p>The two principal instruments employed to combat heresy were the -Inquisition and the Jesuit order. So far as the former concerned itself -with matters of the faith, it had the support of the Spanish people, who -equally with the kings were desirous of the establishment and -maintenance of religious unity. The Inquisition had acquired various -powers and privileges, however, which were not directly connected with -its principal office. Papal bulls had been procured giving it -jurisdiction in cases of usury, crimes against nature, and improper -solicitations of confessors; it claimed exemption for its officers and -servants from the operation of the civil law courts; and its relations -with these courts, made necessary by the legal incapacity of the -Inquisition to execute its own sentences, often gave rise to conflicts -and misunderstandings. The people of Spain were perfectly able to -distinguish between the Inquisition as an instrument of the faith and -the Inquisition in these extra-jurisdictional<a name="page_311" id="page_311"></a> phases, and protested -vigorously against that body in the latter sense. The various <i>Cortes</i> -of Castile, Aragon, and Catalonia presented many a petition on this -score to the kings, and it was a prominent factor in the Catalan revolt -of 1640. Nevertheless, the kings consistently sustained the Inquisition. -When the Aragonese <i>Cortes</i> secured a papal license reducing the -Inquisition to the same footing as the other ecclesiastical courts, -Charles I procured the withdrawal of the license. Philip II prohibited -all appeals from or complaints against the Inquisition before the -<i>audiencias</i> or the <i>Consejo Real</i>. The decisions of the Inquisition -thus became final, although it is true that cases of appeal and the -recourse of <i>fuerza</i> (also forbidden by Philip) were occasionally -allowed to go beyond that body. When there seemed to be a likelihood -that the Council of Trent might deprive the Inquisition of some of its -authority, Charles I used every effort to cause a failure of the -project. In fact the Inquisition was virtually an instrument of the -kings, who did not hesitate to direct its action as if it were legally -subject to them, and who were always able to procure the appointment of -members of the <i>Consejo Real</i> to the Council of the Inquisition. As -regards heresy the period, naturally, was exceedingly fruitful in -prosecutions and was marked by an excess of suspicion, such that -individuals whose purity of faith was hardly open to question were not -infrequently brought to trial,—among others, Ignacio de Loyola (Saint -Ignatius), and Teresa de Jesús, who, like Loyola, was later canonized. -Extreme rigor was displayed in placing the ban on unorthodox books and -in expurgating those which were allowed to circulate. Charles I required -all books to have the authorization of the <i>Consejo Real</i> before they -could be published. Foreign books were also scrutinized carefully, and -libraries were made subject to inspection. The grant of a license by the -<i>Consejo Real</i> did not mean that a book might not be placed on the -Inquisition’s <i>Index</i> of forbidden works. It is worthy of note, too, -that the Spanish <i>Index</i> and that of the Inquisition of Rome often -varied from each other in their lists; thus a book condemned at Rome -might circulate in Spain, and vice versa,<a name="page_312" id="page_312"></a> but this of course was not -the general rule. The Spanish Inquisition did not make its way to -Spain’s Italian possessions, but was established in the Low Countries, -where it was very active, and in the Americas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ignacio de Loyola and the founding of the Jesuit order.</div> - -<p>The other important agency of the Spanish Counter-Reformation, the -Jesuit order, was the creation of a Spaniard, Ignacio de Loyola (1491 or -1495-1556), who became Saint Ignatius (San Ignacio) with his -canonization in 1609. As a youth Loyola led the somewhat wild life of a -soldier. Wounded in 1521 during the defence of Pamplona from an attack -of the French, he was a long time in recovering his health, devoting the -period of his convalescence to the reading of religious works. He -thereupon resolved to dedicate his life to religion, and as soon as he -was restored to health made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Upon his return -he pursued religious studies at the universities of Barcelona, Alcalá, -Salamanca, and Paris. While at Alcalá, where he and several companions -made a practice of wearing sackcloth and preaching in the streets, he -was arrested by the Inquisition, but was set free without other penalty -than an order to give up his sackcloth and his preaching. A similar fate -befell him in Salamanca. Eventually Loyola and his companions found -their way to Rome, where they continued their street preaching, despite -the opposition of the Augustinian order and some of the cardinals. They -applied to themselves the name “Company of Jesus” (hence Jesuits), and -in 1539 organized an order in military form, vowing implicit obedience -to their superiors,—especially to the pope,—prescribing the rule of a -general for life, and pledging themselves to the founding of colleges. -The new order was formally approved by the pope in 1540, and Loyola -became the first general.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Characteristics of the Jesuit order.</div> - -<p>While an extended discussion of the characteristics of the Jesuit order -is not necessary, some of the respects in which it differed from the -others should be pointed out, in order to make clear the effect of the -Jesuit appearance in Spain and the Americas. Great emphasis was placed -on the military side; Loyola was wont to say that he had never ceased to -be a soldier,—he had merely become a soldier of God.<a name="page_313" id="page_313"></a> Obedience to -superiors and to the pope was not a new idea, but with the Jesuits it -was as rigidly literal as in an army. They became one of the principal -supports of the popes at a time when many church leaders were advocating -the reform of the papacy with a view to limiting the powers of the head -of the church. Like soldiers, they attacked the enemies of the pope, -church, and the Catholic religion, and were charged with employing -methods which gave rise to the term “Jesuitry” in an opprobrious sense. -They did not stay in convents, but went forth among the people to fight -for the principles for which they stood. There was no election of their -leaders; the attainment of office came through appointment by the -general, who even chose his own successor. Education was their principal -weapon,—education of the high and the low. In other respects the -Jesuits were at the same time more simple and more mundane in their -exterior practices—at least in the beginning—than the other orders. -They opposed choral singing, the wearing of a distinctive habit, -participation in religious processions, the monastic life, and -asceticism. They believed in the individual poverty of their members, -but were willing that the order and its separate institutions should -prosper in a material way. In other words they were going into the -world, not away from it, and were desirous of the best equipment for the -struggle which lay before them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish opposition to the Jesuits.</div> - -<p>The influence of the new order soon made itself felt throughout the -world. At first Spaniards were in the majority, and it was natural that -the Jesuits should establish themselves in Spain’s dominions. By 1547 -they had five institutions in Spain, and by 1566 sixteen. Soon afterward -they began to appear in the Americas, where they became one of the -principal agencies of the Spanish crown in the conversion and subjection -of the natives, being perhaps the most effective of the missionary -orders. Not only as missionaries but also as theologians, scientists, -and men of letters the Spanish Jesuits were among the most distinguished -men of the age. They were not welcomed by their fellow-countrymen in -Spain, however; rather, they had to contend against some of the most -powerful elements<a name="page_314" id="page_314"></a> in the peninsula. Members of the clergy, both regular -and secular, were opposed to them,—notably the Dominicans, Franciscans, -Augustinians, and the officers of the Inquisition, the first named -especially,—while the universities and at the outset the kings were -also hostile. Melchor Cano, a Dominican and one of the most influential -men of his day, charged the Jesuits with heresy, claiming that their -vows savored of the doctrines of the <i>Iluminados</i>. The archbishop of -Toledo, Cardinal Siliceo, forbade them to preach, confess, say mass, or -administer sacraments, but was obliged by the pope to retract his -decrees. Arias Montano attacked them in the preface of his polyglot -Bible, asserting that the Jesuits claimed that they alone had knowledge -and that they were the nearest of all men to Jesus. These are but a few -instances out of many, showing the difficulties encountered by the -Jesuits in establishing themselves in Spain. It seems likely that -jealousy may have entered into much of the resistance to them, for they -early began to outrank and even supersede other elements in teaching and -in learning. Charles I and Philip II objected to them because they -placed the pope ahead of the king, not acknowledging the latter’s -authority over them, and this was not altogether in accordance with the -royal ideal of centralization. Furthermore, the Jesuits were such an -aggressive factor that they were hard to manage. The Inquisition took -exception among other things to the Jesuit claim of a right to absolve -their own members from the charge of heresy, and imprisoned the Jesuit -<i>provincial</i>, or commanding official, in Spain, together with other -members of the order. Philip II took sides with the Inquisition, but the -pope sustained the Jesuits. By the seventeenth century the Jesuits had -succeeded in overcoming their rivals, although they never ceased to have -enemies. Their success was due in the first place to the continued -support of the popes; in the second to the change of heart experienced -by Philip II late in life, when he began to realize that they were one -of the most effective instruments for the religious unification of his -dominions, and in so much furthered his ideal of centralization; in the -third place to the backing of the opponents of their enemies, especially -those who were<a name="page_315" id="page_315"></a> hostile to the Inquisition; and, finally, and perhaps -most of all, to their own superior attainments, whereby they were able -to win a devoted following among all ranks of society. The successors of -Philip II followed the later policy of that king, with the result that -the seventeenth century was the most prosperous era in the history of -the Jesuit order.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Limpieza de sangre</i> and the fervor of Spanish Catholicism.</div> - -<p>One thing Spanish kings failed to do elsewhere in Europe they achieved -in Spain,—their ideal of religious unity. At the same time that they -were suppressing heresy they were giving a welcome to Catholics fleeing -to Spain from Protestant persecution, notably to the Irish, who came to -the peninsula in great numbers. The ideal of Catholic unity was carried -to an excess which transcended unity itself through an extension of the -institution of <i>limpieza de sangre</i>. Certificates of <i>limpieza de -sangre</i> (that is to say, sworn statements that the bearer had no Jewish, -Moslem, or heretic antecedents) now began to be required for the holding -of various church offices or for entry into religious orders and often -also for admission to the guilds. As a matter of fact there were few -families which could have withstood a close examination of their -ancestry; the upper classes would almost surely have been found to -contain Jewish blood, and the masses, certainly in the east and south, -would have had a Moslem admixture in their veins. The attainment of -religious unity and the extreme suspicion in which non-Catholics were -held did not succeed in making the Spanish people respond to the moral -code of their faith. Not only such licentious practices as have already -been alluded to were in vogue, but also a surprising lack of reverence -was displayed, as exemplified by the improper use of sacred places and -sacred objects and the mixture of the human and the divine in -masquerades. Nevertheless, it is not too much to say that the principal -preoccupation of Spaniards in the sixteenth and the seventeenth -centuries was the salvation of their souls. The worst of men would want -to confess and seek absolution before they died, and many of them no -doubt believed themselves to be good Catholics, even though their -every-day life would not have borne inspection. One<a name="page_316" id="page_316"></a> notable religious -manifestation of the era was the ardent insistence of Spaniards on the -mystery of the Immaculate Conception at a time when Catholics of other -countries were not yet ready to accept that view.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conflict of the kings with the popes in matters of temporal -import.</div> - -<p>In distinguishing between the spiritual and the temporal phases of papal -authority the kings of the House of Austria followed the policy of the -Catholic Kings, but surpassed the latter in their claims of the -superiority, or independence, as the case might be, of the royal power. -Various factors contributed to this attitude in Spain. The monarchical -ideal of a centralized absolutism, now that it had triumphed over the -nobility and the towns, sought out the church in its civil aspects as -the next outstanding element to dominate; the interests of the Spanish -kings in Italy continued to bring them into opposition to the popes as -sovereigns of the Papal States; and the problems of ecclesiastical -reform often found the kings and the popes widely, even bitterly, apart. -Charles I had frequent conflicts with the papacy, but Philip II had even -more serious contests, in which he displayed yet more unyielding -resistance than his father to what he regarded as the unwarranted -intrusions of the popes into the sphere of Spanish politics. When in -1556 it seemed likely that Philip would be excommunicated and his -kingdom laid under an interdict, Philip created a special council to -exercise in Spain such functions as were customarily in the hands of the -pope. In this as in his other disputes of a political nature with the -papacy he was able to count on the support of the Spanish clergy. One -document reciting Philip’s grievances against Pope Paul IV, applying -harsh epithets to him, and expressing doubt as to the legitimacy of his -election, is believed to have been written by a member of the clergy. -Another document, the <i>Parecer</i>, or opinion, of Melchor Cano, a -Dominican, argued the lawfulness of making war on the pope, and said -that in such cases, when communication with Rome was insecure, the -bishops might decide ecclesiastical questions which were ordinarily left -to the pope.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Interference of Charles I and Philip II in papal elections.</div> - -<p>To avoid such disputes and to assure Spain of an ally in Italian affairs -Charles I and Philip II bent their efforts to procure the election of -popes who would be favorable to<a name="page_317" id="page_317"></a> them. Charles had much to do with the -choice in 1522 of Adrian VI, who as a cardinal had been one of his -principal administrative officers during his own absence from the -peninsula in the early years of his reign. Philip was successful in the -same way when in 1559 he was able to cause the elevation of his -candidate to the papal throne. This pope, Pius IV, proceeded to annul -the action of his predecessor, Paul IV, against Charles and Philip, and -condemned to death two members of the deceased pope’s family, one of -them a cardinal. At the election of 1590 Philip was again fortunate, but -the new pontiff, Urban VII, lived only thirteen days. A fresh conclave -was held, at which Philip went to the extreme not only of excluding the -candidates whom he opposed but also of naming seven Spanish churchmen as -the only ones from among whom the cardinals were to choose. One of the -seven was elected, taking the name Gregory XIV, and no pope of the -century was more unconditionally favorable to the wishes of a Spanish -king. This constant intrusion of Philip ended by exasperating the high -authorities of the church, who a few years later under another pope -condemned Philip’s practices and declared him <i>ipso facto</i> -excommunicated. This proved to be a decisive blow to the influence of -the Spanish crown.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>pase regio</i> as an aid to the kings in the conflict with -the popes.</div> - -<p>One of the principal struggles between the popes and the kings was the -royal claim of the <i>pase regio</i>, or the right to examine papal bulls and -pontifical letters and, if deemed advisable, to retain them, prohibiting -their publication and therefore their execution in Spanish domains. The -origin of this claim on the part of the Spanish monarchs seems to date -from the period of the Great Schism, when Urban VI (1378-1389) granted -such a privilege to the princes allied with him. It was not officially -decreed in Spain until the early years of Charles I, when provision for -the <i>pase regio</i> in all Spanish dominions was made in a document drawn -up by Cardinal Ximénez. According to this arrangement papal -communications were to be examined in the <i>Consejo Real</i>, and if found -to be contrary to the royal prerogative or otherwise objectionable their -circulation was to be postponed and the pope asked to change or withdraw -his dispositions.<a name="page_318" id="page_318"></a> Usually the retention of such documents took place -without giving official notice to the pope,—which in the case of a -hostile pontiff would have been in any event unavailing. If the popes -insisted on their point of view the royal prohibitions were nevertheless -continued. If any subjects of the king resisted his will in this matter, -even though they were churchmen, they might incur the penalty of a loss -of goods or banishment or both, and notaries or attorneys might even be -condemned to death. When Paul IV excommunicated Charles I and Philip II, -the latter put into effect the <i>pase regio</i>. Unable to procure the -publication of his bull in Spain, Paul IV summoned to Rome two Spanish -bishops who were intensely royalist in their sympathies. Philip II -protected them by retaining the papal order, so that the individuals did -not learn officially of the summons. Not only in serious contests of -this character but also in matters of comparatively little moment the -kings exercised the right of retention,—for example, in the case of a -bull of Sixtus V about the dress and maintenance of the clergy. The -above are only a few instances out of many. One of the most bitter -conflicts was waged by Philip II in opposition to a bull of Pius V -excommunicating those who retained papal dispositions. Philip II -retained this bull, and punished some bishops of Spain’s Italian domains -who had published it within their dioceses. The pope threatened to put -Spain under an interdict, but Philip declined to yield. The bull was -never published in the peninsula, and the pope did not make use of the -interdict.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The case of Cardinal Borja.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Interference of Charles I and Philip II in matters of church -reform.</div> - -<p>The successors of Philip II were equally insistent upon the royal -prerogative in their relations with the church. One of the most curious -incidents in the disputes of the kings and the popes occurred in the -reign of Philip IV. Cardinal Borja and several other Spanish cardinals -were sent to Rome to present the king’s grievances against the pontiff -arising out of matters connected with the wars against the Protestants. -Borja was roughly handled on making his protest; it is said that -Cardinal San Onofre punched him in the face by direction of the pope. -When this event was reported in Spain a general meeting of royal -councillors was held, in which it<a name="page_319" id="page_319"></a> was even discussed whether it would -be lawful to challenge the pope to settle the matter by means of a duel! -In this and other matters there was talk of an appeal from the pope to a -church council. As the royalist attitude toward the popes was often -defended in books, many of them by churchmen, a practice sprang up at -Rome of placing such works in the <i>Index</i> as writings which the faithful -were forbidden to read, but these volumes did not appear in the <i>Index</i> -of the Spanish Inquisition. Finally the attitude of superiority on the -part of the monarchs made itself evident, as already indicated, in -questions of the reform of the church. Charles and Philip II labored to -establish their views at the Council of Trent not only in matters of -administration but also in those of doctrine. Indeed, many Catholics -believed that it was the duty of the kings to remedy the evils of the -church. With the conclusion of the Council of Trent, Philip II hesitated -for a year before publishing its decisions, because of his belief that -some of the provisions of the council diminished, or might diminish, his -royal authority. When he at length did publish them, he did so with the -reservation that they were not to be considered as introducing any -variation from the usual jurisdiction of the king. Consequently, various -canons of the council remained without effect in Spain and her -possessions.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal restrictions on the powers of papal nuncios and the -nunciature.</div> - -<p>The same conflict of authority between the church and the monarch -manifested itself in the relations of the kings with papal nuncios, who -in the reign of Charles I began to reside at the Spanish court as -permanent ambassadors. In 1537 Charles I obtained a license from the -pope for the creation of the tribunal of the nunciature, or court of the -papal embassy in Spain. This court, composed in part at least of Spanish -officials, was to hear the numerous cases in ecclesiastical law which -had customarily been settled at Rome. At the same time, the nuncio was -empowered to grant the benefices which formerly lay within the -jurisdiction of the popes. The nuncio also collected the considerable -sums which went to the popes from ecclesiastical prebends, or livings, -from the <i>expolios</i> of deceased bishops and archbishops (accretions in -their benefices which they<a name="page_320" id="page_320"></a> had procured out of rents), and from the -income of <i>vacantes</i>, or vacant benefices (that which accrued between -the death of a bishop or archbishop and the appointment of his -successor). Once having transferred authority from the pope to the -nuncio and nunciature the kings proceeded to attack these elements near -at hand so as to reduce their power of interference with the royal -authority. In this they were aided by all classes. The churchmen were -royalist and at the same time opposed to papal intervention in -ecclesiastical administration in Spain. People generally objected to -such wide jurisdiction being in the hands of a foreigner, for the -nuncios were usually Italians. There were frequent complaints that the -nunciature was guilty of the advocacy of lawsuits and the collection of -excessive costs, with the result that the court was sustained out of -Spanish funds instead of by the popes. All of these matters were the -subject of criticism in both the <i>Cortes</i> and the <i>Consejo Real</i>, and -the inevitable result was the employment of restrictive measures. The -<i>pase regio</i> was applied to the directions by the popes to the nuncios, -and the intervention of the nunciature in ecclesiastical cases in first -instance was prohibited. There were times when the relations of the -kings with the nuncio were indeed strained; Philip II went to the -extreme of expelling a nuncio who had endeavored to publish a papal bull -which the king had decided to retain; the same thing happened under -Philip IV, who closed the papal embassy. Matters were arranged in 1640 -by the Fachenetti concordat, or agreement of the nuncio of that name -with the king. This document reduced the procedure of the nunciature and -the attributes of the nuncio to writing, and although it did not remove -all the causes of dispute served as the basis for diplomatic relations -with the papal embassy until the middle of the eighteenth century.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Subjection of the ecclesiastical organization in Spain to the -royal will.</div> - -<p>The relations of the kings with the popes and nuncios formed only part -of the former’s royalist policy with the church. The same course was -followed with the ecclesiastical organization in Spain. The gradual -reduction of the clergy to a tributary state as regards payment of taxes -has already been referred to. Charles I procured various grants<a name="page_321" id="page_321"></a> of a -financial nature from the popes, such as the right to sell certain -ecclesiastical holdings (whose proceeds were to be devoted to the war -with the Turks), the collection of various church rents yielding over -1,000,000 ducats (some $15,000,000), and finally the gift of <i>expolios</i> -and <i>vacantes</i>. On the other hand, despite the petitions of the <i>Cortes</i> -and the opinions of leading jurisconsults, the kings declined to prevent -the giving of lands in mortmain, or in other words the acquisition of -estates by the church. The most serious conflicts arose over questions -of immunities, growing out of the survival of ecclesiastical -jurisdictions of a seigniorial character and out of the relations of the -church courts to those of the king and to the royal authority in -general. Many of the seigniorial groups were incorporated into the -crown, especially by Philip II. As regards the legal immunity of -churchmen it came to be accepted as the rule that it could be claimed -only in cases within the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. This -was diminished still further by royal invasions of ecclesiastical -jurisdiction, as by limiting the scope of the church courts, prohibiting -(under severe penalties) the intrusions of their judges in civil -affairs, and intervening to correct abuses, real or alleged. The king -reserved a right of inspection of the ecclesiastical courts, exercised -for him by members of the <i>Consejo Real</i> or the <i>audiencias</i>, and if -anybody were unduly aggrieved by a decision of the church courts he -might make use of the recourse of <i>fuerza</i> to bring an appeal before the -Consejo Real, the <i>Cámara</i>, or the <i>audiencias</i>. The effect of this was -to suspend the execution of an ecclesiastical sentence, subordinating -the church courts to the royal will. Many matters of a religious -character were taken over into the exclusive jurisdiction of the -<i>Consejo Real</i> or the <i>Cámara</i>, such as the inspections of convents of -the regular clergy and the action taken as a result thereof and the -execution of the decisions of the Council of Trent. Laws relative to the -recourse of <i>fuerza</i> were amplified so as to prohibit ecclesiastical -judges from trying cases which were considered by any of the litigants -concerned as belonging to the civil law; other laws forbade the -summoning of Spaniards before foreign judges;<a name="page_322" id="page_322"></a> and still others -diminished the number of appeals to Rome. Even churchmen took advantage -of the recourse of <i>fuerza</i> to have their cases removed to the royal -courts when it suited their convenience, despite the attempts of the -popes to check the practice. In such instances, as in so many others, -the <i>pase regio</i> was employed to prevent effectual action by the popes. -Even in the case of the provincial councils of the Spanish church the -king sent delegates, on the ground that no conventions or congresses of -any sort could be held without the consent of the king and the -attendance of his representatives. In 1581 Pope Gregory XIII ordered the -archbishop of Toledo not to admit anybody to a council about to be held -at that time who was not a member of the clergy. Philip II sent his -delegate, nevertheless, and his successors followed his example. In like -manner religious processions were forbidden unless authorized by the -civil authorities.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>patronato real</i> as a source of royal authority over the -clergy.</div> - -<p>The royal authority over the Spanish church is largely explained by the -institution of the <i>patronato real</i>, or royal patronage. Charles I early -gained a right to make nominations to most of the bishoprics and -abbacies in Spain, although the pope had to approve before the -appointment should take effect. Even in the case of benefices still -reserved by the pope the kings insisted that the appointees should be -Spaniards. As regards the Americas the church was yet more completely -under the king’s control, thus giving still other lucrative posts into -his power to grant. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that -the Spanish clergy should favor the king, to whom they owed their rents -and dignities, rather than the pope, and should even consent to -diminutions in the privileges of Spanish churchmen. Indeed, faithful -service as a councillor might be the stepping-stone to a bishopric. -Nevertheless the kings did not allow churchmen to intrude in political -affairs without being asked, and instances of official reproof on this -score were numerous, despite which fact the clergy took a prominent part -in political intrigues, and were possibly the principal factor in the -Portuguese war of independence from Spain. Furthermore, the solicitation -of inheritances by<a name="page_323" id="page_323"></a> churchmen was insistently forbidden by the king; on -one occasion when accusations of this character were made against the -Jesuits of Flanders the Duke of Alba annulled all testamentary -dispositions to that order and provided for the inheritance of the legal -heirs.<a name="page_324" id="page_324"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXVIII"></a>CHAPTER XXVIII<br /><br /> -<small>ECONOMIC FACTORS, 1516-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Comparative backwardness of Spain in economic development.</div> - -<p>W<small>HILE</small> this era was marked by a brief period of prosperity, and while -there was a noteworthy advance out of medievalism in the evolution of -mercantile machinery, the keynote of the times was the failure of Spain -to keep pace in material welfare with her high standing in other aspects -of life. Spain continued to be a raw material country, although -artificial attempts were still made to create a thriving industrial -development. These efforts, when they did not fail altogether, accrued -to the advantage of foreigners or resulted in establishments which were -of slight consequence in comparison with those of other European lands. -A combination of evils at length sank Spain to such a state of economic -degradation and misery as comported ill with her political reputation in -European affairs and with the opportunities she had had and failed to -employ to advantage. Nevertheless, Spain’s decadence, overwhelming -though it was, is to be viewed from a relative standpoint. Medieval -Spain at its best, except possibly during the Moslem era, did not attain -to an equally flourishing state with the Spain of the seventeenth -century, which marks the lowest point to which she has fallen in modern -times. On the other hand, with relation to other countries in the -seventeenth century and with due regard to the needs which an expanded -civilization had by that time developed, Spain came to be economically -about the most backward land in western Europe. This occurred, in spite -of the fact that Spaniards found and developed such extraordinary wealth -in their new world possessions that their colonies were the envy of -Europe.<a name="page_325" id="page_325"></a> Spain did indeed get rich returns from her overseas investment, -but these funds and others were squandered in the ways which have -already been pointed out.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relative prosperity in the early years of the era.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The American trade.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Industrial wealth of Seville.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Grazing.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fishing.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mining.</div> - -<p>At the outset there was a period of undoubted prosperity, due in part to -a continuation of the favoring legislation of the era of the Catholic -Kings, but more particularly to the enormously increased demand -resulting from the rapid and extensive colonization of the Americas, -whose commerce was restricted by law to favored regions of the Spanish -kingdom. The American trade and to some extent the considerable fortunes -gained in the colonies themselves provided capital for a yet further -expansion of the industrial wealth of the peninsula. The effects were -felt principally in Castile, but were reflected also in Aragon and -Valencia. Seville, as the sole port of the American trade, became -extraordinarily rich in its industrial life, and many other cities -shared in the general prosperity. Woollen goods and silks were -manufactured on a large scale, and many other articles, such as hats, -gloves, soap, leathers, arms, and furniture were also made. Grazing and -fishing were notably productive industries. When Philip II ascended the -Spanish throne in 1556, it is said that the corporation of the <i>Mesta</i> -possessed seven million sheep. Part of the wool which they produced was -supplied to Spanish manufacturers, though other sources were also drawn -upon by the makers of woollen goods, but vast quantities of wool were -sent abroad. In 1512 about 50,000 quintals were exported; in 1557 some -150,000; and in 1610 the amount had reached 180,000 quintals. The -whale-fisheries off the northern and northwestern coasts of Spain, at -that time a rich field for this occupation, and the catching of -tunny-fish in the Mediterranean furnished profitable employment to the -people of the coasts, who also made voyages to distant waters, even to -Newfoundland, on fishing ventures. The wars of the reign of Philip II -and the scarcity of boats soon tended to check this phase of economic -expansion. Mining produced but little, in part because the possessors of -<i>latifundia</i>—nobles and churchmen—did not care to develop their -estates in this respect and in part because private individuals<a name="page_326" id="page_326"></a> -generally could not be certain that they would be allowed to enjoy any -profit they might make. Philip II, desirous of remedying this situation, -incorporated all mines into the crown, and encouraged prospecting for -mineral wealth, though exacting certain tributes from those who should -discover and work mines, but even under these circumstances little was -done.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relative character of Spanish industrial prosperity.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Its duration in time.</div> - -<p>There has been a tendency to exaggerate the state of prosperity to which -Spain attained and to treat it as if it suddenly collapsed. In fact -Spain’s industrial wealth was only great by comparison with what it once -had been and with what it was presently to be in the period of decline. -The manufacture of cloth in the entire kingdom in the most flourishing -epoch did not equal the output of the single city of Bruges. That the -growth of manufacturing was only ephemeral and did not take root in the -peninsula is attested by the fact that it was usually necessary, even in -the era of greatest industrial expansion, to depend upon imports to -supply Spain’s needs, while the considerable exports of raw materials, -especially wool, show that the domestic demand could not have been -great. Undoubtedly a good industrial beginning was made, which might -have resulted in the economic independence of Spain. It did not -continue, however, and the question arises: How long did the era of -relative industrial prosperity endure? A precise answer is impossible, -because some industries flourished longer than others, or the same -industry prospered in one place after it had ceased to do so in another. -Conflicting accounts began to appear about the middle of the reign of -Charles I, and even in the first half of the seventeenth century there -were documents which testified to instances of prosperity. Speaking -generally, the decline may be said to have made itself felt in the reign -of Philip II and to have become clearly apparent by the middle of the -reign of Philip IV.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Handicaps on agriculture.</div> - -<p>Agriculture did not advance much from its wretched state of the previous -era. The economists, giving undue importance to the accumulation of -specie, and obsessed by a desire to develop manufactures, did not -appreciate the fundamental value of agriculture; grazing was favored at<a name="page_327" id="page_327"></a> -the expense of farming; agricultural labor, never plentiful, was still -more scarce after the expulsion of the Moriscos; and the evil of -<i>latifundia</i> tended to reduce the amount of land cultivated. The laws -encouraged agriculture only when it did not interfere with what were -considered the more important industries. Legislation was frequent -forbidding the cultivation of lands which had ever been devoted to -grazing and compelling their restoration to that industry, and the old -privileges of the <i>Mesta</i> were maintained to the detriment of the -farmers. The scarcity of agricultural labor caused an immigration from -other countries, especially from France, and this increased after the -expulsion of the Moriscos. It did not solve the problem, as the -foreigners were wont to return home, after they had accumulated savings. -Under the circumstances it is not surprising that agricultural -production did not meet the needs of the peninsula. Something was done -to protect farm laborers, and some government projects of irrigation -were undertaken, but not enough was done to offset the handicaps which -the state itself imposed. Intensive cultivation by small proprietors was -one of the needs of the time, and one attempt to bring this about in -Granada was made. Some 12,500 Castilian, Asturian, and Galician families -were sent there to replace in a measure the several hundred thousand -expelled Moriscos. The experiment was successful, and the colonization -took root, but it was not repeated. Nevertheless, eastern and southern -Spain had their period of relative prosperity, especially through the -cultivation of the vine and the olive. The Americas offered a rich field -for the export of wine, since the growing of vines was prohibited there, -and the soil, climate, irrigation canals, and Morisco labor (prior to -the expulsion) of Valencia, Granada, and Andalusia were well adapted to -provide the desired supply. Even this form of agriculture suffered a -serious decline in the seventeenth century, due largely to the loss of -the Moriscos.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Comparative prosperity of Spanish commerce.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Prosperity of Seville and Medina del Campo.</div> - -<p>Spanish commerce had its era of splendor and its period of decline, but -the former was prolonged much more than in the case of the manufacturing -industry, because of Spain<a name="page_328" id="page_328"></a>’s serving as a medium for distribution -between foreign countries and the Americas, and because of the continued -exchange of raw materials for the foreign finished product after Spain -herself had ceased to be a serious competitor in manufacturing. Seville -was by far the most prosperous port in the country, since it had a -monopoly of the American trade, which also necessitated the sending to -that city of goods from the other parts of Spain and from foreign -countries for trans-shipment overseas. Mercantile transactions on a -great scale, involving the modern forms of credit and the establishment -of branch houses in all parts of the world, were a natural outgrowth of -Seville’s great volume of trade. The wealth of the city continued until -well into the seventeenth century. The transfer of the <i>Casa de -Contratación</i> (which handled Spain’s commerce with the Americas) from -Seville to Cádiz occasioned a decline of the former and a corresponding -prosperity of the latter. Possibly next in importance to Seville in -mercantile affairs was the inland city of Medina del Campo, site of the -greatest of Spanish fairs and, except for the east coast provinces, the -contractual centre of the entire kingdom. Purchases, sales, and -exchanges of goods entering or leaving the various ports of Spain were -usually arranged there. Numerous other cities shared with Seville and -Medina del Campo in the commercial activity of the sixteenth century, -even those of the east coast, although the forces which had occasioned -their decline in preceding eras were still operative and were to renew -their effects before the sixteenth century had much more than passed the -halfway mark. The Mediterranean trade of Spain remained largely in the -hands of the Catalans, however. North European commerce, of which that -with Flanders was the most important, was shared generally by Spain’s -Atlantic ports, although those of the north coast had in this case a -natural advantage.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>consulados</i> and other mercantile machinery.</div> - -<p>The inevitable result of the commercial activity of the sixteenth -century was the development of a mercantile machinery to handle the -trade. This occurred, in Spain, on the basis of institutions already in -existence, the <i>consulados</i>, merchants’ exchange buildings (<i>lonjas</i>), -and fairs.<a name="page_329" id="page_329"></a> To the earlier <i>consulados</i> of Valencia (1283), Barcelona -(1347), Saragossa (1391), Burgos (1494), and Bilbao (1511) there were -added those of Seville (1543) and Madrid (1632). Although the -<i>consulados</i> of the ports differed in some respects from those of the -interior the same principles applied to both,—so much so, that the -ordinances of the <i>consulado</i> of Burgos were the model for that of -Bilbao. The <i>consulado</i> of Burgos served as the type, indeed, upon which -the ordinances of many of the later <i>consulados</i> were founded, wherefore -its description may suffice for all. Strictly speaking, the <i>consulado</i> -was only the tribunal of the body of merchants, who together formed the -<i>universidad</i>, or association, for purposes of trade, although the term -<i>consulado</i> came eventually to include both. Many cities lacked the -tribunal, but did possess the <i>universidad</i> of merchants. The tribunal, -or <i>consulado</i>, of Burgos exercised jurisdiction in mercantile cases, -and also had charge of such important matters as maritime insurance, -charter-parties, and the patronage of certain pious foundations. The -<i>universidad</i> met annually to elect the officers of the <i>consulado</i>,—a -prior, two consuls, and a treasurer. The jurisdiction of the <i>consulado</i> -as a court was not limited to cases arising in Burgos, but extended to -other towns and cities for many miles around it. There was an appeal in -criminal cases to the <i>corregidor</i> of Burgos, but in civil cases the -<i>consulado</i> was independent of both the royal and the municipal courts. -The <i>consulado</i> of Madrid introduced some novelties, principal among -which was its close attachment to the national bureaucracy through the -intervention in its affairs of the <i>Consejo Real</i>. Various cities -founded merchants’ exchange buildings, including some which had no -<i>consulado</i>. As for the fairs, the great importance of Medina del Campo -has already been mentioned. Two fairs a year, in May and October, were -held at that city, on which occasions merchants, bankers, and brokers -from all parts of the world gathered there. By the end of the sixteenth -century the fairs of Medina del Campo were already in a state of -decline, and they received a death-blow when by royal mandate Burgos -replaced Medina del Campo as the contractual centre of Spain.<a name="page_330" id="page_330"></a> Burgos -did not greatly profit, however, for the general mercantile decadence -had begun to affect all commercial institutions in the country. -Mercantile machinery survived after the period of prosperity had passed, -and thus it was only to be expected that a central institution should at -length be founded. Such was the case, for the <i>Junta de Comercio y -Moneda</i> (Junta, or Council, of Commerce and Coinage) came into existence -in 1679. During the remainder of this era it was of slight consequence, -however.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Medieval character and inconsistencies of mercantile -legislation.</div> - -<p>The legislation of the period reflected the prevailing economic ideas, -such as the exceptional importance attached to precious metals, the -insistence that the balance of trade should favor exports (lest imports -should result in specie going out of the country), the favor shown -toward the policy of protection, and in a measure the continuance of the -medieval penchant for government regulation of industry. The state was -not consistent, however, varying its laws according as the needs of the -treasury or of European diplomacy or of any passing crisis might direct. -Thus prohibitions against foreign goods were often maintained, while at -other times the greatest freedom of entry was allowed. In the treaties -of peace of the sixteenth century care to safeguard the commercial -interests of Spain was employed, but in the seventeenth century they -were often sacrificed through the indiscretions of ministers or for -political reasons. Thus Spain’s need of allies against France occasioned -the grant of a right for the free entry of goods into Spain (but not -into the colonies) to the Protestant Netherlands, England, Denmark, and -Portugal, with reductions in duties. Treaties of 1665 and 1667 with -England abolished Spain’s right to inspect English boats or to search -the houses of British subjects, amounting to a virtual invitation to -smuggling, which was in fact the result. Smuggling in connivance with -Spanish officials became so general (not altogether by Englishmen) that -it was regarded as a necessary evil. The government displayed a tendency -to facilitate internal commerce,—as by the suppression of interior -customs lines,—but the protective and regulative spirit of the Middle -Ages was too often apparent. Thus<a name="page_331" id="page_331"></a> prices were fixed and exclusive -rights of sale granted. A curious instance of the latter (though not out -of keeping with the age) was the permit given to the religious orders of -Madrid to open taverns for the sale of beverages accruing from their -crops. When certain abuses and some scandal resulted the privilege was -withdrawn, but was later renewed subject to certain conditions, one of -which was that friars should not serve the wines to customers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties over coinage.</div> - -<p>Legislation with relation to money was particularly abundant. One grave -error of the past was constantly committed from the time of Philip II to -the close of the era, the debasement of the coinage with a view to -relieving the difficulties of the treasury, but the results were not -more favorable than in former years. Despite governmental care in the -matter of coinage, diversity of coins was still a problem. In addition -to the national moneys there were regional pieces and numerous foreign -coins. Attempts were made to fix the relation between them, but without -great success. One factor which was not appreciated at the time was that -of the cheapening of money through the enormous importation of precious -metals from the Americas, resulting in a corresponding advance in -prices. The high prices were ascribed to the exportation of precious -metals from Spain, and stringent laws were passed to prevent it. It was -difficult, however, to keep the gold and silver in the country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Scant attention to public works.</div> - -<p>The national record of the House of Austria in public works cannot be -said to have been good. The need for more and better roads was generally -recognized, but unless they suited military purposes or were to be made -use of in a royal progress, or journey, the state would rarely build -them. Municipalities and groups of merchants (especially the -<i>consulados</i>) did something, but were hampered by the centralizing -spirit of the government. A license from the <i>Consejo Real</i> was -required, even though the state were not to pay. There were too few -roads, and existing highways were as a general rule in a bad state of -repair. Many bridges were constructed by the government in the sixteenth -century, but only a few in the century following. Plans were also -discussed for deepening the channels of<a name="page_332" id="page_332"></a> Spain’s great rivers, but that -of the Tagus alone received attention, and the work to that end by -Philip II was destroyed by the negligence of his successors. In like -manner irrigation on a large scale was planned, but scarcely anything -was accomplished. On the other hand this period marked the beginning of -a mail service as an auxiliary of economic life; it was due to the state -only in that the government granted a monopoly of the privilege to a -private individual. Between 1580 and 1685 the extension of the service -to foreign countries was brought about. Naturally the whole system was -as yet defective from the modern standpoint. The government did expend -moneys, however, for military objects and state buildings. Forts were -built the length and breadth of the Spanish world, although many of them -were allowed to decay in the seventeenth century. Royal palaces and -houses of recreation and several splendid churches for royal use, all of -which added to the glamor of monarchy, were built at state expense. The -municipalities also erected public edifices, such as merchants’ exchange -buildings and city halls.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Foreigners in Spain and legislation concerning them.</div> - -<p>One of the most controversial questions of the era was that of the entry -of foreigners into the economic life of the peninsula. This had begun to -be a factor (without referring now to the earlier arrival of Moslem and -Jewish elements) in the reign of the Catholic Kings, but it was a much -more prominent issue in the period of the House of Austria. It was -complicated by the fact that certain groups of foreigners might be -welcomed (laborers for example), while others (merchants and -manufacturers in particular) were not, but all elements would be both -wanted and opposed by some class of the Spanish people at any given -time. In general, popular opinion whether of rich or poor was adverse to -foreigners. At times the kings yielded to the complaints of the people -and passed restrictive laws, but at other times, urged on by financial -needs and political aims, they took the contrary course. Dependent as -they were upon foreign money-lenders the kings could not refuse to grant -the privileges and monopolies which their creditors exacted as security. -It would seem, however, that by far the greater<a name="page_333" id="page_333"></a> number of the -foreigners were engaged in the less remunerative occupations. A writer -of the seventeenth century says that there were 120,000 foreigners in -domestic service, and goes on to say that they also engaged in such -occupations as street hawking, the keeping of retail shops of all -varieties (sellers of meat, wine, cakes, etc.), and the mechanical -trades, including even those of porter and vendor of water. In 1680 the -French ambassador estimated that there were 77,000 of his countrymen in -Spain, many of whom were farm laborers, but there were considerable -numbers in various other occupations, ranging from the wealthy merchant -down to the lowly shepherd or peddler. Other nationalities were also -prominent. Laws were passed limiting the number of trades in which -foreigners could engage, but they seem to have been without avail, for -both the complaints and the legislation were often repeated. The victory -of the foreign element began to be more apparent by the middle of the -seventeenth century. Philip IV enacted laws to encourage immigration, -because of the scarcity of labor, and permitted a foreigner who had -lived for many years in Spain and married a Spanish woman to enjoy -privileges little short of those of a native. Similar laws were made in -the reign of Charles II.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Statistics of population.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Prevalence of vagabondage.</div> - -<p>The economic status of Spain in this era could be more clearly set forth -if it were possible to have fairly reliable data as to population. In -the middle of the sixteenth century there may have been about six and -three quarter millions of people in Spain. By the end of the century -some estimates hold that the numbers had increased to perhaps eight and -a half millions, but there is ground for doubting these assertions. -Figures for the seventeenth century are even more uncertain, but there -is a general agreement that the population declined. One estimate makes -the population of Spain 5,700,000 at the end of the era. Misery, -idleness, and vagabondage were characteristic of Spanish life in the -late sixteenth and throughout the seventeenth century; it has been -estimated that there were 150,000 vagabonds at the close of the -sixteenth century whose principal occupations were begging, thieving, -and prostitution. It is true<a name="page_334" id="page_334"></a> that a like state of affairs existed in -other countries, and that many foreigners were included in this element -in the peninsula, but conditions were probably worse in Spain than -elsewhere in western Europe.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of vagabondage.</div> - -<p>Much has been written about the causes of vagabondage in Spain. The -principal causes undoubtedly were economic. Foreign writers have charged -it to Spanish pride and scorn of manual labor as well as to a certain -native laziness. These allegations are true to some extent, flowing -naturally from the circumstances of the history of Spain. Slavery had -been perhaps more general and long-continuing in the peninsula than in -other parts of Europe, and the slaves had usually been Moslem in faith; -thus Spaniards might naturally be disinclined to do the work of slaves -and infidels, and the same spirit would be present on its religious side -to make them object to working in company with the questionably orthodox -Moriscos. The general desire of Spaniards to be regarded as of noble -blood also tended to make manual labor unpopular, since there was a -strong class prejudice that nobles should not engage in such work. -Finally, the ease of entry into religious orders had rendered escape -from toil possible for a great number, and had increased the sentiment -against laboring with one’s hands. The only way out for a great many was -the life of a vagabond. The sudden wealth acquired by individuals in the -Americas reacted psychologically to make the necessarily slow accretions -of property in Spain an irksome prospect. The exaltation of military -glory had the same general effect, but as the Spanish armies were small -this occupation was not open to everybody, and its perils and -irregularities in pay made not a few hesitate to enter it. Furthermore, -there were many contemporary writers, Cervantes among them, who pointed -out that the life of a vagabond had a certain appeal for many Spaniards; -young men of good family not infrequently joined bands of gypsies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inability of the government to cope with the situation.</div> - -<p>The poverty of Spain was general by the middle of the seventeenth -century, and the state of the country got steadily worse thereafter. -Bread riots frequently served as a reminder to the authorities, who -indeed made many attempts<a name="page_335" id="page_335"></a> to remedy the situation. Their measures to -attack the root of the evil were worse than useless, however, being -based on economic misconceptions or being discontinued (when they might -have proved beneficial) if they ran counter to governmental policies. -Direct legislation against vagabondage was frequent, but was evaded as -often as enacted. When people were forbidden to remain in the country -without working, the vagabonds made a showing of becoming porters or of -engaging in other like occupations, under the guise of which they -continued their loose practices. When these occupations were limited -they were to be found as theoretically in the service of the noble or -wealthy, whom social pride induced to have as many in their following as -possible. When this custom was attacked direct evasion of the laws was -rendered possible through charitable institutions, especially through -the free soup-kitchens of the religious orders. On the benevolent side -the problem was also approached through the founding of poor-houses, -although this method was not yet greatly developed, and through the -conversion of the former public granaries (<i>pósitos</i>), in which stores -of grain were kept to guard against the possibility of famine, into -pious institutions for the gift or loan of food supplies to the poor.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Contemporary opinions as to the causes of Spain’s economic -decline.</div> - -<p>The fact of Spain’s economic decline has perhaps been pointed out with -sufficient clearness. It is now pertinent to sum up the causes which had -produced it. According to Altamira there was “a great variety of causes, -accumulated upon a country which entered the modern age with weak and -incipient economic energies, a country whose governments let themselves -be dragged into an imperialistic policy (in great part forced upon them -by problems traceable to Ferdinand the Catholic and the fatal -inheritance of Charles I), neglecting, more for lack of means than -intentionally, those measures which could best contribute to better the -productive power and well-being of the country.” This is an epitome not -only of the causes for Spain’s economic decline in this period but also -of modern Spanish history. It places the fault where it belongs, on -Spanish imperialism with its train of costly wars, a policy which Spain -might have<a name="page_336" id="page_336"></a> followed so far as the Americas were concerned, but which -proved an impossible strain on her resources when carried beyond the -Spanish peninsula into Europe. This was one of the principal causes -assigned at the tune. Some others may also be enumerated. The increase -in the <i>alcabala</i> and in other taxes was often mentioned as a principal -cause, although it is easy to see how this might have been a result of -the warfare. In like manner another group of causes set forth at that -time might well have been results of the economic decline, such as the -following: emigration to the colonies; the lack of government aid to -industries; the invasion of foreign goods and foreigners into Spain; and -the decline in population. Other causes alleged by contemporaries and -deserving of prominent mention, though less important than that of the -European wars, were these: the repugnance of Spaniards for manual labor; -bad financial administration by the government; the prodigality of the -kings in granting favors and exemptions; the governmental practice of -fixing the prices of agricultural products; the evil of absentee -landlordism, especially in the case of the <i>latifundia</i>, which were not -developed to the extent of their resources; waste of the means of -production in luxury; the great number of convents and monasteries; and -the exemptions enjoyed by a vast number of individuals.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes assigned by later writers.</div> - -<p>Later writers have put emphasis on other matters. Some present-day -historians assign the expulsion of the Moriscos as the principal cause -of the economic decline. It did leave many trades without hands, and -temporarily depopulated whole districts, but it seems hardly accurate to -regard it as anything more than one of many contributory causes. Writers -of the seventeenth century were impressed by its religious and political -advantages, and do not seem to have regarded it as of serious economic -import. The economic effects of the conquest of the Americas have also -been set forth to account for Spain’s decline. That conquest induced the -already-mentioned get-rich-quick spirit among Spaniards, and encouraged -the false economic idea that precious metals are the basic form of -wealth, leading to the assignment of an undue importance to them. More -serious,<a name="page_337" id="page_337"></a> perhaps, was the fact that the Americas drained Spain of some -of her best and most virile blood. The number of Spaniards who went to -America, however, was not excessive,—little more than the number of -Englishmen who crossed the seas in the seventeenth century. Furthermore, -Spain most certainly secured a vast financial profit out of the -Americas, not only from precious metals, but also from commerce and the -employment which thousands obtained both in Spain and in the colonies. -Spanish soil was indeed not fertile enough to support a policy of -European imperialism, and that argument has been put forward, but the -fault was less in the land itself, which in other days had produced more -richly, than in the methods (or lack of them) employed to develop its -capacities. Foreign commercial vicissitudes, which are also alleged to -account for Spain’s economic fall, did indeed help to bring it -about,—such, for example, as the disastrous consequences of the silting -in of the port of Bruges, which city had been one of the best purchasers -of Spain’s raw materials. While it is indeed impossible to assign any -single event or condition of affairs as the <i>sine qua non</i> of Spain’s -decadence, one factor stands out from the rest, however, as the most -important,—that of the oft-mentioned policy of Spanish imperialism in -Europe.<a name="page_338" id="page_338"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIX" id="CHAPTER_XXIX"></a>CHAPTER XXIX<br /><br /> -<small>THE GOLDEN AGE: EDUCATION, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY, AND SCIENCE, 1516-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of Spain’s intellectual greatness in this era.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> sixteenth and seventeenth centuries represent the highest point in -the history of Spanish intellectual achievement in science, literature, -and art. Two manifestations characterized the era: an abundant -productivity which was as high in quality as it was great in amount; and -the diffusion of Spanish learning in the other countries of the -civilized world, so that for the first time (except for the transmission -of Moslem culture) Christian Spain became a vital factor in European -thought, whereas in former years she had merely received the instruction -of others. The reasons for this intellectual outburst were various. For -one thing the natural evolution from the past seemed to render -inevitable a high degree of attainment. For another, the general effects -of the Renaissance in Europe made themselves felt in Spain. In the third -place, this seems to have been the era of the ripe maturity of the -Spanish people, when they were at the height of their capacity in every -walk of life. Finally, as has happened so many times in the history of -other nations, the very fact of the establishment of a great empire was -bound to react both materially and psychologically to produce an -unwonted expansion intellectually. Spanish imperialism in Europe -undoubtedly contributed much to the civilization of the peninsula, but -it is not too much to say that the greatest influence came from Spain’s -conquests in the new world. These operated directly to make Spain an -innovator in scientific thought, and provided the first noteworthy -material for mental stimulus in the era. If the better known -manifestations<a name="page_339" id="page_339"></a> of polite literature and painting were not directly -traceable to the attainment of a colonial empire, other achievements -were, and the indirect effect of the overseas conquests should not be -left out of consideration even in the case of those factors which -acknowledged Italy as their principal source of inspiration.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality and its -duration in time.</div> - -<p>There were many social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality, such -as the eagerness with which men sought an education, the honors paid to -men of letters in an age when military glory might tend to absorb -attention, the encyclopedic knowledge demonstrated by scholars who were -at one and the same time proficient in widely divergent fields, the -circumstance that women won marked distinction (together with the fact -that their achievements were well received), and the fondness of the -upper classes for social functions of a literary character,—not a few -of which developed from a simple gathering at some noble’s house into -the formation of clubs or academies of an intellectual character. This -flourishing state of affairs endured a much shorter time than might have -been expected from the force of its initial momentum; in a broad sense -the intellectual decadence of the country accompanied, or perhaps -resulted from, the political and economic decline, but just as in the -case of these factors it was not equal in celerity or in completeness in -all of the many-sided aspects of Spanish intellectual life. Furthermore, -the fall was so rapid in some respects, and from such a high point in -all, that the ultimate degradation, though deep enough, seemed by -comparison to be worse than it was. At any rate, the state of -intellectuality at its best was sufficiently great to deserve the title -which has been applied to the period of its expression, that of the -<i>siglo de oro</i> (golden century) in Spanish science, literature, and art.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Application and duration of the <i>siglo de oro</i>.</div> - -<p>A question arises as to the application of the term and the duration of -the period of the <i>siglo de oro</i>. The seventeenth century has usually -been regarded as the golden age, for it was then that the greatest names -in polite literature and painting appeared. In fact, however, the era of -intellectual brilliance dates from an early point in the sixteenth -century in the reign of Charles I, lasting for about a century and a<a name="page_340" id="page_340"></a> -half, past the middle of the seventeenth century. The general desire for -knowledge, which was so marked in the first half of the sixteenth -century, had already ebbed away by the end of the reign of Philip II. -The greatest achievements in didactic and scientific literature belong -to the sixteenth century, and, indeed, most of the great writers and -painters who won fame in the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV got -their start, or at least were born, in the time of Philip II. Great -results were obtained in both periods, but the stimulus came for the -most part in the sixteenth century.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The universities.</div> - -<p>The aristocratic character of intellectual attainments in the <i>siglo de -oro</i> was reflected in that of the institutions of learning which were -founded. In addition to the eight universities existing in 1516, -twenty-one were added in the sixteenth century, and five in the -seventeenth, making a total of thirty-four in all. Salamanca and Alcalá -stood forth as the leading universities, although outranked in legal -studies by Valladolid. Salamanca had the more ample curriculum, with -some sixty professorships, but Alcalá, with forty-two professorial -chairs, was distinguished for the scientific labors of its faculty. -Salamanca was more largely attended, having 6778 students in 1584, a -number which had declined to 1955 in 1682, while Alcalá had 1949 in -1547, 2061 in 1650, and 1637 in 1700. The medieval type of internal -management remained as the essential basis of university administration, -characterized by the close connection between the university and the -civil authorities (to which latter the former were in a measure -subjected), by an intimate relationship with the cathedral or other -local churches, and by the ecclesiastical origin of many of the -university rents. The universities did not become religious -establishments, however, even though churchmen founded the greater -number of them. As time went on, the kings displayed a tendency to -intervene in university life, as by the sending of <i>visitadores</i>, or by -imposing their candidates for professorships upon the universities, but -they did not go so far as to deprive the universities of their economic, -legal, and scientific independence.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Jesuit colleges.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Other schools of higher education.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>Casa de Contratación</i> as a maritime university.</div> - -<p>There were also various other institutions of higher <a name="page_341" id="page_341"></a>education. One of -them, the Estudios Reales de San Isidro of Madrid, founded early in the -reign of Philip IV for the education of the sons of the greater -nobility, ranked with the universities. Jesuit teachers were installed. -This was not the first instance of Jesuit instruction in the peninsula. -By their vows the Jesuits were obliged to found “colleges,” but this -term meant houses for study, only in that the members of the order -living in these institutions pursued investigations there. Gradually, -outside pupils began to be accepted by the Jesuits, who soon won a great -reputation for their efficiency as teachers. Their teaching was markedly -influenced by Renaissance ideals, for the study of classical authors -formed one of the principal elements in their curriculum. They devoted -themselves to the education of the wealthy classes, leaving the field of -vocational preparation to the universities. Apart from the Jesuit -colleges there were various schools, both religious and secular, -primarily for the study of Latin. They were in essence schools of -literature, at which students were given practice in the writing of -poetry and the reciting of verses, both Latin and Castilian. It is said -that there were more than four thousand of these institutions in 1619, -although their numbers declined greatly with the advance of the century. -In addition there were many schools of a purely professional character, -such as those for the study of religion, war, medicine, and nautical -science. The school of nautical science of the <i>Casa de Contratación</i> of -Seville merits special attention. Among the manifold functions of the -<i>Casa</i> in its relation to the Americas was that of the pursuit of -scientific studies to facilitate overseas communication, and this was -carried out to such an extent that the <i>Casa</i> was a veritable maritime -university. Mathematics, cosmography, geography, cartography, -navigation, the construction and use of nautical instruments, and -military science (in so far as it related to artillery) were taught at -the <i>Casa</i>, and in nearly all of these respects that institution not -only outranked the others in Spain but was able also to add materially -to the sum total of world knowledge. Primary education continued to be -neglected. The current belief was that it was unnecessary unless one -intended<a name="page_342" id="page_342"></a> to pursue a professional career. The education of the masses -for the sake of raising the general level of culture, or even for -technical advancement, was a problem which was not as yet comprehended. -Such primary schools as there were, were usually ecclesiastical or -private foundations. Reading, writing, arithmetic, and Christian -doctrine were the subjects taught. Taken as a whole it will be seen that -the number of teaching establishments had vastly increased over that of -the preceding eras. An understanding of the superior facilities -available for the upper classes would not be complete without a -reference to the extraordinary diffusion of printing in this era. -Although the publication of works was subject to various conditions, -printed books fairly came into their own, for the first time in the -history of the peninsula. A number of great libraries were formed. It is -worthy of mention, too, that it was at this time that care began to be -taken in the accumulation of public documents in archives. In 1558 -Philip II founded an archive at Rome, and in 1563 made a beginning of -the famous state archive at Simancas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Neglect of primary education.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Great age of printing.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of public archives.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Luis Vives and Spanish originality in philosophical studies.</div> - -<p>The revival of classical studies, which made available the writings of -many Greek philosophers whose works had been unknown to the medieval -scholars, and the complex movement of ideas engendered by the Protestant -Reformation and the Catholic Reaction were the fundamental causes of the -flourishing state of theological and philosophical studies in this -period, especially in the sixteenth century. While this was by no means -confined to Spain, the peninsula furnished its quota to the great names -of the period. The philosopher Luis Vives (1492-1540) may be mentioned -by way of illustration. Vives, who spent most of his life in Flanders -and in England,—in which latter country he was the teacher of Mary -Tudor, the later queen of England,—was regarded by contemporaries as a -philosopher of the first rank, on a plane with Erasmus. Nearly a century -before Francis Bacon (1561-1626) suggested the necessity for the -observation of nature as the basis of knowledge rather than the blind -following of classical texts, Vives had pronounced the same idea. Of -importance, too, were his pedagogical doctrines,<a name="page_343" id="page_343"></a> which profoundly -influenced Comenius. The case of Vives was not unique, for the ideas -which were later to be made famous by Reid, Descartes, Montaigne, -Charron, and others had already been expressed by Spaniards of the -sixteenth century. The common note in all their works was that of great -liberty of thought in all things other than the Catholic faith, and in -particular that of a reaction against submission to consecrated -authority, which brought them into opposition to the slavish acceptance -of classical writings so much in vogue among the Humanists. In so doing, -the Spanish philosophers were only expressing their national traits, for -the Spaniards have always been able to reconcile their support of -absolutism in government and of the principle of authority in religion -with a degree of individualism that cannot be found in lands whose -political and religious ideas have been more democratic. Partly on this -account Spanish thought has not received due credit, for, though there -were Spanish philosophers, there was no school of Spanish philosophy. -Furthermore, sweeping originality of thought on a universal basis was -precluded by the necessity of subordinating all ideas to Catholic -doctrine, while the philosophers who have attained to the greatest fame -in modern times expressed themselves with independence in that respect, -or at least without the preoccupation of not departing from it. That -Spaniards were capable of originality within the field of religion -itself was proved by the development of Spanish mysticism, already -alluded to.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Important character of Spanish writings on jurisprudence, -politics, and economics.</div> - -<p>In jurisprudence and politics Spanish writers gained an indisputable -title to originality of thought, of positive influence on the -civilization of other countries. This was due in part to the continuous -warfare, the grave religious problems, and the many questions arising -out of the conquest, colonization, and retention of the Americas, but it -was also a result of a natural tendency in Spanish character to occupy -itself with the practical aspects of affairs, directing philosophical -thought toward its applications in actual life,—for example, in the -case of matters to which the above-mentioned events gave rise. Spanish -jurists achieved renown in various phases of jurisprudence, such as in -international,<a name="page_344" id="page_344"></a> political, penal, and canonical law, in the civil law of -Rome and of the Spanish peninsula, and in legal procedure. Not Grotius -(1583-1645), but his Spanish predecessors of the sixteenth century laid -the foundations for international law, and the great Dutch jurist more -than once acknowledged his indebtedness to Spaniards, who, like Vitoria -and Vázquez, had provided him with rich materials for the thesis he set -forth. Among the writers on political law may be mentioned Solórzano, -whose <i>Política indiana</i>, or Government of the Indies (1629-1639), was a -noteworthy exposition and defence of the Spanish colonial system. In -economics, too, the Spaniards were necessarily outstanding figures in -their day, since the Spanish empire was the greatest and for a time the -most powerful of the period. National resources, the income and -expenditures of the state, and the method of the enjoyment of landed -property were the three principal questions to engage the attention of -the Spanish economists. When Martínez de la Mata declared that labor was -the only true source of wealth, he was in so much the precursor of Adam -Smith (1723-1790). Some economists expressed ideas which sound strangely -like those set forth by Spencer, Wallace, Tolstoy, and others in the -nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as the following: that -immovable property should be taken away from the private individuals -possessing it, and be redistributed under the control of the state; and -that society should be considered as having legal title to lands, giving -only the user to individuals. Luis Vives was one of the representatives -of these ideas. The principles of these economists found little support -in practice, and cannot be said to have attained general acceptance -among the Spanish writers on these subjects.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Páez de Castro and the new sense of historical content.</div> - -<p>The advance of historical studies in this period, especially in the -sixteenth century, was nothing short of remarkable. For the first time -history won a right to be considered apart from polite literature. Two -novelties marked the era, one of them relative to the content of -history, and the other concerning the methods of investigation and -composition. Formerly history had reduced itself to little more than the -external political narrative, dealing with wars, kings, and<a name="page_345" id="page_345"></a> heroes, -being more rhetorical in form than scientific. The new sense of content -was represented principally by the philosopher Luis Vives and by the -historian Páez de Castro, one-time chronicler of Charles I. Vives gave -his opinion that history should deal with all the manifestations of -social life. Páez de Castro stands forth, however, as the man who most -clearly expressed the new ideas. According to him the history of a land -should include the study of its geography, of the languages of its -peoples, of the dress, laws, religions, social institutions, general -customs, literature, arts, sciences, and even the aspects of nature of -the land in so far as these things affected the actions of men. Páez de -Castro was also a follower of Pérez de Guzmán and Hernando del Pulgar in -his appreciation of the psychological element in history. The most -exacting methodologists of the present day do not require more than did -Páez de Castro nearly four centuries ago. Incidentally, it becomes clear -that the credit ordinarily assigned to Voltaire (1694-1778) and Hume -(1711-1776) as innovators in this respect belongs rather to Spaniards of -the sixteenth century. Vives and Páez de Castro were not alone in their -concept of history. On the other hand they were not able to put their -ideas into practice, and were not followed by the majority of the -writers on methodology. Nevertheless, all were agreed that the education -of the historian should be encyclopedic in character,—an ideal which -necessarily involved a measurable attainment of the plan of Páez de -Castro.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Zurita and Morales and the advance in historical -investigation and criticism.</div> - -<p>If these concepts as to historical content were not fully realized, -those with regard to the methods of investigation and criticism found a -worthy representation in the majority of the historians of the era. To -be sure, some of the great writers, like Florián de Ocampo and Mariana, -displayed too much credulity or a disposition to imagine events for -which they lacked documentary proof. Furthermore, this was a thriving -period of forgeries, when writers invented classical authors, -chronicles, letters, and inscriptions with which to support their -narratives. Still, the evil brought about the remedy; the necessity for -criticism was so great that its application became customary. In -addition, men sought<a name="page_346" id="page_346"></a> documents, if only to disprove the forgeries, with -the result that the employment of source material and the use of the -sciences auxiliary to history were a factor in the works of the numerous -great historians of the time. The highest representatives of the new -sense of historical analysis were the official chroniclers of Charles I -and Philip II. First in point of time was Florián de Ocampo, whose -<i>Crónica general</i> (General chronicle) was published in 1543. While -giving too free rein to the imagination, his <i>Crónica</i> had a fairly -complete documental basis in some of its parts. Far superior was the -<i>Anales de Aragón</i>, or Annals of Aragon (1562-1580), of Jerónimo Çurita, -or Zurita, which in its use of archive material was the greatest -historical work of the sixteenth century. Of equal rank with Zurita was -Ambrosio de Morales, the continuer of Ocampo, whose <i>Crónica</i> was -published in 1574-1575. Morales, who was a distinguished palæographist -and archæologist, made a notable use of inscriptions, coins, -manuscripts, ancient books, and other ancient evidences. While the -influence of Gibbon (1737-1794) on historiography in these respects is -not to be denied, it is only fair to point out the merits of his -predecessors of the Spanish <i>siglo de oro</i> in precisely those qualities -for which the great Englishman has won such signal fame.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The historian Mariana.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The bibliographer Nicolás Antonio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Historians of the Americas.</div> - -<p>The historian of this era who attained the greatest reputation, though -far from equalling Vives and Páez de Castro on the one hand or Zurita -and Morales on the other, was the Jesuit Mariana. In 1592-1595 he -published his history of Spain in Latin (<i>Historia de rebus Hispaniæ</i>), -which he brought out in Castilian in 1601 under the title <i>Historia -general de España</i> (General history of Spain). This work, which is still -one of the most widely read of all Spanish histories, was remarkable for -its composition and style, in which respects it was superior to others -of the period, though otherwise inferior to the best works of the time. -It was intended to be popular, however, on which account it should not -be judged too critically from the standpoint of technique. Mariana’s -history was an external political narrative, from the Castilian point of -view, of the events which had developed the national unity of Spain. His -own bias, politically and<a name="page_347" id="page_347"></a> otherwise, was only too apparent, besides -which he displayed the faults of credulity and imagination already -alluded to. Nevertheless, Mariana made use of manuscripts and the -evidence of inscriptions and coins, though not to the same degree as -Zurita, Morales, and others. His style was tinged with the Humanistic -ideals of the period, being strongly influenced by Livy. Many other -students of history or of the sciences auxiliary to history are -deserving of recognition, and at least one of them demands mention, -Nicolás Antonio, the greatest bibliographer of his time. In 1672 he -published his <i>Bibliotheca hispana</i> (republished in 1788 as the -<i>Bibliotheca hispana nova</i>, or Catalogue of new Spanish works) of all -Spanish works since 1500, and in 1696 completed his <i>Bibliotheca hispana -vetus</i>, or Catalogue of old Spanish works (published in 1788), of -Spanish books, manuscript and printed, prior to the sixteenth century. -Deserving of special notice was a remarkable group of historians of the -Americas, such as Fernando Colón (Ferdinand Columbus), Fernández de -Oviedo, López de Gómara, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Bernabé Cobos, -Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Juan de Castellanos, Acosta, Garcilaso de la -Vega, Herrera, Cieza de León, Zárate, Jerez, Dorantes de Carranza, -Góngora, Hevía, León Pinelo, Mendieta, Pizarro, Sahagún, Suárez de -Peralta, Alvarado, Torquemada, Solís, Cortés, Las Casas, Cervantes de -Salazar, López de Velasco, the already cited Solórzano, Pérez de Ribas, -Tello, Florencia, Vetancurt, and many others. The works of some of these -men were written in Spain as official chronicles of the Indies, while -those of others were prepared independently in the Americas. Religious -history was abundantly produced, as also were books of travel, -especially those based on the expeditions and discoveries in the Indies. -In all of the historical production of the era, not merely in the work -of Mariana, the influence of classical models was marked.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The conquest of the Americas and resultant Spanish -achievements in natural science, geography, and cartography.</div> - -<p>If the output of Spaniards in the domain of the natural sciences was not -so great as in the realm of philosophy, jurisprudence, and history, it -was nevertheless distinctively original in character,—necessarily so, -since the discovery of new lands and new routes, to say nothing of the -effects of<a name="page_348" id="page_348"></a> continuous warring, not only invited investigation, but also -made it imperative, in order to overcome hitherto unknown difficulties. -In dealing with the Americas a practice was made of gathering -geographical data which for its completeness has scarcely ever been -surpassed. Explorers were required by law to make the most detailed -observations as to distances, general geographical features, character -of the soil, products, animals, and peoples, with a view to the -collection and the study of their reports at the <i>Casa de Contratación</i>, -for which purpose the post of cosmographical chronicler of the Indies -was created. Equal amplitude of data was also to be found in books of -travel. To enumerate the contributors to geographical knowledge it would -be necessary to name the hundreds of Spanish voyages and explorations in -the new world of which accounts were written by their leaders or by -friars accompanying the expeditions. A noteworthy compendium of these -reports has recently been published, although it was compiled in the -sixteenth century, the <i>Geografía y descripción universal de las Indias</i> -(Geography and general description of the Indies) for the years 1571 to -1574 by Juan López de Velasco. Something of a like nature was achieved -for the peninsula itself in the reign of Philip II. As was inevitable, -Spaniards were prominent in cartography. Aside from the men who -accompanied the expeditions in the new world, the most famous -cartographers of the time were those of the <i>Casa de Contratación</i>, many -of whom made contributions to cartographical science, as well as -additions to the mapping of the world. One interesting instance was the -use of maps with equi-distant polar projections years before Mercator in -1569 first employed this method, which was henceforth to bear his name. -Spanish innovators have not received the credit they deserve, -principally because their results were in many cases deliberately kept -secret by the Spanish government, which wished to retain a monopoly of -the information, as well as of the trade, of the new world. Spanish -achievements, it will be observed, were designed to meet practical ends, -rather than to promote universal knowledge,—unfortunately for the fame -of the individuals engaged in scientific production.<a name="page_349" id="page_349"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Similarly, Spanish achievements in the mathematical and -physical sciences.</div> - -<p>Naturally, these accomplishments in geography and cartography -necessitated a solid foundation in the mathematical and physical -sciences, and such a basis in fact existed. The leading scholars, -especially those of the <i>Casa</i>, who always stood out from the rest, -displayed a remarkable conjunction of theory and practice. At the same -time that they were writing doctrinal treatises about cosmography, -astronomy, and mathematics, they were able to make maps and nautical -instruments with their own hands, and not infrequently to invent useful -appliances. Problems in connection with the variations of the magnetic -needle, the exact calculation of longitude, the observation of eclipses, -and the perfection of the astrolabe were among those which preoccupied -students of that day. The advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the -facility with which the theory of Copernicus (that the sun, and not the -earth, is the centre of the solar system) was accepted in Spain, when it -was rejected elsewhere. It is noteworthy, too, that when Pope Gregory -XIII proposed to correct the calendar, he sought information of Spanish -scholars, whose suggestions were followed. In the same year (1582) that -the Gregorian calendar went into effect in Rome, it was adopted also in -Spain. In nautical science, as might have been expected from the -practical character of Spanish studies, Spaniards were preëminent. Among -the more important names was that of Alarcón, better known for his -voyage of 1540 in the Gulf of California and along the western coast of -the California peninsula. Advance in naval construction accompanied that -of navigation proper. The new world provided Spaniards with an -opportunity, of which they did not fail to avail themselves, for -progress in the sciences of physics and chemistry, always with practical -ideals in mind. Theories were set forth as to such matters as cyclones, -terrestrial magnetism, atmospheric pressure, and even telegraphy, while -mechanical inventions were made, because these things were related to -specific problems. The most remarkable example of the heights to which -Spaniards attained in physics and chemistry was in the application of -these sciences to metallurgy. When the mines of the Americas were first<a name="page_350" id="page_350"></a> -exploited, it was necessary to resort to German methods, but it was not -long before Spaniards easily took first rank in the world. A work by -Alonso Barba, for example, published in 1640, was translated into all of -the leading European languages, and served as the principal guide of -metallurgists for more than a century. As engineers Spaniards lagged -behind other European peoples; engineering works were not greatly -involved in the colonization of the Americas. It is interesting, -however, to note the numerous studies of projects by Spaniards of the -sixteenth century,—among them, Cortés, Saavedra, Galván, López de -Gómara, Gil González Dávila, Salcedo, Esquivel, and Mercado,—with a -view to the construction of a canal at the Isthmus of Panamá to -facilitate communication with the Pacific.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress in medicine.</div> - -<p>Finally, the science of medicine, which had already entered upon an -experimental stage in the reign of the Catholic Kings, advanced to a -point which enabled it to compare, not unfavorably, with the -achievements in other branches of precise knowledge. Medicine, too, had -the Americas to thank for much of its progress, owing to discoveries of -botanical and mineralogical specimens of a medicinal character. The -universities of Salamanca, Valencia, and Barcelona took the lead in -medical studies, and furnished most of the great names of the era. In -the seventeenth century medical science experienced a marked decline, -due among other things to a return to an imitation of classical methods. -Hippocrates and other Greek writers were regarded as incapable of -mistake, wherefore investigation and experiment ceased to hold the place -they had won in the sixteenth century. Some men endeavored to continue -the experimental tradition, but, as indeed elsewhere in Europe, they -were despised by the classical element, who arrogated to themselves the -honor of possessing the only real medical knowledge, charging their -opponents, usually with truth, with employing experimentation because -they were unable to read the accounts of classical remedies set forth in -Greek and Latin. Nevertheless, it was to experimental methods, -principally in the sixteenth century, that the discovery of many -hitherto unknown cures was due.<a name="page_351" id="page_351"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXX" id="CHAPTER_XXX"></a>CHAPTER XXX<br /><br /> -<small>THE GOLDEN AGE: LITERATURE AND ART, 1516-1700</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Victory of Castilian over foreign tongues in polite -literature and remarkable outburst of productivity.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> general conditions affecting literature and art in the <i>siglo de -oro</i> have already been alluded to in the preceding chapter. The -influence of Humanism and the impulse of the Renaissance were more -directly felt in polite literature than in didactic and scientific -works. Furthermore, this type of literature was more easily understood -by people at large than the more special studies, and it is not -surprising that Spain’s intellectual greatness should have been -appreciated by the majority of the educated classes in terms of poetry, -the novel, and the drama, together with the manifestations of the age in -the fine arts. The very men who contributed works of a scientific -character could not resist the appeal of <i>belles lettres</i>, and wrote -books which not infrequently demonstrated their double right to homage. -Knowledge of Latin, Greek, and various modern languages, especially -Italian and French, was more or less general among the educated classes, -giving an opportunity for the satisfaction of one’s wishes to delve into -a varied literature, and opening the way to foreign influences upon -Castilian work. The day of French influence seemed for a time to have -passed, however (although it returned with the decline in the later -seventeenth century); rather, a current against it had set in. The -effect of the other three languages was so great, however, that -Castilian temporarily lost some of its prestige, which passed over -especially to Latin and Italian. Most works of an erudite character now -appeared in Latin, and that language was the official tongue of most of -the courses in the universities. The church, too, lent its weight to -Latin.<a name="page_352" id="page_352"></a> Nevertheless, Castilian was at no time in real danger. Anything -intended for popular consumption found its way into Castilian, and not a -few notable scientific works employed that language. Save for a few -inefficacious attempts of the Humanists to use Latin, the field of -polite literature was captured wholly by the native tongue. This victory -for national sentiment carried with it an exuberant outburst of -productivity which affected all classes. Prior to this time the clergy -had provided almost the only representatives to win fame in <i>belles -lettres</i>; now, they were joined and rivalled, even outdone, by laymen, -both soldiers and civilians. The noble families caught the enthusiasm -and made their houses centres for gatherings, and the kings themselves -were carried along in the current. Charles I was exceptionally fond of -the novels of chivalry, which he used to have read aloud to him; Philip -II, himself little affected, tolerated the tastes of his daughters which -led them to make poetry form a part of the palace distractions; but it -was under Philip IV that the royal love and patronage of literature -attained to its highest point. Philip IV himself wrote comedies, and -filled the palace with poets, dramatists, and writers of prose. -Meanwhile, the general public got its first real opportunity to attend -the theatre, and bought meritorious books (which printing now rendered -available), while men discussed their favorite authors with the same -ardor that they might their favorite bull-fighters.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish contributions to philology.</div> - -<p>One of the principal studies of the Humanists was that of grammar, Latin -and Greek chiefly. The classical authors and the patristic writings of -the medieval period occupied their attention, together with allied works -in other languages, such as ancient Hebrew or modern Italian. The -Spanish Humanists held a noteworthy place in the development of this -movement in Europe. While many individuals might be named, Arias Montano -was perhaps the greatest of Spain’s representatives. Interest in -language study carried Spaniards far afield among contemporary tongues, -and in one respect led to a remarkable contribution to knowledge. As -conquerors and as missionaries Spaniards came in contact with a variety -of peoples hitherto unknown, or little known,<a name="page_353" id="page_353"></a> to the world, from the -numerous tribes of the Indians in the Americas to the Chinese and -Japanese of the Far East. Many valuable data were accumulated in Spanish -about these peoples and their customs, and their languages were studied -and in many cases written down by Spaniards, who systematized them for -the first time. Much of this material has only recently become -available, but it ranks as an achievement of the <i>siglo de oro</i>; perhaps -the more valuable parts were prepared in the sixteenth century. -Meanwhile, the process of purifying Castilian grammar was constantly -going on, and it is interesting to note the strong nationalistic -tendency in favor of a phonetic spelling as opposed to the expression of -the etymological form. Rhetoric was regarded as a part of grammar, and -it is easy to understand that in an age of Humanism the question of -style should be a favorite topic.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lope de Rueda and the development of the national theatre.</div> - -<p>It was in this period that the national theatre developed, and Spaniards -displayed such originality and forcefulness as to make a profound -impression on the dramatic literature of the world. At the outset of the -reign of Charles I, Gil Vicente and Torres Naharro were continuing the -tradition of Juan del Enzina with crude farces and allegorical religious -plays. Despite the fact that these were generally acted in convents, -they were so frequently of a licentious character that in 1548 their -publication was forbidden. Meanwhile, classical plays and compositions -written in imitation of the Latin and Greek masters were proving -difficult competitors to the weakly groping Spanish stage. The -regeneration of the national theatre was due to Lope de Rueda of -Seville, whose name first appears in 1554. The greatness of Rueda was -due primarily to his own acting, which gave him an opportunity to -re-introduce Spanish plays and make a success of them. While staging -translations of Latin and Italian works, Rueda wrote and played short -acts of a dramatic and episodical character. Others carried on the task -begun by Rueda until the machinery for the Spanish theatre was fairly -well prepared for the works of the great masters,—for example, the -three-act comedy had developed, first employed by Francisco de Avendaño. -Cervantes wrote a number<a name="page_354" id="page_354"></a> of plays, between 1583 and 1587, but while -they were not without merit they were completely overshadowed by those -of the great writers of dramatic literature.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The great masters of the Spanish theatre.</div> - -<p>First of the great masters, chronologically, was Lope de Vega -(1562-1635), who was also one of the most prolific writers of all time. -It is said that he wrote 1800 comedies and 400 religious, allegorical -plays (one of the leading types of the era), besides many shorter -dialogues, of which number 470 of the comedies and 50 of the plays have -survived. His writings were not less admirable than numerous, and marked -a complete break with the past. An inventive exuberance, well-sustained -agreeability and charm, skill in the management of fable and in the -depiction of character, the elevation of women to a leading place in the -dramatical plot (a feature without precedent), an instinct for -theatrical effects, intensity of emotional expression, wit, naturalness -and nobility of dialogue, and realism were the most noteworthy traits of -his compositions, together with a variety in subject-matter which -ventured into every phase of the history and contemporary customs of -Spain. His defects were traceable mainly to his facility in production, -such as a lack of plan and organization as a whole, wherefore it has -been said that he wrote scenes and not complete plays, although his best -works are not open to this charge. In the meantime, the paraphernalia of -theatrical presentation had been perfected. In 1579 the first permanent -theatre was built in Madrid, followed quickly by the erection of others -there and in the other large cities. Travelling companies staged plays -in all parts of Spain, until the theatre became popular. If Lope de Vega -profited from this situation, so also did the stage from him, for he -provided it with a vehicle which fixed it in public favor at a time when -the balance might have swung either way. The fame of Lope de Vega -eclipsed that of his contemporaries, many of whom were deserving of high -rank. In recent years one name has emerged from the crowd, that of Friar -Gabriel Téllez, better known by his pseudonym, Tirso de Molina -(1571-1658). In realism, depiction of character, profundity of ideas, -emotion, and a sense of the dramatic he was the equal and at times the -superior of Lope de Vega. The successor<a name="page_355" id="page_355"></a> in fame and popularity of Lope -de Vega, however, was Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681), whose -compositions faithfully represented the devout Catholicism and chivalric -ideals (exaggerating the fact) of his contemporaries. Calderón was above -all a writer of religious, allegorical plays. In the domain of the -profane his plays were too grave and rigid to adapt themselves to the -comic, and they were characterized by a certain monotony and artifice, a -substitution of allegory for realism, and an excess of brilliance and -lyrical qualities, often tinged with rhetoric and obscure classical -allusions. Not only were these three masters and a number of others -great in Spain, but also they clearly influenced the dramatic literature -of the world; it would be necessary to include most of the famous -European playwrights of the seventeenth century and some of later times -if a list were to be made of those who drew inspiration from the Spanish -theatre of the <i>siglo de oro</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The three types of the sixteenth century novel.</div> - -<p>The history of the Spanish novel in this era reduces itself to a -discussion of three leading types, those of chivalry, love, and social -customs, the last-named an outgrowth from the picaresque novel, and more -often so-called. The novel of chivalry, descendant of <i>Amadís de Gaula</i>, -was by far the most popular in the sixteenth century, having almost a -monopoly of the field. Like the reprehensible “dime novel” of recent -American life its popularity became almost a disease, resulting -occasionally in a derangement of the mental faculties of some of its -more assiduous readers. The extravagant achievements of the wandering -knights ended by proving a bore to Spanish taste, and the chivalric -novel was already dead when Cervantes attacked it in <i>Don Quixote</i>. -Meanwhile, the amatory novel had been affected by the introduction from -Italy of a pastoral basis for the story, which first appeared in the -middle of the sixteenth century and endured for about a hundred years. -This novel was based on an impossible situation, that of country -shepherds and shepherdesses who talked like people of education and -refinement. Only the high qualities of the writers were able to give it -life, which was achieved by the excellence of the descriptions, the -lyrical quality of the verse, and the beauty<a name="page_356" id="page_356"></a> of the prose style. The -true Spanish novel was to develop out of the picaresque type, which -looked back to the popular <i>La Celestina</i> of 1499. About the middle of -the sixteenth century and again just at its close there appeared two -other works, frankly picaresque, for they dealt with the life of rogues -(<i>pícaros</i>) and vagabonds. The name “picaresque” was henceforth employed -for works which did not come within the exact field of these earlier -volumes, except that they were realistic portrayals of contemporary -life. Such was the state of affairs when Cervantes appeared.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cervantes and <i>Don Quixote</i>.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>Novelas exemplares</i>.</div> - -<p>Miguel de Cervantes y Saavedra (1547-1616) had a long and varied career -before his publication of the book which was to place him at a bound in -the front rank of the literary men of all time. He was a pupil of the -Humanist Hoyos in 1568; a chamberlain of Cardinal Acquaviva at Rome in -1569; a soldier from 1570 to 1575, taking part in the battle of Lepanto; -and a captive in Algiers from 1575 to 1580. A devotee of <i>belles -lettres</i> from youth, he produced many works between 1583 and 1602 in -poetry, the drama, and the pastoral novel, in none of which did he -attain to real eminence, though a writer of note. In 1603 he wrote the -first part of the <i>Quixote</i>, and published it in 1605. The book leaped -into immediate favor, ran through a number of editions, and was almost -at once translated, at least in part, into all the languages of western -Europe. It is easy to point out the relationship of <i>Don Quixote</i> to the -many types of literature which had preceded it. There was the influence -of Lucian in its audacious criticism, piquancy, and jovial and -independent humor, in its satire, in fine; of Rojas’ <i>La Celestina</i> or -of Rueda in dialogue; of Boccaccio in style, variety, freedom, and -artistic devices; of the Italian story-writers and poets of the era; -even of Homer’s <i>Odyssey</i>; and especially of the novels of chivalry. -Nevertheless, Cervantes took all this and moulded it in his own way into -something new. The case of the novel of chivalry may be taken for -purposes of illustration. While pretending to annihilate that type of -work, which was already dead, Cervantes in fact caught the epic spirit -of idealism which the novelists had wished to represent but had drowned -in a flood of extravagances and impossible<a name="page_357" id="page_357"></a> happenings, raising it in -the <i>Quixote</i> to a point of sublimity which revealed the eternal -significance in human psychology of the knightly ideal,—and all in the -genial reflection of chimerical undertakings amid the real problems of -life. On this account some have said that the <i>Quixote</i> was the last and -the best, the perfected novel of chivalry. Withal, it was set forth in -prose of inexpressible beauty, superior to any of its models in its -depth and spontaneity, its rich abundance, its irresistibly comic force, -and its handling of conversation. The surprise occasioned by this -totally unlooked for kind of book can in part be understood when one -recalls that in the domain of the real and human, the public had had -only the three picaresque novels already alluded to, before the -appearance of <i>Don Quixote</i>. In his few remaining years of life -Cervantes added yet other works in his inimitable style, of which the -two most notable were the second part of the <i>Quixote</i> (1615), said by -many to be superior to the first, and the <i>Novelas exemplares</i>, or Model -tales (1612-1613), a series of short stories bearing a close -relationship to the picaresque novels in their dealings with the lives -of rogues, vagabonds, and profligates, but as demonstrably different -from them as the <i>Quixote</i> was from the novels of chivalry, especially -in that Cervantes was not satirizing, or idealizing, or even drawing a -moral concerning the life he depicted, but merely telling his tale, as -an artist and a poet. Well might he say that he was the first to write -novels in Castilian. There were many writers of fiction after him in the -era, but since the novel had reached its culminating point in its first -issue, it is natural that the art did not progress,—for it could not!</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lyric and epic poetry.</div> - -<p>While the Spanish theatre and the Spanish novel were of world-wide -significance, furnishing models which affected the literature of other -peoples, Spanish lyric poetry had only national importance, but it has a -special interest at this time in that it was the most noteworthy -representative of the vices which were to contribute to destroy Spain’s -literary preëminence. In the first place, lyric poetry was an -importation, for the Italian lyrics overwhelmed the native product and -even imposed their form in Castilian verse.<a name="page_358" id="page_358"></a> Much excellent work was -done, however, notably by Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536). Eminent on -another account was Luis de Argote y Góngora (1561-1627), commonly -referred to by the name of his mother, Góngora. Góngora affected to -despise popularity, declaring that he wished to write only for the -cultivated classes. To attain this end he adopted the method of -complicating the expression of his ideas, making violent departures from -the usual order of employing words (hyperbaton), and indulging in -artificial symbolism. This practice, called euphuism in English, for it -was not peculiar to Spain but became general in Europe, won undying fame -of a doubtfully desirable character for Góngora, in that it has ever -since been termed <i>gongorismo</i> in Spanish, although the word -<i>culteranismo</i> has also been applied. Similar to it was conceptism, -which aimed to introduce subtleties, symbols, and obscurities into the -ideas themselves. It is natural that the lyric poetry of the later -seventeenth century should have reached a state of utter decline. Epic -poetry did not prosper in this era; its function was supplied by -romance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Achievements in satire, panegyrics, and periodical -literature.</div> - -<p>In addition to the various forms of prose writing already discussed, -there were many others, and great distinction was achieved in them by -the Spaniards of the <i>siglo de oro</i>. Among the many who might be -mentioned was Francisco de Quevedo, especially famous as a satirist and -humorist. One interesting type of literature was that of the panegyrics -of Spain in answer to the Hispanophobe works of foreigners, who based -their characterizations of Spaniards in no small degree, though not -wholly, on the exaggerated condemnation of Spain’s dealings with the -American Indians by Bartolomé de Las Casas, himself a Spanish Dominican. -The <i>Política indiana</i> of Solórzano belongs in this class of literature, -as a refutation, though a reasoned one, of the indictment of Las Casas -and others. In addition to the already-mentioned “relations of events,” -forerunner of the modern newspaper, it is to be noted that the <i>Gaceta</i> -(Gazette), the official periodical, began to be published in the -seventeenth century. With regard to the non-Castilian parts of Spain it -need only be said that Castilian triumphed as the literary language,<a name="page_359" id="page_359"></a> -although works in the vernacular continued to be published in Catalonia, -Valencia, and Majorca.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Influence of Spanish intellectual achievements upon western -European thought.</div> - -<p>In dealing with the various phases of the <i>siglo de oro</i> much has -already been said about the diffusion of Spanish thought in Europe and -its influence in foreign countries. Two factors tended to bring Spanish -intellectual achievements to the notice of the world. In the first -place, Spanish professors were to be found in many foreign universities, -while Jesuit teaching, very largely Spanish, profoundly affected -Catholic Europe. In the second place, Spanish works were widely read and -translated, although not equally at all times or equally in all places. -In general, Italy was the centre for the dissemination of Spanish -thought in the sixteenth century, though often by a double translation, -from Spanish to Italian and from Italian to a third tongue, and France -was the distributing point in the seventeenth century. In addition there -were the works in Latin, which were equally available to all. Spanish -philosophical writings were comparatively little read, abroad, but those -concerning theology and religion were seized upon by friend and foe, -while the offerings of the Spanish mystics were also widely translated. -An even greater diffusion fell to the lot of the works on jurisprudence, -politics, and international law, and the essential importance of Spanish -writings in geography, cosmography, natural science, and kindred -subjects has already been pointed out. The works of the historians -crossed the frontiers, though more particularly those dealing with the -Americas, together with the narratives of American travel. The power of -Spanish arms was sufficient to induce wide reading of military writings -emanating from the peninsula. Naturally, the greatest number of -translations was in the field of polite literature. Every type of the -Spanish novel found its way to other countries, and the novel of -chivalry was almost more admired, abroad, and certainly longer-lived, -than in Spain. Cervantes became a veritable cult in Germany and England, -and in this special case England became the centre for the diffusion of -Spanish genius. In like manner the great dramatists were famous in all -of Europe. While the mere knowledge by Europeans of Spanish works would -not be a<a name="page_360" id="page_360"></a> sufficient basis to predicate a vital Spanish influence beyond -the peninsula, such information was a condition precedent to its -effectuation, and important modifications of western European thought -did in fact follow. It would be possible to trace this in every branch -of literature and study which has been discussed, but a number of -indications have been given already, and the task is one which does not -fall within the field of this volume. To those who actually produced an -effect should be added the names of those who deserved to do so, but who -were prevented by fortuitous circumstances from so doing; the -achievements of many of these men are only now being brought to light by -investigations in Spanish archives, and in some cases,—for example, in -that of the anthropological group of writers about the Americas,—their -works still represent contributions to universal knowledge. Toward the -close of the seventeenth century Spain’s hegemony in the world of -letters began to be supplanted by the rising power of France.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of the decline in Spanish intellectual productivity</div> - -<p>All peoples who have had their period of intellectual greatness have -sooner or later fallen from their high estate, and it was inevitable -that this should occur in the case of Spain. The decline in the -peninsula was so excessive in degree, however, that historians have -enquired whether there were not certain special causes to induce it. The -baleful effect of the Inquisition, exercising a kind of religious -censorship on all works, has usually been regarded as of the first -importance in this respect. Yet the Inquisition existed during the -period of greatness as well as in that of decadence, and to assert that -the prohibitions placed upon the expression of even such important ideas -as those having a religious bearing could dry up the native independence -and freedom of Spanish thought is to confess a lack of knowledge of -Spanish character. The Inquisition was one of a great many factors -having some influence to check production, but it was not responsible to -the degree that has been charged. The same thing is true of the -government censorship independent of the Inquisition. Another factor of -some importance was that the manifestations of the <i>siglo de oro</i> had no -solid foundation in the education of the masses, who remained as -ignorant as in preceding<a name="page_361" id="page_361"></a> centuries. If any set of causes can be singled -out from the rest, it is probable that those having to do with the -political and economic decline of the country as a whole affected, also, -the intellectual output of the country. A natural aptitude in the -Spanish people, together with the national expansion in resources and -power, had enabled them in the sixteenth century to develop an all-round -intellectual productivity, more especially of a scientific order, and -when this phase of the Golden Age was already dead, private wealth, -refinement, and tradition remained to encourage expression in the realm -of polite literature. Even this prop was removed by the end of the -seventeenth century, and the final decline became inevitable.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Great era of the fine arts.</div> - -<p>The general conditions affecting the history of art were the same as -those already pointed out in dealing with literature. Spain produced -painters whose works were to serve as among the greatest models of all -time, and her attainments in other phases of art, if less inspiring, -were of a distinguished order. Spanish architecture, though rarely -approved by modern critics, was to become a force in the world through -its transmission to the Americas. The so-called “Mission style” of -California is nothing more than a reminiscence of the art forms of Spain -in this period and the next.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish Renaissance architecture.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Herreran style.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Baroque architecture.</div> - -<p>A continuation of the evolution begun in the preceding era, from Gothic -to Renaissance architecture, resulted in the banishment of the former. -The Renaissance edifices were in three principal styles, which did not -succeed one another rigorously in turn, but which were mixed together, -or passed almost imperceptibly from one to another, although roughly -representing a certain chronological order. The first of these was -characterized by the predominance of Renaissance factors over those -which were more properly plateresque. The façades of San Marcos of León -and of the <i>ayuntamiento</i> (city hall) of Seville are good examples. By -far the most noteworthy style was that of the second of this period, -called variously “Greco-Roman,” “second Renaissance,” and “Herreran” -(after Juan de Herrera, its principal exponent), and employed most -largely in the second half of the<a name="page_362" id="page_362"></a> sixteenth and the first part of the -seventeenth century. The edifices of this group were noteworthy for the -attempt made in them to imitate the Roman architecture of the later -empire through the suppression of adornment and the multiplication of -flat surfaces and straight lines, achieving expression through great -size and massiveness of structure, together with the use of rich -materials. In the matter of embellishment the classical orders were -superimposed, Doric being used in the lower story, Ionic in the next, -and finally Corinthian. The pyramid capped with a ball was the favorite -style of finial, while gigantic statues were also placed in niches high -up in the façade. The whole effect was sombrely religious, often -depressingly so. The greatest example of this type of art is the -Escorial, the famous palace of Philip II, built by Juan de Herrera, -possibly the most noteworthy single edifice of Christian Spanish -architecture in existence, and certainly the most widely known. In the -reign of Philip IV there was a pronounced reaction against the sobriety -of the Herreran style, and the pendulum swung to the other extreme. -Adornment and movement of line returned, but were expressed in a most -extravagant way, as exemplified by the excessive employment of foliage -effects and by the use of broken or twisted lines which were not -structurally necessary and were not in harmony with the rest of the -edifice. Variety and richness of materials were also a leading -characteristic. This style, usually called “baroque,” also -“churrigueresque” (from Churriguera, its leading architect), has -numerous examples, of which the façade of the palace of San Telmo in -Seville may be taken as a type.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Vigorous development of sculpture and the lesser arts.</div> - -<p>Sculpture developed into a vigorous art, though still employed mainly as -auxiliary to architecture or in religious statuary. Gothic sculpture in -both the pure and the plateresque form struggled against Italian -influences until the middle of the sixteenth century, when the latter -triumphed. Berruguete, Montañés, and Alonso Cano, the first-named -largely responsible for the just-mentioned Italian victory and the two -latter flourishing in the time of Philip IV, were the leading names of -the era. A peculiarity of the Spanish sculptors was that they worked in -wood, being especially<a name="page_363" id="page_363"></a> noteworthy for the images (many crucifixions -among them) which they made. The realism of the image-makers saved -Spanish sculpture from the contamination of baroque art, which took root -in other countries. The decline came, however, with the introduction -later in the seventeenth century of the practice of dressing the images, -so that only the head, hands, and feet were in fact sculptured. From -this the sculptors went on to attach false hair and other false -features, going even to the extreme of affixing human skin and finger -nails. Other factors combined with this lack of taste to bring on the -decay of the art. The excellent work in this period of the -<i>artesonados</i>, or ceilings of carved woodwork, should not pass -unnoticed. Meanwhile, work in gold, silver, iron, and bronze was -cultivated assiduously, of which the principal manifestations of a -national character were the shrines and gratings. In general, the -Renaissance influences triumphed in these arts, as also in the various -allied arts, such as the making of tapestry. The gold workers enjoyed an -expansion of output springing naturally from the surplus wealth in -secular hands, and a similar lot fell to the workers in silks and -embroideries; both industries produced materials of a high artistic -quality. In ceramic art Arabic tradition had one noteworthy survival in -the azulejos, or varnished bricks painted by hand in blue and white and -used as tiles. Renaissance factors at length appeared to change the -geometric designs, reminiscent of the Moslem past, to the more prevalent -classic forms. Aside from azulejos proper other tiles of many colors, -often gilded, were employed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Appearance of an independent Spanish school in painting.</div> - -<p>In the early years of this period the Italian influence on Spanish -painting held full sway. The leading factors were the Florentine school, -headed by Raphael, and the Venetian school, of which Titian was the most -prominent representative. The latter, notable for its brilliant coloring -and effects of light, was by all odds the more important of the two. -Spaniards went to Italy to study, and not a few Italian painters came to -Spain, while many works of the Italian masters, especially those of -Titian, were procured by Charles I and Philip II. Nevertheless, the -signs of a<a name="page_364" id="page_364"></a> truly Spanish school began to appear about the middle of the -sixteenth century, and before the close of Philip II’s reign the era of -Spanish independence in painting and the day of the great masters were -at hand, to endure for over a century. With characteristic -individuality, Spaniards did not separate into well-defined local -schools, but displayed a great variety, even within the same group. -Still, in a general way the Andalusians may be said to have accentuated -the use of light and a warm ambient, while the Castilians followed a -more severe style, employing darker tones. All devoted themselves to the -depiction of religious subject-matter, but with no attempt at idealism; -rather, the mundane sphere of realism, though in a religious cloak, -preoccupied them, with attention, too, to expression and coloring more -than to drawing and purity of form.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">El Greco, first of the great masters in painting.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ribera.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Zurbarán.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Velázquez, greatest of the masters.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Murillo.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coello.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Other notable painters.</div> - -<p>The era of splendor began with Domenico Theotocopuli (1545?-1625), -better known as “El Greco.” As indicated by his name this artist was not -Spanish in origin, but Greek. The character of his works, however, was -so original and its influences were so powerful in the formation of the -Spanish school that he may truly be claimed for Spain, where he lived -and worked. He established himself at Toledo in 1577, which city is -still the best repository of his paintings. His early style was marked -by a strong Venetian manner, with warm tones, great richness, firm -drawing, and an intense sentiment of life. Toward 1581 he began to -change to a use of cold, gray, shadowy tones, and the employment of a -kind of caricature in his drawing, with long and narrow heads and -bodies. By this method, however, he was able to attain wonderful results -in portraiture. Aside from his own merits no painter so profoundly -influenced the greatest of the masters, Velázquez. Chronologically next -of the great painters was Ribera (1588-1656), called “Espagnoletto” in -Italy, where he did most of his work in the Spanish kingdom of Naples. -Naturalism, perfect technique, and the remarkable bodily energy of the -figures he depicted were the leading qualities of his work. The -diffusion of his paintings in Spain tended to make him influential in -the Spanish school, to which his individuality, as well as his birth,<a name="page_365" id="page_365"></a> -entitled him to belong. Zurbarán (1598-1663) was the most rigorous of -the realists, including all the accessories in his paintings, even to -the minute details of a person’s dress. Less vigorous than Ribera he was -best in his portrayal of monks, in which subject-matter his sombrely -passive, exceedingly religious atmosphere found a suitable vehicle. He -was nevertheless a brilliant colorist. Next in point of time came Diego -Velázquez de Silva (1599-1660), greatest of Spanish masters and possibly -the greatest of all painters. Velázquez had various periods and various -styles, in all of which he produced admirable works. Unlike his -predecessors and those who succeeded him as well, he was as diverse in -subject-matter as it was possible to be, within the law, and was far -less notable for his religious works than for his many others. He -depicted for all time the court life of Philip III and Philip IV, -including the portraits of those kings and the other leading figures of -the court. Some of his greatest work appeared in these portraits, which -he knew how to fit into a setting of landscape, making the central -figure stand out in a way that no other painter has surpassed or perhaps -equalled. He also painted common people (as in his <i>Los borrachos</i>, or -Intoxicated men) and queer people (as in his paintings of dwarfs), and -drew upon mythology (as in his composition entitled “the forge of -Vulcan”) and upon contemporary wars (as witness the famous “surrender of -Breda”). Once only, during a lapse of the prohibitory law, did he paint -a nude,—the celebrated Venus of the mirror, now in London, one of the -greatest works of its kind. In many of his paintings he revealed himself -as a wonderful landscape painter. His landscapes were characterized by -the use of a pale, yet rich, pervading blue, and by effects of distance -and atmosphere. No painter is more inadequately set forth by -photography. To know Velázquez, one must see his works.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> After -Velázquez came Murillo (1618-1682), an Andalusian, who well represented -the traits of southern Spain. His leading characteristics were a -precise, energetic drawing, fresh, harmonious coloring,<a name="page_366" id="page_366"></a> and a religious -sentiment which was a remarkable combination of imaginative idealism, or -even supernaturalism, of conception with realism of figures and scenes. -His biblical characters were represented by the common people of the -streets of Seville. Few painters have more indelibly stamped their works -with their own individuality. Last of the masters was Coello -(1623?-1694), who maintained the traditions of the Spanish school, -though under strong Venetian influence, amidst a flood of baroque -paintings which had already begun to corrupt public taste. Other names -might well be included in the list of great Spanish painters in this -era, such as Pacheco, Roelas, Herrera, and especially Valdés Leal and -Alonso Cano. Indeed, it would be difficult to overestimate the -importance of the Spanish school. It is not unthinkable that a list of -the ten greatest painters in the history of the world would include the -names of Velázquez, El Greco, and Murillo, with a place reserved for -Goya (of the eighteenth century), and with the claims of Ribera -deserving consideration.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Noteworthy character of Spanish music.</div> - -<p>Spanish music, though not so important in the history of the world as -that of Italy or Germany, had a notable development in this period, and -displayed an individuality which distinguished it from that of other -lands. For the first time it came into a place of its own, apart from -recitation or the merely technical presentation of medieval church -ceremonial, and was characterized by a certain expressiveness, -approaching sentimentality and having a flavor which has led many to -assert that its roots were to be found in the song and dance of Spanish -Moslems. To be sure, the influence of Italy was greatest at this time. -The <i>siglo de oro</i> in Spanish music was the sixteenth century, in the -time of the four great composers of the era, Morales, Guerrero, Cabezón, -and Victoria. The greatest works were in the field of religious music, -in which various parts were sung to the accompaniment of the organ. -Music of the court occupied a half-way post between church and popular -music, displaying a combination of both elements, with song to the -accompaniment of the viola, which filled the rôle of the modern piano. -At the close of the sixteenth<a name="page_367" id="page_367"></a> century the viola was replaced by the -guitar, which became the national instrument of Spain. Popular music -found its fullest expression in the theatre. It got to be the fashion -for the entire company to sing as a preliminary to the play, to the -music of the viola, the harp, or the violin. This song had no necessary -connection with the play, but song in dialogue soon began to be employed -as an integral part of one-act pieces of what might be termed a -vaudeville type. In the seventeenth century, song invaded the legitimate -stage, and some operas were sung in which the dialogue was entirely in -music or else alternated with recitation. The last-named type, the -<i>zarzuela</i>, became particularly popular. Unfortunately, none of the -examples of this music which would have been most interesting, such as -that employed in the <i>zarzuelas</i> of Lope de Vega and the other masters, -has survived. Its true character therefore remains unknown, although its -use in theatrical representation is an important fact in the history of -the art.<a name="page_368" id="page_368"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXI" id="CHAPTER_XXXI"></a>CHAPTER XXXI<br /><br /> -<small>THE EARLY BOURBONS, 1700-1759</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Basis and consequences of Spanish reforms of the eighteenth -century.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> eighteenth century in Spain was of intense import as affecting the -ultimate interests of the Americas. It was an era of regeneration, of a -somewhat remarkable recovery from the decadent state which Spain had -reached by the time of the reign of the last Hapsburg monarch. It was -accompanied, however, by Spain’s engaging in a series of wars, due in -some cases to unwise ambitions of an imperialistic character in European -affairs and in others to unavoidable necessity as a result of the -aggressions of foreign powers. It was a period when international -morality with its attendant diplomatic intrigue and unprovoked attacks -was in a low state, and Spain was often a sufferer thereby; indeed, many -interesting parallels might be drawn between European diplomatic -practices in the eighteenth century and those of William II of Germany -in the twentieth. England, Austria, and France were at various times the -opponents of Spain, but the first-named gradually emerged as the most -persistent, aggressive, and dangerous of her enemies. If the prospects -of wars were the principal motive force which induced the life-giving -reforms,—so that Spain might acquire wealth and efficiency which could -be converted into military strength,—the wars themselves tended to -increase the needs of the state. Thus in the case of the Americas the -very improvements which were introduced were to contribute to bring -about the eventual separation of Spain from her colonies, in the first -place because they occasioned a development in resources and capacity -which gave prospects of success when the revolts should come, and in the -second because<a name="page_369" id="page_369"></a> Spain drew too heavily upon the colonies in promoting -European objects without giving an adequate return, wherefore discontent -was fostered. Nevertheless, her efforts were at least to have the merit -of saving those colonies to themselves, thus conserving the influence of -Spanish-speaking peoples in the world, with indirect effects on the -history of the United States.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of the War of the Spanish Succession.</div> - -<p>With the exception of Austria, whose candidate for the Spanish throne, -the Archduke Charles, was unwilling to recognize the validity of the -document which had chosen the grandson of Louis XIV, the European -nations were disposed to view the accession of Philip V (1700-1746) with -favor, especially since the French monarch consented to the conditions -imposed in the will of Charles II that the crowns of France and Spain -should be independent and never be united in a single person. This -seemed to insure a maintenance of the equilibrium in Europe almost more -certainly than the crowning of the Archduke Charles would have done, -wherefore most of the powers recognized Philip V. It was at this time -that the autocratic Louis XIV, whose many victorious wars had given him -an undue confidence, made one of the serious mistakes of his life. In -certain formal letters he recognized in Philip V such rights of -succession to the French throne as he would ordinarily have had but for -the terms of his acquisition of Spain, and caused these documents to be -recorded before the Parlement of Paris. Other events also tended to show -that Louis XIV meant to dispose of Spain as if that country belonged to -him. When he presented the Spanish ambassador at Versailles to Philip V -the Castilian envoy exclaimed: “God be praised! The Pyrenees have -disappeared! Now we are all one!” This remark was indicative of the -opinions which by that time had become current. This new element in the -situation, together with certain other impolitic acts of the French king -against the interests of England and the Protestant Netherlands, caused -the countries just named to join with Austria and the Holy Roman Empire -in 1701 in an alliance for a war against Louis XIV and Philip V. Austria -wished to acquire the crown of Spain for the archduke, while the<a name="page_370" id="page_370"></a> -English and the Dutch were primarily desirous of avoiding a -Franco-Spanish union, wherefore they insisted on the dethronement of -Philip V, accepting the pretensions of Charles. England was particularly -inspired by a fear that her commerce and expansion in the new world -would be prejudiced, or even crushed, by the joint power of France and -Spain. Furthermore, the profits of contraband trade with the Spanish -colonies were likely to be cut off under the energetic rule of the king -of France, then the most powerful monarch in Europe, and direct -indications to that effect occurred in 1701, when the <i>asiento</i> -(contract), or right to introduce negro slaves into America, was granted -to a French company and several South American ports were occupied by -French ships.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The war in Spain.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Catalan espousal of the archduke’s cause.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The capture of Gibraltar by the English.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Events leading to peace.</div> - -<p>The War of the Spanish Succession, as the great conflict beginning -actively in 1702 has been called, had Spain as one of its principal -battle-grounds, since both Philip V and the archduke were there. The -struggle was one of great vicissitudes, as evidenced by the number of -times Madrid itself changed hands. Most of the people in the peninsula -favored Philip V, but the Catalans early displayed a tendency toward the -other side. Their resentment over the injuries received at the hands of -their French allies in the revolt of 1640 had not yet cooled, and they -especially objected to being governed by a king who represented the -absolutist ideals of the French Bourbons, for it was logical to expect -that it might mean a danger to their much cherished <i>fueros</i>, or -charters. Certain conflicts with royal officials seemed to indicate that -the government of Philip V intended to insist on the omnipotence of its -authority, thus increasing the discontent, to which was added the -encouragement to revolt arising from the greatness of the forces aligned -against the Bourbons, for in addition to the powers already mentioned -Savoy and Portugal had cast in their lot in 1703 and 1704. An allied -attempt of 1704 to land in Catalonia having proved a failure the Bourbon -officers employed rigorous measures to punish those Catalans who had -aided in the movement. The principal effect was to rouse indignation to -such a point that in 1705 a determined outbreak took<a name="page_371" id="page_371"></a> place. Henceforth, -Catalonia could be counted on the side of the allies. In the same year -an alliance was contracted with the English, who made promises to the -Catalans which they were going to be far from fulfilling. Meanwhile, the -allied failure to get a foothold in Catalonia in 1704 had been -compensated by an incident of that campaign which was to be one of the -most important events of the war. On its way south from Catalonia in -that year the English squadron, under the command of Admiral Rooke, -seized Gibraltar, which happened to be poorly defended at the time. -Numerous attempts were made to recover it, but neither then nor since -were the Spaniards able to wrest this guardian of the strait from -English hands. In 1708 the island of Minorca was captured, to remain in -the possession of England for nearly a century. In 1711 the Holy Roman -Emperor died, as a result of which the archduke ascended the imperial -throne as the Emperor Charles VI. This event proved to be decisive as -affecting the war, for it made the candidacy of Charles for the Spanish -crown almost as unwelcome as had been the earlier prospect of a -Franco-Spanish union. Other factors contributed to make the former -archduke’s allies desirous of peace, chief of which was that Louis XIV -had been so thoroughly beaten that there was no longer any danger of his -insisting on the rights of Philip V to the crown of France.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The peace of Utrecht.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Abandonment of the Catalans by the allies.</div> - -<p>England (in which country a new government representing the mercantile -classes and the party of peace had just come into power) took the lead -among the allies in peace negotiations, and was soon followed by all the -parties engaged, except Charles VI and a few of the German princes. -Between 1711 and 1714 a series of treaties was arranged, of which the -principal one was that of Utrecht in 1713. As concerned Spain the most -noteworthy provisions were: Philip V’s renunciation for himself and his -heirs of any claim to the French throne; the cession of Gibraltar and -Minorca to England; the grant of the negro slave-trade <i>asiento</i> in the -Americas to the English, together with accompanying rights which made -this phase of the treaties a veritable entering wedge for English -commerce in the Spanish colonies; and<a name="page_372" id="page_372"></a> the surrender of the Catholic -Netherlands, Milan, Naples, and Sardinia to Austria, and of Sicily to -Savoy. In 1720 Austria and Savoy exchanged the two islands which had -fallen to their lot, and the latter took on the official title of the -kingdom of Sardinia. On the above-named conditions Philip V was allowed -to retain the Spanish dominions of the peninsula and of the Americas. If -Spain could have but known it, the treaties were altogether favorable to -her, but ambition was to undo their beneficial effects. One troublesome -point in the various peace conferences was the so-called case of the -Catalans. It had been generally believed that England in accordance with -her earlier treaty with the Catalans would insist on the preservation of -the much mooted <i>fueros</i> and that Philip V would make the concession, as -had Philip IV before him. Philip V showed himself to be obstinate on -this point, for, not once, but several times, he positively refused to -yield. Furthermore, the English government, desirous of peace, the -prospective advantages of which for England were already clear, -repeatedly charged its ambassadors not to hold out for the Catalan -<i>fueros</i>. Some attempts to secure them were made, but when they failed -to overcome the persistent objections of Philip V provision was made for -a general amnesty to the Catalans, who were to enjoy the same rights as -the inhabitants of Castile. The rights of Castilians, however, together -with the duties which were implied, were precisely what the Catalans did -not want. The conduct of Charles VI was equally unmoral. He did, indeed, -make repeated attempts to save the <i>fueros</i>, and declared that he would -never abandon the Catalans. Yet he signed a convention withdrawing his -troops from Catalonia, and left the people of that land to their fate. -The latter were not disposed to yield without a struggle, and sustained -a war against Philip V for more than a year. The fall of Barcelona in -1714 put an end to the unequal conflict.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The French influence in Spain during the War of the Spanish -Succession.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Madame des Ursins.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Instances of resistance by Philip V to domination by Louis -XIV.</div> - -<p>One of the interesting factors of the era of the war was that of the -French influence in Spain, which was to have a pronounced effect on the -internal development of the country, and, by extension, on that of the -colonies. Philip V<a name="page_373" id="page_373"></a> was seventeen years of age when he ascended the -throne, but, though he many times proved his valor in battle, he was in -other respects a weak and irresolute character, without striking virtues -or defects, fond of hunting, and exceedingly devout,—in fine, of a type -such that he was inevitably bound to be led by others. These traits -fitted in with the policies of Louis XIV, who fully intended to direct -the affairs of Spain in his own interest. He charged Philip V never to -forget that he was a Frenchman, and, indeed, with the exceptions -presently to be noted, Philip was quite ready to submit to the will of -his grandfather. From the first, Louis XIV surrounded the Spanish king -with French councillors, some of whom occupied honorary positions only, -while others filled important posts in the government of Spain, and -still others, notably the French ambassadors and French generals, -exercised actual authority without having any official connection with -the country. One of the most important of all was Madame des Ursins, -maid of honor to the queen, sent to Spain by Louis XIV because as the -widow of the Duke of Braciano, a Spanish grandee, she was familiar with -the customs of the country. This lady won the complete confidence of the -queen, who in turn was able to dominate her husband. It may be said for -Madame des Ursins that she was faithful to the interests of the Spanish -monarchs, though promoting the entry of French influences, at that time -much to be desired in Spain. Indeed, she not infrequently sided with -Philip V against the wishes of Louis XIV, which on one occasion led to -her recall by the French monarch. Finding, however, that he could not -control Spanish affairs without her aid, Louis allowed her to return to -Spain. Despite the enormous pressure exercised against him in favor of -France, Philip V occasionally rebelled. One instance of his obstinacy -has already been cited respecting the case of the Catalan <i>fueros</i>. A -more important issue arose out of the presumptions of Louis XIV to -dispose of Philip’s crown, as an avenue of escape for himself. In every -year from 1706 to 1712 Louis XIV endeavored to sacrifice the interests -of Spain or of Philip V in order to propitiate the allies into a grant -of<a name="page_374" id="page_374"></a> peace. In particular he was desirous of procuring the resignation of -Philip from the throne of Spain in favor of the House of Austria, saving -to Philip the Spanish dominions in Italy. Philip was obdurate when -suggestions were made of his abandoning Spain, and more than once, even -when the situation looked hopeless, declared his intention of dying at -the head of his troops, rather than abdicate the throne to which he felt -divinely entitled. Louis XIV was even disposed to compel him by force of -arms to acquiesce, and several times withdrew his military support, but -the Spanish king would not yield. Fortunately for Philip the allies -played into his hands by demanding too much, with the result that Louis -XIV on such occasions would renew his support of Philip. Nevertheless, -it was the urgings of Louis XIV which prevailed upon Philip to surrender -the Spanish dominions in Italy and the Low Countries as well as to -renounce his claim to the throne of France. In all of these tribulations -of the Spanish king credit should be given to María Luisa of Savoy, the -spirited young queen of Spain. Not yet fourteen at the time of her -marriage, in 1701, she at all times displayed a courage and ability -which endeared her to the Spanish people. Though her father, the Duke of -Savoy, joined the allies against France and Spain, she did not waver in -her attachment to the land of her adoption. Inspired by her the Spanish -people (except the Catalans) displayed an ardent spirit of nationalism -for the first time in history, and were loyally devoted to the king and -queen. Nevertheless, despite Spanish patriotism and Philip’s obdurate -resistance to Louis XIV’s plans concerning the peninsula, there was the -underlying truth of a profound French influence over Spain. This was -best represented by men who, like Orry and Amelot, were responsible for -far-reaching reforms, the effects of which will be discussed in the -chapters on institutions.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The popular young queen, María Luisa of Savoy.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Isabel Farnesio and the resumption of a policy of imperialism -in Italy.</div> - -<p>Unfortunately for Philip and for Spain the queen died, early in the year -1714. A young Italian abbot named Alberoni happened to be at court in -that year and he suggested to Madame des Ursins that a certain Isabel -Farnesio (Elizabeth Farnese) of Parma would make a suitable wife for -Philip V.<a name="page_375" id="page_375"></a> According to him the sweet gentleness of her character would -enable Madame des Ursins to maintain her power at the Spanish court. In -December of the same year the wedding took place. Thus did the lady who -has received the sobriquet, the “Termagant of Spain,” become the wife of -Philip V. On her first meeting with Madame des Ursins she dismissed her, -and proceeded to become herself the dominant influence near the crown. -Isabel Farnesio was in fact a woman of extraordinary energy and force of -character, besides being so attractive as to be irresistible to the weak -king, who was so violently and capriciously attached to her that he even -chastised her with blows, at times, in a kind of jealous fury. -Nevertheless, she submitted to anything, provided she could retain a -hold on her husband, for she was ambitious for her children and for -Italy, and meant to utilize Spanish power in furtherance of her aims. -Early in 1715 she procured the elevation of Alberoni (soon to become a -cardinal) to the direction of affairs in the Spanish state, as the -instrument to procure her objects. The chief tenets in her policy were -the breaking of the intimate relation with France and the recovery of -the Italian possessions, based on the twofold desire of throwing the -Austrians out of Italy (a patriotic Italian wish, possibly more -attributable to Alberoni than to the queen) and of creating -principalities for the children of her own marriage with Philip. These -aims were furthered by playing upon the wishes of Philip to recover his -rights to the French throne. Philip V had not willingly renounced his -claim at the time Louis XIV had persuaded him to do so, and many of the -events for the next few years are explained by his aspirations to obtain -that crown for himself or for one of his sons. The Italian ambitions of -Isabel Farnesio, however, were the enduring keynote of Spanish policy -for some thirty years.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Diplomatic intrigue and war in the first period of the -Italian pretensions of Isabel Farnesio.</div> - -<p>The break with France was not long in coming. In 1715 Louis XIV died, -and, contrary to the expectations of Philip, not Philip V, but the Duke -of Orleans, whom the Spanish king regarded as a personal opponent, was -named as regent for the sickly Louis XV, who was not expected to live -very long,—though in fact he was to reign for fifty-nine years.<a name="page_376" id="page_376"></a> The -breach was widened by a series of treaties between England, the -Protestant Netherlands, and France in the next two years with a view to -the execution of the treaty of Utrecht. To assure the peace of Europe it -was necessary to procure the adhesion of Philip V and Charles VI, who -alone of the parties to the War of the Spanish Succession had not made -peace with each other, although no hostilities had taken place for some -time. Such a peace did not fit in, however, with the plans of Isabel -Farnesio, and when the emperor furnished a pretext in 1717 for the -renewal of hostilities a Spanish army was suddenly dispatched to -Sardinia which overran that island. England as guarantor of the -neutrality of Italy protested, and endeavored to effect a peace between -the two contestants by an offer to Philip of Charles’ renunciation of -his claims to the Spanish crown, together with a promise of the duchies -of Parma and Tuscany and a vague suggestion of England’s willingness to -restore Gibraltar and Minorca. The English proposal was rejected, and in -1718 an expedition was sent into Sicily (then in the possession of -Savoy, although the already mentioned exchange with Austria had been -discussed). The Spaniards were received with enthusiasm, and soon had a -mastery of the island. Meanwhile, Austria entered the triple alliance, -which thereby became quadruple, on the basis of the emperor’s offers to -renounce his pretensions to the throne of Spain and to consent to the -succession of Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio and Philip V, to the -duchies of Parma, Plasencia, and Tuscany in exchange for Philip’s return -of Sicily and Sardinia and his renunciation of all dominion in Italy and -the Low Countries. These terms were offered to Philip, who refused them, -despite the English ambassador’s insinuation of his country’s -willingness to return Gibraltar and Minorca if Philip would accept. -While the British government was thus negotiating for peace through -diplomatic channels it also took steps in another way to insure Spanish -acquiescence in the allied proposals. An English fleet under Admiral -Byng was ordered to attack the Spanish fleet without previous -announcement of a warlike intent, managing the affair, if possible, so -as to cast the blame on<a name="page_377" id="page_377"></a> the Spanish commander. Byng found the Spanish -fleet in Sicilian waters, destroyed it, and landed Austrian troops in -Sicily. Several months later, in December, 1718, England declared war on -Spain, which was followed in January, 1719, by a declaration of war -against Philip V on the part of France. Hopelessly outnumbered, Spain -nevertheless displayed a surprising capacity for resistance. Defeat was -inevitable, however, and late in 1719 Alberoni, whose extraordinary web -of intrigues was deemed responsible for the existing situation, was -dismissed from power, a condition exacted by the allies, and in 1720 -peace was made on the basis of the earlier proposals of the quadruple -alliance. Philip was ready to comply with these terms, but the emperor -was now unwilling to grant what had been required of him. The result was -a new alliance in 1721 of England, France, and Spain, of which the most -noteworthy terms were England’s definite promise to restore Gibraltar to -Spain and an agreement for a double matrimonial alliance between the -French and Spanish courts; a Spanish princess aged three was betrothed -to Louis XV, then eleven years old, while a French princess was to marry -Philip’s eldest son, Luis. In addition the rights of Isabel’s son -Charles to the Italian duchies were reaffirmed. The marriage of Luis and -the French princess was duly celebrated in 1722, and the Spanish -princess was sent to the French court to be educated.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Abdication of Philip V and reasons therefor.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Brief reign of Luis I and Philip’s resumption of the throne.</div> - -<p>For several years Philip had been expressing a desire to abdicate. In -January, 1724, he carried his previously announced intention into -effect, declaring that he proposed to consecrate the remainder of his -life to the service of God and the important work of maintaining his own -health. There has been much speculation as to whether these were his -real designs,—all the more so, since the ambitious queen at no time -protested against this step. Although there is no direct evidence to -that effect, it is more than probable that Philip and Isabel wanted to -be ready to take advantage of the situation which might arise if Louis -XV should die, as was expected. At any rate Philip’s eldest son was -proclaimed king, as Luis I, but the reign was of brief duration. In the -same year 1724 Luis contracted<a name="page_378" id="page_378"></a> smallpox and died. As there was a -general disinclination to the succession of Philip’s second son, -Ferdinand, then a minor, the former king was asked to accept the crown -again, and despite certain compunctions he felt in the matter he at -length agreed to do so.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ripperdá and the Austrian alliance.</div> - -<p>The second reign of Philip V was dominated as before by the Italian -ambitions of Isabel Farnesio, with the French aspirations of the king -remaining a factor. By this time the Baron of Ripperdá, an adventurer -who had previously been the Dutch representative at the Spanish court, -had become the agent through whom Isabel hoped to achieve her ends. Few -more unconscionable liars and intriguers are recorded in history than -this audacious courtier, who was able to deceive even Isabel Farnesio. -It occurred to the queen that the vexed question of the Italian duchies -might be settled through an embassy to Vienna. Accordingly, Ripperdá was -sent, with the principal object of procuring the betrothal of two -Austrian archduchesses to Isabel’s sons, Charles and Philip. Ripperdá -found Charles VI disinclined to consent to the betrothals, but lied both -to the emperor and to Philip, telling each that the other accepted his -petitions. His deceptions would certainly have been unmasked, had it not -been for an unexpected turn in events. In 1725 the French regent, -fearful lest Louis XV might die without issue, sent back the Spanish -princess who had been betrothed to him, because she was still too young -to marry. The natural consequence was a rupture between France and -Spain, facilitating a treaty between Charles VI and Philip V. The matter -of the marriage was now secondary to the political need of support. -Charles and Philip agreed to the terms proposed to the latter in 1718 by -the quadruple alliance. In addition Philip guaranteed the Pragmatic -Sanction, whereby the succession of Charles VI’s eldest daughter to his -Austrian estates was to be secured, and gave extensive commercial -privileges to Austria, particularly to the Ostend Company of the -Catholic, or Austrian, Netherlands, enabling that company to secure -trading rights in Spain and the Americas. A defensive alliance was -arranged, one feature of which was the emperor’s agreement to use his -good offices<a name="page_379" id="page_379"></a> to cause England to fulfil her promised restoration of -Gibraltar and Minorca to Spain. Finally, Charles VI definitely abandoned -his oft-repeated demand for the recognition of the Catalan <i>fueros</i>. For -his triumphs of 1725 Ripperdá was made a grandee of Spain, owing his -promotion, in part at least, to his assurance that the marriage -alliances were practically secure. He became first minister at the -Spanish court, a post which he asked for, falsely asserting that Charles -VI desired it. Such a tissue of lies could not be sustained -indefinitely. His duplicity having been discovered he lost his position -in 1726, and was imprisoned when he seemed to confess guilt by taking -refuge in the English embassy. Escaping in 1728 he went to northern -Africa, where he passed the remaining nine years of his life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The acquisition of Naples for Isabel’s son Charles.</div> - -<p>The Austrian treaties of 1725 were to have important consequences. -England, France, the Protestant Netherlands, Prussia, Sweden, and -Denmark immediately formed an alliance, and war seemed imminent. Spain -desired it, but Austria declined to engage, much to the resentment of -the Spanish court. Spain made a fruitless attempt to recapture -Gibraltar, however, in 1727, but consented to peace in the same year -without attaining her ends, although the definitive treaty was not -signed until 1729. One factor in the agreement was the desire of Isabel -Farnesio to avenge herself on Charles VI, not only for his failure to -join in the recent war, but also to requite his refusal to accept the -marriage projects she had proposed. Even when the emperor consented to -the attainment in 1731 of Isabel’s ambitions for her son concerning the -three duchies of northern Italy, she did not put aside her vengeful -plans. Charles of Bourbon in fact landed in Italy in that year to take -possession of the duchies. A fresh step in the plans of Isabel was the -treaty of 1733 with France, often called by analogy with the later -treaty of 1761-1762 the “first Family Compact.” The opportunity to -strike at Austria, which both France and Spain desired, was now at hand, -for Austria was in the meshes of a war over the Polish succession. Spain -declared war on Austria late in 1733, and in the next year overran -Naples and Sicily. In 1734, too, Prince Charles was brought from<a name="page_380" id="page_380"></a> his -duchies to be crowned king of Naples, or the Two Sicilies. Thus had -Isabel Farnesio restored the questionably desirable Italian inheritance -to Spain, but the duchies were lost. France was ready to make peace in -1735; so she calmly offered Charles VI the three duchies in exchange for -a recognition of Spanish Charles as king of the Two Sicilies. Spain -protested, but could do nothing more than submit. These terms were -accepted in 1735, although peace was not signed until three years later. -It is interesting to note that the Catalans had not yet given up hope of -their <i>fueros</i>. A body of Catalan patriots visited England in 1736 to -ask for the fulfilment of the earlier English promise to maintain the -<i>fueros</i>, but the British government paid no attention to the petition.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The War of Jenkins’ Ear.</div> - -<p>War was not long in making its reappearance on the Spanish horizon. For -a long time there had been various causes of dispute with England, the -most important of which arose out of the English contraband trade in the -Spanish colonies. The <i>asiento</i> treaty had been used by English -merchants as the entering wedge for British commerce, and their -violations of the law had met with reprisals at times, especially when -English smugglers were caught by the more faithful of the Spanish -officials in the colonies. One Englishman, named Jenkins, brought home -his ear preserved in alcohol, claiming that the Spaniards had cut it -off. Such acts as this, whether of actual occurrence or not, fitted in -with English conceptions of Spanish cruelty, and furnished a pretext for -war to the rising party of British imperialists, headed by William Pitt. -Indemnities were demanded by England and agreed to by Spain, but when -the latter put in a counter-claim the British government threatened war, -which was soon declared, late in 1739. This conflict, called in English -histories the War of Jenkins’ Ear, demonstrated that the internal -reforms in Spain had not been without effect. The West Indies were the -principal field of the struggle, but Spain was able to defend -herself,—as witness the successful defence of Cartagena, which Admiral -Vernon was so sure he was going to capture that he had commemorative -medals struck off in advance. In Europe the most<a name="page_381" id="page_381"></a> noteworthy events were -the Spanish attempts to capture Gibraltar and Port Mahón, Minorca, both -of which ended in failure. France soon came into the war on Spain’s -side, and the conflict became European when it merged into the great War -of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The War of the Austrian Succession and the acquisition of the -North Italian duchies for Isabel’s son Philip.</div> - -<p>The various princes of Europe had guaranteed Charles VI’s Pragmatic -Sanction one or more times, but when the emperor died, in 1740, each of -them proceeded along the line of political interest. Urged on by Isabel -Farnesio, Philip V renewed his pretensions to the duchies in northern -Italy and to other Italian territories in Austrian hands which had -formerly belonged to Spain. France, Prussia, and other states of lesser -importance also made certain claims. England’s interest lay with the -opponent of France and Spain, wherefore she joined with Austria. In a -military way the war was very nearly indecisive, and there was a general -desire for peace by the year 1746. This attitude received a fresh -impulse by the accession of Ferdinand VI to the Spanish throne in that -year, for he was a determined partisan of peace. The treaty of 1748 was -entirely favorable to Isabel Farnesio in that she obtained the duchies -of Parma, Plasencia, and Guastalla for her son Philip; Tuscany was no -longer available, having been in other hands since the agreement of -1735. The dispute with England was settled by a recognition of -commercial advantages in favor of that country, especially those growing -out of the <i>asiento</i>; two years later the <i>asiento</i> was annulled in -exchange for a heavy payment by Spain. Meanwhile, the voyage of Anson -around the world, 1739-1742, had in fact dealt a blow to Spain in -America, revealing the Spanish secrets of the Pacific. The peace of 1748 -marked the culminating point in the aspirations of Isabel Farnesio. -After more than thirty years of effort she had almost completely -attained her ends. Spain had paid the bills, with little to compensate -her except glory and at the cost of losses in the colonies, which though -not translated into cessions of territory were to have ultimate effects -to the disadvantage of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance of the peaceful reign of Ferdinand VI.</div> - -<p>The reign of Ferdinand VI (1746-1759) looms little in external -narrative, because it was an era of peace, but on<a name="page_382" id="page_382"></a> that very account it -was important in institutions. The achievements of Charles III were made -possible by the policies of economic regeneration which were so strongly -to the fore in the reign of Ferdinand VI. Ferdinand, who may have been -deficient enough in some respects, who took very little part himself in -affairs of government, and who displayed tendencies to melancholia and -even insanity, was firmly of the opinion that Spain needed peace, and at -a time when Europe was engaging in another great conflict, the Seven -Years’ War, he declined the overtures of both France and England, the -leading opponents in the struggle, even when accompanied by such -tempting bait as the latter’s offer of the restitution of much-desired -Gibraltar and Minorca. In 1759 he died without issue, and his -half-brother, Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio, came to the throne of -Spain, after a long experience as a ruler in Italy. Thus did the -“Termagant of Spain” achieve yet a new victory to reward her maternal -ambition,—and meanwhile the Two Sicilies were not lost to her line, for -that kingdom passed to her grandson Ferdinand, the third son of -Charles.<a name="page_383" id="page_383"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXII" id="CHAPTER_XXXII"></a>CHAPTER XXXII<br /><br /> -<small>CHARLES III AND ENGLAND, 1759-1788</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Greatness of the reign of Charles III and principal factors -therein.</div> - -<p>U<small>NDER</small> Charles III, Spain reached the highest point she has attained -since the sixteenth century. In many respects the internal situation was -better at this time than in the great days of the <i>siglo de oro</i>, but -Spain’s relative authority in Europe was less, because of the striking -advances which had been made by the other powers. One of them, England, -was particularly dangerous, and it will be found that Spain’s foreign -policy in this reign was directed primarily toward meeting the -possibility of war with that country. Other difficulties, such as those -with Portugal and Morocco, particularly with the former, were cogent -factors because of the relations which England bore, or was believed to -bear, to them. Contrary to the impression usually to be derived from the -histories of the American Revolution, Spain was intensely hostile to -England throughout this reign. To oppose that country the Family Compact -with France was formed, and continued to be the basis of Spain’s foreign -policy, although it early became manifest that France would honor the -treaty only when it suited her purposes. In the end the policies of -Charles III were crowned with success,—not so great as Spain could have -wished, but sufficiently so to make this reign the most pleasingly -satisfactory to Spaniards of any since the days of Isabella, next to -whom Charles III has some claim to rank as the greatest Spanish monarch -of modern times. This becomes the more worthy of belief when one -investigates the sweeping character of and the success attained in the -social, political, and economic reforms of the period. These were at the -basis of Spain<a name="page_384" id="page_384"></a>’s victories in European councils, for they provided the -sinews of war. Nevertheless there was one drawback. The reforms in the -Americas, following the precedent of nearly three centuries, were -undertaken more with a view to the production of revenues for Spain than -for the contented development of the colonies themselves. Spain also ran -counter to a new force in world history, which she herself was obliged -by circumstances to assist in establishing itself. The spirit of world -democracy was born with the American Revolution, and appeared in France -soon afterward. This meant that the autocratic basis of Spanish -greatness was presently to be destroyed. The success of the American -Revolution was to be related in no small degree to the loss of Spain’s -colonial empire. The failure of the French Revolution was to produce a -powerful despot who was to bring Spain, under Charles IV, to the lowest -point she had reached since the days of Charles II. Nevertheless, the -reign of Charles III is to be considered as something more than a -brilliant moment in history without ultimate effect. The internal -reforms were of permanent benefit to Spain and even to the Americas, -capable of utilization under the more democratic systems of the future. -Finally, the part played by Spain in the successful issue of the -American Revolution deserves to bulk large, even though she could not -look with sympathy upon a movement which, she clearly saw, might bring -about her own ruin.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Causes of Charles III’s policy of opposition to England.</div> - -<p>Many writers have ascribed Charles III’s policy of opposition to England -to his hatred of that country, growing out of certain humiliations -forced upon him by an English fleet while he was king in Naples. There -is no reason to believe, however, that this feeling, if indeed it did -exist in unusual degree, dominated his political action, and in fact -Charles was always a partisan of peace; far from plunging into war he -had rather to be convinced of its necessity. There were reasons in -plenty to induce him to such a course, irrespective of any personal -spite he might have felt. Prior to the reign of Charles, Spain had -already engaged in four wars with England (1702-1713, 1718-1720, -1727-1729, 1739-1748) in the course of half a century, and at no time in -the Bourbon<a name="page_385" id="page_385"></a> era had the two countries been on nearly cordial terms. The -gist of the trouble lay in the British ambition to possess the greatest -colonial empire and the richest commerce in the world. For the -realization of these aims it seemed necessary to destroy the colonial -importance of France and Spain, and any advances in wealth or military -power on the part of either of those countries was regarded as -detrimental to the imperialistic designs of England. With respect to -Spain, British contraband trade in the Americas under the cover of the -<i>asiento</i> treaty had tended to break down the Spanish commercial -monopoly, and the annulment of the <i>asiento</i> had not put an end to the -smuggling. While no territories in the Americas had been wrested from -Spain under the Bourbons, the previous century had recorded many -conquests by England in the Caribbean area, principal of which was that -of Jamaica, and along the Atlantic coast strip of North America, the -southern part of which had been not only claimed but also occupied by -Spain in earlier days. Meanwhile, the losses of France and the -aggressive character of English foreign policy under Pitt made it appear -that Spain might expect to be deprived of her colonies whenever the -opportunity to secure them should seem ripe to England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Continuance of England’s affronts to Spain.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Family Compact and Spain’s entry into the Seven Years’ -War.</div> - -<p>From the outset of the reign of Charles III there occurred many -incidents to heighten Spain’s suspicion or anger with respect to -England. The exigencies of the war with France led the English to adopt -many arbitrary measures against the as yet neutral power of Spain. -English vessels stopped Spanish ships on the high seas, claiming a right -of search, and seized many of them, often without justification in -international law; the English government occupied a bit of Spanish -territory, and did not abandon it with a good grace; and there were -instances when Spanish merchants in England were treated badly. -Meanwhile, British acts of aggression and smuggling in the Americas -continued to take place; the English placed difficulties in the way of -Spanish fishing off the coast of Newfoundland, though beyond the -territorial waters of the British domain; they founded establishments in -Honduras without authorization from Spain, and began to cut the valuable -dyewoods there; and Gibraltar and<a name="page_386" id="page_386"></a> Minorca still remained in English -hands, a standing affront to Spanish pride and a danger to the -peninsula. Nevertheless, the underlying factor which influenced Spain -was the imperialism of England, backed up as it was by her vast -resources and her almost invincible navy. Charles did not wish to bring -Spain into the war, but it was clear that an overwhelming defeat for -France would be almost equally disadvantageous to Spain, who might -expect to receive the next shock from the English arms. France had -gotten much the worst of it in the Seven Years’ War when Charles III -ascended the Spanish throne, wherefore Charles endeavored to mediate -between that power and England. The British government’s arrogant -rejection of his proffer tended only to make him the more disposed to -consider an alliance with France. When, therefore, the French -authorities approached him with the proposal for an alliance he resolved -to join with them if England should refuse to meet Spain’s demands -relative to the release of captured Spanish ships, the free use of the -Newfoundland fisheries, and the abandonment of the English settlements -in Honduras. England not only refused to give satisfaction, but also -asked for an explanation of the naval preparations Spain was making. -Thereupon, Charles prepared for war. Two treaties, called jointly the -Family Compact, were made with the Bourbon king of France. The first of -these, signed in August, 1761, was a defensive alliance against such -powers as should attack either of the two crowns. The second, dated in -February, 1762, was an offensive and defensive alliance directed -specifically against England. War, meanwhile, had already been declared -in January.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish losses in the Seven Years’ War.</div> - -<p>In the ensuing campaign France and Spain were badly beaten. Manila and -Havana were taken by the English, although Spain won a notable success -in the capture of Sacramento, a Portuguese colony on the Río de la -Plata,—for Portugal had entered the war on the side of England. -Twenty-seven richly laden English boats were taken at -Sacramento,—significant of the profits which the English merchants were -making in contraband trade, using Sacramento as a base. In 1763 a peace -which was in many respects<a name="page_387" id="page_387"></a> humiliating to Spain was signed at Paris. -England restored Manila and Havana, but required the cession of Florida -and all other Spanish territories east of the Mississippi; Sacramento -was returned to Portugal; Spain gave up all rights of her subjects to -fish in Newfoundland waters; questions arising out of the English -captures of Spanish ships prior to Spain’s entry into the war were to be -decided by the British courts of admiralty; and the English right to cut -dyewoods in Honduras was acknowledged, although England agreed to the -demolition of all the fortifications which British subjects might have -constructed there. France, who had lost practically all her other -colonies to England, now gave the scantily settled, ill-defined region -of French influence west of the Mississippi, all that remained of French -Louisiana, to Spain. According to the terms of the grant it was to -compensate Spain for her loss of Florida, but in fact it was in order to -ensure the continued alliance of Spain with France.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Preparations for a renewal of the war.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Pretexts for war.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Falkland Islands affair.</div> - -<p>The peace of 1763 was looked upon by France and Spain as a truce, for if -England had been dangerous before, she was doubly so now. France wished -revenge and the restoration of her overseas domains, while Spain’s -principal motive was a desire to save her colonies from conquest by -England. Both countries therefore bent their energies to preparations -for another war; in Spain the next decade and a half was a period of -remarkable economic reforms tending to the regeneration of the peninsula -as the basis for an army and navy. Meanwhile, steps were taken to avoid -the possibility of an English descent upon the Spanish West Indies, -which were regarded as the principal danger-point, both because of the -strength of England’s position in the Caribbean area, and because that -region was the key to the Spanish mainland colonies of the two Americas. -Pretexts for trouble were not lacking. The English dyewood cutters of -Honduras did not observe the restrictions placed upon them by the treaty -of Paris, and the British government neglected to satisfy Spain’s -complaints in that regard; the French settlers of Louisiana refused to -acknowledge their transfer to the Spanish crown, wherefore it was -necessary<a name="page_388" id="page_388"></a> to employ force against them, and it was believed that -English agents had instigated them to resist; on the other hand England -repeatedly demanded the payment of a ransom which the English conquerors -of Manila had exacted from that city, but Spain refused to pay the -claim. The principal diplomatic interest down to 1771, however, was the -so-called question of the Falkland Islands (called Malouines by the -French, and Maluinas by Spaniards). This group, lying some 250 miles -east of the Strait of Magellan, seems to have been discovered by Spanish -navigators of the sixteenth century, for a description of the islands -was in the possession of the Spanish authorities at an early time. The -first English voyage to this group was that of Captain Cowley, as late -as 1686, but no claim could be made on this basis, for in 1748 England -formally recognized the rights of Spain. Not much attention was paid to -the Falklands until after the Seven Years’ War, although various -navigators visited them, but in 1763 a Spanish pilot, Mathei, made the -first of a series of voyages to these islands. In 1764 a French -expedition under Bougainville landed at one of them, and formed a -settlement, and in the next year the English captain, Biron, touched at -a place called Port Egmont by him, took formal possession for England, -applying the name Falkland to the group, and proceeded on his way to the -Pacific Ocean and around the world. Not long afterward an English -settlement was made at Port Egmont, and the governor no sooner heard of -the presence of the French than he ordered their withdrawal. Meanwhile, -the Spanish government had lodged a complaint at the French court -against the occupation of the islands by France, and an agreement was -reached, whereby the French should abandon the group and a Spanish -settlement there should be formed. This was done, and the English and -Spanish governors began mutually to demand each other’s withdrawal, the -Englishman setting a time limit of six months. The Spanish government -directed the captain-general of Buenos Aires to expel the English -settlers, and accordingly, though not until June, 1770, these orders -were carried out. When the news reached England the British Parliament -voted funds<a name="page_389" id="page_389"></a> in preparation for war, and made excessive demands for -reparation for what was considered an insult to England as well as for -the restitution of the colony. Spain, in reliance upon the Family -Compact, was not inclined to avoid the issue, and matters even went so -far as the retirement of the Spanish and English ambassadors, when an -unforeseen event occurred, changing the whole aspect of affairs. This -was the fall of Choiseul, the French minister who had negotiated the -Family Compact and who was believed by Spain to be ready to bring France -into the war. It was on this occasion that Louis XV is reported to have -said “My minister wanted war, but I do not,” thus calmly disregarding -the treaty with Spain. Consequently, Spain had to yield, and in 1771 the -Spanish ambassador to London signed a declaration disapproving the -removal of the English colonists and promising to restore Port Egmont, -although without prejudice to Spain’s claim to the islands.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Revival of the Family Compact as a force in European -politics.</div> - -<p>Spain might justly have abandoned the Family Compact after the Falkland -incident, and for a time that treaty did suffer a partial eclipse. -Charles III felt that in future he could count only on his own forces, -but he continued to increase and equip them, for the danger from England -was as great as ever. Self-interest inevitably brought Spain and France -together, and with the appearance of the warlike Aranda in France, late -in the year 1773, as Spanish ambassador to that court, plans with a view -to meeting the common enemy were again discussed. The death of Louis XV, -in May, 1774, brought matters still more to a head, for it resulted in a -change of ministry in France, whereby Vergennes, believed to be an -enthusiastic partisan of the Family Compact, became minister of foreign -affairs. Vergennes was in fact an ardent supporter of the Franco-Spanish -alliance, although his enthusiasm was tempered in moments of crisis by a -clear view of what most favored France, and he did not fail to see that -he might employ it as the basis for<a name="page_390" id="page_390"></a> trade concessions from Spain, the -better to build up the resources of France. Nevertheless, the opinion -was general that Vergennes intended to adhere to the Family Compact, and -consequently England planned to occupy Spain with other affairs, so as -to separate her from France, or at least divert her from pursuing a -common policy with the last-named country against England. Two matters -were at hand, of which they might avail themselves: Spain’s disputes -with the sultan of Morocco; and her quarrels with Portugal over -boundaries in South America.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relations with the Moslem states of the Barbary Coast.</div> - -<p>The never-ending wars with the Moslems of northern Africa were inherited -from the preceding era, and continued to occupy Spanish troops and -fleets down to the reign of Charles III. In 1767 satisfactory relations -between Spain and Morocco seemed to have been reached when the latter -agreed to abandon piracy and recognized Spain’s title to her -establishments on the North African coast. Late in 1774, however, the -sultan announced that he would no longer tolerate Christian posts in his -empire, and commenced a siege of Melilla. The attack was beaten off, and -it was decided to strike what was hoped might be a decisive blow against -the dey of Algiers, the ally of the Moroccan sultan. An expedition of -some 18,000 men was prepared, and placed under the command of General -O’Reilly, reformer of the Spanish army and a man of tremendous -reputation, but in the ensuing operations before Algiers O’Reilly was -crushingly defeated with a loss of several thousand men. Rightly or -wrongly, England was believed to have instigated the Moslem rulers to -attack Spain. Years later, Charles came to an understanding with the -Moslem states of the Barbary Coast. Between 1782 and 1786 treaties were -made, whereby the rulers of those lands agreed once again to give up -piracy and also the institution of slavery, besides granting certain -religious and commercial privileges to Spaniards in their lands. This -was not the last of piracy and warfare in North Africa, however; the -former endured for another generation, and the end of the latter, even -in the restricted Spanish area, is not yet.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Disputes with Portugal over boundaries in South America.</div> - -<p>There was a much stronger case against England with<a name="page_391" id="page_391"></a> regard to Portugal, -whose exaggerated claims were supported by the British government. The -boundaries between the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in South America -had been an unending source of dispute, ever since the treaty of -Tordesillas in 1494, and the question was complicated by that of British -and Portuguese smuggling into Spain’s colonies. The principal scene of -conflict was the Portuguese post of Sacramento, founded in 1679 on the -eastern bank of the Río de la Plata. The Spanish-owned region of -Paraguay was also a field for Portuguese aggressions. Domestic animals -to the number of hundreds of thousands were driven off from the Spanish -settlements, while thousands of Indian families were captured and sold -into slavery. Ferdinand VI endeavored to solve these problems through a -treaty which he made with Portugal, in 1750, according to which Spain -acquired Sacramento in exchange for territories in the Paraguayan -region. The treaty met with the spirited opposition of leading Spanish -ministers, and with that of the Jesuit missionaries, the Indians, and -the Spanish settlers in the regions affected, and after many -vicissitudes, including a war in Paraguay, it was annulled in 1761, but -the troubles on the border continued. One of the underlying difficulties -was the ambition of Portugal. Under the direction of the Marquis of -Pombal, Portuguese minister of state, she was desirous of making -conquests in South America, for which purpose Pombal was willing to go -to any length in bad faith to achieve his end, relying upon the support -of England in case Spain should declare war. Pombal secretly directed -the Portuguese officials in the Sacramento region to seize desirable -Spanish territories, and when reports of these captures came to Europe -pretended that they were false, or that they were nothing more than -inconsequential affrays between the Spanish and Portuguese soldiery. He -promised to order his troops to desist from such actions, and asked -Charles III to do the same. The Spanish king complied with his wishes, -while Pombal on the contrary continued to give orders for hostilities -and to send reinforcements, hoping that the Portuguese might secure -posts from which it would be impossible to dislodge them by the time his -duplicity should<a name="page_392" id="page_392"></a> be found out. Not only did he deceive Charles III for -a while, but he also misled the English ministers, pretending that -Portugal was a victim of Spanish ambition when the facts were quite the -contrary. England supported Pombal with vigorous diplomatic action. By -the close of the year 1775, however, England was so busily engaged in -the disputes with her own colonies that she was far from desiring a war -in Europe. The British Cabinet announced that it would take no part in -the quarrel between Spain and Portugal, provided Charles III should make -no attempts on the territorial integrity of Portugal and Brazil. Pombal -now made peaceful overtures to Charles III, hoping to delay the sending -of Spanish troops to South America, but the proofs of Pombal’s perfidy -were by this time so clear that the king of Spain would not trust him. -In fact, a Portuguese fleet in South America attacked the Spanish fleet, -in February, 1776, and shortly afterward the Portuguese captured the -Spanish post of Santa Tecla. In November a Spanish expedition left -Cádiz, and on arrival in South America put a check to the Portuguese -aggressions, and captured Sacramento. Fortune played into Spain’s hands -in another respect when María Victoria, sister of Charles III, became -regent of Portugal on the death of the king in 1777. This occasioned the -dismissal of Pombal, and in October of that year a treaty was arranged -between Spain and Portugal entirely favorable to the former. The -much-disputed Sacramento colony was awarded to Spain, while Paraguay was -retained. This treaty, supplemented by another in 1778, put an end, -after nearly three centuries, to the disputes between Spain and Portugal -with regard to their American boundaries.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Disputes of England with her American colonies as a factor in -Spain’s foreign policy.</div> - -<p>In the midst of Spain’s preparations for a war against England there -loomed up a new factor, the troubles between England and her American -colonies. Down to 1774 Spain had proceeded without reference to these -disputes, ardently desirous of war whenever France should be ready, -although Charles III himself was conservative with regard to a -declaration. Until late in the year 1774 France and Spain, together with -most Englishmen, believed that the colonial<a name="page_393" id="page_393"></a> situation was merely a Whig -device against the Tories. The first inkling of the seriousness of the -situation seems to have come in a report of the French ambassador, in -June, 1774, quoting a remark of the British minister, Lord Rochford, -that the Boston rioters were descendants of Cromwell’s Puritans, -implying that they would fight. Both France and Spain welcomed the news, -believing that it would keep England engaged until the Bourbon powers -could get ready to strike. In December, 1774, Garnier, the French -<i>chargé d’affaires</i> in London, had become convinced that the American -dispute was the most important event in English history since the -revolution of 1688, and he suggested that France should give secret aid -to the Americans. In January, 1775, he reported that an army of 9000 men -was being sent to the colonies, and sounded a warning lest they make a -descent upon the French West Indies, whether in the flush of victory, or -in order to gain a recompense in case of defeat. The Spanish court was -informed of this opinion, and in March, 1775, received a similar message -from Escarano, the Spanish minister in London, who stated that England -had 11,736 soldiers in America (a great force as colonial armies went) -and could easily attack Spain’s possessions, both because they were -near, and because the British had so many transports at hand. He was of -the opinion that England could not defeat America with her “three -million souls, guided by the enthusiasm of liberty, and accustomed to -live in a kind of independence,” a people “who had given so many proofs -of valor.” The danger of a return to power of William Pitt, the -imperialist, now Lord Chatham, was also alluded to. Spain at once -consulted with France whether it would not be advisable to break with -England immediately, but Vergennes was not ready. So the matter was -dropped, although a remark attributed to Lord Rochford that the -Americans could be won back to allegiance by an English declaration of -war against France did not tend to allay the Bourbon feeling of -insecurity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Disadvantages to Spain of a victory by either the United -States or England and effect on Spain’s policy.</div> - -<p>At about this time the Spanish authorities began to be impressed by the -idea, first expressed by Aranda in July, 1775, that the American -outbreak would endanger Spain<a name="page_394" id="page_394"></a>’s colonial empire. According to Aranda an -independent America would be a menace, as her population was increasing, -and consequently she needed lands, which she would be apt to seek in a -region with a temperate climate like New Spain, rather than by expansion -northward. Thus the Anglo-Americans might eventually dominate North -America, or help Spain’s colonies to become independent. On the other -hand, if England should defeat the colonists, the latter would join with -her in her wars as in the past, and the danger would be equally great. -Thus Spain seemed to be between two horns of the dilemma. Up to this -time she had been ready for a declaration of war whenever France should -announce her willingness. Henceforth there was a more conservative note -in Spain’s attitude, while France, who had everything to gain and -nothing to lose, threw off her former conservatism and became -increasingly enthusiastic. Up to the close of the year 1776, however, -Spain still leaned toward war, and France remained undecided as to the -moment to strike. During this period Spain was influenced largely by the -question with Portugal. In September, 1776, Vergennes informed Aranda -that in his opinion the war ought soon to be begun, before England -herself should declare it and make an attack on France and Spain. -Spain’s attitude was expressed by Grimaldi, the Spanish minister of -state, in a letter to Aranda in October. The war was inevitable, he -said, and it would be an advantage to begin it several months before -England was ready to undertake it. Spain would leave it to the decision -of France whether the declaration should be made at once. Incidentally, -Spain hoped to conquer Portugal in course of the war. This frank -statement found Vergennes less enthusiastic. Moreover, he objected to -Spain’s designs on Portugal, lest other European powers should be -unfavorable to them. Once again the matter was dropped. Some of the -higher Spanish officials were disappointed over these continued refusals -by France, but Charles III said that for his part he believed the right -moment had not come. Meanwhile, since June, 1776, Spain had been aiding -the Americans secretly with money, arms, and ammunition, much of which -was made available<a name="page_395" id="page_395"></a> through shipment to New Orleans by way of Havana, -and thence to destination. Nevertheless, Vergennes’ refusal, in -November, to begin the war marked the turning point in the attitude of -both France and Spain. The disadvantages, henceforth, loomed larger and -larger in the eyes of Spain, while the successful resistance of the -Americans to England made the way more and more easy for France.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spain’s divergence from France over the American Revolution.</div> - -<p>The new attitude of Spain was represented by both Charles III and -Floridablanca, who succeeded Grimaldi early in 1777. According to -Floridablanca the most immediate advantages which Spain might hope to -gain from the war were the recovery of Florida and the expulsion of the -English from Honduras. War ought not to be declared, however, until both -France and Spain should have considerable forces in the West Indies. -Furthermore, if the rebellious English colonies should establish their -independence, Spain ought to contrive to keep them divided in interests, -so that there might not grow up a formidable power near Spanish America. -Clearly there was no enthusiasm in Spanish governmental circles on -behalf of the Americans. This appears also from the cold reception -accorded Arthur Lee, the American representative, who at about this time -arrived in Spain, but was not received by the Spanish court. The breach -between the respective courses of France and Spain was still further -widened as a result of Burgoyne’s surrender to the Americans at -Saratoga. The British government began to make offers with a view to -conciliating the colonists. France acted quickly to prevent it, for it -was believed that a reconciliation would mean a loss of the commercial -favors France hoped to get and perhaps a war with England in which the -colonies would join on the English side. In December, 1777, therefore, -France declared herself ready to enter into a treaty of commerce and -alliance with the American government, specifically stating that her -willingness was due partially to a desire to diminish the power of -England by separating her from her colonies. In February, 1778, a treaty -was signed. All of this was done, in violation of the spirit of the -Family Compact, without any official notification to Spain. Spain’s -opinion of this procedure was voiced by Floridablanca, who<a name="page_396" id="page_396"></a> recommended -to Charles III that Spain should continue her preparations, as if war -were inevitable, but should avoid a declaration as long as possible, for -under existing circumstances, one of which was the inconstancy of -Spain’s allies, the war could not result favorably for Spain. -Henceforth, Spain pursued an independent policy. The English government -was informed that Spain’s attitude would depend upon England; Spain -neither wished war nor feared it. France, meanwhile, had entered the -conflict.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure of mediation and Spain’s entry into the war.</div> - -<p>Charles III now began to attempt the part of a mediator, in hopes that -he might get Gibraltar and Minorca as the price for bringing about -peace. In May, 1778, Escarano suggested to Lord Weymouth, a member of -the British ministry, that Gibraltar would be a fair equivalent for -Spain’s services, but was told that the price was too high, and that -affairs had probably gone beyond the point where mediation would serve; -England wanted no more from Spain than that she remain neutral. In -making this reply Lord Weymouth rather brusquely thanked Charles III for -the magnanimity of his offer,—a type of answer which was not calculated -to be pleasing to the Spanish ear, as Floridablanca very plainly -intimated to the English ambassador. To add to Spain’s displeasure -England’s conduct on the sea gave cause for complaint. Nevertheless, -Charles still hoped to serve as arbitrator,—all the more so, when news -came of French naval victories over the English. He prevailed upon Louis -XVI to submit the terms upon which he would make peace. The conditions, -which included an acknowledgment of American independence and the recall -of England’s land and sea forces, were presented to Lord Weymouth, who -haughtily rejected them. Late in the same year, 1778, Spain’s proposal -of a twenty-five or thirty year truce between England and her colonies -was also rejected. Nothing could exceed the patience of Charles III, who -then offered Weymouth an indefinite armistice, to be guaranteed by a -general disarmament. Again the Spanish king’s proposals were arrogantly -rejected. To make matters worse, England had delayed her reply from -January to March, 1779, and her ships had continued to attack those of -Spain. On April 3,<a name="page_397" id="page_397"></a> Charles renewed his offer of a suspension of -hostilities, this time in the form of an ultimatum. England did not -answer for nearly two months, and in the meantime, seeing that war was -inevitable, planned attacks on the Spanish colonies. On May 28 the -ultimatum was rejected, and on June 23 war was declared.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The war with England and its favorable issue.</div> - -<p>Spain was well prepared for the war, besides which the favorable state -of her relations with Portugal, and indeed with other countries, was a -source of strength. France and Spain planned an invasion of England -which did not materialize, but it did cause the retention of the English -fleet in British waters and a diminution in the military forces sent to -America,—a factor in the American war not to be overlooked. The -attempts to retake Gibraltar were unsuccessful, but in 1782 Minorca fell -into Spanish hands. In America, Florida was reconquered from the -British, the establishments in Honduras were taken, and the English were -expelled from the Bahama Islands of the West Indies. Meanwhile, England -displayed great eagerness to remove Spain from the list of her enemies. -Late in 1779 she offered to restore Gibraltar for the price of Spanish -neutrality, and to add Florida and the right to fish in Newfoundland -waters if Spain would aid her against the United States. Not only this -time but also on two other occasions when England endeavored to treat -separately with Spain her offers were rejected, even though they -embodied favorable terms for withdrawal from the war. In an age when -international faith was not very sacred, Spain preferred to remain true -to France, with whom she had renewed her alliance, although to be sure -England’s promises never equalled Spain’s hopes. It is also interesting -to note, not only that the Americans had a representative in Spain (John -Jay), but also that there were agents of Spain in the United States -(Miralles and Rendón), besides which Bernardo de Gálvez, the conqueror -of Florida, had dealings with American agents at New Orleans. The -general relations of the two governments cannot be said to have been -cordial, however, and at no time was there anything approaching a -veritable alliance; Bourbon Spain could not possibly approve of the -democratic<a name="page_398" id="page_398"></a> United States. By the treaty of 1783, which ended the war, -Spain got Florida and Minorca, and limited the dyewood privileges of the -English in Honduras to a term of years. On the other hand Spain restored -the Bahamas to England. An interesting period of relations between Spain -and the United States, having to do primarily with the regions of the -lower Mississippi valley, began in the closing years of the reign of -Charles III, but the story belongs rather to the colonial side of the -history of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Charles III.</div> - -<p>In December, 1788, Charles III died. As will be made more clear in the -chapters dealing with institutions, he had brought Spain forward to the -position of a first rank power again,—even though her enjoyment of that -high station was to be of brief duration.<a name="page_399" id="page_399"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXXIII"></a>CHAPTER XXXIII<br /><br /> -<small>CHARLES IV AND FRANCE, 1788-1808</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Dominating character of relations with France and their -effects upon Spain</div> - -<p>I<small>F</small> the reign of Charles III, despite the close union of the Bourbon -crowns, had been characterized mainly in its external manifestations by -the hostility of Spain to England, that of Charles IV (1788-1808) was -dominated by relations with France. Unaffected for a while by the -principles underlying the French Revolution, Spain was toppled from her -position as a first-rate power by the Emperor Napoleon, whose designs -for world power and whose methods in seeking it were not unlike those -followed over a century later by William II of Germany. Meanwhile, the -ideas of the American and the French revolutions were permeating the -Spanish colonies, and as the wars with England continued during much of -this reign, shutting off effective communication between the colonies -and Spain, a chance was offered for putting them into effect in the new -world. The way was well prepared in the reign of Charles IV, though the -outbreak was postponed until after his fall. The blow struck by Napoleon -was not without its compensations, which in the long run may be -considered to have outweighed the loss of prestige. Napoleon, quite -without intention, gave Spain an impulse to national feeling, in the -uprising against French domination, which was greater than any she had -formerly experienced, and of sufficient force to endure to the present -day. In the same roundabout way Napoleon gave the Spain of the <i>Dos de -Mayo</i>, or Second of May (the date of the revolt against Napoleon, and -the national holiday of Spain), her first opportunity to imbibe -democratic ideas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Nootka affair and the virtual repudiation of the Family -Compact.</div> - -<p>To cope with the great forces of the French Revolution<a name="page_400" id="page_400"></a> and the -Napoleonic Empire, Spain had to rely on the leadership of the weak, -timid, vacillating Charles IV. His predecessor had left him a legacy of -able ministers, but these were not long sustained by the king. At the -outset Floridablanca still ruled as first minister of state. He was -liberal-minded as concerned social and economic institutions, but was -profoundly royalist in his political ideas and an enemy of anything -which represented a diminution in the prerogatives of the crown. He was -alarmed by the ideas which were being spread broadcast in France, and -took steps to prevent their introduction into Spain, becoming recognized -as an opponent of the French Revolution. In the midst of this situation, -there occurred the Nootka affair, which obliged him for a time to change -his policy. A Spanish voyage of 1789 to the northwest coast of North -America had resulted in the discovery and capture of two English ships -at Nootka, on the western shore of Vancouver Island. Floridablanca -informed the English government of this event, in January, 1790, -complaining of the frequent usurpations of Spanish colonial territories -by British subjects, and asking for the recognition of Spain’s ownership -of Nootka, which had been discovered by a Spanish voyage of 1774. What -followed was very nearly a duplicate of the Falkland incident, twenty -years before. England claimed that the British flag had been insulted, -and demanded satisfaction, which Floridablanca refused to give, as it -involved the acknowledgment of a doubt concerning Spain’s ownership of -Nootka. War seemed imminent, and the French government was invoked to -stand by the Family Compact. The National Assembly, then in actual -control in France, acknowledged the obligation, but attached conditions -(having to do with the revolution) to their willingness to declare -war,—with the result that Charles IV and Floridablanca decided that it -was better to avoid a rupture with England. A series of three treaties, -from 1790 to 1794, arranged for the payment of an indemnity by Spain, -and among other matters agreed that the ships of both nations should -have a right to sail the waters and make landings freely in regions not -already settled by either power. In effect, therefore, the lands north<a name="page_401" id="page_401"></a> -of the Spanish settlements were thrown open to the entry of England. -These treaties had a significance which was wider than that of the -matters directly involved. They marked a new spirit in the direction of -colonial affairs. In the early years of the conquest Spain had played an -aggressive part, followed soon by the adoption of what might be termed -an aggressive defensive, or a willingness to fight for the retention of -what she had, leading also to further conquests in order to ward off -foreign attack. The Nootka affair was the beginning of a spiritless, -waiting kind of defensive, the inevitable outcome of which was -disintegration.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Floridablanca and Spanish opposition to the French -Revolution.</div> - -<p>The Nootka treaties left Spain free, however, to stand in opposition to -the French Revolution. Louis XVI of France had written secretly to -Charles IV, in 1789, that he had been compelled to agree to measures of -which he did not approve. Other European monarchs were also acquainted -with the perils of Louis XVI’s position, and in the general interests of -kingship, all desired to save him, although in the case of Spain there -was the strong bond of family ties as well. In 1790 Floridablanca -directed a note to the French Assembly requesting greater freedom of -action for Louis XVI, making thinly veiled threats in case of a refusal -to comply. This action only served to enrage the French government. In -1791 Floridablanca ordered the taking of a census of all foreigners in -Spain, about half of whom were Frenchmen, compelling them to swear -allegiance to the king, the laws, and the religion of the peninsula. A -subsequent order prohibited the entry of any literature of a -revolutionary bearing, even going so far as to forbid foreigners to -receive letters. When Louis XVI accepted the constitution of 1791 -Floridablanca announced that Charles IV refused to recognize that the -French king had signed the document of his own free will, and asked that -Louis XVI and his family be allowed to go to a neutral land, threatening -war if the French government should fail to accede to Charles’ wishes. -Here was a direct challenge to the revolution, but instead of accepting -the gauntlet France sent an agent to Spain who was able to persuade -Charles IV that Floridablanca’s policy was in fact contributing to the -dangerous position of Louis<a name="page_402" id="page_402"></a> XVI. Floridablanca was therefore relieved -from power early in 1792, and Aranda became first minister in Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Brief ministry of Aranda.</div> - -<p>Aranda, who sympathized to some extent with the revolutionary ideas, -placed the relations with France on a more cordial basis, although -without relinquishing the efforts which were being made in company with -other European sovereigns to save Louis XVI. When the news came of the -revolutionary excesses of the summer of 1792 Aranda, who had not -expected such a turn of affairs, became more stern, and began to -consider the advisability of joint military action with Austria, -Prussia, and Sardinia. Meanwhile, the French government demanded the -alliance of Spain or offered the alternative of war. Induced in part by -a doubt with regard to the best policy to pursue for the sake of Louis -XVI, Spain hesitated, and suggested a treaty of neutrality. France -imposed conditions which it was impossible for Spain to accept, among -them the recognition of the French Republic, which had just been -proclaimed. Before Aranda could meet the problem in a decisive manner he -was dispossessed of his post as the result of a palace plot in favor of -Manuel Godoy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Godoy and the significance of his relations with the queen.</div> - -<p>At the time of his accession to the headship of the Spanish ministry in -1792 Godoy was a mere youth, twenty-five years of age. Formerly a -soldier of the royal guard, he had been selected by Charles IV with the -specific idea of training him to be his leading minister, for the king -believed that the plebeian Godoy would, out of necessity, be devotedly -attached to the royal interests. The queen, María Luisa, was influential -in the choice of Godoy, for there is little doubt that she was already -the mistress of this upstart youth. Godoy’s abilities have perhaps been -condemned too harshly. He was a man of ambition and some talent, and had -studied assiduously to fit himself for his eventual post. Nevertheless, -his sudden rise to high rank in the nobility (for he had been made Duke -of Alcudia) and in political office, together with the notoriety of his -relations with the queen, caused an indignation in Spain which was to -result in the forming of a party opposed to him,—a group which the -enemies of Spain were able to manipulate to advantage.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">War with France and the treaty of Basle.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties with England and alliance with France.</div> - -<p>Godoy continued the efforts of his predecessors to save<a name="page_403" id="page_403"></a> Louis XVI, -without more success than they, and when he declined to accede to the -conditions imposed by the French Convention, then ruling in France, that -body early in 1793 declared war on Spain. The war against France was -joined by most of the countries of western Europe. One by one, however, -the continental princes fell away, and urged Spain to do the same. The -war itself, so far as Spain was concerned, was not decisive either way, -although France had a little the better of it. In 1795 negotiations were -undertaken which resulted in the treaty of Basle. The Pyrenean boundary -was maintained, but Spain ceded that portion of the island of Hayti, or -Santo Domingo, which still belonged to her, thus acknowledging the -French title to the whole island.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> The government of England, with -which Spain had allied for the war with France, was exceedingly annoyed -by Spain’s acceptance of peace, and very soon began to act in a -threatening manner. Even as an ally in the recent war England had not -been altogether cordial toward Spain. On one occasion a Spanish treasure -ship which had been captured by the French was retaken by the English, -and retained as a prize; Englishmen had continued to engage in -contraband trade, not only in Spanish America, but also in the peninsula -itself; they had been responsible for encouraging separatist feelings in -Spanish America, well knowing that the independence of Spain’s colonies -would result in advantages to British commerce; and England had refused -to grant Spain a subsidy for the 1795 campaign,—a factor with a bearing -on Spain’s action, whatever the merits of the case. The resentment of -the Spanish court was now provoked by insults which were offered to the -Spanish ambassador to London and by attacks on Spanish ships, just as -formerly in the reign of Charles III. The natural effect was to drive -Spain into the arms of France. An alliance was formed in 1796 which was -followed by a declaration of war against England. It is highly probable -that Charles IV was induced to form this union by a belief, fostered -perhaps by French intrigue, that the French<a name="page_404" id="page_404"></a> Republic was about to -collapse, in which event it seemed likely that a Spanish Bourbon might -be called to the throne of France.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Unsatisfactory results from the French Alliance.</div> - -<p>Spain’s experience as an ally of France was not more happy than her -previous union with England. France excluded her from representation at -several conferences looking to treaties of peace between France and her -enemies, and made slight efforts to secure the interests of Spain, going -so far as to refuse her sanction to many of the pretensions of her -Bourbon ally. Most annoying of all was the dispossession of the Duke of -Parma, a relative of Charles IV by descent from Isabel Farnesio. The -French government endeavored to calm Spanish feelings on this point by -offering to make Godoy the Grand Master of the Knights of Malta,—an -honor he was disposed to accept, subject to certain conditions, one of -which was that he be absolved from the vow of chastity. In fact, -however, the French authorities were suspicious of Godoy, believing that -he was secretly plotting with England, because he did not insist on -Portugal’s refusing to allow the English fleets to remain in Portuguese -ports. A French representative was sent to Spain in 1797, and the -dismissal of Godoy was procured from Charles IV. Nevertheless, Godoy -continued to be the principal force at the Spanish court, backed as he -was by the powerful influence of the queen. The policy of truculence to -France went on, however, due in part perhaps to Charles’ continued hopes -of acquiring the Bourbon crown, but even more, very likely, to his -pusillanimity in the face of the threats of the French Directory. In -1799 his hopes were dashed when Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the -Directory and became first consul of France, a title which a few years -later he converted into that of emperor.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Early relations with Napoleon and the war with Portugal.</div> - -<p>The change of government in France was welcomed at the Spanish court, -for it was believed that Spain would receive more consideration at the -hands of Napoleon than she had obtained from the Directory. Events -proved that Spain was to be even more an instrument in French hands than -formerly, and that Napoleon was to be more powerful and despotic and -less courteous and faithful in international<a name="page_405" id="page_405"></a> affairs than the French -rulers who had preceded him. One of his earliest acts was an attempt to -employ the Spanish fleet to conserve French ends. When the Spanish -admiral refused to carry out the wishes of Napoleon, a matter in which -he was sustained by his government, the French ruler brought about the -dismissal of Urquijo, at that time first minister of state in Spain, and -shortly afterward the offending admiral was relieved from his command. -Meanwhile, a treaty had been arranged in 1800 whereby Napoleon agreed to -enlarge the dominions of the Duke of Parma (who had regained his duchy) -in exchange for the recession of Louisiana to France and the gift of six -ships of war. By a treaty of 1801 Tuscany was granted to the family of -the Duke of Parma, whose whole domains were now called the kingdom of -Etruria. It was provided that in case of a lack of succession of the -reigning house a Spanish prince of the royal family should inherit the -Etrurian throne, and this was to be the rule forever. Another treaty of -1801 required Spain to issue an ultimatum to Portugal demanding an -abandonment of the English alliance. The name of Godoy was signed to the -later treaties in the series of which the above have been mentioned. He -had not ceased to be influential during his absence from power, but -henceforth until 1808 he was definitely in the saddle. Though his -military experience was slight he was appointed general of the Spanish -army which was to invade Portugal, and when war was presently declared -he entered that country. The campaign, although comparatively -insignificant, resulted in victory. Portugal agreed to close her ports -in return for the Spanish king’s guarantee of the territorial integrity -of Portugal. A celebration was held at Badajoz, at which the soldiers -presented the queen with branches of orange trees taken from Portuguese -groves, resulting in the application of the name “war of the -oranges,”—which fittingly described its inconsequential character. -Napoleon was furious over such a termination of the war, and went so far -as to threaten the end of the Spanish monarchy unless the campaign were -pursued. At length he decided to accept the result, after Portugal had -consented to increase the indemnity which she had originally<a name="page_406" id="page_406"></a> agreed to -pay to France. This marked a beginning, however, of the French ruler’s -distrust of Godoy. Shortly afterward it suited Napoleon’s purposes to -make peace. In 1802 a treaty was signed with England, and, naturally, -Spain too made peace. Minorca, which had been occupied by the English, -was restored to Spain, but the island of Trinidad was surrendered to -England,—another bit chipped off Spain’s colonial empire.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties of neutrality and declaration of war against -England.</div> - -<p>Godoy had emerged from the Portuguese campaign as general-in-chief of -the armies of the land and sea, and was again the dominating power at -court. By this time a strong opposition had grown up around Ferdinand, -the eldest son of the king, directed by an ambitious canon, named -Escoiquiz. Napoleon now had a political force at hand, to employ -whenever he should desire it, against Godoy. Early in 1803 Napoleon was -again at war with England, and proceeded to woo Spain’s support by -charges that she was favoring England and by threats of war. In the same -year, too, he sold Louisiana to the United States, although he had -promised Spain at the time of the recession that France would never -transfer that region to any country other than Spain. Spain protested, -but soon accepted the situation. Later in 1803 Napoleon compelled Spain -to consent to a so-called treaty of neutrality, which in fact amounted -to the paying of a monthly tribute to France. England objected, and -followed up her complaints by capturing three Spanish frigates and -stopping merchantmen, without a declaration of war. England announced -that she was holding the frigates as a guarantee of Spanish neutrality. -Thus courted with equal roughness by France and England, Spain was again -under the necessity of choosing which of her enemies to fight. England -was selected, and in 1804 war against that country was declared.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Napoleon and Godoy, and the project to partition Portugal.</div> - -<p>In 1805 there occurred the great battle of Trafalgar, in which the -French and Spanish navies were virtually destroyed by the English under -Nelson. The immediate results of this defeat as affecting Spanish action -was the decision of Godoy, who had never enjoyed cordial relations with -Napoleon, to seek an alliance with England. Through<a name="page_407" id="page_407"></a> this agency he -hoped to bolster up his own power as against the rapidly growing body of -his enemies in Spain. In the midst of his plans came Napoleon’s great -victory over Prussia at Jena in 1806, which, following that of -Austerlitz over Austria in 1805, once again made the French emperor -dangerously predominant on the continent of western Europe. Godoy, who -had already compromised himself, made haste to explain. Napoleon -pretended to be satisfied, but decided then that he would make an end of -the Bourbon monarchy. The unpopularity of Godoy and the strength of the -party of Ferdinand, who was now a popular favorite, were among the means -of which he availed himself; Ferdinand even wrote him letters in which -he alluded freely to his mother’s adulterous relations with Godoy. -Meanwhile, Napoleon profited by Godoy’s willingness to do anything to -win the favor of the emperor by arranging for the conquest of Portugal. -A partition of that territory was projected whereby the Bourbon monarch -of Etruria was to have northern Portugal, Godoy (as Prince of Algarve) -was to have the south, and the centre was to be exchanged for Gibraltar, -Trinidad, and other colonies which England had taken from Spain. The -usual ultimatum having been sent and rejected, the war began for what -seemed a brilliant objective for Spain,—if Napoleon had had any -intention of his keeping his word.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Plottings of Napoleon and the abdication of Charles IV.</div> - -<p>The campaign of 1807 resulted in a rapid, almost bloodless conquest of -Portugal by the French general Junot, placing Napoleon in a position to -fulfil his treaty obligations. Nothing was further from his plans, -however, and, indeed, Godoy and the king had recently had cause to -suspect his sincerity; action had been taken against Ferdinand and his -party, resulting in the exposure of the prince’s correspondence with -Napoleon. Napoleon occupied Etruria,—and gave the queen of that country -to understand that she need not look for compensation in Portugal. -Godoy, meanwhile, remained without Algarve, although hoping against hope -that he might yet get it. All this time, French troops were pouring into -Spain, and through deceit were possessing themselves of the Spanish -strongholds in the north. To the<a name="page_408" id="page_408"></a> credit of Godoy it must be said that -he divined the emperor’s intentions, and favored a demand for the -withdrawal of the French troops, with the alternative of war. Charles IV -and his other leading advisers were opposed to this idea; the king was -frightened at the very thought of fighting Napoleon. The emperor now -began to unmask himself. The Spanish ambassador to France returned to -Madrid as the bearer of a message from Napoleon, asking for the cession -of certain Spanish provinces in the north as far as the Ebro, or else -for the recognition of the emperor’s title to Portugal, together with a -military road thereto across Spanish territory; the ambassador added -that he believed Napoleon intended to possess himself of the northern -provinces and perhaps of all Spain, though possibly not until the death -of Charles IV. It was now perfectly clear to Godoy and the king what -Napoleon meant to do, but the party of Ferdinand, unaware of all the -facts, was wedded blindly to the emperor, believing that his sole desire -was to get rid of Godoy and assure the succession of Ferdinand. Charles, -Godoy, and the queen thought of escaping to the Americas, and as a -preliminary step moved the court from Madrid to Aranjuez. A riot -followed at Aranjuez in which Godoy was captured by the followers of -Ferdinand, and was with difficulty saved from death. Realizing that the -army and the people were almost wholly on the side of Ferdinand, and -unable to see any way out of his difficulties, Charles IV decided to -abdicate, and accordingly on March 19, 1808, did so. All Spain rejoiced, -for Godoy had fallen, and the idolized prince had now ascended the -throne as Ferdinand VII.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Duplicity of Napoleon and the journeys of Ferdinand VII and -Charles IV to Bayonne.</div> - -<p>Napoleon was much displeased at the course of events in Spain. The -flight of Charles would have fitted in with his plans, whereas the -accession of Ferdinand placed him under the necessity of exposing his -hand. Temporarily he saved the situation by one of the most remarkable -exhibitions of successful duplicity in history. On March 23 General -Murat entered Madrid with a French army, and the next day Ferdinand made -his royal entry, and was received by the people with delirious joy. The -foreign diplomats at once recognized him as king,—except the French -ambassador.<a name="page_409" id="page_409"></a> Uncertain yet what to do, Napoleon was on the one hand -giving indications of an intention to restore Charles IV, and on the -other planning to set up one of his own brothers as king of Spain. -Charles IV gave the emperor the opening he desired. In order to obtain -some material advantages from his abdication and to save Godoy, who was -still in prison, he entered into communication with Murat, and as a -result secretly retracted his abdication, placing himself entirely in -the hands of Napoleon. Meanwhile, Murat told Ferdinand that the emperor -was coming to see him, and suggested that Ferdinand should go to Burgos -to meet him. When Ferdinand decided against the journey, lest it produce -a bad effect in the minds of the people, Napoleon sent General Savary -with orders to bring Ferdinand whether he wanted to come or not. Savary -succeeded in persuading the young prince to go to Burgos, and when -Napoleon was not found there to Vitoria. Beyond this point Ferdinand was -at first not disposed to go, but, urged on both by Savary and Escoiquiz, -who still believed in the French emperor, the party proceeded across the -boundary line to Bayonne. There indeed they found Napoleon,—and -Ferdinand was informed that he must abdicate the throne. A few days -later, on April 30, Charles IV, María Luisa, and Godoy arrived; they had -been easily persuaded to go there by Murat. The reunion of the royal -family at Bayonne was accompanied by disgraceful quarrels of the parents -and the son and by the humiliating weakness of all in the presence of -Napoleon. Charles IV was again induced to abdicate, and was given a rich -pension and estates in France to which he and his family, Godoy, and the -royal servants might repair. Ferdinand was also granted rents and lands. -To Napoleon was given the right to name a king of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Uprising of the Dos de Mayo against Napoleon.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the French troops in Madrid and elsewhere had been conducting -themselves like conquerors, and had aroused considerable hostility in -the people, who were not so easily deceived and dominated as their -rulers had been. After the departure of Ferdinand from Madrid the French -officers did not hesitate to say that Napoleon would not recognize -him,—which only increased the popular discontent. The<a name="page_410" id="page_410"></a> climax came when -an order was received from Napoleon for the young Bourbon prince, -Francisco de Paula, and for the queen of Etruria with her children to be -sent to France. The departure from Madrid was set for the morning of the -second of May. A crowd gathered to see the royal party off, and heard -rumors which excited it to a feeling of frenzy,—for example, that the -young Francisco (then only thirteen) had protested in tears against -going. Insults were offered the French soldiery, and the harness of the -coaches was cut. These scenes were interrupted by the appearance of a -French battalion, which fired without warning into the crowd. The crowd -scattered, and spread the news over the city. This was the signal for a -general uprising against the French. The Spanish troops were under -strict orders from the government to stay in barracks, but a number of -them declined to obey. Prominent among those joining the people against -the French were Captains Pedro Velarde and Luis Daoiz, the heroes of the -day. When the people were driven out of the central square of the city, -the Plaza del Sol, by the French artillery, Velarde hastened to the -battery commanded by Daoiz. Convincing the latter that the interests of -the country were superior to discipline he joined with him and a certain -Lieutenant Ruiz in directing the fire against the French troops. -Superior in numbers and armament, the French were successful after a -battle lasting three hours in which Velarde and Daoiz were killed. The -dramatic events of the <i>Dos de Mayo</i>, or the second of May, were the -prelude to a national uprising against the French. Without a king or a -government Spain began the war which was to usher in a new era in -Spanish history,—for, just as Americans look back to the Fourth of July -in 1776, so the Spaniards consider the <i>Dos de Mayo</i> of 1808 as the -beginning of modern Spain.<a name="page_411" id="page_411"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXXIV"></a>CHAPTER XXXIV<br /><br /> -<small>SPANISH SOCIETY, 1700-1808</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Social characteristics of the era.</div> - -<p>F<small>UNDAMENTALLY</small>, there was no change in the classes of Spanish society in -this period as regards their legal and social standing, except in the -case of the rural population of Aragon. One of the characteristic notes -of the era was a certain democratic sentiment of a philanthropic kind, -exhibiting itself vaguely in a desire for the well-being of mankind, and -practically in the social, economic, and intellectual betterment of the -masses, without any attempt being made to improve their juridical -position. This ideal, which was not confined to Spain, became more and -more widespread with the increase in influence of the French -encyclopedists, and got to be a fad of high society, being encouraged by -the kings themselves. Many of its manifestations will be taken up later -in dealing with economic institutions, but the sentimental discussion of -the ideal may be remarked upon here; this at length went so far as to -result in the formulation of political doctrines of a democratic -character, but they were not yet translated into law. Such social -reforms as were made came for the most part in the last three reigns of -the era, especially in that of Charles III.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pride, wealth, and privileges of the nobles.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Real decline of their power.</div> - -<p>The description of the nobility in the period of the House of Austria -might almost be repeated for this era. The nobles had long since lost -their political power, but the wealth of the grandees and the privileges -and the prestige of all ranks of the nobility were so great that this -class was a more important factor in Spanish life than it is today. -Pride of noble rank continued to be almost an obsession, despite the -attempts to check it; with a view to diminishing petitions for the -recognition of rights of <i>hidalguía</i>, a law was passed<a name="page_412" id="page_412"></a> in 1758 calling -for the payment of a large sum of money when the petitioner’s title -dated back to the fourth or fifth grandfather. On the other hand, the -kings were responsible for acts which tended to encourage the eagerness -for noble rank. Ferdinand VI officially recognized that the people of -Vizcaya were all of <i>hidalgo</i> rank; Charles III created the order which -bears his name, and Charles IV founded that of the “noble ladies of -María Luisa”; various societies of nobles for equestrian exercises, in -imitation of the military orders, were formed, and they were given -certain privileges in criminal jurisdiction. To be sure, the grant of -these honors was a source of revenue to the state. The recognition of -the privileged character of the nobles was manifest, even in the case of -the more degraded members of that class; a law of 1781 provided that -nobles who were arrested as vagabonds should be sent to the army with -the rank of “distinguished soldiers.” The grandees and the other nobles -possessed of seigniorial estates still controlled the appointment of -many municipal functionaries; in 1787 there were 17 cities, 2358 -<i>villas</i>, and 1818 <i>aldeas</i> and <i>pueblos</i> in seigniorial hands, in some -of which the king shared jurisdiction with the lords. Similarly, the -military orders had the right to appoint the clergymen of 3 cities, 402 -<i>villas</i>, 119 <i>pueblos</i>, and 261 <i>aldeas</i>. Many monopolies of a medieval -type still survived in favor of the lords, such as those of hunting, -fishing, the baking of bread, the making of flour, and the use of -streams and forests, and in some cases the lord’s vassals were subject -to medieval tributes and services. It is rather by comparison with -matters as they are today, however, that these incidents loom large; -they were but the survivals of a system which was already dead. The -worst of these seigniorial rights, the Aragonese lord’s power of life -and death over his villeins, was abolished by Philip V. The kings did -not dare to suppress all of the seigniorial privileges, but took steps -to overcome them, as by submitting the rights of certain lords to -rigorous proofs, by hindering sales of jurisdiction, by subjecting the -appointments of the lords to the approval of the <i>Cámara</i>, by naming -special royal officials for the various seigniorial holdings, and in -general by facilitating<a name="page_413" id="page_413"></a> the reincorporation in the crown of such -estates. By this time the lesser nobility enjoyed few exemptions of a -financial character, but the great nobles still possessed such -privileges. The kings employed indirect methods to cause them to submit -to taxation. Thus payments were demanded in lieu of military service, -and the <i>media anata</i> (half annates) was required for the recognition of -the title of a successor to landed estates; certainly the immensely -wealthy grandees were able to pay these tributes without serious -economic loss to themselves. Furthermore, the great nobles continued to -be a court nobility, and were jealously proud of the special privileges -of an empty character which marked them off from the classes below them. -For example, a grandee had the right to keep his hat on and to sit down -in the presence of the king; to be called “cousin” by the king; to have -a private guard; to preside over the sessions of the noble branch of the -<i>Cortes</i>; to be visited and saluted by <i>ayuntamientos</i>, viceroys, and -other authorities; to have a better place than others, both indoors and -out; and to be free from imprisonment except by a special decree of the -king.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Slight gains of the working classes.</div> - -<p>There was no essential change in the composition and character of the -middle classes in this era. The working classes of the cities attained -to a little more liberty than formerly, as a result of the decline of -the guilds, while those of the country, if they had improved their -juridical position, continued nevertheless in a state of misery and -poverty. The rural wars of past reigns were missing, however. The evil -lot of the rural classes was due more to the backwardness of -agriculture, the vast extent of unworked lands common, and the -widespread practice of entailing estates, than to bonds of a social -character. An interesting attempt, at once to raise the urban laborer, -and to break down the sharp dividing line between the nobility and the -plebeian classes, was a law of 1783, which declared that the trades of -artisans—such as those of the carpenter, tailor, and shoemaker—were to -be considered honorable, and since municipal offices were usually in the -hands of the <i>hidalgo</i> class it was also enacted that the practice of -these trades did not incapacitate a man from holding positions in the -local government or even from<a name="page_414" id="page_414"></a> becoming an <i>hidalgo</i>. This well-meant -law was not able to overcome social prejudices, however, and when an -endeavor was made to interpret it in the sense that it authorized the -entry of artisans into the military orders, which had always been -composed only of nobles, it was decreed in 1803 that it had never been -intended to raise them to that degree, for the military orders were -founded on the necessity of maintaining the lustre of the nobility.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Benevolent legislation affecting gypsies, descendants of -Jews, and slaves.</div> - -<p>A spirit of racial tolerance for the despised classes made its -appearance in this era. Laws placing prohibitions on the gypsies were -repeatedly enacted until the time of Charles III, but in 1783 that -monarch declared that the gypsies were not to be considered a tainted -race, and ordered that they be admitted to the towns and to occupations -on the same basis as other Spaniards, provided they would abandon their -dress, language, and special customs. Similarly, in 1782 Charles III -endeavored to free the descendants of Jews from the stigma of their -ancestry by enacting that they should not be obliged to live in a -separate quarter or wear any device indicative of their origin. A law of -1785 permitted them to serve in the army or navy,—a right which had -previously been denied them. These generous laws for the gypsies and the -descendants of Jews were as little capable as those just mentioned -concerning artisans of overcoming social prejudices, wherefore they -failed of their objects. In matters of religion the laws affecting the -despised classes were more in keeping with general sentiment. In 1712 it -was ordered that Moslem slaves who had been set free must leave the -country; in 1802 the prohibition against Jews returning to the peninsula -was reaffirmed as absolute in the case of those who retained the Jewish -faith. Slavery continued to be legal, but laws were passed that slaves -escaping to Spain from other lands, except from the Spanish colonies, -became <i>ipso facto</i> free. The treaty of 1779 with Morocco provided that -prisoners of war should not henceforth be enslaved. The institution of -slavery existed on a great scale in the Americas, though Charles III -alleviated the rigors of the situation by his beneficent legislation.<a name="page_415" id="page_415"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tightening of the bonds of family.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Influence of the physiocratic school on legislation affecting -property.</div> - -<p>Legislation affecting the family aimed to tighten the bonds between -parents and children, which had become loosened as a result of the -increasing spirit of individualism. Thus a law of 1766 ordered that the -prior consent of parents should be obtained before children could marry, -although a remedy was provided for an unreasonable withholding of -consent; in the preamble it was stated that the law was due to the -frequent occurrence of “unequal marriages.” Several later laws upheld -the same principle. Legislation concerning property was characterized by -the ideas of the physiocratic school of thinkers, who referred all -social and economic problems to the land as the fundamental basis. Among -the Spanish physiocrats (for the physiocratic ideal was widespread in -western Europe) were Campomanes, Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who were -among the greatest of Spanish reformers in the reign of Charles III and -the early years of Charles IV. In keeping with physiocratic views the -laws tended to the release of realty from incumbrances and to the -distribution of lands among many persons. The practice of entailing -estates in primogeniture was one of the institutions attacked by the -physiocrats. It was admitted that it was necessary in the case of the -great nobles, in order to maintain the prestige of the family name, but -it was held to be desirable to check the extension of the institution in -other cases and to facilitate the extinction of entails. Thus a law of -1749 permitted of the sale of entailed estates for an annuity in the -case of financially ruined houses; a law of 1789 prohibited the founding -of new entails, and facilitated the sale of realty already so held; a -law of 1795 imposed heavy taxes on existing entails; and a law of 1798 -authorized the sale of entailed estates, provided the funds should be -invested in a certain loan announced at that time. Still other laws were -passed in this period, with the result that many entails disappeared and -others were diminished in size. The nobles resisted the change, and the -greater number of the entails remained in existence, although reduced in -income. In the same way municipal and ecclesiastical holdings were -attacked. In the case of the former (<i>propios</i>), laws were passed -repeatedly—for example in 1761, 1766, 1767,<a name="page_416" id="page_416"></a> 1768, and especially in -1770—for the partition of the cultivable and pastoral lands and for -their assignment to a number of individuals. Nevertheless, the majority -of this type of municipal lands continued in the possession of the -towns, for the laws were not fully executed. As concerns lands utilized -for the promotion of religious objects, pious foundations were attacked, -and either compelled or else permitted to sell their real property, but -there was considerable hesitancy about applying the same practice to -lands held in mortmain by the regular and secular clergy, although the -prevailing opinion of jurisconsults was opposed to these holdings. Some -steps were taken, however, to free these lands, as well as other -measures to hinder the giving of realty in mortmain. In the various -colonization schemes of the century it was customary to forbid the -transfer of lands to ecclesiastical institutions. A law of 1763 -prohibited further conveyances to the church, and a law of 1798 called -for the alienation of lands owned by charitable institutions, even -though they might belong to the church, and some estates accordingly -were sold. The resistance of the clergy, together with a certain -repugnance to laying hands on the property of the church except in case -of extreme necessity, operated to prevent these laws from having their -full effect. It will be noticed that all of these measures were markedly -individualistic, in accord with Roman principles as opposed to those of -medieval society, and favorable to the change in ownership of landed -estates and to their division into small holdings. This spirit was -manifested even more insistently in attacking titles of a medieval -character. Thus the right of farmers to fence lands for their own use -was sustained, serving as a check upon the abuses of the <i>Mesta</i>, and -the various methods of tribute from vassals to a lord (<i>censos</i>, -<i>foros</i>, etc.) were the subject of legislation tending to relieve the -former from their burdens. To this epoch, also, belong laws requiring -the registry of titles to land. Nevertheless, the spirit of collectivism -was still alive, as expressed in doctrines favoring the condemnation of -individual property and the establishment of communal inclosures with -the drawing of lots for land, but the<a name="page_417" id="page_417"></a> followers of Roman principles -were victorious in the controversy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Triumphs of Roman principles.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Decline and fall of the guilds.</div> - -<p>The spirit of individualism appeared, also, to give a deathblow to the -guilds, even though they actually increased in number; there were ninety -guilds in Barcelona at the close of the eighteenth century. Among the -factors contributing to the decline were the following: the continuance -of the exclusive spirit of the past, making entry into the guild a -difficult matter; the accentuation of social differences within the -guilds, such that certain elements had special privileges based on rank -in the guild,—for example, a right that their sons might enter the -institution without serving as apprentices; the failure of the guilds to -observe their own ordinances; the frequency of lawsuits between guilds, -or even between a guild and its own members; and especially the -continued intervention of the state, taking over the former municipal -control of the guilds and unifying the ordinances of each trade -throughout the country. The relation of the state to the guilds -facilitated the application of the new economic ideas which were -favorable to the freedom of labor and hostile to the guilds. Thus in -1772 foreign artisans were permitted to establish themselves, without -paying a special tax and without having to undergo examinations; in 1782 -a general law introduced reforms facilitating apprenticeship, freeing -applicants for entry into a guild from the necessity of proving the -Christian faith of their ancestry (<i>limpieza de sangre</i>), permitting of -the sale of masterships, and abolishing the distinction between the sons -of masters and those of the other members; in another law of the same -year painters, sculptors, and architects were authorized to work -independently of guilds; in 1783 the <i>cofradías</i> attached to the guilds -were suppressed, and their place was taken by benefit societies -(<i>montepíos</i>); in 1784 women were given a general permission to engage -in any trade they wished; in 1790 it was enacted that any artisan of -recognized ability could work at his trade without the need of an -examination; and in 1793 a law dissolving the guilds of the silk -manufacturers announced that it was neither necessary nor fitting that -persons should be grouped together in guilds for carrying<a name="page_418" id="page_418"></a> on such an -industry. From this point it was only a step to the death of the -institution. The great name in the legislation against the guilds was -that of Campomanes.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Dull routine of daily life.</div> - -<p>If the social customs of the two preceding eras may be said to have -represented the virile youth of the Spanish peoples, followed by a -seemingly mortal sickness resulting from a too great indulgence in “wild -oats,” this period stands for the recovery of the race (just as occurred -in other aspects of peninsula life) in a conventional, outwardly -respectable, and on the whole fairly wholesome, if also somewhat -monotonous, middle age. Simplicity, regularity, and subordination to -principles of authority (as represented by king, church, and parents, -checking initiative and making long-established custom the guiding rule -in daily life) were the dominating social characteristics. Both in the -city and in the country, people arose early; the <i>Consejo de Castilla</i> -met at seven in the morning from April to September, and at eight from -October to March. It was the custom also to go to bed early, to perform -one’s daily tasks in precisely the same way each day, to hear mass -daily, to have family prayers each day, to salute one’s parents -respectfully on the same daily recurring occasions, and to display a -like respect in the presence of official personages or of clergymen. If -people now and then indulged in gossip about their neighbors, they gave -little thought to persons or events beyond their immediate circle; they -were in no hurry to learn the news of the world, waiting tranquilly for -the arrival of the mails, which were usually infrequent and meagre.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Monotony of the life at court and among the nobles.</div> - -<p>The kings themselves helped to make this monotonous type of life -fashionable. Philip V was domestically inclined, retiring, and -melancholy, and from the time of his marriage with Isabel Farnesio was -nearly always at the side of his wife, who even accompanied him when he -received his ministers before he had arisen from bed. His daily life was -passed in pious exercises and in hunting, with music to vary the -monotony. Ferdinand VI, also domestic, retiring, and God-fearing, was -very fond of music, with the result that the court was brightened by -frequent concerts, operas, and theatrical representations, on which vast -sums of money were<a name="page_419" id="page_419"></a> expended. Charles III was a man of very simple -tastes, an enemy of the theatre and of music, but passionately devoted -to hunting. He was so methodical that every moment of the day within the -palace was regulated by royal ordinances, and the annual journeys and -changes of residence of the royal family took place each year on the -same day. In monotonous regularity of life Charles IV resembled his -illustrious predecessor, but passion for hunting amounted in his case -almost to a disease; after having breakfast and hearing mass he would -hunt until one o’clock, and would return to that sport after having -partaken of dinner. The sameness of court life in this period was broken -by various receptions and royal feast days, but even these were cold and -formal, following prescribed courses, although celebrated with great -pomp. In 1804 there were eight greater gala days and seventeen lesser -ones, besides those arising from unforeseen events, such as the -reception of a foreign ambassador. Furthermore, royal journeys -necessarily involved festivities and heavy expense. Balls, banquets, and -other diversions found no place at court, and the accession of Charles -III put an end to concerts and plays. The ordinary life of the nobles -followed that of the kings. Comparing it with that of France, a French -duke who came to Spain in the reign of Philip V said that it was -tiresome, almost unsociable, and lacking in comforts, despite the fact -that great sums of money were often spent for entertainments of a formal -nature. Toward the close of the century the more genial practices of -other European countries began to percolate into Spain. Godoy was one -who took pleasure in giving balls. Others followed his example, and the -austere simplicity of Spanish life began to yield to comforts, -diversions, and dissipation. Nevertheless, the old conventions still -ruled, especially in the country districts, where the poorer nobility -resided, occupying themselves in hunting and in local politics and -intrigues. The penurious nobles of the <i>hidalgo</i> class continued to be -found at the capital in the train of the greater representatives of the -titled element.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Simplicity of domestic life.</div> - -<p>Some clue to the modesty of life in general may be obtained from the -cheapness of rents and the scantiness of furniture in the houses of the -capital. The average annual rental<a name="page_420" id="page_420"></a> was 1504 <i>reales</i> ($94), and there -were many houses of an inferior type to be had for 45 <i>reales</i> ($2.81) a -month, although, of course, money values were much greater then than -now. House decorations and furniture were poor to the point of -shabbiness. Walls did not begin to be papered until the close of the -eighteenth century. Usually they were white-washed and hung with a few -pictures of a religious character or with brass candlesticks. The floor -was of unpolished wood, covered over in winter with mats, and there was -a like simplicity in chairs. Writing-desks were often present, but were -opened only when visitors were being received. Candles were employed for -lighting, and the odorous, scantly warming brazier was the principal -resource against cold. The same sobriety manifested itself as regards -the table. The <i>puchero</i>, or <i>cocido</i>, made up primarily of chickpeas -(<i>garbanzos</i>), was the basis of the meal, and usually was the only -element. Inns were equally uninviting, and it was not until the close of -the era that the example of foreign countries prevailed upon the -Spaniards to introduce somewhat more comfortable hostelries.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Struggle between the French and the native styles in dress.</div> - -<p>The simplicity and severity of Spanish customs were not maintained in -matters of dress. There was a century-long conflict between the French -and the native styles, the former represented by the military cut of -clothing more in keeping with that of the present day, and the latter by -the slouched hat and long cape, as symbolic of the indigenous modes. On -grounds of morality and public safety the government opposed the native -type, which lent itself too easily to the facilitation of disguise, and -the methodical Charles III even considered the imposition of a national -dress which should omit the traditional features. A law of 1766 ordered -their abandonment and the adoption of a short cape or riding coat and -the three-cornered cocked hat. The decree was the occasion of riots -throughout Spain, and had to be recalled, while Squillace, the minister -who had proposed it, lost his post. Aranda, his successor, achieved the -desired<a name="page_421" id="page_421"></a> end by indirect methods. He caused the slouched hat to be made -the official head-piece of the hangman, wherefore it began to lose -prestige, and the French styles were soon decisively victorious. It is -to be noted, however, that the three-cornered cocked hat and other -French styles of the Bourbon era were retained in Spain after they were -no longer in fashion in republican and imperial France. Women’s dress -was also reformed in a similar direction. Three outstanding features -characterized the well-dressed woman: the skirt of silk or velvet; the -<i>mantilla</i>, or veil, worn over the head instead of a hat; and the fan. -Fans of a most luxurious type were used, with ribs of shell, -mother-of-pearl, or ivory, and with ornaments of gold, while the -principal part was hand-painted, often by artists of note, to represent -scenes of a mythological, pastoral, or historical character. Even among -the common people, especially among the so-called <i>majos</i>, or low-class -dandies (both male and female) of Madrid, there were special types of -elegant dress. Ladies’ dress-combs of unusual size, not infrequently -half a foot or more in height above the hair, may be mentioned as one -phase of the <i>majo</i> styles, which stood for a reaction against French -modes, though with scant knowledge or regard for ancient Spanish -customs. <i>Majismo</i>, both in dress and in customs, invaded the -aristocracy, and has been immortalized in some of the paintings of Goya. -The common people of the country were much more conservative in -maintaining the earlier styles of dress, which have survived to the -present day, although the uniformity of modern life has tended to make -them peculiarities, rather than the prevailing modes of the different -regions in which they are found.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Fondness of the general Spanish public for diversion and -sport.</div> - -<p>The monotony of Spanish life did not prevent Spaniards from being fond -of diversions. On the contrary they seemed to welcome a chance to escape -from the narrow course of their humdrum existence. Public feast-days -were numerous and very popular; events in Christian history were the -occasion of most of them. People generally, unlike the monarchs, the -nobles, and their imitators among the wealthy bourgeoisie, were very -fond of dancing, the theatre, and bull-fighting. Dances to the -accompaniment<a name="page_422" id="page_422"></a> of the guitar were held on every possible occasion; on -Sundays they took place in the public square of the city. The days of -the waltz, onestep, and other dances now in vogue in many lands (though -not in Spain) had not yet come; rather, the dances were very largely -national or regional, such as the <i>seguidillas</i> or <i>boleros</i>, the -<i>fandango</i>, <i>guaracha</i>, <i>zorongo</i>, <i>arlequín</i>, <i>chacona</i>, <i>zarabanda</i>, -the Aragonese <i>jota</i>, the Valencian <i>dansetes</i>, and the Catalonian -<i>sardana</i>, all of which gave great play to the individual and -represented harmonious action of the entire body. Many of these dances, -or their derivatives, survive in Spain today. Professional dancing girls -were popular favorites—and not infrequently the mistresses of the great -gentlemen of the court. Charles III detested dancing, but neither he nor -his successor could check it, though they did regulate it to some -extent. In like manner the theatre continued to be a national passion, -despite the disapproval of certain great churchmen as well as of Charles -III. Three great theatres were built in Madrid in the reign of Philip V. -Governmental regulations were as unavailing in this as in the case of -dancing. The popularity of bull-fighting got to be greater than ever, -though Philip V and Charles III disliked the sport. Ferdinand VI was a -devotee, and Charles IV was not unfriendly. The repugnance felt by -Philip V had the effect of causing the withdrawal of the nobles from -taking part in the contests, with the result that a professional class -of bull-fighters developed. Charles III went so far as to prohibit the -sport in 1785, but Charles IV, in 1789, consented to its return. Godoy, -however, was opposed to bull-fighting, and procured its abolition in -1805. The period from 1789 to 1805 is a famous one in the history of -this game. Just as happens today, so then, the names of the favorite -bull-fighters were on everybody’s lips. This was a period when many of -the feats of the bull-fighters which still form a part of the contest -were invented. Possibly the most widely known name was that of Pepe -Illo, or Hillo (great bull-fighter and writer of a treatise on the -so-called art of bull-fighting), who was killed in the bull-ring at -Madrid in 1801, an event which Goya reduced to canvas in one of his -most<a name="page_423" id="page_423"></a> famous paintings. Madrid, Aranjuez, Granada, and Seville were the -only cities which had bull-rings (<i>plazas de toros</i>), but fights were -held in all parts of Spain by utilizing the principal square of the -city. Certain athletic exercises were very popular, among which the -Basque game of ball, still played in Spain, is especially worthy of -mention.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Performances of professional acrobats, jugglers, and -magicians were frequent, as well as the playing of pantomimes.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Marked advance in the care of cities.</div> - -<p>The policing of cities for the first time became worthy of commendation. -At the opening of the eighteenth century Madrid was ugly, extremely -dirty, without architectural monuments, driveways, or promenades, and -lacked a good water system. The great reforms of Aranda under Charles -III and of Godoy in the next reign transformed the city, resulting in -the opening of new streets, the organization of an efficient -street-cleaning system (despite opposition on the ancient ground that -the filthiness of the streets was a preventive of epidemics), the -completion of the work of paving begun in the previous era, the -development of a good water supply, the inauguration of a lighting -system, the building of noteworthy edifices, the bettering of old -promenades (<i>paseos</i>) and the opening of new ones, and the issue of -numerous ordinances intended to preserve the good order and public -health of the city. It was at this time, too, that the institution of -the <i>sereno</i> (night-watchman in Spanish streets) was introduced from -abroad; contrary to the usual opinion the <i>sereno</i> is not Spanish in -origin, but of foreign importation. The walk, or drive, along the great -<i>paseos</i>, just at evening before nightfall, became more popular among -all classes than ever, and has remained a Spanish custom to the present -day. Barcelona, Seville, and Cádiz were also much improved.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Continuance of loose practices and bad habits.</div> - -<p>But the dances, masked balls, the theatre, evening parties, and -promenades furnished occasion for vicious practices. Immorality was not -so brazen and unashamed as formerly, but was very nearly as prevalent. -In vain were laws passed with a view to checking the evil. The lax -practices continued, and received a kind of sanction during the reign of -Charles IV<a name="page_424" id="page_424"></a> from the example set by the queen, of which everybody except -the king seemed well aware. Gambling was also the subject of restrictive -legislation which failed of its design. In this respect the state was -morally estopped from making complaint, because it was in this period -that the national government lottery was founded. This institution, -which still exists, was established, strange to say, by Charles III, in -1763, following the example of the court of Rome. Gambling, and -especially the lottery, soon became the passion it has ever since -remained. Smoking had long before gotten to be general among the lower -classes, particularly among the already mentioned <i>majo</i> element; but -the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie had been little inclined to the -habit. They were soon to surrender to the influence of <i>majismo</i>, -however, with the result that Spaniards and their Hispanic kinsfolk have -come to be enumerated among the most inveterate smokers in the world, so -far as the men are concerned. Drunkenness was not a very prevalent vice, -any more than it is today, although the same could not be said with -respect to the Spanish colonies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Influence of Spanish customs on the Americas.</div> - -<p>It only remains to add that these social practices were to be found in -much the same form in the Americas. Fondness for showy feast-days was -even greater there, and it is also to be noted that the improvements in -Spanish cities had their counterpart in the embellishment of several of -those overseas.<a name="page_425" id="page_425"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXV" id="CHAPTER_XXXV"></a>CHAPTER XXXV<br /><br /> -<small>POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1700-1808</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Overwhelming success of the absolutist ideal.</div> - -<p>T<small>HE</small> Bourbon kings aimed to complete the long evolution, dating from -centuries before, toward the personal authority of the monarch in a pure -absolutism. This movement had gone farther in other countries, although -the current had set the other way in England. France under Louis XIV, if -not the most extreme example of an absolute government, was certainly -the most influential, and the phrase “I am the state!” attributed to the -great French monarch, was (whether in fact uttered by him or not) -symbolic of his ideal. It was in the atmosphere of the court of -Versailles that Philip V spent his youth, wherefore it was the most -natural thing in the world for him to desire the establishment in Spain -of a system which he had always been accustomed to believe was the only -true method of rule. Even had Philip ever doubted it, Louis XIV took -care to inculcate in him the concept of absolutism. Philip showed on -various occasions that he understood the French ideal of kingship,—as -in his opposition to the calling of the Castilian <i>Cortes</i>, his denial -of the right of the <i>Consejo</i> to share in certain governmental -functions, and his habitual employment of such phrases as “for such is -my will” in royal decrees. The same criterion was followed by his -successors. Charles IV ordered certain laws which were inconsistent with -the absolutist ideal to be stricken out of the <i>Novísima Recopilación</i>, -or Latest Compilation of the Laws (1805), before he would allow that -code to be published, stating that those acts (which had been -incorporated in the <i>Nueva Recopilación</i> of 1567) were representative of -a time when the weakness of the monarchy had compelled the kings to make -concessions which were inconsistent with their sovereign authority. The -laws referred<a name="page_426" id="page_426"></a> to concerned the intervention of the <i>Consejo</i> in royal -donations, the obligation of the king to consult with the three estates -of the <i>Cortes</i> in dealing with momentous affairs, and the injunction -that no new taxes should be levied without the grant of a <i>Cortes</i>. In -the statement of their ideal the kings met with little opposition, for -this view was generally supported by all classes of society. Men who -were liberal reformers in other ways were rigid in their maintenance of -the principle of absolutism, and the people themselves, not only -Castilians, but others as well, even including the Catalans, were -intensely royalist.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Democratic manner and philanthropic rule of the Bourbons.</div> - -<p>Nevertheless, the Bourbons were more democratic in their manner than the -less autocratic kings of the House of Austria. It is said that Philip V -was the first to inaugurate the practice of allowing his higher -government officials to be seated while talking business with him, -whereas the Hapsburg custom had been to require them to remain on their -knees. The kings’ advisers now became veritable ministers, with a more -frank participation in government than had been the case with the -secretaries and favorites of the preceding era. Furthermore, the -Bourbons represented the “enlightened despotism,” which had so many -remarkable manifestations in eighteenth century western Europe. In -keeping with this ideal the kings showed marked interest in social, -economic, and intellectual reforms of a philanthropic character, without -yielding an iota of their political prerogative. A great revolution took -place, having a fundamental groundwork of democracy in it (which was to -find expression at a later time in the field of politics), but which was -accomplished wholly from above. The idea might have been expressed: -“Everything <i>for</i> the people, but nothing <i>by</i> them.” The only exception -to this rule was the royal program whereby the popular element gained an -entrance to the <i>ayuntamientos</i>, or municipal governing bodies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Unimportance of the Cortes and the suppression of democratic -machinery.</div> - -<p>Naturally, all machinery of a democratic character was viewed with -suspicion, and such was the case with the <i>Cortes</i>. Only at the -accession of Luis I was a <i>Cortes</i> called to swear in the new king, -although that body was several times asked to acknowledge the princes of -Asturias. The <i>Cortes</i> of<a name="page_427" id="page_427"></a> Castile was summoned four times by Philip V -and once each by Charles III and Charles IV, but in two of the meetings -under Philip not all of the elements were called, and in the dismissal -of the <i>Cortes</i> of Charles IV it was made apparent that the nobles and -clergy had no necessary inclusion in that body. Furthermore, the -<i>Cortes</i> was called to perform some specific act,—such as the -recognition of the princes above-named, the making and later the -revocation of the so-called Salic law, and the approval of Philip’s -renunciation of his rights to the French throne,—after which it was -dismissed, without having an opportunity to discuss other matters. When -the <i>Cortes</i> of 1789 was retained in session to treat of certain -economic questions, some of the deputies formulated petitions concerning -affairs of government,—whereupon the authorities hastened to bring the -sittings to a close. The <i>Cortes</i> of other regions were equally lacking -in importance. The <i>Cortes</i> of Aragon met once, and that of Valencia not -at all; both were incorporated into the Castilian <i>Cortes</i> in 1709. The -<i>Cortes</i> of Catalonia met twice, but after 1724 it followed the course -already taken in the case of Aragon and Valencia, and the same was true -of the representatives from Majorca. The <i>Cortes</i> of Navarre continued -to meet separately, being called eleven times, but it took no action of -conspicuous importance. Nevertheless, the memory of the former power of -the <i>Cortes</i> was not dead, and many persons saw in its restoration, -possibly with new functions, a means for the reform of the country. In -addition to having rendered the <i>Cortes</i> completely innocuous the kings -took other steps to check popular intervention in national affairs. It -had been the custom for the municipalities to send special commissioners -to the capital to negotiate for them with the crown. This practice -(which reminds one of the colonial agent of American history) was -forbidden by a law of 1715 (repeated in 1804), on the alleged ground of -avoiding unnecessary expense to the towns. A law of 1777 allowed the -sending of special agents, however, for one purpose,—that of witnessing -the births of royal children! Thus did the kings contribute both to the -security and to the glamour of royalty.<a name="page_428" id="page_428"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal opposition to the entry of the encyclopedist and -revolutionary ideas from France.</div> - -<p>If the Spanish kings were so careful to avoid any diminution in their -authority through the restoration of the former powers of the <i>Cortes</i>, -it may well be imagined that they were alarmed over the political ideas -of the French encyclopedists of the later eighteenth century and still -more so over those of the French revolutionaries after 1789. The works -of such French writers as Diderot, Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, and -Mirabeau, or of the Englishmen Hobbes, Locke, Hume, and others were in -many libraries of Spain, and some of them were translated. The -Encyclopedia itself found its way into the peninsula. High Spanish -officials, like Aranda, maintained correspondence with some of the -French reformers, as did also some of the great Spanish nobles,—for -example, the Duke of Alba with Rousseau, and the Marquis of Miranda with -Voltaire. It was the fashion, too, for Spaniards to get part of their -education in France, or for French professors, French laborers, and, -later, French revolutionary propagandists to cross the Pyrenees. Thus -the new ideas gained a footing in Spain, where they were taken up at -educational institutions, especially at the University of Salamanca, and -by some newspapers (for that type of periodical had begun to appear), -although expressions were naturally somewhat guarded. With the outbreak -of the French Revolution, Floridablanca sent troops to the northern -frontier to prevent the entry of political agitators. The Inquisition -issued edicts against the introduction of prohibited books, and -published a new index in 1790, followed by a supplement in 1805, for the -rationalist ideas of the French reformers were not in accord with those -of the church. The civil authorities took similar action; the -Encyclopedia was barred in 1784, and many other works at other times; in -1792 officials were placed at customs-houses to examine all writings, -whether printed or manuscript; and in 1805 a tribunal of printing -(<i>Juzgado de Imprenta</i>) was created, independent of the <i>Consejo</i> and -the Inquisition. These measures failed to prevent the dissemination of -French literature and thought, but were successful in checking any -effective expression of democratic or republican ideals during this -period. While men of influence approved the<a name="page_429" id="page_429"></a> philanthropic side of the -new ideas, very few of them accepted their political tenets. It was -quite the usual thing for men to say that the contract between monarch -and people was equally binding on both, or to express admiration for the -freedom of thought permitted in England, while they opposed the forming -of deliberative assemblies in Spain, and stood solidly behind the -principle of absolutism. Some of the younger men went completely over to -revolutionary ideas, and in 1795 some republican clubs were discovered, -while many of the inhabitants of Guipúzcoa gave substantial aid to the -French army of invasion in 1794. The reaction came quickly, as a result -of the tyrannical conduct of the French military authorities. Thus the -spirit of democracy in Spain seemed crushed, but it was not in fact -destroyed, as was amply proved a few years later in the radical outburst -of the <i>Cortes</i> of Cádiz.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pronounced acceleration of the tendencies toward a -centralized state.</div> - -<p>Side by side with the development of absolutism there had been an effort -on the part of the kings for many centuries to promote the -centralization of political and administrative authority in the state as -represented by the crown, and to bring about uniformity in the law. -These tendencies were accelerated by the Bourbons, whose first -opportunity came as a result of the War of the Spanish Succession, when -Philip V was opposed by many of the non-Castilian parts of Spain. In -1707 the special statutes and privileges of Aragon and Valencia were -abolished and their place taken by the laws and practices of Castile. In -both regions a royally appointed <i>audiencia</i> and captain-general were -set up. This action was not taken for Catalonia until 1716. In that year -it was provided by the so-called decree of the “new plan” (<i>Nueva -Planta</i>) that the laws and customs of Castile were to apply in -Catalonia; that the Catalan language was not to be used in the -administration of justice; that an <i>audiencia</i> and captain-general of -royal selection were to serve as the principal governmental agencies of -the region; that Catalonia was to be divided into twelve districts, over -which <i>corregidores</i> named by the king should rule; and that the -twenty-four <i>regidores</i> (councilmen) of the <i>ayuntamiento</i> of Barcelona, -which city had been deprived<a name="page_430" id="page_430"></a> of its former type of government, should -also be royally appointed. The decree of 1716 did not attempt to -establish complete unification with Castile, however. Many former -Catalan rights continued to exist until the nineteenth century,—such, -for example, as the Catalan system of criminal law and the issue of -Catalan coins. Furthermore, there was no appeal from the decisions of -the <i>audiencia</i> to the central government,—an exceptional case. -Nevertheless, the principles of centralization and unification had been -in the main attained, and later measures tended to secure these ends -still more completely. Philip’s opponents in the War of the Spanish -Succession were persecuted, and the royal ideas were furthered by the -acts of the influential partisans of the king; in 1717 the bishop of -Gerona, Taverner, summoned a provincial council with a view to -“threatening with the wrath of God and the excommunication of the -church” whoever should be unfaithful to Philip V and to ordering -confessors to treat such infidelity as a sin. In Majorca the king placed -an <i>audiencia</i> and a commandant-general, appointing also the local -councillors of Palma and Alcudia, while the <i>audiencia</i> named those of -the other towns. The special privileges of the Basque provinces were -respected in theory, but, without apparent change in the laws, the -central government gradually obtained control through the inspection or -the intervention of ministers of state and the <i>Consejos</i>. Much the same -course was followed with Navarre, in which the former agencies of -government were left apparently undisturbed. The policy of -centralization was also manifested in other respects than those of a -purely regional application. Thus exemptions from military service were -limited; the reversion of seigniorial rights to the king was -facilitated; and, in fine, the tendency was to reduce all forms of -jurisdiction, territorial or otherwise, to the king or his -representatives in the central administration. Many regions continued to -have at least the vestiges of their former institutions, but enough was -done so that the Spanish kingdom may fairly be said to have become -unitary for the first time in history.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Changes in administrative machinery.</div> - -<p>The most notable change in the machinery of government<a name="page_431" id="page_431"></a> concerned the -development of the secretariats. There got to be five of them, -corresponding to the more important of the <i>Consejos</i> under the <i>Consejo -de Castilla</i>, as follows: state (<i>Estado</i>); grace and justice (<i>Gracia y -Justicia</i>); war and finance (<i>Guerra y Hacienda</i>); navy (<i>Marina</i>); and -the Indies (<i>Indias</i>). There were variations from this arrangement at -different times; for example, the navy and the Indies were often a -single secretariat in the first half century of the era. Gradually it -became the custom to call the secretaries ministers, and these officials -began to absorb the powers formerly confided to the <i>Consejos</i>, -presaging the disappearance of the latter and the development of modern -ministries. As already pointed out, they also acquired a greater liberty -and initiative in the performance of their duties, especially in the -reigns of Ferdinand VI and Charles III. It was customary for them to -consult with the king every morning, however. No new <i>Consejos</i>, or -councils, were added in this period, and the <i>Consejo de Aragón</i>, last -of the councils of the former crown of Aragon, was suppressed in 1707. -Essentially, the <i>Consejos</i> continued to exercise the same functions as -formerly, although losing ground to the rapidly advancing secretaries, -or ministers. The <i>Consejo de Castilla</i> retained its importance, -however, and its president, or governor, was the leading officer of -state. It is to be noted that both the <i>Consejo</i> and the <i>Cámara</i>, -despite their retention of the name Castile, dealt with the affairs of -other regions of the peninsula, quite as much as did the councils with -more general names. Except for Navarre, which continued to be a -viceroyalty, the other regions of Spain apart from New Castile (Aragon, -Catalonia, Valencia, Majorca, Granada, Andalusia, Old Castile, Galicia, -Asturias, Extremadura, and the Canary Islands) were placed under -captain-generals or commandant-generals with military and administrative -powers. A number of <i>audiencias</i> were added, until now there were eleven -such bodies (Valladolid, Granada, Galicia, Seville, the Canaries, -Majorca, Valencia, Saragossa, Barcelona, Asturias, and Extremadura), -exercising both civil and judicial functions. In 1718 the institution of -the intendancies was created to take over<a name="page_432" id="page_432"></a> financial administration in -the various regions, although this reform was not put into effect -definitely until 1749. There were twenty-three intendants, of whom six -were military. Under the captain-generals there were smaller districts -ruled by <i>corregidores</i>, most of whom were civilians. The judicial -functions of the <i>corregidor</i> were gradually taken over by <i>alcaldes -mayores</i>, who ranked under the <i>corregidores</i>, leaving the executive -power in the hands of the latter. In some cases these lesser districts -were ruled over by officials called military governors. The term -“province” was applied to districts of very unequal size. While there -were only eight in the combined realms of Aragon, Navarre, and the -Basque provinces, there were twenty-four in Castile. Charles III planned -to divide Spain into a number of provinces of about the same size, but -did not carry out his idea.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Increased royal control over the towns and the -democratization of local political machinery.</div> - -<p>While municipal life as a virile factor which might withstand the king -had long since been dead, there was too much local authority still in -existence to please the autocratic Bourbons. Furthermore, abuses in -administration had developed which caused the kings to be -philanthropically desirous of a remedy. To accomplish these ends they -aimed at a more complete subjection of the towns to the royal authority -and the democratization of the <i>ayuntamientos</i>. The principal difficulty -in the way of these objectives was the fact that many municipal offices -were held as a perpetual right by specific families, especially in the -case of the <i>regidores</i>,—for which state of affairs the kings of the -House of Austria had not infrequently been responsible by their sales of -such privileges. This resulted in an aristocratic control of the -municipalities, with consequent usurpations of land by the rich and the -placing of the burdens of taxation on the poor. Unable to buy up these -hereditary rights the royal government chose to follow what was in -effect a policy of legal confiscation. This was easily accomplished for -Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca; as already pointed out, the -king took advantage of the outcome of the War of the Spanish Succession -to take all of these appointments into his own hands or into those of -the <i>audiencias</i>. As for Castile, laws were passed requiring the -approval of the central authorities<a name="page_433" id="page_433"></a> before an heir to municipal office -could succeed to such an inheritance. As a result the government was -enabled to refuse its assent in a number of cases. Meanwhile, the -<i>alcaldes</i> continued to be appointed by the king or by the lord, -according as they were royal (<i>realengos</i>) or seigniorial (<i>señoríos</i>) -towns. Even the seigniorial towns were attacked, for a law of 1802 -provided with regard to them that the servants or dependents of the lord -could not exercise jurisdiction in his place; that the royal institution -of the <i>residencia</i> was never to be dispensed with; and that the -<i>alcaldes mayores</i> of the large towns must be lawyers who had been -licensed to practice by the royal <i>consejos</i> or <i>audiencias</i>. No attempt -was made to disturb the composition of the <i>ayuntamientos</i> of Navarre -and the Basque provinces, although these regions, like the rest of -Spain, were subject to laws of a general character concerning -municipalities. One such general law, in 1751, required all -municipalities to send their accounts annually to the <i>Cámara de -Castilla</i> for inspection, and this was supplemented by a law of 1764, -ordering them to deposit their surplus funds with the royal intendant of -the province. Another decree, dated 1760, assigned the direction of -municipal finance to the <i>Consejo</i>. Yet other laws were enacted, the -total effect of which, together with those just mentioned, was to place -the whole question of municipal income and expenditures in royal hands. -The initiative for the democratization of the <i>ayuntamientos</i> came in -the reign of Charles III. In 1766 he created the post of deputy of the -common people (<i>diputado del común</i>), which official was empowered to -examine the financial accounts of the towns. These officers, of whom -there were to be two in the smaller towns and four in the larger, were -chosen by a body of men who had previously been elected by the people. -In like manner a popular syndic (<i>síndico</i>) was elected who represented -the masses before the <i>ayuntamiento</i>, with a right to take part in -deliberations and to propose reforms. At the same time, the office of -<i>regidor</i> was thrown open to plebeians. This law was a blow at the -<i>caballero</i> class of the nobility, which had monopolized the holding of -municipal office. There was<a name="page_434" id="page_434"></a> much dissatisfaction over the enactment, -and the Basque provinces went so far as to protest. Nevertheless, there -was no outward resistance; the aristocracy of the towns limited itself -to opposing the election of plebeians and to hindering their action in -office.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Important ministers of the first half century of Bourbon -rule.</div> - -<p>Despite the thoroughgoing nature of the Bourbon absolutism, it is -fitting for the first time to award special credit to the secretaries of -state, or ministers, although the kings were responsible for their -selection as well as for their acts. This was an age of great reformers. -The initiative came from France on the accession of Philip V, and the -first great name is that of a Frenchman, Orry. When he came to Spain, in -1701, he found that the income of the state was about 142,000,000 -<i>reales</i> ($8,875,000) while expenditures were 247,000,000 ($15,437,500). -The outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession made the situation -still worse. Yet he displayed such ability that national receipts -actually advanced in course of the war, and were some 160,000,000 -($10,000,000) at its end. Amelot, another Frenchman, was an even more -remarkable figure. He coöperated with Orry to increase the revenues, and -reorganized and bettered the administration of the army. The Italian -Alberoni and the Dutchman Ripperdá were less notable as reformers. With -the fall of the latter in 1726 there began an era of great ministers of -Spanish birth. First of these was Patiño, who, though born in Italy, was -of a Galician family. He was especially prominent for his financial -reforms, but was also noteworthy for his measures to develop commerce -and improve the army and navy. In an age when graft was general, and in -a country which has rarely been backward in this particular, Patiño was -able to achieve the distinction of dying poor; his death occurred in -1736. The next notable financial reformer was Campillo, an Asturian who -had been born poor, though of <i>hidalgo</i> rank. More important, however, -was Somodevilla, a Castilian of very humble birth who became Marquis of -Ensenada, by which name he is more generally known. The period of his -power was from 1743 to 1754, and his reforms covered the same matters as -those mentioned above in the case of Patiño, although he was<a name="page_435" id="page_435"></a> especially -remarkable in his endeavors on behalf of the Spanish navy. His fall in -1754 (as a result of his disagreement with Ferdinand VI with regard to -the treaty with Portugal concerning Sacramento and Paraguay) was -received with rejoicing in England; the English ambassador reported -exultingly that Spain would build no more ships. Ensenada was -responsible, also, for the construction of important public works, and -once suggested the idea of single tax as worthy of trial in Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Great reformers of the reigns of Charles III and IV.</div> - -<p>The greatest reformers, however, belonged to the reign of Charles III -and the early years of Charles IV. Earlier ministers had increased the -national revenues and cut down expenses, but the deficit had not been -wiped out. One of the great names of both of the above-named reigns was -that of the Count of Aranda, of a distinguished Aragonese noble family. -Aranda was obstinate, brutal in speech, aggressive, and energetic, but a -man of vast information and clear foresight,—as witness his prediction, -in 1775, of the future greatness of the yet unborn United States. Aside -from his connection with Spain’s foreign policies he particularly -distinguished himself while president of the <i>Consejo de Castilla</i> by -the reforms, already referred to, whereby Madrid became a clean and -acceptable city. Yet more famous was José Moñino, son of an -ecclesiastical notary of Murcia, who was ennobled as the Count of -Floridablanca. An honorable man in every sense of the word, just, -intelligent, and solicitous for his friends, he was hot-tempered, and -unbending in his hostility to his opponents. His action made itself felt -in the improvement of the means of communication in the peninsula and in -his economic reforms of a commercial nature, such as the great free -trade decree of 1778, which abandoned certain phases of the narrowly -monopolistic policy which Spain had always followed in her trade with -the colonies. Campomanes was an Asturian and, like Somodevilla, of very -humble birth, but he rose to be, many hold, the greatest of the men who -labored for the social and economic regeneration of Spain in the -eighteenth century. He was also the most representative of his age, for, -in addition to his measures to develop a better system of internal<a name="page_436" id="page_436"></a> -communications and to foster industry, commerce, and technical popular -education, he was a determined royalist,—the embodiment, therefore, of -the ideal of the enlightened despotism. Like Aranda and Floridablanca he -served for a time under Charles IV, although his greatest work belonged -to the reign of Charles III. Three names deserve mention for the reign -of Charles IV. Jovellanos was an Asturian of an illustrious family. He -distinguished himself by his reforms in finance in conjunction with one -Saavedra, but both were early deprived of their posts, as a result of -the hostility of Godoy. The third name is that of Godoy, who introduced -notable reforms in public instruction and in the organization of the -army and navy,—whatever may be the judgment with regard to his foreign -policy. The names of some of the great ministers of the Indies are also -worthy of record. In addition to Patiño and Ensenada the most noteworthy -were Julián de Arriaga (1750 or 1751-1776) and José de Gálvez -(1776-1787), especially the former. The results, in terms of revenue, of -the activities of the great ministers may serve to give some indication -of the effectiveness of their work. In 1766, receipts exceeded -expenditures by about 133,000,000 <i>reales</i> ($8,312,500). In 1778 -revenues amounted to 630,000,000 ($39,375,000); in 1784 to 685,000,000 -($42,812,500); and in 1787 to 616,000,000 ($38,500,000). Though annual -expenditures were much less, the government was never able to overcome -the deficit, although the national debt reached its lowest point in the -reign of Charles III. In 1791 revenues were some 800,000,000 -($50,000,000), but they fell to a general level of about 600,000,000 -($37,500,000) in the years 1793 to 1795, while expenditures, which had -reached 708,000,000 ($44,250,000) in 1793, were 1,030,000,000 -($64,375,000) in 1795. Thus the deficit began to increase again, and in -1808 it was over 7,200,000,000 <i>reales</i> ($450,000,000), an enormous sum -as national indebtedness went then.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Opposition of vested interests to the reforms.</div> - -<p>The efforts made by the great reformers appear the more commendable when -one considers the difficulties they had to overcome. Great changes -always run counter to vested interests, but this was more than usually -the case in Spain.<a name="page_437" id="page_437"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Prevalence of graft.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties over questions of etiquette and of -jurisdiction.</div> - -<p>The nobles and the church were the most powerful elements in opposition; -even though their authority was but little, as compared with that of -earlier years, they were still able to hinder the execution of laws -which damaged their interests. Nearly everyone seemed to have an -exemption from taxation, or desired it, but the reformers set themselves -resolutely against that state of affairs. Their success against the -force of vested interests was only fair, for that element was too great -to overcome; the very bureaucracy itself displayed a weakness in this -particular, for it insisted on the maintenance of a custom which had -sprung up that government officials might buy certain articles at a -fixed price, whatever the charge to others. This calls to mind the -overwhelming evil of graft, which it seemed impossible to eliminate; -indeed, high officials were altogether too prone to regard it as a more -or less legitimate perquisite, and did not hesitate to accept large -gifts of money from foreign diplomats. Difficulties over questions of -etiquette, inherent in a centralized bureaucratic government, also stood -in the way of the proper execution of the laws. For example, a serious -dispute arose in 1745 between the bishop of Murcia and the Inquisition, -when the latter claimed that the members of that body should have a -better place in church than others. It was at length decided that they -should not. In 1782 the commandant-general of Majorca complained that -the wives of the <i>oidores</i> of the <i>audiencia</i> had not called on his wife -on the occasion of the king’s birthday. He was sustained, and the -<i>regente</i> (regent, or president) of the <i>audiencia</i> was imprisoned for a -number of months by way of punishment. Several years later the ladies of -Palma complained that the wife of the commandant-general was in the -habit of going out in the street with an armed escort and demanding a -military salute. This time the ladies were upheld, and the escort was -prohibited. These are only a few instances out of thousands, and if -there was so much stir over such trifling matters it can well be -imagined how much more serious the problem was in the case of disputes -between officials as to jurisdiction. Official etiquette is an important -matter in all countries, but Spaniards have always been insistent on -the<a name="page_438" id="page_438"></a> letter of their rights and very sensitive over the omission of any -act to which their position entitles them. Furthermore, these -controversies carried in their train vast files of papers, of charges, -answers and countercharges, and the evidence of witnesses. These -questions had to be resolved, causing great expenditure in both time and -money. No country was ever more diligent than Spain in the -multiplication of state papers over affairs which ranged from those of -vital importance to the most trivial incidents. The historian may have -cause to rejoice over the existence of so much material, but the nation -suffered,—although it is difficult to see how its contemporary -accumulation could have been avoided in an absolutism like that of the -Spanish Bourbons.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Improvement of the army and ineffectual attempts at -additional reforms.</div> - -<p>One of the principal objects of the reforms was the rehabilitation of -the army and navy so that Spain might be in a better position in -international affairs. In the army the volunteer system was employed for -a while, but it was effective only in procuring contingents of foreign -mercenaries and in filling the ranks of the royal guard. Gradually the -idea of the draft came into favor, and it was tried several times, -becoming a definitive law in the reign of Charles III. The law of -Charles III provided that one man in every five—hence the term <i>quinta</i> -for this institution—should become subject to military service for a -term of eight years. This system was resisted in all parts of the -peninsula, but was allowed to stand, although it proved impossible of -enforcement. Through graft or favor, whether of the local officials -charged with administering the law or of doctors who examined the -individual drawn, practically nobody was required to serve except those -totally lacking in influence. It was customary to seize tramps and petty -criminals and send them instead of the legitimately drafted men. The -government itself adopted the principle of forced levies, or -impressment, of vagabonds and bad characters, but these men proved to be -poor soldiers and deserted frequently. Thus the number of troops was not -great, but in any event it would have been difficult to support more -numerous contingents, owing to the lack of funds; even as matters were -it was customary to grant a four months’ furlough at the<a name="page_439" id="page_439"></a> season when -crops were gathered. In times of war, rigorous methods were used to get -the needed men, or else they came forward voluntarily, out of -patriotism. The reserve was formed by regional bodies of militia, which -did not draw back when their services were needed in war. At the -beginning of the era it is said that there were 20,000 poorly equipped -soldiers in the Spanish army; in 1737 the total of infantry and cavalry -was 42,920; in 1758 the total of all arms, 108,777. Numbers increased -under Charles III, but declined under Charles IV. In 1808, at the moment -of the outbreak against Napoleon, there were from 136,000 to 147,000 but -only about 100,000 effective troops, and even these were badly armed. -The situation becomes clear in the light of the expense involved; the -army of 1758, in a time of peace, cost some 205,000,000 <i>reales</i> -($12,812,500), a saving of 34,000,000 ($2,125,000) over the expenditures -required prior to the enactment of certain reforms by Ferdinand VI. It -will be seen that a considerable portion of the annual revenue was -needed. In this period the hierarchy of officials (from the -captain-generals down through the various grades of generals, colonels, -captains, and lieutenants) and of military units (such as brigades, -regiments, battalions, and companies) was established in, broadly -speaking, the form it has retained ever since. The gun with the bayonet -had now become the principal infantry weapon, and artillery had been -developed to a high point as compared with the previous era. Flags and -uniforms varied; the latter were picturesque, but adapted more to -encouraging the soldier’s morale than to developing his freedom of -action. A number of military schools were founded for the different -branches of the service,—the infantry, cavalry, artillery, and -engineers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Birth of a real Spanish navy, but difficulties attending its -improvement.</div> - -<p>The eighteenth century marked the birth of a real Spanish navy. At the -outset, and during the great war which opened the era, there was -virtually none at all, but in 1714 Orry took steps, which were later -furthered by Alberoni, Patiño, and especially by Ensenada, to develop an -effective fleet. In 1761 there were 49 men-of-war (<i>navíos</i>), 22 -frigates, and a number of smaller ships; in 1788, 64 men-of-war, 53 -frigates,<a name="page_440" id="page_440"></a> and 60 boats of other types, with 50,000 sailors, 20,000 -infantry, 3000 artillerymen, and numerous officials of the navy -department. Each war with England during the century resulted in the -destruction of a considerable portion of the fleet, and the battle of -Trafalgar, in 1805, destroyed it as a fighting unit, even though Spain -still had 42 men-of-war, 30 frigates, and 146 other ships in 1806. The -man-of-war was the principal type of vessel employed in this era, -carrying from sixty to a hundred cannon, while the faster sailing -frigate had from thirty to fifty cannon. Many auxiliary -vessels—transports and smaller fighting ships, such as brigs and sloops -of war—were used. The galley went out of service, although one was -built as late as 1794. The Spanish navy suffered from a number of -defects, however, which made it distinctly inferior to the English, or -even to the French. The wood for the masts was fragile and the material -for the sails was of bad quality, while boats were so poorly taken care -of, that they deteriorated rapidly. The provision of food supplies and -effects for the men was faulty, and the men on board, especially the -artillerymen and the infantry, were of very poor calibre. Ensenada -remarked that the Spanish navy of his day was all appearances, without -substance, but set about to the best of his ability to rectify the -situation. He improved shipyards, sent officers of talent abroad to -study the methods employed elsewhere, gave inducements to English -shipbuilders to come to Spain, built shops for the making of rigging and -other equipment needed on ships of war, endeavored to improve the -personnel of Spanish crews, and surrounded himself with the most -competent naval men he could find. Ensenada and the other reformers did -a great deal, but they could not overcome the never-ending difficulties -in the way of obtaining men in sufficient numbers and of suitable -quality for the requirements of the navy. The fishermen of the Spanish -coasts continued to be drafted as sailors, and became less unwilling to -serve than formerly when efforts were made to be punctual in payments of -wages and to protect the families of the mariners. The recruiting of -marine infantry and artillerymen, however, suffered from the same evil -as the raising<a name="page_441" id="page_441"></a> of the land forces, with one important result, which was -that Spanish cannon were badly served.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Legislation of the era and the <i>Novísima recopilación</i>.</div> - -<p>Naturally, a period so rich in reforms as this was bound to have a great -body of legislation. In Castile this was almost exclusively in the -various forms of royal orders, recording the directions given by the -king and his ministers, and the decisions of the <i>Consejos</i>. Thus the -work of the <i>Nueva Recopilación</i> of 1567 got to be out of date, although -five new editions were published in the eighteenth century, with the -addition of some of the recent laws. Finally, a proposal for another -codification was approved, and the compilation was made by Juan de la -Reguera, who brought it out in twelve books, under the title of the -<i>Novísima recopilación de las leyes de España</i> (Newest, or Latest, -Compilation of the Laws of Spain). Reguera claimed to have solved the -problem of the concentration of legal material, but in fact his work -suffered from the same defects as the earlier codes of Montalvo and -Arrieta. His distribution of the laws was faulty, and he failed to -indicate many important acts which were still in force. Furthermore, he -reproduced the ordinance of Alcalá (1348), repeated in the laws of Toro -and the <i>Nueva Recopilación</i>, according to which the laws of various -earlier codes, such as the <i>Fuero Real</i>, remained in effect in so far as -they had not been repealed by later legislation, and the <i>Partidas</i> was -valid as supplementary law. Thus the old evils of the lack of unity of -the law and lack of clearness subsisted. Nobody could be certain whether -a law was still in effect or not, and it remained the practice to cite -textbooks and the ancient codes of Justinian on the ground that they -might have a bearing as supplementary law, unless there was something -clearly stated to the contrary in the <i>Novísima Recopilación</i>. In -Catalonia there was a new codification in 1704, and in Navarre in 1735. -In most of the formerly separate legal jurisdictions, however, the laws -of Castile applied, henceforth, as a result of the changes brought -about, as already mentioned, at the close of the War of the Spanish -Succession.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reforms in the Americas and their results.</div> - -<p>It remains to deal with the relations of the crown and the church, to -which the next chapter is devoted, and to allude<a name="page_442" id="page_442"></a> to the important -reforms in the Americas. Much that was beneficial to the colonies at the -time was achieved, and much else which in fact helped them to be the -better prepared in the approaching combat with the mother country. In -the main, however, the policies of subjection and of the development of -the revenues in the supposed interests of Spain were followed, with the -result that resentments were kept alive and ultimate disaster invited.<a name="page_443" id="page_443"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXXVI"></a>CHAPTER XXXVI<br /><br /> -<small>STATE AND CHURCH, 1700-1808</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Pronounced zeal of the Bourbons in subjecting the church.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The elements in controversy.</div> - -<p>I<small>F</small> the kings of the House of Austria had displayed zeal in diminishing -the range of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Bourbon monarchs, with -their accentuated ideal of absolutism, were even more insistent in that -respect. The kings were assisted by elements to which they themselves -were otherwise hostile, such as the Jansenists<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> and the -encyclopedists, whose partisans furnished arguments for the royal -authority, because they opposed the rule of the church. Nevertheless, -the monarchical ideal of the kings was sufficient to induce them to -attack the church, except as concerned the purely spiritual interests of -the Catholic religion, and the absolute patronage which the kings -enjoyed in the Americas became the model of what they wished to -establish in Spain. There were two principal angles to the problem, that -of overcoming the intervention of the popes in the affairs of the -Spanish church, and that of lessening the power and the privileges of -the Spanish clergy. As for the intervention of the popes, they exercised -the right of appointment to Spanish benefices which became vacant in any -of the so-called eight “apostolic months,” and also to those vacated in -the four “ordinary months” (March, June, September, and December) if the -death of the holder occurred at Rome; considerable sums of money were -also collected for papal dispensations to marry,<a name="page_444" id="page_444"></a> papal pardons, and -other papal acts of an irregularly recurring character, although -government officials charged that a large part of these moneys remained -in the hands of Spanish and Italian intermediaries without reaching the -coffers of the pope; the tribunal of the nunciature, despite the -provisions of the papal brief of 1537, had come to be composed of -foreign priests, and besides exercising its judicial functions -independently of the royal courts administered the rents of vacant -benefices (<i>vacantes</i>), which gave rise to accusations of abuses in the -management of the funds; the tribunal of the <i>Cruzada</i>, for the -collection of the tax of that name, was still in papal hands, although -the income had frequently in the past been granted to the kings of -Spain; and finally, there existed the old question of the <i>pase regio</i>, -about the necessity for royal consent prior to the publication of papal -bulls and briefs, or in fact even for the delivery of pontifical -letters. As concerned the relations with the local clergy, the kings -were preoccupied with such matters as the great numbers of churchmen -(especially the regular clergy), the immunities they enjoyed, the -immensity of their landed estates held in mortmain, the extent of the -right of asylum in ecclesiastical edifices, and the power of the -Inquisition and, far more, that of the Jesuits.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conflict of the kings with the popes in the first half -century of the era.</div> - -<p>The conflict with the papacy began at the outset of the reign of Philip -V, for the popes favored the candidacy of the Archduke Charles to the -Spanish throne. Philip V expelled the nuncio, suspended the court of the -nunciature, and gave orders against the circulation of papal bulls in -Spain. These measures were only temporary, during the course of the war. -Nevertheless, Alberoni, who restored matters to their former basis, had -occasion, even though he was a cardinal himself, to banish the newly -appointed nuncio. Finally, an agreement was reached in the concordat of -1737 from which the crown obtained some advantages, such as the -suppression of the right of asylum in some cases and its restriction in -others, the limitation of the number of churchmen with rights of -personal immunity, and the giving of guarantees against false -allegations with a view to extending the immunities of church estates, -together with the derogation of this right<a name="page_445" id="page_445"></a> for such properties as the -church should acquire in future. The concordat satisfied nobody, and -moreover most of its provisions were not observed. When Ferdinand VI -ascended the throne, he took steps to procure a more acceptable -arrangement, for though an exceedingly devout Catholic he was unbending -as concerned matters affecting the royal authority. The result was a -fresh concordat with the pope, dated 1753. Several important rights were -gained at this time: in return for a heavy money indemnity Ferdinand -obtained a recognition of the royal right of patronage in appointments -to all church offices, except some fifty-two dignities and the naming of -bishops to benefices vacated in the four “ordinary months”; various -kinds of papal taxes were renounced in favor of Spain; the tax of the -<i>cruzada</i> was granted in perpetuity to the crown; and the right of -exemption from the taxation of lands held in mortmain was abolished. -Nevertheless, the partisans of royalty were not yet satisfied.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Success of Charles III in the conflict with the popes.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Subjection of the Spanish church by Charles III.</div> - -<p>Charles III was a pious Catholic, but carried the reform movement -against the church further than any of his predecessors. The first step -was taken as a result of a papal brief against a book written by -Mesenghi, a French theologian. When the Spanish Inquisition was about to -publish the condemnatory document, the king issued a decree of -prohibition. This was followed by royal orders of 1761 and 1762 making -the following enactments: that no papal bull, brief, or other pontifical -letter should be allowed to circulate or be obeyed, whatever might be -its subject-matter, unless it should previously have been presented to -the king, or in certain cases of lesser moment to the <i>Consejo</i>, so that -a decision might be reached whether it interfered with the royal -prerogative, before a license to publish would be granted; that the -Inquisition should publish only such edicts as were forwarded to it by -the king; and that it should condemn no book without giving the author a -chance to defend himself. Through the influence of his mother, Isabel -Farnesio, Charles was persuaded to suspend these decrees, but they were -put into effect in 1768 when the pope issued a bull censuring the -Bourbon Duke of Parma, a relative of Charles III, for his application<a name="page_446" id="page_446"></a> -of the <i>pase regio</i> in his domain. A further step was taken in 1771, -when the pope consented to the reform of the nunciature, whereby that -tribunal, henceforth called the <i>Rota</i>, was to be composed of six -Spanish judges nominated by the king and appointed by the pope. A great -many measures were also undertaken in this reign to subject the Spanish -clergy to the royal authority, and to better economic and religious -conditions. The following enactments were representative of this phase -of the royal policy: the recourse of <i>fuerza</i> was frequently employed in -cases of conflict of laws between the civil and the ecclesiastical -courts, and the jurisdiction of the former was favored; a law of 1766 -required bishops to exercise vigilance to see that priests should say -nothing against the government or the members of the royal family, and -even the <i>alcaldes</i> were given authority to assist in this regard in -conserving the good name of the state and its rulers; the rights of -asylum in churches and the personal immunities of churchmen were -limited, as by a law of 1774, according to which such rights were not to -obtain in the case of those guilty of participation in riots; in 1780 it -was ordered that the profits of vacant rural benefices should be applied -to the repair of churches of the diocese or to the repopulation of -abandoned districts; bishops were prohibited by a law of 1781 from -appointing vicars without the prior consent of the king; an attempt was -made in 1786 to do away with the custom of burying deceased persons in -churches, but the effort was unsuccessful, owing to the opposition of -the clergy; in the same year ecclesiastical judges were forbidden to -handle the temporal aspects of matrimonial cases, being restricted to -decisions affecting the canonical bonds established by marriage; and in -1787 all cases of smuggling were removed from the jurisdiction of the -ecclesiastical courts, even though a churchman were involved. In the -reign of Charles IV there were intervals when the church was less -rigorously dealt with, but the majority of the ministers followed the -tradition of their predecessors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal action diminishing the power of the Inquisition.</div> - -<p>There had been many complaints against the Inquisition in the period of -the Hapsburg kings, but they became more frequent in the far more -tolerant eighteenth century, and now<a name="page_447" id="page_447"></a> that the monarchs no longer -regarded the danger of heresy as serious they were reinforced by the -royal policy of reducing all outstanding phases of authority. The -conflict with the Inquisition was fought out over the following issues: -questions of jurisdiction between the civil courts and that of the -Inquisition; abuse of power by the Inquisition, which was accused of -using its authority in matters of religion as a political arm; decrees -of the Inquisition inconsistent with those of the king, or failures to -observe the royal claims of a right to apply the <i>pase regio</i>; arbitrary -condemnations of books by the Inquisition; and the extraordinary -amplitude of cases falling within the purview of its tribunals, such as -those of usury, smuggling, the importation of coin into the kingdom, and -the raising of horses, all of which were far removed from the primary -objects of the institution. Not much was done until the reign of Charles -III. That monarch had already shown himself hostile to the Inquisition -while king of Naples, prior to his accession to the throne of Spain. One -of his earliest acts as king of Spain was the banishment of the -inquisitor general when the latter protested against the royal edict in -the already mentioned Mesenghi case, followed by the legislation of 1761 -and 1762 referred to above. When the inquisitor was allowed to return, -Charles warned the other officers of the Inquisition not to disobey the -king in future. In 1770 many of the cases of a secular character were -removed from inquisitorial jurisdiction, and in 1784 it was ordered that -all processes against grandees or the ministers or employes of the king -should be submitted to the monarch. The reduction of the Inquisition was -carried still further under Charles IV. Godoy, Jovellanos, and Urquijo -thought of abolishing it, but fortunate turns in the political situation -intervened to postpone such action. It was provided in 1799 that no -subject of the king should be arrested by the Inquisition without royal -authorization, and the methods of trial employed by that institution -were modified in the interests of doing away with the former secrecy and -the seclusion of the accused. In 1804 the king banished several members -of the Inquisition who had opposed the freeing of an individual whom one -of the lesser branches of<a name="page_448" id="page_448"></a> that organization had pronounced guiltless. -Its decline was also evidenced by the falling off in its revenues as -compared with the yield of earlier times. Many of its buildings were in -a state of bad repair, and its employees often died in poverty. -Nevertheless, its properties were said to be worth nearly 170,000,000 -<i>reales</i> (over $10,000,000) at the end of the era, and a state offer of -2,000,000 a year ($125,000), in exchange for its right to confiscate the -goods of persons convicted of crimes against religion, was refused. In -addition, there was the wealth of the Inquisition in the colonies; the -great German traveler and naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, estimated -that the annual income of the Inquisition in New Spain alone was 800,000 -<i>reales</i> ($50,000). Although the Inquisition of the eighteenth century -had but a shadow of its former power, it was able to bring influential -persons to trial, including great churchmen, members of the higher -nobility, and ministers of state, but it did not always take effective -action in these cases. Godoy was accused on three occasions, being -charged with atheism, immorality, and bigamy, but the queen would not -consent to his arrest, and he was able to procure the banishment of -several of those who had intervened in this matter.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Increased hostility against the Jesuits.</div> - -<p>The case of the Jesuit order was similar to that of the Inquisition, but -the result of royal action was even more decisive. The hostility to the -Jesuits in Catholic countries, already very great in the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries, was even more intense in the eighteenth. The -other religious orders and the secular clergy were almost a unit in -opposing them, for the Jesuits occupied a dominant place in church -affairs, and were charged with tyrannizing over the others both in -matters of theology and in questions of a temporal character. The ranks -of their enemies were swelled by the continued adhesion of the -universities to the Jesuit opposition and by the encyclopedists. The -former complained because the youth were attending the Jesuit colleges, -especially the nobility, from whom the leading ministers of state were -chosen, thus continuing the Jesuit influence, while those who were more -or less addicted to encyclopedist views were hostile to the order both -because of its power in the<a name="page_449" id="page_449"></a> church and because of its partisanship in -favor of papal jurisdiction and authority. In defending themselves the -Jesuits had the support of many royal ministers and of the kings -themselves for over half a century; Philip V and Ferdinand VI as well as -Isabel Farnesio and the children of Charles III had Jesuit confessors. -Furthermore, the once hostile Inquisition became an instrument in Jesuit -hands when that order got control of the institution. Finally, the -Jesuits had achieved vast power as a result of their hold on the -affections of great numbers of the people, high and low, and in -consequence of the extraordinary wealth which they had accumulated.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expulsion and suppression of the Jesuits.</div> - -<p>It was not until the reign of Charles III that any effective action was -taken against them. While yet king of Naples, Charles had demonstrated -his lack of cordiality toward the Jesuit order, and had begun to feel a -suspicion, in common with other European monarchs, that the Jesuits -might prove to be a danger to the state; in view of the actual power -which the Jesuits possessed, it is not to be wondered at that the -ultra-absolutist statesmen and kings of the eighteenth century should -look upon them with disfavor. In the very year that Charles became king -of Spain they were expelled from Portugal, and in the years 1764 to 1767 -similar action was taken in France. The accession of Charles was a blow -to the Jesuits in Spain, who now lost their influential place at court. -Four events of a political character tended to increase the feeling of -hostility toward them. One of these occurred in the reign of Ferdinand, -when the Jesuits of Paraguay opposed the cession of that territory to -Portugal in exchange for Sacramento. The Indians of Paraguay rose in -rebellion against the transfer, and it was believed that the Jesuits -were in some way concerned. The second of the events was the attempted -assassination of the kings of Portugal and France, which was attributed -to the Jesuit order on account of the hostility of those monarchs to the -Jesuits. Many were of the opinion that Charles might be in danger of a -like fate. In the third place friction arose between Charles and the -Jesuits as a result of the former’s advocacy of the canonization of Juan -de Palafox, a seventeenth century<a name="page_450" id="page_450"></a> bishop of Puebla de los Ángeles in -New Spain. The Jesuits opposed the king in this matter, and even -procured the removal from the palace of the works of Palafox which -Charles had given to members of his family. The fourth matter was of far -more consequence,—the riots of 1766 at the time when the proposals of -Squillace with regard to the modification of Spanish dress were enacted -into law. On that occasion there was grave disorder in Madrid, including -an attack on the king’s guards, a number of whom were cruelly put to -death. The king was obliged to yield to the demands of the mob, and a -few days later unexpectedly left Madrid for Aranjuez,—a virtual flight, -taken as a measure of precaution. Not only in Madrid, but also in -Saragossa, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Alicante, Salamanca, Daroca, Tobarra, -Mombeltrán, Murcia, San Lúcar, Huesca, Borja, San Ildefonso, Azcoytia, -Villena, Ciudad Real, Jumilla, Coruña, Alcaraz, Quero, Las Mesas, -Aranjuez, Palencia, and Navalcarnero there were similar outbreaks, and -it seemed likely that Barcelona might also give trouble. In fine, there -appeared to be an organized attempt at rebellion, and Charles and his -ministers believed, or at least pretended to believe, that the Jesuits -were behind it. Most probably the order itself did not promote the -riots, although several of its members were compromised, but late in -1766 it was formally charged with responsibility by the <i>Consejo</i>. In -January, 1767, the <i>Consejo</i> proposed the expulsion of the Jesuits from -Spain. The matter was submitted to a special <i>junta</i>, or council, which -concurred in the recommendation of the <i>Consejo</i>, after which the -decision was presented to various ecclesiastical personages, who -likewise expressed their approval. It was decided, however, to say -nothing of the motives, and the part of the proceedings concerning them -has disappeared. Nevertheless, a document of Campomanes is at hand -summing up some of the charges made at the meeting of the <i>Consejo</i>. -They were the following: responsibility for the Squillace riots; the -diffusion of maxims contrary to the royal and the canon law; a spirit of -sedition (of which some evidence was introduced); treasonable relations -with the English in the Philippine Islands; monopolization of commerce -and excess of<a name="page_451" id="page_451"></a> power in the Americas; a too great pride, leading them to -support the doctrines of Rome against the king; advocacy by many Jesuit -writers of the right of tyrannicide; political intrigues against the -king; and aspiration for universal monarchy. While the evidence in -support of these charges is no longer available, it is clear that they -were exaggerated, or even without foundation,—at least in the case of -their supposed relations with the English. On the other hand, the -intensely royalist ministers of the era of the enlightened despotism -would have felt grave concern where a more democratic age might have -found no cause for worry. Some historians claim that Charles hesitated -to sign the decree, because the Jesuit general was said to have -threatened the publication of documents purporting to show that the king -was the illegitimate son of Isabel Farnesio and Alberoni, and others -assert that Charles was given reason to believe that the Jesuits planned -to assassinate him and the members of his family if the expulsion were -promulgated. Whatever the truth may be, he delayed only a few days, -signing the decree on February 27, 1767. The Count of Aranda was charged -with its execution, and proceeded to fulfill that duty with great -secrecy and despatch, so that the blow should fall simultaneously and -without warning in all parts of Spain’s dominions. Never was a decree -more carefully carried out. On the night of March 31 in Madrid, and on -the next night in the provinces, the Jesuits were surprised in their -establishments and told that they must leave Spain. There were at this -time 2746 Spanish Jesuits in 120 institutions, scattered through 117 -towns. In the Americas the decree was carried out later in the same year -or early in 1768, and in some cases there was popular resistance to -their expulsion, although no untoward incidents of that character had -occurred in Spain. Without consulting the pope, Charles decided to send -the Jesuits to the Papal States, although on the eve of the expulsion he -informed the pope of his intention, promising also to pay the Jesuits -enough to permit them to live in a fitting manner. Despite the pope’s -entire sympathy with the Jesuits, there were reasons why he did not wish -them to land in his territory, and when the boats which were carrying<a name="page_452" id="page_452"></a> -them arrived off Civita Vecchia, the port of Rome, Cardinal Torrigiani -ordered them to keep away, threatening to open fire on them if they -should not. Thereupon, they went to Corsica, where the Jesuits were -landed, being joined later by their American brethren. Finally, the pope -consented to their establishing themselves in Bologna and Ferrara, where -some ten thousand from Spain and the Americas found a haven,—much -against the will of the secular clergy of those places. Charles now set -about to procure the dissolution of the order, and in this he was aided -by the kings of Portugal, France, and Naples, from which last-named -country the Jesuits had also been expelled late in 1767. In 1773 their -efforts were at length successful, as a result, very largely, of the -skillful diplomatic achievements of Jose Moñino, Spain’s special -representative at the papal court. For his work in this matter Moñino -was rewarded with the title of Count of Floridablanca.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal attempts to reduce the financial immunities of the -church.</div> - -<p>One of the leading preoccupations of the kings in dealing with the -Spanish clergy was to reduce the immunities of a financial character -which they enjoyed. Ever since the thirteenth century, efforts had been -made with that object in view, and considerable success had been -attained by the Hapsburg kings, while the attempts of the Bourbon -monarchs to check the acquisition of lands by the church or to render at -least a portion of them subject to taxation have already been traced in -the chapter on social institutions. A great deal remained to be done, -however, before the church would be reduced to the level of the -bourgeois class in the payment of tributes. For a proper appreciation of -this subject it is necessary to bear in mind the many sources of income -of the Spanish church. In addition to the profits from their lands, -cattle, and quit-rents (<i>censos</i>), churchmen received tithes -(<i>diezmos</i>), first-fruits (<i>primicias</i>), fees for masses, marriages, -funerals, and burials, alms for the mendicant orders, gifts, and still -other forms of contributions from persons and lands not under their -economic control. Their seigniorial rights were still extensive, for as -late as 1787 there were 3148 towns of one type or another under their -rule. To be sure, portions of these revenues were already being<a name="page_453" id="page_453"></a> paid to -the crown, while many former ecclesiastical earnings had altogether -disappeared, or had been taken over by the state. In some places the -clergy were subject to certain taxes, and in others they were not; in -Castile churchmen paid part of the <i>alcabala</i>; in Catalonia they paid -all the royal tributes. The laws of the century displayed a consistent -intention on the part of the kings to reduce their financial immunities -still further. Thus in 1721 the clergy of Castile and the Canaries were -required to pay customs duties which had not previously been exacted -from them; in 1737 a tax of thirty-three per cent was levied on all new -landed possessions of the church in Valencia; in the concordat of the -same year the pope granted that all lands thenceforth coming into the -possession of ecclesiastical institutions might be taxed in the same -manner as those of lay individuals, if the king should so decide; when -Charles III was about to ascend the Spanish throne, Pope Benedict XIV -granted him the eventual subjection of the clergy to the same tributary -basis as laymen; in 1763 the clergy of the crown of Aragon were ordered -to pay the <i>alcabala</i> from that time forth; in 1765 churchmen in general -were made subject to the military tax of the <i>milicias</i> (militia), and -in 1780 the pope authorized the king to collect up to one third of the -income of benefices to which the king had the right of nomination. These -provisions were not carried out in full; there would no longer have been -any financial question between the kings and the church if they had -been. Aside from the royal gains of a legislative character the clergy -were often induced, or compelled, to make special grants to the state in -times of war, and occasionally they came forward of their own free will. -When the Jesuits were expelled in 1767, their properties were -confiscated, although the government announced that in applying the -proceeds it would bear in mind the objects of donors to the Jesuits, the -interests of religion, and public utility. Nothing definite is known as -to the amount of wealth this yielded to the state, although it must have -been considerable. Many writers have made fanciful estimates as to the -Jesuit properties, especially with regard to their holdings in the -Americas, some of them<a name="page_454" id="page_454"></a> exaggerating their value, and others going to -the opposite extreme to make them appear inconsequential. Nevertheless, -despite the progress made by the Bourbons, the church was still -enormously wealthy at the end of the era; it is said that their annual -income reached 1,101,753,430 <i>reales</i> (about $70,000,000).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reduction of the number of persons in religious service.</div> - -<p>The statesmen and economists of the Bourbon era gave considerable -attention to the problems arising from the great numbers of the clergy, -taking steps to prevent an increase in the membership of religious -orders and to bring about a reduction in the list of benefices and -chaplaincies. The reign of Charles III was especially notable in this -regard, and much was achieved. Still, though there were more churchmen -and religious institutions in the Hapsburg period at a time when the -population was not so great, there were 2067 convents for men and 1122 -for women in 1787, with 61,998 who had taken vows and 71,070 others who -had not (though living at the convents), besides 70,170 members of the -secular clergy. Thus there were over 200,000 persons in religious -service in a total population of about 10,400,000, or one for every -fifty-two persons.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> By 1797 the numbers had been materially lessened. -At that time there were 93,397 men and women connected with the -institutions of the regular clergy, in 2051 convents for men and 1075 -for women, and 58,833 priests. In 1808 there were eight archbishoprics -and fifty-two bishoprics in Spain, sustaining 648 dignitaries, 1768 -canons, 216 prebends, and 200 half prebends.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Attempts at internal reform of the church.</div> - -<p>The question of the numbers of the clergy was closely related to the -never-ending problem of reform in the internal life of the church. While -matters were not so bad as they had been in earlier times, and while -Spanish churchmen compared very favorably with those of some other -countries,—for example, those of France,—the necessity for correction -was nevertheless clear. Despite the fact that the church furnished many -of the most distinguished names of the era in intellectual attainments, -the mass of the lower clergy was decidedly uncultivated. There was a -marked relaxation<a name="page_455" id="page_455"></a> in discipline. Many churchmen absented themselves -from their livings to become hangers-on at court,<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> with the result -that the kings seven times in less than fifty years expelled all priests -from Madrid whose parishes were not in that city. It was also deemed -necessary to pass laws forbidding clergymen to wear lay dress, for it -was claimed that they used it as a disguise, enabling them the more -easily to indulge in immoral practices. Many clergymen were punished for -improper solicitations in the confessional. Steps toward reform were -taken by the popes in 1723, 1737, and 1753,—the two latter times in -connection with the concordats of those years. The measures of the pope -provided rules for the instruction and discipline of the clergy and -sought to diminish the numbers of clergymen and of benefices and -chaplaincies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Diminution in the rigor of religious persecutions.</div> - -<p>Outwardly there was little difference between this period and the one -before it in the persecution of heresy and the effort to attain -religious unity. Both of these ideals continued to be proclaimed in the -laws, and the Inquisition made its accusations and condemnations and -published its indices of prohibited books as formerly, but in fact a -great change had come over the spirit in which the laws were -interpreted. Such a rigorous policy to stamp out heresy as that employed -by Philip II in the Low Countries was no longer thinkable, and while the -Hapsburg kings had based their international policy on the -re-establishment of Catholic unity, cost what it might, the Bourbons -completely abandoned that idea. The treaties of Westphalia in 1648 -seemed to have settled the question of religious warfare, with an -acknowledgment of the right of Protestant nations to exist apart from -the Catholic Church. Henceforth, wars were to be for various objects, -mainly political and economic in the eighteenth century, but not for -religion.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inter-relations of the different religious elements.</div> - -<p>The new spirit was manifested in, and was to some extent caused by, the -frequency of communications between Catholics and Protestants or between -Catholics and anti-church<a name="page_456" id="page_456"></a> elements, such as the encyclopedists and -Jansenists. In earlier times, such a correspondence would have been a -serious religious crime which even the most prominent would have been -afraid to attempt; now, it was not generally regarded as seriously -reprehensible, though far from being looked upon with favor, and many -churchmen themselves might have been held guilty if charges on this -account had been brought. The quarrels of different factions in the -church among themselves, notably the opposition to the Jesuits, and the -intensely royalist policy of the kings tended in the same direction. -Some evidences of the new attitude toward religion were also to be found -in the laws. A treaty of 1713 with the Netherlands allowed Protestants -of that country having business in Spain to reside in the peninsula, and -a like privilege was granted to Spanish Catholics in the Netherlands. -The <i>asiento</i> treaty with England in the same year did not, as had at -first been proposed, restrict to Catholics the privileges thereby -granted to Englishmen. A series of treaties with Morocco, Tripoli, -Tunis, and Turkey in the reign of Charles III allowed of Catholic -worship by Spaniards in those countries, and agreed that Moslems coming -to Spain should be respected in their religion. A general law of 1797 -provided that any foreign artist or artisan could establish himself in -the peninsula, and in case he were not a Catholic he was not to be -molested in his religious opinions. The Jews were excluded from the -operation of the law, however. Charles III had been favorable to a -policy of toleration toward them as well, and had issued a decree in -1741, when he was king of Naples, permitting of their entry into his -kingdom, but public opinion was still too strongly opposed to them, and -he was obliged to recall his decree. Two ministers of Charles IV, -Urquijo and Varela, made a like proposal, but he did not dare to follow -their advice; rather, he expressly declared in a decree of 1802 that the -existing laws and practices with respect to the Jews should continue to -be observed. The Inquisition directed its activities in this period to -attacking the new philosophic and religious ideas and to defending -itself as well as it could from the inroads of royalism, while there -were still numerous processes against<a name="page_457" id="page_457"></a> superstitious practices, Jewish -worship, and the crimes of bigamy and notorious immorality. The number -of cases before the Inquisition was not less than formerly, and not a -few persons, especially Jews and Illuminati, were put to death. In -general, however, greater leniency was displayed, and the Inquisition -was no longer the much feared institution it once had been.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Underlying spirit of intolerance and Catholic fervor.</div> - -<p>Nevertheless, both the clergy and the great majority of the people -remained as intolerant as ever. Ignorance played no small part in this -feeling; thus French priests expelled from their country at the time of -the revolution were suspected of heresy, and the general opinion of the -Spanish common people with regard to Frenchmen was that they were all -not only heretics or atheists but also cannibals. The ideal of -toleration hardly passed beyond the narrow circle of the upper classes, -but it was they who decided the policy of the state; indeed, the -attitude toward religion in this period perfectly exemplified the -workings of the benevolent despotism. The very men who expressed -tolerant views and framed legislation to that end were pious in their -private life, furnishing numerous proofs thereof, every day. Thus -Spaniards still gave a multitude of Christian names to their children, -in order to procure for them the protection of many saints; they -observed religious ceremonies, such as processions, baptisms, and -saints’ days of individuals, as the most important events of social -life; they prayed daily, and at the sound of the Angelus all work -stopped, even theatrical performances, and every one bowed his head in -prayer; phrases with a religious turn were a part of everyday speech; -sacred images and chapels were as abundant as formerly; and in a -thousand ways, from the king to the lowest peasant, men continued to -manifest their devotion to the Catholic faith.<a name="page_458" id="page_458"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXXVII"></a>CHAPTER XXXVII<br /><br /> -<small>ECONOMIC REFORMS, 1700-1808</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Bases of the economic reforms of the era.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Economic reforms in the Americas.</div> - -<p>I<small>F</small> a review of the political and ecclesiastical institutions of this -period displays the enlightened despotism on its despotic side, a study -of the economic reforms effected, or tried, reveals the benevolent or -enlightened attitude of the autocratic state endeavoring to improve the -lot of the people. In addition to the philanthropic aspect of these -attempts, they were influenced, also: by the general current of -eighteenth century thought, giving attention to economic problems; by -the very evident necessity for reforms in Spain, which country had found -itself in a condition of utter misery at the close of the preceding era, -with the result that a multitude of pamphlets had been written to -explain the decline and suggest remedies; and by the desire to attain -other ends, such as that of defence against the aggressions of England, -which had to be based in the final analysis on the economic recovery of -Spain. Not only in Spain but also in the Americas, and almost more -strikingly, this was an age of economic reform, based primarily on -Spain’s need of the colonial markets as a factor in her own -regeneration. Nevertheless, this was the period when the old monopoly -utterly fell, in part because of the entry of foreigners into the -colonies or their establishment in Spanish ports to take over the goods -coming from the Americas, and in part as a result of a deliberate -policy, throwing open the commerce of the new world, if not directly to -all nations, at least indirectly through the intervention of the many -Spanish cities which came to enjoy the privilege of the overseas trade. -The American situation cannot be dealt with here, but it must be held in -mind as one of the vital elements in Spain’s economic progress.<a name="page_459" id="page_459"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The reformers and their achievements.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Statistics of population.</div> - -<p>The most genuine representative of the century’s political economists in -Spain was Campomanes. Although a follower of the French physiocratic -school, which maintained that agriculture was the principal sustain of a -nation’s wealth, he did not fail to recognize the importance of -manufacturing, and endeavored to foster that industry through the -dissemination of works of an educative character, the enactment of -protective laws, and the founding of model establishments. Of equal rank -with Campomanes, though not as effective in achieving reforms, was -Jovellanos, while there was hardly a minister of prominence in the -entire period who did not attain to some distinction as an economist. -The general effect of the reforms was beneficial, making itself felt in -all branches of the production, exchange, and consumption of goods, as -well as in an increase in population. Thus the 5,700,000 inhabitants of -Spain at the beginning of the era had nearly doubled by 1787, when the -total was 10,409,879 (or 10,286,150 by another estimate), and had still -further increased to 10,541,221 in 1797. The following table of -occupations for these two years is interesting both as showing the -economic distribution of the population and as indicating the direction -of the reforms.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="border-top:3px double black; -border-bottom:3px double black;"> -<tr><td style="border-bottom:1px double black;"> </td><td -align="center" class="bl" -style="border-bottom:1px double black;">1787</td><td -align="center" class="bl" -style="border-bottom:1px double black;">1797</td></tr> -<tr><td> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td></tr> -<tr><td>Ecclesiastics</td><td align="right" class="bl">182,425</td><td align="right" class="bl">168,248</td></tr> -<tr><td>Nobles</td><td align="right" class="bl">480,589</td><td align="right" class="bl">402,059</td></tr> -<tr><td>Employees (of the government?) </td><td align="right" class="bl">41,014</td><td align="right" class="bl">31,981</td></tr> -<tr><td>Soldiery</td><td align="right" class="bl">77,884</td><td align="right" class="bl">149,340</td></tr> -<tr><td>Students</td><td align="right" class="bl">50,994</td><td align="right" class="bl">29,812</td></tr> -<tr><td>Farmers and (farm?) laborers</td><td align="right" class="bl">1,871,768</td><td align="right" class="bl">1,677,172</td></tr> -<tr><td>Manufacturers and artisans</td><td align="right" class="bl">310,739</td><td align="right" class="bl">533,769</td></tr> -<tr><td>Servants</td><td align="right" class="bl">280,092</td><td align="right" class="bl">174,095</td></tr> -<tr><td>Merchants</td><td align="center" class="bl">No figures</td><td align="right" class="bl">25,685</td></tr> -<tr><td> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p>The discrepancies between the two columns are in part accounted for by -the fact that Spain was at peace in 1787, and at war with England in -1797. In a total of some 3,000,000 workers it is notable that the -majority were<a name="page_460" id="page_460"></a> devoted to agricultural pursuits (including about 100,000 -engaged in pastoral labors), showing that the cultivation of the soil -was the principal basis of the national life. The vast number of -ecclesiastics, nobles, and servants, nearly a third of the total, is -eloquent of the social problem which the government had to face. In the -course of ten years they had fallen away to less than a fourth of the -whole. Statistics as to density of population showed Guipúzcoa, -Valencia, Asturias, Navarre, and Vizcaya in the lead, with respectively -eighty, forty-eight, forty-seven, forty-three, and forty-two inhabitants -to the square kilometer. Andalusia had thirty-nine, Granada and -Catalonia thirty-four each, Aragon only twenty-one, while Extremadura -with fourteen and La Mancha and Cuenca with thirteen each brought up the -rear. In total population Galicia led with 1,345,000. Catalonia had -814,412, Valencia 783,084, Andalusia 754,293, Granada 661,661, and -Aragon 623,308. Large urban groups were rare; there were fewer than -forty cities with a population of 10,000, and seventeen of them were in -Andalusia. The four largest cities were Madrid (156,000), Barcelona -(115,000), Seville (96,000), and Valencia (80,000). Economic prosperity -did not correspond exactly with these figures, for the factors of -climate, soil, irrigation, and nearness to the sea entered into the -situation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Wretched state of domestic life.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Obstacles in the way of economic reforms.</div> - -<p>Despite the great body of reforms carried out, the problem was -overwhelming, and much of the country was still in a backward state at -the end of the era. Aragon and Old Castile were in a miserable -condition, not nearly equalling their agricultural possibilities, and La -Mancha was in a far worse plight. The number of large-sized towns in -Andalusia gave that land an appearance of wealth and prosperity which -was not borne out by the facts, if the situation of the country -districts were taken into account. The character of Spanish houses at -this time was also expressive of the national economic shortcomings. -Cave houses and adobe huts with roofs of straw abounded in Castile. The -houses of Galicia were described as having walls of unpolished stone, -often without cement, reaching scarcely higher than a man’s head, with -great slabs of rock for a roof; the doorway and a hole<a name="page_461" id="page_461"></a> in the roof -served as the only means for the penetration of light and for the escape -of smoke; and the domestic animals and the family made common use of the -wretched house. In the Basque provinces, Navarre, and Valencia the homes -were much better, besides being cleaner, although a lack of glass -windows, chimneys, and furniture was quite general in all parts of -Spain. Through French influences these defects were beginning to be -overcome as the era approached a close. If to this miserable state of -the domestic life there is added the ignorance of the people (who -resisted innovations designed to benefit them), the economic inequality -resulting from the concentration of vast landed estates in a few hands, -the difficulty of communications, the burdens of taxation, the -mismanagement of the administration (despite the efforts of enlightened -ministers), the frequency of wars, and the persistence of a spirit of -repugnance to labor (leading to a resort to mendicancy or vagabondage or -to a reliance upon a somewhat questionably desirable charity) it becomes -clear why the economic situation should have been considered perhaps the -most urgent problem which the Spanish ministers had to solve, and their -failure to overcome all of the difficulties can be understood. According -to Campomanes there was an army of 140,000 beggars and vagabonds in -Spain in his day, most of whom were able to work and might have found -something to do. He and the other ministers of Charles III endeavored to -solve the matter by putting the physically able women in workhouses, the -men in the army and navy, and the old and infirm in homes for the aged -and in hospitals, but owing to the lack of funds these projects could -not be carried out in entirety.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Constructive attempts of the state and private individuals to -overcome economic evils.</div> - -<p>The evils of the economic situation being clear, efforts were made, -especially in the reign of Charles III, to correct them at their -sources. To combat the ignorance, indifference, and in some cases the -laziness and prejudice of the masses with regard to labor technical and -primary schools were founded and model shops and factories established; -prizes were awarded for debates and papers on various industrial -subjects; printed manuals, including many translated from foreign -languages, were scattered broadcast;<a name="page_462" id="page_462"></a> teachers and skilled laborers from -foreign lands were induced to come to Spain, and Spaniards were -pensioned to go abroad to study; privileges, exemptions, and monopolies -were granted to persons distinguishing themselves by their initiative -and zeal in industry; and laws were passed to raise the dignity of -manual labor. In this campaign the government received substantial aid -from private individuals. In 1746 the first of the <i>Sociedades -Económicas de los Amigos del País</i> (economic societies of the friends of -the country) was founded. In 1766 its statutes were published, serving -thenceforth as the model for other like institutions in Spain, all of -them devoted philanthropically to the encouragement of agriculture and -other phases of the economic life of their particular district. Nobles, -churchmen, and members of the wealthy middle class formed the backbone -of these societies, of which there were sixty-two in 1804. Many of them -published periodicals, or founded schools for the study of such subjects -as agriculture, botany, chemistry, the various trades, stenography, and -economics. To promote the cultivation of the soil the state itself -assisted in schemes for the colonization of waste lands. The most famous -instance was that of the government colonies in the Sierra Morena -country of northern Andalusia. In 1766 a certain Bavarian adventurer -offered to bring six thousand German and Flemish laborers to settle that -district. Charles III favored the project, and it was at once -undertaken. For a time it was successful; a number of settlements were -made,—there were forty-one in 1775,—and considerable crops were -raised. In the end the project failed, due to bad administration, lack -of funds, the imposition of heavy taxes, the opposition of the clergy to -the predominantly lay spirit of the undertaking, the jealousies arising -between the Spanish and foreign elements (for many of the colonists were -Spaniards), and the failure to provide adequate means of communication -whereby the colonists could export their surplus products. Some of the -towns continued to exist, however, and the project was influential in -causing private individuals to attempt colonizations, several of which -were successful. Among other constructive governmental measures were -the<a name="page_463" id="page_463"></a> removal of the legal obstacles to the sale or division of waste -lands or lands common, the restriction of the privileges of the <i>Mesta</i>, -the betterment of the conditions surrounding leases (favoring the -prolongation of the period of the lease, and aiming to assist the -individual who actually cultivated the soil), and the reduction of -customs duties or a grant of complete freedom of entry in the case of -certain raw materials used in Spanish manufacturing establishments. -Public works were also undertaken, such as the construction of -irrigation canals, though many were not completed or were made so -imperfectly that they soon went to ruin; great highways to open up the -peninsula were planned, and under Charles III much work upon them was -done, though not enough to meet the needs of the country; an efficient -mail service was developed by Floridablanca; shipbuilding was -encouraged; banditry and piracy were to a great extent suppressed; -government support was given to commercial companies; and a national -bank was established by Charles III,—which failed in the reign of -Charles IV. The government also intervened in problems of local -subsistence, with a view to maintaining articles of prime necessity at a -low price and in sufficient quantity, but its action in this particular -did not always produce the desired result. Finally, the government -interested itself in charity. Benevolent institutions were founded, not -only with a view to checking mendicancy and vagabondage, but also to -provide homes for unfortunate women, insane persons, and orphans. -Private individuals gave liberally for these purposes, or founded -charitable organizations, which rendered service of a somewhat -remarkable character in succoring the poor, building hospitals, and -rescuing children. Mutual benefit societies were formed, reaching into -every walk of life, and some of these, termed <i>montepíos</i> or <i>montes de -piedad</i>, were made compulsory for the employes of the government; thus -the <i>montepío</i> for soldiers, dating from 1761, served as a pension -system whereby some provision was made for the widows and orphans of the -deceased. All of these reforms encountered the difficulties arising from -ignorance, conservatism, the resistance of vested interests, graft, and<a name="page_464" id="page_464"></a> -bureaucratic cumbersomeness which have already been discussed. The very -immensity of the reforms projected was against their satisfactory -execution, for more was tried than could be done well. Other obstacles -already mentioned, such as bad administration, insufficiency of funds, -and lack of persistence, contributed to the same result. Nevertheless, -though plans outran accomplishment, a vast amount was done, especially -in the reign of Charles III, when the spirit of the era reached its -culminating point.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Obstacles to agricultural development and attempts to -overcome them.</div> - -<p>To form a correct idea of the state of agriculture in this period it is -necessary to note how the lands of the peninsula were distributed. At -the beginning of the nineteenth century, after a hundred years of effort -directed to the release of realty, the church possessed 9,093,400 -<i>fanegas</i><a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> of land, the nobles 28,306,700, and the plebeian class -17,599,000, but the greater part of the estates of both the nobles and -the plebeians was entailed, and therefore impossible of alienation, -closing the door to the growth of a class of small proprietors. The -proportion of proprietors to population was only one in forty. In Ávila, -for example, the church owned 239,591 <i>fanegas</i>, 157,092 were entailed, -and only 8160 were cultivated by owners who resided in the neighborhood. -The small proprietor was to be found principally in the north and east, -but he was far outnumbered, even in those regions, by the lessees of -lands, who were also the overwhelmingly strongest element numerically in -Castile. The forms of renting were various, both as to the type of -payment required and as to the length of term. Where the term was -practically hereditary, conditions were much better, approximating those -of the small proprietor. In Andalusia <i>latifundia</i> were the rule, -cultivated in only a portion of the estate by day laborers, who were -employed at certain seasons of the year, living in a state of great -misery at other times. This evil was tempered in Extremadura by the -utilization of lands common. Despite the sincere attempts of the -government to encourage agriculture, that industry was still in an -extremely backward state at the close of the era, with only a little of -the cultivable ground planted,<a name="page_465" id="page_465"></a> an insufficient development of -irrigation, and a lack of fencing. Valencia and the Basque provinces -were the most nearly prosperous regions; the others were in a wretched -state. In addition to the governmental reforms already referred to, the -following may be mentioned: several laws of Charles III forbade owners -to dispossess tenants arbitrarily, and even went so far as to prohibit -ejectments unless the owner should consent to reside on his lands and -cultivate them; attempts were made to procure reforestation, partly with -a view to conserving the water supply, but the national repugnance to -trees was so great that the laws were not carried out; and the abusive -privileges of the <i>Mesta</i> were attacked by Charles III, and in the next -reign, in 1795, the separate jurisdiction of that organization was taken -away, but as the laws did not clearly authorize the enclosure of -cultivable lands the relief to agriculture was slight. Wheat was the -principal crop, supplying more than enough, in normal years, for the -needs of the peninsula. Grapes were also raised in large quantities, and -were made into excellent wines, many of which were exported. For the -rest there were fruits, vegetables, the silkworm, and other things of -the sort which had always been cultivated in the peninsula. Various -kinds of beans, and especially chickpeas (<i>garbanzos</i>), were grown in -large quantities, and furnished an important element in the nation’s -food. An estimate made in 1812 calculated the total value of farm -products as 72,476,189,159 <i>reales</i> (about $4,500,000,000) yielding -annually some 3,600,000,000 <i>reales</i> (about $225,000,000).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Revival of manufacturing.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mining.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fishing.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Unsatisfactory state of the laboring classes.</div> - -<p>In their efforts to revive manufacturing the kings continued during most -of the period to follow the old ideal of state protection and state -initiative in placing industries upon a firm foundation, intervening, -also, to regulate the work on its technical side. In the second half of -the century, especially in the reign of Charles III, the liberal ideas -of the physiocratic school, hostile to all forms of government -regulation, brought about the employment of a new system, leaving -matters to the decision of the individuals concerned. Laws were now -passed removing the prohibitions of earlier years. Joined with the -educative measures<a name="page_466" id="page_466"></a> already referred to, such as the establishment of -model factories and the importation of foreign workmen, the new methods -brought about a revived intensity of industrial life. Much the same -things as formerly were made; the textile factories of Catalonia and -Andalusia were the most prosperous. The chemical industries and those -having to do with the preparation of foods did not develop equally with -others. The Americas continued to be one of the principal supports of -Spanish manufacturing, as a purchaser of the goods made in the -peninsula. After centuries of scant productivity in mining, Spain began -again to yield more nearly in accord with her natural wealth. A great -variety of mineral products was mined, although very little of precious -metals. On the other hand the formerly prosperous fishing industry was -in a state of decline. In 1803 it was estimated that the total -industrial yield for that year was 1,152,660,707 <i>reales</i> (about -$72,000,000). The revival, however, was of an ephemeral character, for -the social factors affecting labor were too grave a handicap. -Thoroughgoing popular instruction was necessary before there could be -any permanent advance; the Spanish laborer was able enough, but needed -to be rescued from his abysmal ignorance. Wages were low. In 1786 the -ordinary laborer of Seville earned four and a half <i>reales</i> (about $.28) -a day; in Barcelona the average was eight <i>reales</i> ($.50). Agricultural -laborers in Andalusia made from three and a half to five <i>reales</i> ($.22 -to $.33) a day; shepherds got two pounds of bread daily and 160 <i>reales</i> -($10) a year. To be sure, money was worth more than now. Work was not -always steady, with the result that famine and beggary were frequent. -There was no such thing as organized labor; to go on strike was a crime. -The only remedy of the laborer against his employer was an appeal to the -<i>corregidor</i>, but this was so ineffectual that it was rarely tried.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Obstacles to Spanish commerce and efforts to overcome them.</div> - -<p>Attempts were made to combat the obstacles which hindered Spanish -commerce. Unable to compete with other European countries in the export -trade, except as concerned small quantities of certain raw materials, -Spain was hard pressed to maintain an advantage in her own domestic<a name="page_467" id="page_467"></a> and -American field. At the beginning of the century many of the laws tended -in fact to discriminate against Spaniards, as witness the heavy export -duties, which were collected according to bulk, thus operating against -the type of products which Spain most frequently sent abroad. Charles -III changed this system, collecting duties according to the nature of -the goods as well as paying regard to weight, and charging a higher rate -against foreign cargoes. Taxes were numerous in kind and heavy in -amount, wherefore smuggling and graft overcame some of the beneficial -effects which might have been expected from this legislation. Protective -tariffs and prohibitions were also employed to encourage Spanish -manufactures and trade, but particular exigencies often caused a -reversal of this policy in the case of certain items of foreign make. -Thus the importation of foreign muslins was forbidden in 1770, but in -1789 the prohibition was removed when it was found that local -manufacture did not suffice for the country’s needs. A series of decrees -by Charles III endeavored also to reduce the coinage to systematic -order, but the multiplicity of coins and the retention of provincial -moneys militated against complete success. The prohibition against the -export of coin was maintained, but licenses to take out certain -quantities were granted on payment of a three per cent duty. -Practically, the prohibition was a dead letter, owing to the prevalence -of smuggling, and it served as a hindrance to commerce. An ineffectual -attempt was made in 1801 to unify the system of weights and measures. -Lack of an adequate merchant marine and an insufficiency of good ports, -despite the efforts to remedy the situation in both cases, were still -further obstacles to Spanish trade, whereas such an excellent port as -Vigo had no suitable highway to connect it with the interior. Bands of -mules continued to be used as the principal carrying agency in land -commerce. Improper methods of keeping books were a handicap, but the -paternalistic nature of the government made itself felt, requiring -business men to employ a good method of accounting, and specifying the -precise way in which they should do it. Finally, trading had usually -been considered<a name="page_468" id="page_468"></a> incompatible with nobility. The stigma was in a measure -removed, although only in the case of business on a large scale, and -some of the nobles became merchants.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mercantile machinery of the era.</div> - -<p>Mercantile machinery found its highest official expression in the <i>Junta -de Comercio y Moneda</i>. This was reorganized in 1705, at which time it -was provided that the Councils of Castile, the Indies and Finance -(<i>Hacienda</i>) should be represented respectively by three, five, and two -members, the <i>Casa de Contratación</i> by one, and the French nation by -two, besides one of the royal secretaries. The importance of the -American and French trades was clearly manifested in this arrangement. -This body served as a court with jurisdiction in all matters concerning -trade. In 1730 it was succeeded by the <i>Junta de Moneda</i> (<i>Junta</i>, or -Council, of Coinage), to which was added jurisdiction in matters -concerning mines (1747), foreigners (1748), and the “five greater guilds -of Madrid” (1767 and 1783). Regional <i>juntas</i> were also created. The -<i>consulados</i>, though of private origin, occupied an intermediate -position between the other private and the official bodies, owing to the -intervention of the state and to the reorganization of the <i>consulados</i> -in the middle and later eighteenth century. In addition to their -functions as a mercantile court they acquired a vast number of duties of -a public character, such as the care of ports and the creation of -schools of navigation. Certain <i>consulados</i> had special functions,—for -example, the <i>consulado</i> of Cádiz attended to supplying the province -with grain and flour, and had charge of the establishment of tariffs and -lotteries. The <i>consulados</i> were repaid for these services by a grant of -a portion of the customs duties, a right worth 6,000,000 <i>reales</i> -($375,000) a year in Cádiz and one third of that amount in Alicante. -They compromised their wealth by making loans to the crown, which -brought about their ruin. At the end of the eighteenth century there -were fourteen <i>consulados</i> in Spain, each differing from the others but -all following rather closely the new ordinances (1737) for the -<i>consulado</i> of Bilbao as a type. In the smaller cities and towns local -officials were wont to appoint two men as <i>diputados de comercio</i> -(commercial<a name="page_469" id="page_469"></a> deputies) to act for that neighborhood in the capacity of a -<i>consulado</i>. There were various other mercantile groups of a more -clearly private character, and their associations were encouraged by the -government. The so-called “five greater guilds of Madrid,” including -dealers in jewelry, silks, gold and silver ware, cloths, linens, spices -(and groceries?), and drugs, was the most important of these -organizations. Its business was so enormous that it extended beyond -Madrid to other cities, and put up factories for the manufacture of the -goods it sold. In 1777 there were 375 merchants in this corporation, -with a capital of some 210,000,000 <i>reales</i> ($13,125,000). Other -associations were formed for special objects, such as to buy goods in -great quantities and therefore more cheaply, or to carry merchandise in -their own ships. Many companies were organized specifically for trading -with the Americas. In the fluctuations of commerce one fact stood out -consistently: the balance of trade was heavily against Spain. In 1789 -exports were valued at 289,973,980 <i>reales</i> (about $18,000,000) as -against imports of 717,397,388 (nearly $45,000,000). Internal commerce -amounted to an estimated 2,498,429,552 <i>reales</i> (about $156,000,000). -The wars of the reign of Charles IV almost destroyed Spanish commerce. -Cádiz in particular was a heavy loser.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Important place of foreigners in Spanish commerce.</div> - -<p>The intervention of foreigners in the commerce of Spain, which had given -so much concern in the previous era, was an even greater problem under -the Bourbons. Many factors contributed to make this the case: the -industrial decline of the seventeenth century, which favored the -importation of foreign goods; the eighteenth century efforts for an -economic revival, which led to the seeking out of foreign models and -foreign teachers or workmen; the encouragement given to Frenchmen as a -result of the Bourbon entry into Spain; and defeats in war, which -necessitated Spain’s submission to the exactions of her opponents (many -of whom insisted upon commercial privileges) or the legalization of -trade usurpations which they had indulged in without right. In the -Americas the English were the most prominent element, but in Spain the -French were. The leading<a name="page_470" id="page_470"></a> French merchants established themselves in -Cádiz, the gateway of the Americas, whence they proceeded to absorb a -great part of Spain’s profits from the new world. In 1772 there were -seventy-nine French wholesale houses in Cádiz, making an estimated -annual profit of 4,600,000 <i>reales</i> (nearly $300,000). In 1791 there -were 2701 Frenchmen in that city out of a total foreign population of -8734. Numerically, the Italians were more in evidence, for there were -5018 of them, mostly Genoese. There were some Englishmen, too, whose -aggregate capital made up for their small number. In general the -legislation of the era was favorable to foreigners. Their knowledge and -labor were so greatly desired that they were even granted special -privileges or exemptions to take up their residence in Spain, and the -religious bar was ameliorated or utterly withdrawn. Popular opinion was -against them, however, and the laws were not wholly free from this -influence. Men complained, as formerly, that the foreigners were making -immense profits and stifling Spanish competition, while the hatreds -engendered by the wars with England and France and by the scant respect -and haughty manners which some foreigners displayed for the laws and -customs of Spain tended to increase the feeling of opposition. -Foreigners were often ill-treated, although the acts were rarely -official. Even the government did not recognize consuls as having any -special rights or immunities differentiating them from others of their -nation. A further accusation against foreigners was that they engaged in -contraband trade. This was true, although as a rule it was done in -complicity with corrupt Spanish officials. Foreigners justified -themselves on the ground that unless they were willing to make gifts to -Spaniards in authority they were obliged to suffer a thousand petty -annoyances. “Money and gifts,” said the French ambassador, Vaulgrenant, -“have always been the most efficacious means of removing the -difficulties which can be raised, on the slightest pretext, against -foreign merchants. That has been the recourse to which the English have -always applied themselves, with good results.” The fact remains, -however, that the French, English, and others had entered the commercial -field in Spain and Spanish America to stay.<a name="page_471" id="page_471"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXXVIII"></a>CHAPTER XXXVIII<br /><br /> -<small>INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITIES, 1700-1808</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">General characteristics of intellectual life in Spain and the -Americas.</div> - -<p>I<small>N</small> intellectual expression, as well as in other phases of Spain’s -national life, the eighteenth century was a period of recovery from the -degradation which marked the close of the preceding era. Spain placed -herself abreast of the times, but not as formerly in a leading position; -among the many who distinguished themselves by their achievements there -were few who attained to a European reputation, and perhaps only one, -the painter Goya, may be reckoned with the immortals. On the other hand -Spain entered more definitely into the general current of western -European thought than at any previous time in her history; intellectual -activities in France reacted almost at once in Spain, and the influences -springing out of Italy and England were potent. The Americas began to -take over the intellectual side of their Spanish heritage much more -completely than before, and while not nearly approximating the mother -country in the amount or excellence of their contributions furnished -illustrious names in almost every branch worthy to stand beside those of -their contemporaries in Spain. Education there became more general, more -secular, and more highly regarded than ever before. Two obstacles, -however, were a serious check upon the development of a broad culture in -the colonies: the problems of race, reducing the number of those able to -participate, and lessening the desirability of a propaganda for the -ideal involved; and the suspicions of the Spanish-controlled government, -lest ideas convert themselves into thoughts of revolution.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress in education.</div> - -<p>Cultivated Spaniards of the eighteenth century had a clear understanding -of the national problem of education,<a name="page_472" id="page_472"></a> realizing (just as they did with -regard to matters having an economic bearing) the profound ignorance of -the masses and the decadent state of the institutions upon which they -had to rely to combat it. The mass of the people were not only -illiterate but also full of almost ineradicable superstitions and the -conservatism of the undeveloped mind. In 1766 Queen Amalia, the wife of -Charles III, wrote to Tanucci (one of Charles’ leading ministers while -he was king of Naples), “In everything (in Spain) there is something of -barbarism, together with great pride.” As for the women, she said, “One -does not know what to talk about with them; their ignorance is beyond -belief.” This pessimistic view finds ample corroboration in the writings -of the Benedictine Feyjóo, or Feijóo (1676-1764), and Jovellanos, both -of whom devoted themselves to the struggle against the defects in -Spanish mentality and its expression, leaving published works which -touched upon virtually every phase of the intellectual life, or its -lack, in the Iberian Peninsula. The endeavors of these men and numerous -others to regenerate the country were not wholly in obedience to the -national necessity or to patriotism, but responded also to the general -current of humanitarianism and philanthropy characteristic of the -eighteenth century. The close relationship of Spain with France during -most of the era and the conditions of peace imposed by Protestant -countries as a result of their military successes had favored the -penetration of these ideas into Spain, where they were taken up by the -well-to-do elements of the nobility, the clergy, and the wealthy middle -class. The great nobles furnished few of the illustrious names of the -period, although there were some exceptions (for example, the Count of -Fernán-Núñez and the Count of Aranda), but they gave both financial and -moral support to the efforts for intellectual reform. Some of those who -held high office, notably Godoy, aided authors in the publication of -their works or the continuation of their studies, giving them official -employment, or subsidies, or bringing out their volumes through the -royal printing establishment. Despite the characterization of them by -Queen Amalia, the women shared in the intellectual activities<a name="page_473" id="page_473"></a> of the -age. Thus there was a revival of interest in education, but with a -difference from the spirit which had dominated the works of Vives and -others of the Hapsburg era; now the ideal was that of secular education -without the intervention of the clergy. Encyclopedism and monarchism -worked together to this end, while the expulsion of the Jesuits helped -greatly to make its attainment possible, although the new attitude did -not go so far as to oppose religion; indeed, that remained the basis of -primary education. All this manifested itself with especial force -beginning with the reign of Charles III, but precedents were not lacking -in earlier years. It made itself felt chiefly in the sphere of -professional training, in instruction in the humanities, and in -university education, but it did not fail to produce effects of -undoubted value on the primary schools.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Efforts for the betterment of primary and secondary -education.</div> - -<p>Primary education, which had always received scant attention, was the -subject of some legislation under Charles III, both to expand and to -better it. To make certain of the capacity of the teachers examinations -were required of them in reading, writing, and arithmetic. In 1768 -orders were given for the establishment of primary schools for girls in -the principal towns of Spain, and some of the confiscated Jesuit funds -were applied to this object. An important law of 1780 went into the -whole matter of primary education in the city of Madrid. In the early -years of the reign of Charles IV the <i>corregidores</i> and <i>alcaldes</i> of -all towns were ordered to inspect schools, and were requested to inquire -what towns, including those of the lords, the church, and the military -orders, lacked them or were failing to provide sufficiently for those -which they had. In 1795 the <i>Cortes</i> of Navarre voted in favor of -compulsory education. Furthermore, private individuals followed the -example of the public authorities, and founded schools. Nevertheless, -the census of 1787 showed only about a fourth of the children between -the ages of seven and sixteen attending school. Conditions were still -very bad for the teachers, whose salaries were so small that they could -not live on them, while vexatious regulations were also a handicap to -the free development of the schools. The teachers were imbued with the<a name="page_474" id="page_474"></a> -pedagogical ideas of Rousseau, while Godoy attempted to bring about the -introduction of the methods of Pestalozzi. Both Godoy and Jovellanos had -extensive plans for the spread of primary education, but political -exigencies interrupted the projects of the former, while the latter’s -brief period of rule gave hardly time enough for the execution of his -ideas. The interest of the government, of individuals, and of the -<i>Amigos del País</i> societies in popular technical education has already -been discussed. The institutions for the study of the humanities, -roughly corresponding with the modern secondary schools (at least in -that they were a grade below the universities), were also reformed by -the government, following the expulsion of the Jesuits. In the same year -(1767) it was provided that the places of the former Jesuit teachers in -the Jesuit-taught schools of nobles and in the nineteen Jesuit colleges -should be filled by competitive examinations. In 1768 similar -institutions were ordered to be founded in such <i>villas</i> and cities as -had no university. Meanwhile, the municipal, conventual, and private -schools continued to exist, as in earlier times; Ferdinand VI and -Charles III enacted legislation with a view to limiting their numbers -and alleviating the bad condition of some of them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royal attempts at reform in university education.</div> - -<p>The twenty-four Spanish universities of this period were leading a life -of languor and scant utility down to the reign of Charles III, -struggling against the handicaps of a diminution in rents and students -and the competition of the Jesuits, More serious still was the decline -of university instruction. Studies were reduced to little more than the -memorizing of books, without any attempt at scientific investigation; -such little effort was made to keep abreast of the times that the great -University of Alcalá had in a library of seventeen thousand volumes only -some five hundred setting forth the current doctrines of other -countries; and many professorships had become sinecures for indigent -nobles. The reformers were eager to overcome these evils, and took the -course which seemed most natural in their day, that of bringing the -universities under royal control so that the benevolent state might -introduce the desired changes. In 1769 Charles III appointed a director -for each university, to whom the life<a name="page_475" id="page_475"></a> of the particular institution was -to be subject; later in the same year he gave orders for a new and -better plan of studies; in 1770 a censor was added to each university by -royal appointment, with the duty of watching over the program of studies -and assuring himself of the correctness of the religious and political -views (favoring absolutism) of prospective graduates, and at the same -time the universities were asked to suggest further reforms. Most of -them delayed their replies as long as possible, for the greater number -of the university officers were opposed to change, but the king -proceeded to make reforms, nevertheless. Between 1771 and 1787 the -greater universities were subjected to such revisions of their former -methods as the following: the presentation of new courses and the -amplification of old ones; the provision of a better opportunity to win -professorships by merit; the introduction of new texts; changes in the -methods of obtaining degrees; and the virtual appointment of the rector, -or president, by the <i>Consejo</i>. Godoy and Jovellanos in the next reign -carried on the reforming spirit of the ministers of Charles III. In all -of these reforms attempts were made to better the methods of teaching as -well as the programs of study. Thus, in 1774 professors were invited to -reduce their lectures to writing and make a gift of them to their -university, and prizes were offered for the publication of new texts or -the translation of foreign volumes. Nevertheless, the majority of the -reforms produced but a slender result, for the men charged with putting -them into effect were already trained in the old ideas, finding it -impossible to enter into the spirit of the new.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Special institutions of learning and scientific production.</div> - -<p>Possibly because they realized that the universities could not be -depended upon to solve the problem of higher education and scientific -output, the reformers created a long series of institutions of a special -character to attain these ends. Thus, schools of medicine, surgery, the -physical sciences, mathematics, jurisprudence, military art, astronomy, -engineering of various types, botany, mineralogy, natural history, -machinery, and others were founded, while a number of royal academies, -or learned societies, were established, among which may be mentioned -those of the<a name="page_476" id="page_476"></a> Spanish tongue (1713), history (1738), and the fine arts -(1752). Many foreign teachers and scientists were brought to Spain, but -since any permanent advantage had to come from the efforts of Spaniards -a number of students from the peninsula were sent abroad. Similarly, the -government paid the expenses of numerous expeditions, which were largely -or often wholly for objects of a scientific character. As examples of -this phase of the state’s activity may be mentioned the visit of Juan -and Ulloa to South America in 1735 with several French academicians, to -measure various degrees of the meridian at the equator in order to -determine the shape of the earth; that of the astronomers Doz and Medina -to Baja California in 1769 in company with the Frenchman Chappe -d’Autereche, to observe the transit of Venus; and the numerous Spanish -voyages to the northwest coast of North America in the last quarter of -the eighteenth century, of which the best known, perhaps, is that of -Malaspina, who set out in 1791 to prove the existence or non-existence -of the alleged Strait of Anian through the continent of North America. -This was an age, too, of official accumulation of libraries; the royal -library, forerunner of the present-day Biblioteca Nacional, was thrown -open to the public in 1714. Archives, also, were reorganized and their -contents put in order. Such was the case with those of Simancas and the -crown of Aragon, while many documents relating to the Americas were -taken from the former in 1785 to make a beginning of the great Archivo -General de Indias at Seville. Manuscripts were utilized, as well as -merely arranged, resulting both in documented volumes and in printed -collections of papers,—such, for example, as the <i>España sagrada</i>, or -Sacred Spain (1747-1773), a collection of diplomas, chronicles, -charters, and other old manuscripts in ecclesiastical archives, with a -view to making accessible the more important materials for the history -of the church; this great work, begun by Father Flórez, eventually -reached fifty-one volumes. This period also marked the beginning of -scientific periodical literature in Spain, occasionally as the result of -private initiative, but often as a government enterprise, or at least at -state<a name="page_477" id="page_477"></a> expense wholly or in part. The outbreak of the French Revolution -caused the royal authorities to suspend most of these periodicals, but -there was a return to a more liberal policy under Godoy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Slight effect of educational reforms.</div> - -<p>All of these efforts to rouse the nation from its intellectual lethargy -encountered such obstacles as have already been mentioned in dealing -with other phases of Spanish life in this period. Principal among them -was the ignorance of the people. Great as were the endeavors of the -reformers, they were unable to make the masses respond as quickly as -could have been wished, while even on the bourgeois and upper classes -the effect of the reforms was slight. Many interests directly opposed -the new ideas, finding danger in them for the institutions which they -represented. This was particularly true of the clergy as regards -innovations in the intellectual life of the country. The state itself, -prime mover in so many of the reforms, drew back when anything was -suggested which seemed to impinge upon the royal prerogative. In the -reign of Charles IV a distinct note of reaction began to make itself -felt, coming to its full fruition at a later time under the autocratic -Ferdinand VII.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish contributions to experimental science.</div> - -<p>One of the principal characteristics of the intellectual movement of the -eighteenth century was the reawakened interest in the experimental -sciences, representing a return to the Spanish traditions of the -sixteenth century. If Spain furnished fewer great names and achievements -at this time than formerly, nevertheless she made a notable recovery -from the low position she held at the close of the seventeenth century, -and in some respects, especially in natural science, produced men able -to rank with their contemporaries in other lands. In keeping with the -practical bent of Spanish character Spaniards were more famous for their -applications of scientific discoveries than for their contributions to -pure science. Just as in the previous era, the Americas furnished a -prominent field for scientific investigations. In the realm of botany, -perhaps more than in anything else, Spaniards distinguished themselves. -A list of the greatest names of the period would include Mutis, Mociño, -Sessé, Ruiz, Pavón, and Molina, whose works<a name="page_478" id="page_478"></a> dealt with the <i>flora</i> of -Bogotá, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Chile, especially in their -practical applications in medicine and otherwise. To their names should -be added those of Cavanilles and Sarmiento, whose writings had to do -with the <i>flora</i> of Valencia and Galicia. Under Philip V a botanical -garden was projected, and it was founded at Madrid in the reign of -Ferdinand VI. Other cities soon followed this example. Zoology and -mineralogy were less prominently studied, and in the latter field Spain -began to make more use of foreign specialists than in the Golden Age. A -considerable impulse to the natural sciences was given by the founding, -by Charles III, of the important museum at Madrid, in which existing -collections were brought together and to which various specimens from -the Americas were added. Another factor was the sending out of -scientific expeditions, mostly in or to the Americas, in which respect, -according to the testimony of Humboldt, Spain expended more than any -other European government. Meritorious work in physics and chemistry was -also done by Spaniards,—for example, the discoveries of Ruiz de -Luzuriaga and Salvá in the realm of magnetic fluids and electricity, the -discovery of tungsten by the Elhuyar brothers, and the demonstration by -Antonio de Ulloa of the existence of platinum,—even though foreigners -were to carry these findings still further. Medicine advanced out of the -stagnation which had characterized it in the later seventeenth century, -although it continued to be in a backward state in the Americas.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mathematics and geography.</div> - -<p>The scientific movement of the eighteenth century reached the field of -mathematics and kindred branches, producing much valuable work, though -usually in the field of their practical applications. In the case of -mathematics the decline had even reached the point of the negation of -that science as a field for study. The Jesuits reintroduced it in their -colleges, but it remained for the ministers of Charles III to restore it -to its earlier strong footing by creating professorships of mathematics -in the universities and in the schools of higher learning devoted to -special fields. Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, better known for their -expedition<a name="page_479" id="page_479"></a> to South America and their authorship of the <i>Noticias -secretas</i>, or Secret notices (not published until 1826), about -conditions there, were among those who distinguished themselves in this -subject. Geographical productivity was not so great as in the preceding -era, since colonial conquests were less far-reaching than before, but -for the single reign of Charles III there was almost as much in the way -of geographical accounts and maps as at any time in the past. The names -of Pérez, Heceta, Bodega, Ayala, Arteaga, López de Haro, Elisa, and -Fidalgo are only a few of the many who commanded expeditions in the new -world designed in part for the acquisition of geographical information, -though with political motives involved as well. In 1797 the Depósito -Hidrográfico was founded in Madrid to serve as a centre for the -preparation and storing of maps. This institution published many notable -maps of the various parts of Spain’s colonies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Philosophy.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Jurisprudence.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Economics and politics.</div> - -<p>Philosophical studies were influenced by the current ideas of the age. -At the outset educational institutions maintained what they termed the -traditional doctrine, which was in fact no more than the dry bones of -the past, serving only as a hindrance to the entry of anything new, even -in the field which the philosophers pretended to represent. Men -ambitious of knowledge resorted to the theories which then enjoyed high -repute in countries considered as leaders in the world of thought, and -even churchmen, who were usually among the more conservative elements, -were influenced by such of the philosophic systems as seemed least -dangerous to orthodox beliefs,—such as a certain sensationalism and -experimentation in philosophy,—and they were even affected by an -infiltration of encyclopedic ideas. This roused orthodox thinkers to an -active reaction which produced many writings of a polemic character, -although there may hardly be said to have been a veritable philosophic -renaissance. It is interesting to note, however, that even those who -combated the new ideas showed by their works that their own views were -modified by them. Only one name stands out from the rest as worthy to be -ranked with the great thinkers of other lands, that of the<a name="page_480" id="page_480"></a> logician -Andrés Piquer. In jurisprudence this was a particularly flourishing -period, for juridical studies were more in keeping with the thought and -propaganda in Europe at that time. The writings of Spaniards were -directed to propagating or resisting the new juridical ideas, to the -jurisdictional struggle between state and church, to the questions -arising concerning the government of Spain and the reforms needed, and -to the preparation of manuals for the teaching of law which the -introduction of fresh materials required. The same activity was -displayed in the fields of economics and politics, as has already been -pointed out. The greatest names in these branches were those of -ministers of state like Campillo, Ward, Ensenada, Campomanes, -Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who distinguished themselves by their -writings as well as by their acts in office. In the field of economics -Spanish thinkers, while strongly influenced by the current physiocratic -ideas, were not so completely given over to them as the economists of -other countries; they inclined toward giving an equal consideration to -industrial development, thus foreshadowing the ideas which were soon to -become supreme.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advanced state of historical studies.</div> - -<p>Many factors contributed to make this a brilliant period in Spanish -historical literature. Indeed, in this field of studies more than in any -other Spaniards attained to renown, even though they fell short of the -glorious achievements of the historians of the preceding era. The -disputes arising from the various aspects of eighteenth century thought -led men to look up precedents and to cite their authorities, while the -frequency with which certain writers set forth false documents -necessarily sharpened the instinct for criticism. A school of critics -sprang up which attacked errors and false statements wherever they found -them, although the intensity of religious life and the power of the -church caused most of the historians to abstain from overthrowing such -legends of a sacred character as had become firmly rooted in the popular -mind. Gregorio Mayáns and the Jesuit Masdeu were among the leading -exponents of this school. Books or articles on historical method were -frequent, and most authors of histories were wont to express<a name="page_481" id="page_481"></a> their -views in the preface to their volumes. These writers, in addition to -their exposition of the rules for criticism and style, displayed a broad -concept as to the content of history, holding that it should be -expressive of the civilizations of peoples. Thus, Masdeu entitled his -history <i>Historia crítica de España y de la cultura española</i> (Critical -history of Spain and of Spanish culture). While these ideas had been set -forth by the great writers of the sixteenth century they were now -predominantly held, both in Spain and in Europe generally. This was a -great age for the collection and publication of documents. The already -mentioned <i>España sagrada</i> was a noteworthy example. The new Academy of -History began to perform noteworthy service in this regard. Numerous -copies were made and abundant notes taken by writers like Burriel (real -author of the <i>Noticia de la California</i>, or Account about California, -ascribed to Venegas, though a prolific writer also on subjects having -nothing to do with the Americas) and Muñoz (first archivist of the -Archivo General de las Indias and author of an <i>Historia del nuevo -mundo</i>, or History of the new world) whose materials still remain in -great part unpublished. Reprints of old editions were brought out and -foreign works translated, while vast gatherings of bibliographical data -(in the shape of catalogues, dictionaries of various types of -subject-matter, and regional or subject bibliographies) were made. Many -works of original investigation were written, like those of Masdeu and -Muñoz already cited, or the <i>Vida de Carlos III</i> (Life of Charles III) -of Fernán-Núñez. A special group of legal and economic historians whose -writings were very important in their bearings on the times might be -made up. Martínez Marina was the principal historian of this class, -although Burriel, Asso, Capmany, Jovellanos, Llorente, Cornejo, and -Campomanes are worthy of mention. Literary history attracted the -erudite. Among the works of this group were studies concerning the -origin and history of the Castilian tongue, including the first -dictionary of the language, published by the Academy (1726-1739), with a -statement of the authorities for the sources of each word. Many of the -writings<a name="page_482" id="page_482"></a> of the historians already named, besides those of numerous -others, had some reference to the Americas, but the colonies themselves -were the source of a prolific historical literature. Kino, Arlegui, Mota -Padilla, Espinosa, Villa-Señor, Ortega, Burriel, Alegre, Baegert, -Beaumont, Palou, Clavigero, Arricivita, Revilla Gigedo, and Cavo (all -dealing with New Spain, or provinces of that viceroyalty) are only a few -of the writers (most of them colonials) who left volumes which serve -today as a rich source of materials and as an enduring monument to the -names of their authors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Neo-classic influences upon polite literature.</div> - -<p>The regeneration of Spain made itself felt to a certain extent in the -realm of polite literature, as well as in other forms of Spanish -intellectual life. Cultivated men of letters were desirous of rescuing -Spanish literature from the vices which had fastened upon it at the -close of the seventeenth century, and they turned to the so-called -neo-classic influences then dominant in western Europe, but represented -more particularly by France. Ronsard, Montaigne, Corneille, and others -had already begun to affect Spanish writers of the seventeenth century, -and in the period of the Spanish Bourbons the works of Corneille, -Racine, Marmontel, and Voltaire were offered to Spaniards in -translation. The writings of other foreigners were in like manner made -accessible, such as those of Alfieri, Young, and Milton. So devoted were -the Spanish neo-classicists to their trans-Pyrenean models that they -were unable to see any value in the great Spanish works of the <i>siglo de -oro</i>, especially those of the dramatists. They went so far as to propose -the expulsion of the national drama from the Spanish stage (except such -works as could be arranged according to neo-classic tastes) and the -substitution of plays from the French and Italian. Among their tenets -were that of the three unities (of time, place, and action) and one -which required that the action should be reduced to the amount of time -it took to represent it. The greatest of the neo-classicists was Ignacio -de Luzán, whose <i>Poética</i>, or Poetics (1737), was the highest and most -creditable example of the doctrine of his school. Naturally, if only -from motives of patriotism, a group of nationalistic authors sprang up -in opposition to<a name="page_483" id="page_483"></a> the neo-classicists and in defence of the Spanish -literature of the preceding era, but the French influence was so strong -that even this group was much affected by the precepts of the new -school. The public remained faithful to the national writers of the -<i>siglo de oro</i>, whose plays formed the principal element in theatrical -representations. Abroad, Spanish writers of the golden age still enjoyed -a repute which their countrymen were seeking to deny them. English and -German writers continued to translate or avail themselves of the works -of Cervantes and the picaresque novels, while the <i>Gil Blas</i> of the -Frenchman Lesage was a clear-cut, if brilliant, imitation of Spanish -models. The expulsion of the Jesuits, who took up their residence in -Italy, helped to convert Italy from the Hispanophobe attitude which in -company with France she had maintained with regard to Spanish -literature, for the more learned Jesuits were able to demonstrate the -false basis of this feeling, both by their own works, and by their -exposition of the merits of the Spanish writers of the past. The German -Humboldt and the Frenchman Beaumarchais, both of them men of wide -reputation, also took up cudgels in defence of Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Achievements of the era in polite literature.</div> - -<p>Despite the vigorous conflict of the two schools of literature, Spain -was unable to produce writers who could rank with those of the <i>siglo de -oro</i>. Epic poetry practically did not exist; oratorical literature, -whether secular or religious, was of slight account; and only one -notable novel appeared in the century, the <i>Fray Gerundio</i> (Brother -Gerund) of the Jesuit Isla. This work, which aimed to ridicule the -sacred oratory of the times, was nevertheless defective in that it -introduced much material foreign to the narrative, but it was in -excellent Spanish and teeming with witty passages. Both in this work, -and in his translation of Lesage’s <i>Gil Blas</i>, Isla won a place along -with Feyjóo as one of the best writers of the day in the handling of -Spanish prose. There were several notable lyric poets, such as Meléndez -Valdés, Nicolás Fernández de Moratín (usually termed Moratín rather than -Fernández), the latter’s son Leandro, and Quintana. Except for the -younger Moratín all belonged to the patriotic Spanish school. Quintana, -with his philanthropic<a name="page_484" id="page_484"></a> and liberal note, his solemn, brilliant, and -pompous style, and the rigidity and coldness of his classical rhetoric, -was perhaps the most typical representative of the age. The most marked -achievements in the field of <i>belles lettres</i> were in the drama. At the -beginning of the century Spanish theatres had been closed as the result -of a moral wave which left only the great cities, like Madrid, -Barcelona, Cádiz, and Valencia, with an opportunity to attend dramatical -representations. The entry of French influences and the polemics to -which they gave rise led to a revival of the drama, until it became the -favorite form of literature with both the public and the writers. Only -four dramatists may be said to have displayed unquestioned merits: -García de la Huerta, who employed a mixture of the old Spanish methods -with the newer French; the younger Moratín, the most distinguished -representative of the French school; Ramón de la Cruz, who depicted the -life of the Spanish people, and for the first time placed the customs of -the Madrid proletariat on the Spanish stage; and González del Castillo, -a worthy rival of the last-named in the same field. This was an era of -great actors, both men and women.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conflict between the baroque and neo-classic styles in -architecture and sculpture.</div> - -<p>The fine arts experienced the same influences and were the subject of -the same conflicts as occurred in the field of polite literature. At the -outset the baroque style in an even more exaggerated form than in the -preceding era was the principal basis of architecture. This was -vanquished by the classical reaction, born in Italy, and coming to Spain -by way of France. The new art, called neo-classic, or pseudo-classic, -endeavored to return to Roman and what were considered Greek elements, -interpreting them with an artificial and academic correctness which was -entirely lacking in sentiment and warmth. The Academy of Fine Arts -(<i>Bellas Artes de San Fernando</i>), established in the reign of Ferdinand -VI, became the stronghold of the neo-classic school, and was able to -make its views prevail, since it was the arbiter as to the style of -public buildings and the dispenser of licenses to engage in the -profession of architecture. The museum of the Prado, Madrid, the work of -Juan Villanueva,<a name="page_485" id="page_485"></a> may be taken as an example of the neo-classic -edifices. In sculpture the traditional use of painted wood remained a -dominant factor throughout most of the century, although there were -evidences presaging its abandonment. While some small figures -representing popular types were made, the majority of the works of -statuary were for the church, which was by far the most important -customer of the sculptors. Some of the most notable results were those -obtained in the groups for use in the <i>pasos</i>, or floats, carried in the -processions of Holy Week. Especially meritorious were those of Salcillo, -greatest of the baroque sculptors. The profuse ornamentation of baroque -art helped to cause a continuance of the use of stone in sculpture, -since it was difficult, with wood, to procure the effects of foliage. -The baroque was soon swept away, however, in favor of the neo-classic -style, of which Álvarez was the most distinguished exponent. The same -influences, in both architecture and sculpture, operated in the Americas -as in Spain. Both arts prospered more than they had in the past.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mediocrity of Spanish painting in this era.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Greatness of Goya.</div> - -<p>At the close of the seventeenth century Spanish painting had fallen -away, until nothing of consequence was being done. A revival commenced -with the accession of Philip V, but the results were not great. The -entire era was filled with the dispute between French and Italian -influences. In the reign of Charles III the German painter Mengs, who -represented a kind of eclecticism which endeavored to combine the -virtues of the masters in the various Italian schools of the great era, -became the idol of Spanish artists and the arbiter of the Academy. No -Spaniard, unless possibly Bayeu and Menéndez, is even worthy of -mention,—with one glorious exception. Into an age of painting which had -sunk to mediocrity, when artists were endeavoring to treat their themes -only according to prescribed rules and manners, came Francisco José Goya -(1746-1828), the greatest painter of his time and one of the greatest of -all history, deserving of a place with Velázquez, El Greco, and Murillo, -perhaps ranking ahead of the two last-named in the list of superb -exponents of the pictorial art whom Spain has given to the world. The -keynote of his work was the free expression<a name="page_486" id="page_486"></a> of his own personality, -unhampered by convention. A thorough-going realism, both in -subject-matter and in manner of treatment, was a distinctive feature of -his painting, which sought to represent character, movement, and life. -Even his religious pictures set forth matters as his own eyes saw them, -resulting in the anachronism of scenes from sacred history in which the -figures and the atmosphere were Spanish of Goya’s day. He was a most -prolific painter, leaving a vast number of portraits, ranging from those -of members or groups of the royal family from Charles III to Ferdinand -VII (notably the family of Charles IV) to persons of lesser note, some -religious paintings (which are not so convincing as his other works), an -exceptionally large number of scenes depicting popular customs (an -invaluable collection, in which respect Goya was at his best), the -stirringly patriotic pictures of the <i>Dos de Mayo</i> in 1808 and the -executions of the following day, and the two remarkable <i>majas</i> (the one -dressed and the other nude, each being the same person in the same -attitude). Hundreds of his cartoons are still in existence, many of them -exhibiting such freedom from convention and such unrestraint as to have -shocked his contemporaries and many others ever since. Withal he was a -most brilliant, clear, and harmonious colorist, able to get audacious -effects which were extraordinary in his day, a forerunner of the modern -schools. It is worthy of note that the Americas stepped forth in this -period to supply several notable artists comparable with those of the -age in Spain, Goya excepted.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The industrial arts.</div> - -<p>As for the various lesser arts of an industrial character, such as the -making of furniture, articles of gold and silver, rich fabrics, and -vases, the same succession of baroque and neo-classic styles is to be -noted. Thus the furniture of the earlier years affected twisted and -grotesque forms, while it was later shaped upon stiltedly correct lines. -The azulejos industry remained in existence, making use of blue, yellow, -green, and occasionally rose. Gold work was of scant importance, but the -making of tapestries was rather notable; they were combined with the -paintings of leading artists, many of which were supplied by Goya.<a name="page_487" id="page_487"></a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish music.</div> - -<p>In the realm of music the realistic and popular indigenous type had to -contend against the Italian school. The latter found favor at court and -among the erudite, but the national product held its own with the -people, appearing especially in the plays of dramatists of the Spanish -school, such as Ramón de la Cruz. Some of the native songs were -mythological or idyllic in character, but usually they were satirical or -funny, interwoven with popular melodies and even with the musical cries -with which street vendors called out their wares, admirably adapted to -the realistic plays in which they were sung. It was to the national -Spanish music that the great foreign masters looked, and this, -therefore, was able to contribute notably to the progress of the art; -Mozart and Rossini were among the composers affected by Spanish -influences. Despite the construction at this time of magnificent organs, -religious music in Spain remained in a state of corruption and decay. -The guitar continued to be the favorite musical instrument.<a name="page_488" id="page_488"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXIX" id="CHAPTER_XXXIX"></a>CHAPTER XXXIX<br /><br /> -<small>THE GROWTH OF LIBERALISM, 1808-1898</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The Spanish American wars of independence and the virtual -completion of Spain’s gift to the Americas.</div> - -<p>W<small>ITH</small> the outbreak of the Spanish “War of Independence” against Napoleon -the interest of Spain proper as affecting the Americas almost if not -wholly ceased. Her gift to the new world was by this time complete -except as regards the island dependencies of the West Indies and the -Philippines in the Far East. She was still to have important relations -with the Americas, such as her vain endeavor to suppress the revolutions -of her colonies and her relations with the United States concerning -Florida and Cuba, but those matters belong to the field of Hispanic -American history rather than to that of Spain as conceived in the -present work. In 1808 the news of the accession of Joseph Bonaparte to -the throne of Spain, after Napoleon had wrested the abdication of their -rights from Charles IV and Ferdinand VII, was received in the colonies -with hostile demonstrations, for the majority of Spanish Americans were -loyal to Ferdinand. When in 1809 all the peninsula seemed lost, many -began to hold to the view that relations with Spain, which had always -been rather with the king than with the nation, were severed, and in the -next year certain regions set up governments of their own, thus starting -the movement for independence which ended only with the battle of -Ayacucho in 1824.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Circumstances, skilfully directed by separatist -leaders, had led the Americas to proceed out of what was at first a -feeling of patriotism to the royal government to what eventually -resulted in embittered wars against it. The wars were fought largely, -though not wholly, by<a name="page_489" id="page_489"></a> the colonists themselves, one faction supporting -the newly constituted governmental machinery in the Americas, and the -other following the lead of the changing national régimes in -Spain,—just as if the war of the American Revolution had been a -conflict of Whigs and Tories. It becomes pertinent, then, to enquire why -Spain did not make a more strenuous effort to overcome the rebellions in -her colonies, which she had always regarded as vital to her, and why she -did not seriously attempt to reconquer them in the course of the -nineteenth century. The answer lies in a statement of the internal -affairs of Spain, who went through one of the most trying periods in the -annals of the peninsula, characterized by an incessant recurrence of -disturbances and even civil war. For Spain herself, however, it was a -period of advance along Liberal lines. Spain gained, though it cost her -an empire.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Patriotic Spanish uprising against Napoleon.</div> - -<p>The years 1808 to 1814 are almost the only time in the century to which -Spaniards may look back with satisfaction and pride, but the glory of -their war against Napoleon may well be regarded by them as compensation -for their losses and degradation in other respects. It took several -weeks for the news of the treachery of Bayonne, followed by the events -of the <i>Dos de Mayo</i>, to circulate throughout Spain. When at last the -people comprehended what had happened, a wild outburst of rage against -the French swept the peninsula. Between May 24 and June 10 every region -in the country rose in arms against the invaders, each district acting -independently, but all actuated by the same motives. As an English -writer (Oman) has expressed it: “The movement was spontaneous, -unselfish, and reckless; in its wounded pride, the nation challenged -Napoleon to combat, without any thought of the consequences, without -counting up its own resources or those of the enemy.” <i>Juntas</i>, or -governing groups, for the various provinces hastily constituted -themselves and prepared for the conflict. There were some 100,000 widely -scattered Spanish troops, between men of the regular army and the -militia, but they were almost wholly unfit to take the field, and as -events proved were badly officered. Against them were about 117,000 -French soldiers<a name="page_490" id="page_490"></a> in the peninsula (including 28,000 in Portugal), and -though these were far from equalling Napoleon’s best military units they -were vastly superior in every technical respect to the Spaniards. If it -had been a mere question of armies in the field there could have been no -doubt as to the outcome in the shape of a decisive French victory, but -something was going on in Spain which Napoleon had never dreamed of and -seemed unable to understand; in a land stirred by the furor of -patriotism such as had permeated all Spain the ordinary rules of -military science had to be left in abeyance. Napoleon thought that all -was over, when things were just about to begin; flying patrols here and -there, a species of mounted police, would be enough, he believed, in -addition to the existing garrisons, to keep the peninsula under control. -It was of a piece with this estimate that he should send General Dupont -with a column of 13,000 men, later reinforced up to 22,000, to effect -the conquest of Andalusia. Dupont found, what other French commanders -were to learn after him, that the only land he could conquer was that -actually occupied at a given time by his soldiers; the country in his -rear rose behind him as surely as the armies before him stood ready at -the first opportunity to oppose his advance. Getting into a difficult -position at Baylén, he surrendered to the Spanish general, Castaños, on -June 23, with 18,000 men. In less than two months the disorganized -Spanish forces had been able to strike a blow such as French arms had -not received for nine years. Meanwhile, Joseph Bonaparte, who had been -designated by Napoleon for the crown of Spain as early as in the month -of March, had been offered the throne on May 13 by the French-dominated -<i>Junta</i> of the Regency, of Madrid, and on June 15 at Bayonne by a -deputation of Spanish nobles who had been ordered to go there for -precisely that purpose. Joseph had entered Madrid in July, but the -capitulation of Baylén caused him to leave that city and retire with -most of his forces behind the Ebro. Thus had the patriots won in their -first trial of arms, and the moral effect of the victory made it -certain, henceforth, that the Spaniards would fight to the end.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Spanish War of Independence.</div> - -<p>It is not necessary to go into the details of the six year<a name="page_491" id="page_491"></a> conflict, -which ended only with the fall of Napoleon in 1814, although the French -had been expelled from Spain by the close of the preceding year. English -historians, with a pardonable pride, have been wont to make it appear -that this achievement was primarily a British feat of arms under the -leadership of Sir Arthur Wellesley, the later Duke of Wellington, and, -to be sure, English history does not record a more brilliant series of -campaigns than that of the so-called Peninsula War. It is unlikely that -the Spaniards, unaided, could have driven the French from Spain, for -their armies almost invariably proved unable to defeat the enemy in the -open field, even though they displayed fanatical courage in the defence -of their homes,—as witness the two sieges of Saragossa, desperately -resisted by General Palafox, and the stubborn opposition of General -Álvarez in Gerona to the French, who had to waste 20,000 men to take -that post. On the other hand Wellington’s victories would have been -impossible but for the indirect aid of the Spanish soldiery. Speaking of -the situation at the close of the year 1810 Oman says:<a name="page_492" id="page_492"></a> “Enormous as was -the force—over 300,000 men—which the Emperor had thrown into Spain, it -was still not strong enough to hold down the conquered provinces and at -the same time to attack Portugal [where the British army was stationed]. -For this fact the Spaniards must receive due credit; it was their -indomitable spirit of resistance which enabled Wellington, with his -small Anglo-Portuguese army, to keep the field against such largely -superior numbers. No sooner had the French concentrated, and abandoned a -district, than there sprang up in it a local Junta and a ragged apology -for an army. Even where the invaders lay thickest, along the route from -Bayonne to Madrid, guerilla bands maintained themselves in the -mountains, cut off couriers and escorts, and often isolated one French -army from another for weeks at a time. The great partisan chiefs, such -as Mina in Navarre, Julian Sanchez in Leon, and Porlier in the -Cantabrian hills, kept whole brigades of the French in constant -employment. Often beaten, they were never destroyed, and always -reappeared to strike some daring blow at the point where they were least -expected. Half the French army was always employed in the fruitless -task of guerilla-hunting. This was the secret which explains the fact -that, with 300,000 men under arms, the invaders could never concentrate -more than 70,000 to deal with Wellington.” This is a fair statement of -the general situation throughout the war. It would seem that the -Spaniards accounted for rather more than half of the French troops, even -when practically every province of the kingdom was theoretically -occupied by the enemy. In so doing they rendered a service not only to -themselves but also to Europe, for they detached enough troops from the -main body of Napoleon’s armies to enable the allies to swing the balance -against the emperor in his northern European campaigns. Incidentally it -was quite evident that Spain could give scant attention to her American -colonies while fighting for her very existence as an independent nation; -indeed, it was not until 1815 that Spain turned to a consideration of -the American wars.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish government in the early years of the war and the -calling of the Cortes.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, events of a political nature had been going on in Spain which -were to determine the whole course of Spanish history in the nineteenth -century. It was several months after the original outbreak before the -various local <i>juntas</i> were able to agree upon a supreme authority -during the enforced absence of Ferdinand VII, who was regarded as the -legitimate king. Late in September the somewhat unwieldy <i>Junta Central</i> -of at first twenty-four, afterward thirty-five, members was created, -sitting at Aranjuez. Two months later when Napoleon himself advanced -upon the capital the <i>Junta</i> fled to Seville, and joining with the -<i>junta</i> of that city remained in session there for over a year. It was -there that the <i>Junta</i> declared, in January, 1809, that the overseas -possessions of Spain were an integral part of the kingdom, refuting the -colonial claim of a connection merely through the crown. Driven out -again by the French the <i>Junta</i> took refuge in Cádiz, where, in January, -1810, it appointed a Regency of five men to arrange for the calling of a -<i>Cortes</i> representative of Spain and the Americas. The <i>Junta</i> thereupon -resigned. Fearful of the radical tone that a <i>Cortes</i> might adopt, the -Regency postponed its summons<a name="page_493" id="page_493"></a> as long as it could, but at last issued -the call, and the <i>Cortes</i> met in September, 1810. Very little was known -at the time as to the exact status and powers of the various <i>Cortes</i> of -earlier centuries, but nothing was more certain than that the <i>Cortes</i> -of 1810 was like no other which had ever met in the peninsula. It was a -single chamber body, designed to consist of elected deputies from the -towns with a traditional right of representation, from the provincial -<i>juntas</i>, from groups of 50,000 population, and from the Americas. Since -the American deputies could not arrive in time, and since a still -greater number of Spanish deputies could not be chosen by the -complicated elective machinery provided, with the land mostly in the -possession of the French, their places were supplied by persons from -those regions happening to be resident in Cádiz. Thus the <i>Cortes</i> came -to be made up of men who did not in fact reflect the conservative -temperament of the interior districts, but, rather, stood for the -radical views of the people of the coast. Most of them dreamed of -founding a representative body which should combine the supposed virtues -of the French Revolutionary Assembly with those of the British House of -Commons and the earlier <i>Cortes</i> of the peninsula kingdoms.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Liberal <i>Cortes</i> of 1810 and the constitution of 1812.</div> - -<p>One of the earliest acts of the <i>Cortes</i> was to accept the resignation -of the conservative Regency and to appoint a new body of three of that -name responsible and subservient to the <i>Cortes</i>. Soon the <i>Cortes</i> -declared itself to be the legislative power, and turned over the -executive and judicial authority to the Regency, following this up by -declaring itself to have sovereign power in the absence of the king. -When it became clear that these measures, which were bitterly opposed by -the church and the other conservative elements, were also distasteful to -Ferdinand, the <i>Cortes</i> decided that all acts or agreements of the king -during his captivity were to be regarded as invalid. The greatest -innovation of all, however, was the famous constitution of 1812. Under a -belief that they were returning to the system of the past the members of -the <i>Cortes</i> broke sharply from all the precedents of Spanish history, -enthroning the people through their representatives, and relegating the -crown<a name="page_494" id="page_494"></a> and the church to a secondary place in the state. Among the -several hundred items of this ultra-democratic document were the -following: sovereignty was declared to rest with the people, to whom, -therefore, was reserved the right of legislation; the laws were to be -made through the popularly elected <i>Cortes</i>; the king was to be the -executive, but was prevented from doing much on his own initiative by -the requirement that his decrees should be countersigned by the -ministers of state, who were responsible to the <i>Cortes</i>; all Spaniards -in both hemispheres were declared a part of the Spanish nation; all -Spanish men over twenty-five years of age were entitled to vote for -members of the <i>Cortes</i>, of whom there was to be one for each group of -60,000 people; various paragraphs included a Bill of Rights, a -complicated elective machinery, and the abolition of exemptions from -taxation. In only one respect did a conservative tone appear in the -document,—the Catholic faith was declared to be the religion of Spain, -and the exercise of any other was forbidden. Nevertheless, both before -and after the adoption of the constitution, the <i>Cortes</i> had shown -itself to be distinctly anti-clerical, as witness its overthrow of the -Inquisition, its restriction of the number of religious communities, and -the expulsion of the papal nuncio when he protested against some of -these laws. It was not by their workings in practice, however, that the -constitution and the laws of the <i>Cortes</i> became important; rather it -was that they constituted a program which became the war-cry of the -democratic faction in Spain for years to come. The constitution of 1812 -eventually got to be regarded as if it would be the panacea for all the -ills of mankind, and was fervently proclaimed by glib orators, who could -not have stated the exact nature of its provisions.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Despotic rule of Ferdinand VII and the revolution of 1820.</div> - -<p>Early in 1814 Ferdinand VII was freed by Napoleon, and allowed to return -to Spain. It was inevitable that he should adopt a reactionary policy, -toward which his own inclinations, the attitude of other continental -monarchs, and the overwhelming majority of the clergy, nobles, and the -people themselves of Spain impelled him. He had hardly reached the -peninsula when he declared the constitution of 1812 and<a name="page_495" id="page_495"></a> the decrees of -the <i>Cortes</i> of no effect. This was followed by the arrest of the -Liberal deputies and by the beginning of a series of persecutions. All -might have been well, but the personal character of the rancorous, -cruel, disloyal, ungrateful, and unscrupulous king and the blindness of -the absolutists drove the reaction to extremes. Ferdinand not only -restored absolutism, but also attempted to undo the enlightened work of -Charles III for the economic and intellectual betterment of the people. -Liberalism in every form was crushed, and in accomplishing it such -ferocious severity was displayed that the government of Ferdinand was -discredited both at home and abroad, even in countries where the -reactionary spirit was strongest. Back of the established forms of the -restored absolutism stood the unofficial <i>camarilla</i> (small room), or -“kitchen cabinet,” of the king’s intimate friends, but back of all was -the king. So suspicious was Ferdinand that more than thirty royal -secretaries, or ministers, were dismissed from office between 1814 and -1820, and dismissal was usually accompanied by a sentence of exile or -imprisonment. Periodical literature of a political character was -suppressed, although the bars began to be let down for magazines of a -scientific or literary type. Despite the rigors of the -administration—in a measure because of them—there were insurrections -each year from 1814 to 1817, all led by military chieftains of Liberal -ideas. They were put down, for in no case was there a popular uprising; -the people were as yet little affected by the new doctrines. Meanwhile, -secret plots against the government were fostered, in part as the result -of Spanish American influences which desired to prevent the sending of -troops to suppress the revolutions of the new world, but more largely -related to the Liberal ideal in Spain. This activity seems mainly to -have been the work of societies of Freemasons, in which military men -were strongly represented. Many other elements had also become -pro-Liberal by this time, including prominent representatives of the -middle class, almost all of the patriots who had organized the -resistance to the French in 1808, and the young men of education. The -storm broke when orders were given in 1819 for the assembling of an -army<a name="page_496" id="page_496"></a> at Cádiz for the extremely unpopular service of the wars in the -Americas. Colonel Riego raised the standard of revolt on January 1, -1820, proclaiming the constitution of 1812. The government seemed -paralyzed by the outbreak. Uncertain what to do it waited. Then late in -February the example set by Riego was followed in the larger cities of -northern Spain. The king at once yielded, and caused an announcement to -be made that he would summon a <i>Cortes</i> immediately and would swear his -adhesion to the constitution of 1812. Thus, without a battle, it seemed -as if the revolution had triumphed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Liberal <i>Cortes</i> of 1820 and the triumph of the -reaction.</div> - -<p>In July, 1820, the <i>Cortes</i> met. Its earliest measures aimed to restore -the legislation of the <i>Cortes</i> of 1810, together with other laws of a -similar character. The <i>Cortes</i> of 1820 has been charged with being -anti-clerical, as indeed it was, for the church was the most serious -opponent of Liberalism, still able to dominate the opinions of the -masses. Notwithstanding all it accomplished, the <i>Cortes</i> of 1820 -satisfied nobody. Like most new-born democracies Spain found herself -splitting on the rock of divergent opinions. The Liberals broke up into -various well-defined groups: the Radicals felt that the <i>Cortes</i> had -been too moderate and cautious; the Moderates found the new laws -dangerously radical; still others wished for a reform of the -constitution in the direction of yet greater moderation than most of the -Moderates desired. These were only a few of the groups to spring up. -Meanwhile, the king and the absolutists, who had never intended to abide -by the revolution, began to turn these divisions to account. Armed bands -favorable to the king were formed, while others representing other -factions also came into existence, and a state of anarchy ensued. The -crisis was settled from abroad, however. From the first, Ferdinand had -sent appeals to the reactionary kings of Europe, representing himself to -be a prisoner, much as Louis XVI had been at the outbreak of the French -Revolution. At length his appeals were listened to, and France, Russia, -Austria, and Prussia joined together to restore matters to the situation -they were in prior to 1820. It was as a result of this decision that a -French army invaded<a name="page_497" id="page_497"></a> the peninsula in the spring of 1823. No effective -resistance was offered; indeed, the country seemed rather to second the -French efforts and to facilitate their advance. No better proof could be -furnished that the revolution of 1820 did not represent the sentiment of -the people; the masses were yet steeped in ignorance and weighed down by -traditional influences, so that they rejected a system intended for -their benefit in favor of one which had lost even the benevolent -disposition of the eighteenth-century Bourbons; the intellectual -elements which had promoted the revolution had shown an incapacity to -face realities or to compromise with the full meed of their ideals. Thus -had the revolution of 1810 been re-enacted. The example was to be many -times repeated in the course of the next two generations. The -constitution and the laws of the <i>Cortes</i> were abolished, and savage -persecution of Liberalism began. From 1823 to 1829 the political history -of Spain was a series of alternations between terrorism and a relaxation -of coercive measures, according as one group or another prevailed with -the king, but the dominant note was at all times that of absolutism. It -is to be noted that Spain had scarcely had a moment’s respite from -domestic difficulties since the invasion of Napoleon in 1808. In the -meantime, between 1810 and 1824, the American colonies of the mainland -had seized their opportunity to separate from the mother country -forever.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">María Cristina and the Carlist wars.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress of Liberalism.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rule of Espartero.</div> - -<p>Reactionary as Ferdinand had shown himself to be, he did not go far -enough to suit the extremists in the absolutist faction headed by the -king’s brother Don Carlos (Charles). This group soon formed a party, -which believed that its principles could be secured only through the -accession of Don Carlos to the throne, wherefore its members came to be -known as Carlists. The king was childless and in feeble health, but the -hopes of the Carlists received a setback when in 1829 he married again. -The new queen, María Cristina of Naples, was reactionary by instinct, -but was forced by Carlist opposition to lean toward the Liberal faction -in order to find some element on which she could depend for support. As -it soon became clear that she was about to give birth to a child, the -chances of Don Carlos’ succession were gone in<a name="page_498" id="page_498"></a> case the infant should -prove to be a boy, but the Carlists relied upon the so-called Spanish -Salic Law of Philip V to exclude the enthronement of a girl. The -exigencies of the political situation in 1713 had led Philip V to -declare that the male line should always succeed to the Spanish throne. -In 1789 Charles IV in agreement with the <i>Cortes</i> abrogated the law, but -the decision seems not to have been published. To meet every contingency -Cristina persuaded Ferdinand in 1830 to publish the law of 1789. -Henceforth the struggle turned on the question of the validity of the -law of 1789. In October, 1830, Cristina gave birth to a daughter, María -Isabel, who was crowned as Queen Isabel, or Isabella II, with her mother -as regent, on the death of the king in 1833. This was the signal for the -outbreak of the Carlist wars, fought principally in the north and east -of Spain, where the party of Don Carlos had a strong following. -Meanwhile, a Liberal policy had been inaugurated, but in the main it was -of a half-hearted type, for Cristina was both illiberal by temperament -and unreliable in government; she would promise reforms, only to -withdraw them, and would perhaps re-enact them in the very next breath. -Nevertheless, the period of her regency was one of distinct gain for the -principle of limited monarchy. A wider and wider circle of the people -came to believe in that ideal, the <i>Cortes</i> met frequently, Liberal -legislation was passed which was not to be so lightly tossed aside as -formerly, and the constitutional principle was definitely established. -To be sure, the same divisions as before tore the Liberal element -asunder, and even led to insurrections at the very time that the Carlist -wars were in their most dangerous stage; Spain still had a long road to -travel to achieve democracy. The most important piece of legislation was -the constitution of 1837, overthrowing the impossible instrument of -1812, though agreeing with it in many respects, including its -recognition of the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a -<i>Cortes</i> of two houses, with an absolute veto by the crown, and a -restricted suffrage,—a compromise between the position of the -Moderates, or conservative element of the Liberals, and that of the -Progressives, or radicals. Neither party was satisfied, and as<a name="page_499" id="page_499"></a> a -working instrument the constitution was not long-lived, but henceforth -this, and not the idolized 1812 document, was to serve as a basis in -constitution making. The year 1837 marked the first appearance in power -of Espartero, who had distinguished himself as a general in the war -against the Carlists, thus beginning an era in which successful military -men were to be the virtual rulers of Spain, more or less under -constitutional forms, but in reality depending upon the army as the only -force which all elements would recognize. Espartero’s credit reached -still higher when he was able to bring the Carlist war to a close in -1840, following his negotiations with the leading enemy generals. In the -same year, Cristina, who had long maintained a precarious hold on the -regency as a result of her insincerity and her affiliations with the -Moderates, was at length compelled to abdicate. Espartero stepped into -the breach, becoming regent in 1841, and for another two years -maintained himself as a veritable dictator, but proclaiming Liberal -principles, fighting the Moderates, defending himself against the -intrigues of Cristina, and resisting the Progressives, who were -dissatisfied with his policy or jealous of his preponderance. In 1843 -the storm broke, and Espartero fled to England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Isabella II and the rule of the generals.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Narváez and O’Donnell.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rise of General Prim.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Character of the queen.</div> - -<p>The overthrow of Espartero had been accomplished by a combination of the -extreme conservative and the radical elements, which aimed to prevent -the recurrence of a regency by illegally proclaiming the -thirteen-year-old Isabella II to be of age. Such widely divergent groups -could not long remain harmonious, and the conservatives were soon in the -saddle. The twenty-five year period of Isabella’s active reign, from -1843 to 1868, was one in which reactionary forces were almost constantly -in control under constitutional forms. Except for the discredited -Carlists, who engaged in several minor outbreaks during these years, no -party stood frankly for absolutism, although that form of government was -in fact the wish of many and the virtual type of rule employed. The real -master was, not the queen, but the army through its generals. The saving -factor in the situation was that the latter were not united; while -certain of them were ultra-reactionary, others were Liberal, though<a name="page_500" id="page_500"></a> -none of those who attained to power went the lengths of the radicals. In -the numerous ministries of the era an occasional non-military individual -was at the head of the state,—such as the reactionary González Bravo, -or the clerically backed Bravo Murillo, but the terms of these and other -civilian ministers were brief. The two principal rulers of the times -were General Narváez and General O’Donnell. Narváez, who had won -notoriety for his severity against the Carlists, was six times in office -(1844-1846, 1846 again, 1847-1851, 1856-1857, 1864-1865, and 1866-1868). -It became the habit of the queen to send for him whenever the monarchy -was in danger, not only because he could control the army, but also -because he invariably struck hard and successfully against Liberalism at -the same time that he upheld constitutional government, though -disregarding its mandates as suited his pleasure. Execution or exile -followed swiftly where Narváez was displeased with an individual. -Meanwhile, he made meritorious reforms which tended to restore good -order and check anarchy, such as his success in stamping out brigandage -and revolution. The ability of this despotic veteran was well displayed -when he saved Spain from the storm which shook other European thrones in -1848. O’Donnell, who came into prominence in the temporarily successful -Liberal revolution of 1854, was three times in office (1856, 1858-1863, -1865-1866), once holding power for five years. While far more liberal -than Narváez he was a staunch supporter of the Bourbons. He sought to -divert public attention from domestic affairs by laying stress upon -foreign policy, as witness his well-advertised refusal to sell Cuba to -the United States, his plans to join France in the latter’s intervention -in Mexico, and especially his engaging in a war with Morocco -(1859-1860). The chief political result of the war was to make a popular -hero of General Prim, a man of Liberal tendencies and of less resolute -devotion than O’Donnell to the Bourbons. Prim was the third of the great -military figures who, together, explain this era. Beside them must be -considered the queen. The former regent, María Cristina, had not been -free from charges of immorality, but her daughter Isabella was notorious -for her bad conduct.<a name="page_501" id="page_501"></a> Furthermore, she was perfidious, selfish, -superstitious, and lacking in principle. Withal she was devoutly -religious. The result was that her opinions were swayed by her numerous -transitory lovers or by her confessors, and ministries rose and fell -according to the dictates of the <i>camarilla</i>. Even O’Donnell declared it -was impossible to govern under her, for no dependence could be placed -upon her word.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Constitutional changes in the reign of Isabella II.</div> - -<p>The character of the period was reflected in the new constitutions which -were drawn up. The constitution of 1845 included the following -provisions: the introduction of a property qualification, narrowing the -franchise of those electing deputies to the <i>Cortes</i>; the nomination of -senators by the crown; life tenure of senators; the packing of the -senate with grandees, ecclesiastics, successful soldiers, and financial -magnates,—reactionary elements; emphasis on the recognition of the -Catholic Church as the established religion; an assent to the theory of -the sovereignty of the people, but in such an attenuated form as to -deprive the right of its vitality; restrictions on the freedom of the -press; and the reduction of the national militia—the hope of -Liberalism—to an innocuous state by making it subject to the central -executive. The church was strengthened still further upon the fall of -Narváez in 1851, for, reactionary though he was, he did not go far -enough in ecclesiastical matters to suit the clergy. The brief term in -office of their candidate, Bravo Murillo, resulted in the restoration of -part of their former endowment as a result of the concordat of 1851, but -their acceptance of this document was denounced by the Carlists and -absolutists in general, including the pseudo-constitutional -reactionaries, as a betrayal of the cause for which the churchmen had -stood. Bravo Murillo proposed a constitution in 1852 which amounted to a -virtual abrogation of parliamentary government, granting the crown the -right to enact the budget by royal decree and to propose legislation -which must be accepted or rejected by the <i>Cortes</i> without amendment, -together with other provisions of a like character. It was Narváez who -pointed out to the queen that the Bravo constitution would result in -disaster to the government, and the instrument was only productive<a name="page_502" id="page_502"></a> of -its proposer’s fall. During the period of Liberal control, from 1854 to -1856, at which time Espartero returned to head the ministry, a fresh -constitution was presented to the <i>Cortes</i> in 1855. The former provision -for life senators was abolished; financial control was vested in the -<i>Cortes</i>, which was to meet at least once a year; liberty of the press -was granted; and it was decided that nobody should be persecuted for his -religious views contrary to the Catholic faith, provided he should not -manifest them publicly. The constitution of 1855 remained an ideal only, -for the <i>Cortes</i> separated without promulgating it. In the next year -O’Donnell brought about a restoration of the constitution of 1845, with -added enactments providing for the control of national finances by the -<i>Cortes</i> and for an elected senate. When Narváez returned to power late -in the same year, he caused such reform measures of the Liberals as had -not already been done away with to be rescinded, and reinforced the -constitution of 1845.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Revolution of General Prim and dethronement of Isabella II.</div> - -<p>Nevertheless, very important gains were made for democracy in this -period, in addition to the recognition of the constitutional principle. -Most vital of all was that a large proportion of the people had now -joined with the intellectual class among the civilian element in a -desire for a more liberal government. The reaction had at first been -welcomed as assuring the country of peace, but the promise was not -fulfilled. Insurrections soon began to occur on behalf of Liberalism, -and people got to believe that there would be no security from anarchy -until the policies of that party triumphed. The Liberal opposition more -and more directed its attacks against the queen, whose instability of -character seemed to preclude the attainment, or at least the continued -practice, of any political ideal. Prim at length became convinced that -the dynasty must be swept away, and headed an unsuccessful revolution in -1866. The queen’s position was steadily weakened, however. Radical -newspapers had been founded which exposed her immorality, and the -government was unable to suppress these publications. The deaths of -O’Donnell in 1867 and of Narváez in 1868 were also fatal to her. The -last-named was succeeded<a name="page_503" id="page_503"></a> by González Bravo, who had held the leadership -of the ministry from 1843 to 1844, only to lose it because he was not a -soldier, and could not control the army. This time he proposed to defeat -the generals, and sought to do so by banishing all of them known to hold -Liberal views. But the generals returned with Prim at their head, though -Serrano was the nominal leader. At last the blow had fallen, and as the -year 1868 drew toward a close the long, corrupt reign of Isabella II -came to an end with the dethronement of the queen. The first question -now to resolve was that of the type of government to be established. -This was left to the <i>Cortes</i>, which voted for a continuance of -monarchy; it is significant of the advance of democratic ideas that 71 -votes in a total of 285 favored the establishment of a republic. The -next problem was to find a monarch. Prince after prince was approached, -but it seemed as if nobody cared to be king of Spain. Leopold of -Hohenzollern consented to become king, but later withdrew his candidacy, -and it was this trifling incident which served as the occasion, hardly -the cause, for the outbreak of war in 1870 between France and Prussia. -Finally, after a search which had lasted two years, the Duke of Aosta, -Amadeo of Savoy, gave a reluctant consent. On the very day when Amadeo -touched Spanish soil, December 30, 1870, General Prim died of wounds -received a few days before from a band of assassins. It meant that the -new king (who was crowned a few days later, in January, 1871) was to -lack the support of the only individual who might have saved him from -the difficulties of his position.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Troubled reign of Amadeo of Savoy.</div> - -<p>Amadeo found himself king in a country where he had no party. At his -accession there were three well-defined groups, the Alfonsists, the -Republicans, and the Carlists. The first-named favored the principle of -limited monarchy, under Alfonso of Bourbon, son of Isabella II. This -party as yet had a meagre following, owing to the hatred of her family -which Isabella had inspired among Spaniards. Republicanism was loudly -proclaimed, but was untried and not trusted. The Carlist faction, -standing for absolutism as well as for the accession of the heir of the -earlier Don Carlos,<a name="page_504" id="page_504"></a> was by all odds the strongest group of the day. Its -backbone was the clergy, who were especially influential in the country -districts of the north and east. They were deeply offended by the choice -of a monarch from the House of Savoy, which had just occupied the last -remnant of the Papal States and made the pope a “prisoner of the -Vatican.” They also feared that the new government might withdraw its -financial support of the church, leaving them to the uncertain -contributions of the faithful. Carlism was aided by the disintegration -of the regular army, growing out of Prim’s promise to abolish compulsory -service, a policy which the Republicans included in their program, -although no definite enactment to this effect was made. The morale of -the army was thus destroyed, depriving the state of its only sure -resort, disgusting the officers, and leading to a renewal of brigandage, -anarchy, and an aggressive type of socialism. Altogether there was a -recrudescence of grave disorder. There were six changes in ministry and -three general elections in two years. At last Amadeo was told that he -must suspend the constitution and rule with an iron hand. This he -refused to do, seizing the first opportunity which offered to resign his -crown, leaving the country once more without a king, in February, 1873.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Spanish republic.</div> - -<p>The Republicans now had their innings, but the time could hardly have -been worse for the trial of their ideas. The Carlists had under arms a -force of 45,000 men in 1873, which swelled to 75,000 by the close of -1875. The south received the proclamation of the republic with a resort -to self-governing, jealous particularism, as if the day of democratic -<i>taifa</i> states had dawned, for they were able to agree on one thing -alone,—that of refusing to pay taxes to the central government. One -Figueras had been proclaimed <i>ad interim</i> president until a <i>Cortes</i> -could be elected, but he became terrified by the republic when he saw -it, and fled before the <i>Cortes</i> could meet. There were three more -presidents in 1873. Pi y Margall was a federalist who believed that the -newly won freedom would provide a remedy for the prevailing -disorder,—but it did not. He was therefore put aside, and Salmerón, a -unitary Republican, took the<a name="page_505" id="page_505"></a> helm. Salmerón initiated vigorous measures -to crush the forces of disintegration, but, as he was about to succeed, -drew back before the fear of militarism. Castelar was put in his place, -and he revived the army. This measure strengthened the central -authority, but it killed Republicanism, which had made the abolition of -enforced military service one of the cardinal tenets of its creed. It -was now only a question of time before the Alfonsists would take -control. Carlists of constitutional leanings went over to that side as -did many Republicans, since it now seemed clear that the accession of -Alfonso was the only alternative to the enthronement of the Carlist -representative. In December, 1874, Alfonso issued a proclamation, -promising an amnesty and constitutional government. With hardly a -struggle the republic fell.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Alfonso XII and the establishment of a conservative -monarchy.</div> - -<p>The reign of Alfonso XII (1874-1885) marked the beginning of a new era, -based upon the acceptance of pseudo-democracy under constitutional -forms, and accompanied by a growing tendency toward internal peace. -Minor outbreaks in Spain, now of Carlists, now of Republicans, continued -to require military attention down to 1886, but no such disorder as had -so long been the rule again prevailed. A new constitution was -promulgated in 1876 which had the effect of conciliating the clergy, -since it provided for state support of the church, although that -institution did not receive all it had been promised; indeed, it -protested bitterly against the grant of toleration to other faiths. The -constitution of 1876, which with some modifications is still operative, -was patterned after that of 1845, with the addition of certain of the -more recent reforms. Some of its provisions were the following: the -<i>Cortes</i> was to be composed of two houses, respectively the senate and -the congress; the senate was to contain eighty members in their own -right, such as princes of the royal family, grandees, presidents of the -great councils, archbishops, and captain-generals, one hundred more by -royal appointment, and one hundred and eighty elected for a term of five -years by municipal and provincial assemblies, universities, and -taxpayers of the highest class; congress was to be made up of 431 -deputies, representing<a name="page_506" id="page_506"></a> districts of 50,000 people each, chosen by an -electorate which was limited by the imposition of a property -qualification,—changed in 1889 by the restoration of universal manhood -suffrage; legislative power was vested in the <i>Cortes</i> with the king; -the king was made irresponsible, but his decrees had to be countersigned -by a responsible minister; and the jury system was abolished,—although -it was restored early in the next reign. The net result was a -centralized monarchy in the control of the conservative elements. Many -principles of the Liberal program, taken especially from the -constitution of 1869 when Prim was in power, have since been added. The -death of the king, who had ruined his health as the result of excesses -which recalled the scandals of his mother’s reign, seemed likely to -raise fresh difficulties at the close of the year 1885. The queen was -then pregnant, and it was not until 1886 that her son, the present -Alfonso XIII, was born. The ex-queen, Isabella II, attempted to -intervene, but only succeeded in strengthening the position of the -queen-mother, María Cristina of Austria, who ruled henceforth as regent -until Alfonso attained his majority in 1902.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The war of 1898 and disappearance of Spain as a colonial -power.</div> - -<p>It was primarily in Spain’s colonial policy that the evils of the old -era continued. The lesson of the Spanish American wars of independence -had not taught Spain how to govern her few remaining colonies. Indeed, -corrupt methods were if anything worse than before, as the opportunities -for engaging in them became fewer. Spanish civilians in Cuba preyed upon -the island, and political office there was reserved for those seeking -reward for party service at home. A revolution broke out in 1868 which -lasted ten years. The government then made promises which were not -fulfilled, and a second uprising occurred, but it was severely put down. -Once again there was a revolution, in 1895. This time the United States -intervened, and in the brief war of 1898 Cuba became independent, and -Porto Rico and the Philippines passed over to the United States. Thus -was the last vestige of Spain’s trans-Atlantic dominion swept away. This -was the final stroke in a century of disasters. And yet the total result -was one of internal progress for Spain. She<a name="page_507" id="page_507"></a> had paid a heavy price in -her gropings for liberty, but she had reached a stage which, while not -yet satisfactory, was incomparably ahead of that with which she had -begun the century.<a name="page_508" id="page_508"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XL" id="CHAPTER_XL"></a>CHAPTER XL<br /><br /> -<small>THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917</small></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Revival of economic prosperity.</div> - -<p>S<small>PANIARDS</small> are in the habit of discussing their recent national -development with reference to the year 1898, which is recognized as a -turning-point in Spanish life, a change held by them to have been -decidedly for the better. Nevertheless, the way had begun to be prepared -with the accession of Alfonso XII to the throne; the splendid monument -to that king in the Retiro at Madrid can be explained only on the ground -that he symbolizes the re-establishment of good order in the peninsula, -with a government based on what the Spanish people will stand, rather -than on the full meed of an unworkable ideal. The country was tired of -domestic strife, and asked only to be left in peace, with an opportunity -to give attention to its material resources. This wish the government -granted, and all Spain profited. Roads, railways, and irrigation ditches -were built, and mining and the wine trade developed, while more recent -times have witnessed a notable industrial growth in some of the northern -cities. These matters were left very largely in the hands of foreigners, -with Spaniards either wasting their blood and treasure in the colonies, -or merely failing to participate in the economic enterprises of the -peninsula. After 1898, however, Spaniards began to join with Englishmen, -Germans, and Frenchmen in investing their capital in Spain. Many evils -remained to be overcome, but the country recuperated to such an extent -that its present wealth would compare favorably with that of the past at -almost any stage of Spanish history, although the rate of economic -progress has probably not equalled that of other countries.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conservative rule in a pseudo-Liberal state.</div> - -<p>On the surface the old politico-social ideas of Liberalism<a name="page_509" id="page_509"></a> seemed for a -while to have died, and the country came to be ruled by parties which -supported the conservative constitution of 1876, although there was a -widespread opposition in opinions it not in power. At the present time -there is a Liberal and a Conservative party, but the difference between -the two is recognized, even by many Spaniards, as being very slight. In -1911 there was a strike on the government-owned railways, whereupon the -authorities suspended the constitutional guarantees, on the ground that -the nation was in danger. One result was that bodies of men could not -congregate,—and the strikers were helpless. In 1912 a general railway -strike was threatened. The premier, Canalejas, called out the military -reserves, and put them on the trains not only as guards but also as -train operatives,—for, since all Spaniards who have served their term -in the active army are in the reserves, the strikers were employed as -military trainmen to put down their own strike,—a thing which they -could not refuse to do, as they were under martial law. An early -<i>Cortes</i> was promised, at which the questions of increase in wages and -decrease in the hours of labor would be taken up. The <i>Cortes</i> was -called,—and the matter of the strike was dropped. The interesting thing -is that all of this took place while a Liberal government was in power! -It is also said that the Liberals and Conservatives agreed, a few years -ago, to alternate in office, thus showing their contempt for the spirit -of representative institutions, but the Liberals did not retire from -their control of the government in 1913, wherefore not a little -ill-concealed resentment was displayed by the organs of the Conservative -party. In fact, parties are divided on lines of the allegiance of -individuals to the chieftain (<i>cacique</i>) of their group. National -policies and projects of reform on the part of those in power get little -beyond the stage of rhetoric, while government is too largely given over -to the interplay of personal ambitions. To many the young king, Alfonso -XIII, has seemed the most liberal-minded of the higher officers of the -Spanish state, and in both word and deed he has appeared, until recently -at least, to merit the characterization. Attaining to his majority at -the age of<a name="page_510" id="page_510"></a> sixteen, in 1902, he married the granddaughter of the -English Queen Victoria in 1906,—an augury in itself of liberal views. A -savage attempt was made, without success, to murder the young couple on -their wedding day; on that occasion and two others when later -assassinations were tried, Alfonso displayed such courage and coolness -as to win for himself an immense popularity; “the valiant king” (<i>El rey -valiente</i>) he is often called.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Underlying resentment against the government and growth of -elements in opposition.</div> - -<p>The political views of the Spanish people have been undergoing a change -in recent years. Whereas the mass of the people were totally unready for -the democratic constitution of 1812, or even for that of 1837, they are -today becoming more and more radical in feeling. Everywhere there is -discontent with the present management of state affairs, and it is -customary to charge even the untoward incidents of daily life to the -fault of “the bad government” (<i>el mal gobierno</i>), —for example, when a -train is late, or over-crowded, both of which eventualities are of -frequent occurrence. Many factors have combined to bring about this -state of mind: much is traceable to social causes, to which allusion -will be made presently; the very material progress of the country, -resulting in a betterment of the condition of the poor, though their lot -is still far from being an enviable one, has awakened desires among the -masses of which their ancestors never dreamed; and the relative -prosperity of many of the <i>indianos</i> (nabobs of the Indies), as returned -Spanish emigrants are called, has led to a widespread belief that men -can do better anywhere than under the “<i>mal gobierno</i>” of Spain. The -average Spaniard of the working classes takes little interest in his -right of suffrage (although this is more particularly true of the -country districts than it is of the cities), for he is convinced that it -makes no difference; he is helpless and hopeless in the face of a -government which seems quite apart from him. Many believe, however, that -there is a panacea for existing conditions, and groups have sprung up -representing a variety of social, economic, and political ideas, such as -single tax (<i>georgismo</i>,—from Henry George), socialism, and -republicanism. The desire for a republic has grown steadily since its -first public<a name="page_511" id="page_511"></a> expression in 1854, and has now swept across the northern -provinces of Spain, from Galicia to Catalonia, cutting through the -formerly Carlist, or absolutist, country, although manifesting itself -more in the cities than elsewhere. If no serious outbreak for the -establishment of a republic has taken place, it is in large degree a -tribute to the king. Alfonso has frequently declared himself ready to -accept the wishes of the Spanish people in this matter, saying only a -few years ago that if Spain should so decide he “would be the first to -draw his sword in defence of the republic.” Too much weight should not -be given to these political gropings of the Spanish people, for the -forces of conservatism,—such as the nobles and the wealthy, the clergy, -and the devoutly faithful (notably in the rural districts),—are still -very powerful. Even the king has recently been charged with a tendency -to become reactionary. In 1917 serious internal disturbances occurred, -and it is said that Alfonso did not rise to the situation in the same -liberal spirit as formerly. Whether this is the mere unfounded -expression of party feeling, or whether the king has in truth -experienced a change of heart, it is as yet too early to say. Whatever -may be the exact composition of the elements against them, there is no -doubt that the majority of the people feel a deep resentment against the -prevailing government. In one respect this has led to consequences of a -serious character. The old regional spirit of the Catalans has -reasserted itself, and a distinct Catalan national feeling, sustained by -a revival of Catalan as a literary tongue, has manifested itself. One -event stands out from the rest in recent times, with regard to which all -elements in Spanish life have had occasion to express their political -views. That is the celebrated Ferrer case.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Ferrer case and the “Maura, si!” and “Maura, no!”</div> - -<p>In June, 1909, when a Conservative government was in power, with Antonio -Maura at its head, credits were voted for a campaign in Morocco against -some tribesmen who had attacked a railway leading to mines in the -control of Spanish capitalists. There was an immediate outbreak of -hostile public opinion in Spain, which in Catalonia resulted in serious -riots. The strange thing about the Catalonian<a name="page_512" id="page_512"></a> manifestations, which -were most pronounced in Barcelona, was that they developed into what -seemed to be an organized assault, not on the government or on -capitalists, but on the Catholic Church. Churches, monasteries, -convents, and shrines were attacked—and nothing else. The government -soon had the situation in hand, and a number of arrests were made, -followed in some cases by sentences of death or imprisonment. Public -attention focused itself on the case of one Ferrer. Francisco Ferrer was -born in 1859, the son of a poor Catalan farmer. As a youth he was an -anarchist, pronouncing bitterly against the ideal of patriotism and -against the church. Having participated in a Catalonian rebellion of -1885, he fled to Paris, where he entered into relations with a Parisian -spinster, who soon died and left him a fortune. Later, he returned to -Barcelona, and increased his possessions as the result of successful -stock speculation. He founded a number of schools, which represented his -ideas,—still uncompromisingly against the church. Ferrer was also a -high official of the Freemasons and other secret societies. It is not to -be wondered at, either, in view of his rebellious attitude toward -society, that his regard for the marriage bond and for sexual morality -was clearly not in accord with prevailing views. At the time of the -Catalonian outbreak of 1909 he was charged with being one of the -ring-leaders. A military court-martial was held, at which he was -confronted with scores of witnesses, and it would seem that the -prosecution established its case. Ferrer was convicted, and on October -13, 1909, was shot.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> The case of Ferrer has been taken up -internationally by various secret societies, but it has had a special -significance in Spain. There, opinion has divided, not about Ferrer or -the merits of his case, but with regard to the Conservative chieftain, -Maura, whose government was responsible for his death. Maura is taken as -the personification of the existing régime. “Maura, sí!” and “Maura, -no!” (“Maura, yes!” and “Maura, no!”) have come to be popular -watchwords,<a name="page_513" id="page_513"></a> indicating whether one approves of things as they are, or -whether one stands for a new and liberalized, truly democratic Spain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Foreign policy of Spain since 1898 and attitude toward the -Great War.</div> - -<p>Spain’s foreign policy since 1898 has very nearly reduced itself to -three factors. First of these is the policing of a small strip of the -Moroccan coast, where Ceuta and other posts are still held by Spain. -This has involved the country in wars of a minor character with the -traditional enemy in Moslem Northwest Africa. Of greater interest is the -conscious policy of cultivating the friendship of the American countries -which were once colonies of Spain, based largely on a wish to develop a -market for Spanish goods, but not devoid of a sentiment which makes -Spain desire to associate herself with the growing lands to which she -gave the first impulse to civilization. Finally, Spain’s relations with -the two groups of European powers which entered upon the Great War in -1914 have occupied the attention of the country continuously in recent -years, and have been an issue which has divided Spaniards. Many of the -conservative elements of Spain have long been, not so much pro-German, -as anti-French, and they have been supported by those parts of the -masses which follow the lead of the church or else take no great -interest in politics. The causes of this Francophobe feeling are -numerous. The <i>Dos de Mayo</i>, Spain’s national holiday, stands for an -uprising against the French, followed by the glorious War of -Independence, although, to be sure, this has of late exercised but -little influence; many French writers have written disparagingly or in a -patronizing manner of Spain, causing a natural feeling of resentment; -Spanish American countries have asserted that France is their -intellectual mother, not Spain, and this may have had an effect, though -comparatively little, on the minds of some; mere propinquity with -France, which is the only great power bordering upon the peninsula, has -brought about a certain hostility which neighboring peoples so often -feel with regard to each other; the affronts which Spain claims to have -received at French hands in Morocco have had great weight; and the -already hostile attitude of the clergy against republican France<a name="page_514" id="page_514"></a> was -enhanced when that country broke with the Catholic Church a few years -ago. As regards England, Spain has never forgotten Gibraltar. With -Germany, on the other hand, there has been little occasion for friction, -and German commercial competition with England for Spanish markets has -been welcomed as beneficial to the country. The radical and liberal -elements, which include the intellectuals, and, generally speaking, the -Liberal party have favored the <i>Entente</i> as against the Central Powers, -and their position has been very greatly strengthened by the evident -support of the king. In part, pro-<i>Entente</i> feeling has been a matter of -political principle, because of the liberal types of government in -France and England, the only two countries of the <i>Entente</i> allies -(prior to American entry in the Great War) to whom Spaniards have paid -attention. In large measure, however, the Spanish point of view has been -the result of a certain practical, materialistic trait which is -ingrained in Spanish character. Thus Spaniards have pointed out that it -would be fatal for Spain to side with Germany, since her wide separation -from the latter, coupled with British naval supremacy, would make it -unlikely that German arms could be of any assistance to Spain. -Commercial and other reasons have also been adduced to show that Spain -could <i>gain</i> nothing by an alliance with Germany. These views have -developed in the course of the Great War until Spain has become rather -more inclined to the allies than to the Germans. It is not improbable, -however, that an allied disaster might be seized upon by the pro-German -military element to swing Spain the other way, for the army is still a -factor to be reckoned with in Spanish politics. On the other hand, many -leading Spaniards have argued that there would be no advantage for Spain -if she should enter the war, whereas there has thus far been a distinct -benefit for certain elements in the population, in the shape of abnormal -war profits, through remaining neutral. Lately, however, great misery -has been occasioned as a result of Spain’s inability to procure needed -supplies from the allies and the danger from the German submarines.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spain’s intellectual renaissance.</div> - -<p>In no element of the national life has the well-being of<a name="page_515" id="page_515"></a> Spain since -1898 been more clearly demonstrated than in the realm of things -intellectual. On the educational and scientific side (with one -exception, presently to be noted), the achievement has not been great -enough to attract attention, but in those branches of human knowledge -which are akin to the emotions Spain has embarked upon a new <i>siglo de -oro</i> which has already placed her in the forefront of the nations in the -wealth and beauty of her contemporary literature and art. Many writers -or artists of note did their work before 1898, while others stand -athwart that year, but the most remarkable development has come in the -more recent period—a growing force which is far from having run its -course. Thus, before 1898, there were such poets as Becquer, Campoamor, -Núñez de Arce, Rosalía de Castro, and Salvador Rueda; novelists like -Alarcón, Pereda, Valera, “Clarín,” Picón, Palacio Valdés, Pardo Bazán, -and Pérez Galdós; dramatists including Ayala, Tamayo, Echegaray, Pérez -Galdós, Guimerá, and Dicenta; critics and philologists like Milá -Fontanals, Valera, “Clarín,” and Menéndez y Pelayo; essayists such as -Alfredo Calderón, Morote, Picavea, Ganivet, and Unamuno; painters like -Pradilla, Ferrán, and Muñoz Degrain; and composers of music including -Arrieta, Gastambide, Chueca, Chapí, Bretón, and Fernández Caballero. -Some of the more notable of these belong also in the post-1898 group, -and to them should be added, among others, the following: poets—Rubén -Darío (who is included in this list, though he is a Nicaraguan, because -of his influence on Spanish poetry), Villaespesa, Marquina, Ramón D. -Perés, the two Machados, Mesa, Diez Canedo, Muñoz San Román, and -Maragall; novelists—Blasco Ibáñez, Pío Baroja, “Azorín,” Silverio -Lanza, Valle Inclán, Ricardo León, Alberto Insúa, Pérez de Ayala, -Martínez Sierra, Miró, and Felipe Trigo; dramatists—Benavente, Martínez -Sierra, the brothers Álvarez Quintero, Carlos Arniches, Linares Rivas, -Marquina, Rusiñol, and Iglesias; critics and philologists—Menéndez -Pidal, Bonilla, Rodríguez Marín, Said Armesto, Américo Castro, Cejador, -Alomar, Tenreiro, and González Blanco; essayists—Ortega Gasset, Maeztu,<a name="page_516" id="page_516"></a> -“Azorín,” Gómez de Baquero, Manuel Bueno, Maragall, and Zulueta; -painters—Zuloaga, Sorolla, the brothers Zubiaurre, Benedito, Chicharro, -Villegas, Nieto, Beruete, Moreno Carbonero, Bilbao, Sotomayor, Anglada, -de la Gándara, Juan Lafita, and Rusiñol; sculptors—Blay, Benlliure, -Marinas, Clará, and Julio Antonio; architects—Gaudí, Puig, Velázquez, -and Palacios; composers—Albéniz, Pedrell, Turina, Granados, Falla, -Vives, Serrano, and Quinito Valverde; and educators—Giner de los Ríos -and Cossío. Spain has also produced historians and historical scholars -of note in recent years (though several of them belong in the pre-1898 -group), among whom should be reckoned Cánovas del Castillo, Danvila y -Collado, Hinojosa, Rafael Altamira, Colmeiro, Fidel Fita, Fernández -Duro, Menéndez y Pelayo, Torres Lanzas, and Fernández Guerra. Special -mention should be made of the novelists Pérez Galdós (author of the -famous <i>Episodios nacionales</i>, or National episodes,—a series of -historical novels from the Liberal point of view, covering the history -of Spain from the time of Godoy to the present,—and esteemed by many as -one of the most remarkable literary geniuses of modern times) and Blasco -Ibáñez (who has used the novel as a vehicle for an attack on the old -order of Spanish life); of the dramatists Jacinto Benavente (a man whom -many regard as deserving to rank with the greatest names of all time in -Spanish literature), Pérez Galdós (who is almost equally notable in the -drama as in the novel), the brothers Álvarez Quintero (who have so -clearly depicted modern Andalusian life), and Martínez Sierra (whose -comedies reach to the very roots of truth and beauty); of Menéndez y -Pelayo, most famous as a critic, said to have been the dominant figure -of recent years in Spanish literature; of the painters Zuloaga -(successor of El Greco, Velázquez, and Goya, whose works embrace both -the mysticism and the austerity of the Spanish national spirit) and -Sorolla (a symbolist, who has done with the brush what Blasco Ibáñez did -with the pen, and whose paintings, mainly of Valencian scenes, are full -of realism and naturalism, brilliant in expression and color); and of -Giner de los Ríos, opponent of the church, but a man of tremendous -influence<a name="page_517" id="page_517"></a> on the thought of modern Spain. It is to be noted that the -leading names in the realm of art are all in the post-1898 period; -indeed, this form of intellectual manifestation was not in a flourishing -state before that time. And in the midst of all these names one must not -forget that of Santiago Ramón y Cajal, whose discoveries in histology -have made him famous throughout the world. Many characterize him as the -greatest Spaniard of the present day.</p> - -<p class="cb">* * * * * * *</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Things which Spaniards are <i>not</i>.</div> - -<p>Spain clearly has entered upon a new era of her history. No man can -predict, with safety, toward what goal she is tending, although there is -some ground for a feeling of optimism. With the leading facts of Spanish -history already before the reader, it is perhaps well at this point to -give a summary account of contemporary Spanish traits and social -problems, thus providing a further basis for estimates with regard to -the possibilities of the future. It is best to begin with a statement of -some of the things which Spaniards are not,—with a view to -controverting certain widely circulated notions. Spaniards are <i>not</i> -unusually cruel or vindictive. The notion that they <i>are</i> has arisen in -various ways. Spaniards are emotional, and under the stress of -excitement are capable of acts of great violence, but on the other hand -they very rarely plan a crime in cold blood. The bull-fight has been -charged to an innate cruelty of Spaniards, but whatever one may think of -the game, the <i>aficionado</i>, or bull-fight “fan,” is appealed to by the -skill of the bull-fighter and the courage of the bull, rather than by -the flow of blood. As regards treatment of animals, the evidence is -somewhat against the Spaniard. The superficial tourist is apt to think -that the majority of Spaniards in third class of the railway coaches are -double-dyed brigands, for they wear wretched clothing and carry huge -knives,—but the former is the result of economic necessity, and the -latter is to cut bread with—and not each others’ throats. The -historians, however, are very largely to blame, especially those who -maligned the dominant and hated Spaniards of the sixteenth century. -Spaniards themselves, with their fierce party<a name="page_518" id="page_518"></a> spirit and rhetorical -gifts, products of their emotional make-up, have provided the arguments -which have been used against them,—notably in the case of Las Casas’ -condemnation of the Spanish treatment of the Indians. In the second -place, they are <i>not</i> lazy; rather, they make excellent laborers, and -work long hours without complaint. The idea that they are indolent -arises in part from the fact that the titled classes still retain some -of the traditional aversion to manual labor; in part from a certain lack -of ambition, such that many Spaniards, notably those of the south, do -not work, after they have gained enough to live on for perhaps only a -little while; partly because of a lack of responsibility which many of -them display, with the result that they do not do well when not under -supervision; and partly, again, because histories have so described -Spaniards of the past, and this time with some truth. Many of the -factors which once made manual labor unpopular are not any longer -operative, such as the prevalence of slaves, serfs, and Moslems in -industry or agriculture, wherefore the earlier stigma attaching to those -occupations has been removed. In the third place, Spaniards are not -proud and arrogant to the extent of being haughty, although they do have -a sense of personal pride which is rather to be commended than -condemned. In the fourth place, to call a man a “Spaniard” is not a -sufficient definition, for there are wide differences in blood and -language as well as in feelings in the various regions of Spain; the -serious-minded, progressive, European-blooded Catalan is certainly -farther apart from the easy-going, pleasure-loving, improvident, part -Moslem-blooded Andalusian than is the Englishman from the American, or -perhaps the southern Frenchman from the North Italian. In addition to -Castilian, or Spanish, there are the distinct languages of the Catalans -and Basques, with a great many variants, or dialects, from the Castilian -and Catalan. Nevertheless, it is true that all are “Spaniards.” -Castilian is generally understood, and, until the recent reappearance of -Catalan, was the only literary language; the people are patriotic to the -country, even though the fire of local attachments is still uncommonly -strong in them; the<a name="page_519" id="page_519"></a> bull-fight and the national lottery are popular in -all parts of Spain; Spaniards read the same books, have the same -government, and, in fine, have been brought together, though widely -divergent in traits, by the circumstances of history.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual and emotional traits of Spaniards.</div> - -<p>The keynote to an understanding of Spanish character lies in an -appreciation of the fact that Spaniards generally combine an intense -individualism and marked practicality with an emotional temperament. -Enough has already been intimated with regard to the two first-named -traits. As for that of emotionalism it becomes more operative the -farther south one goes. Some Spaniards say that the English, who are -taken as representative of the northern peoples, are in the forefront of -the nations as concerns matters of the <i>head</i>, but that the Spaniards -lead in <i>heart</i>, and they are well content to have it that way. Yet it -is far from true that Spaniards are lacking in <i>head</i>; rather, they are -brilliantly intellectual, and even the man in the street often seems to -have a faculty for seeing and expressing things clearly, with little or -no study; their logical-mindedness is displayed in the rhetorical skill -with which they set forth their opinions. It is true, however, that -there is a certain lack of intellectual stamina in Spaniards; they will -not use the brains with which nature has abundantly endowed them. Thus, -big business and scientific discoveries (except in the practical realm -of their applications) have been left to the foreigners. On the -emotional, or <i>heart</i>, side one encounters numerous evidences. Spaniards -are devotedly fond of children,—almost too much so, for they seem -unable to refuse them anything. Thus, a child gets milk by crying, toys -galore, and stays up at night until he wants to go to bed; the effects -on national discipline are possibly not of the best, but the error, if -such it is, springs from the heart. Spaniards, past and present, have -been great in emotional expression, in the fields of literature and art. -It is a novelty for Americans to find that the educated young men of -Spain talk quite as easily about literature and art as they do about -women,—and they move from one subject to the other without any marked -change in the tenor<a name="page_520" id="page_520"></a> of the conversation. Spanish crimes are usually the -result of an emotional impulse. Similarly, the emotions play rather too -prominent a part in the Spaniard’s associations with women! Courtesy is -almost universal among Spaniards, who will go to considerable personal -inconvenience in order to assist a stranger; to be sure, one is not safe -in reckoning on the promises to render favors later,—for by that time -the impulse may have passed. The Spanish fondness for the bull-fight and -the lottery also springs from the emotional stir which goes with them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spanish women.</div> - -<p>The above applies principally to the men. The women should be considered -apart, and this is much more necessary in dealing with Spain than it -would be in treating of the United States, where women come nearer to -having an equal liberty with men. Opinions differ as to the personal -appearance of Spanish women, and first impressions of the foreigner are -apt to be against them. This is largely because the people of the -wealthy or moderately well-to-do classes do not appear in the street -nearly so frequently as in the United States or in northern Europe. The -women of the working classes toil harder, on the average, than do -ours,—for more of them have to help earn the family living as well as -bring up and take care of the children,—and they are not able to dress -well, with the natural result that they are rarely prepossessing. This -in part accounts also for the belief of foreigners that Spanish beauty -fades,—which is not the case with those who are able to live in fairly -easy circumstances any more than it is in other countries. Among -Spaniards it is often said that the Valencian women are the handsomest, -closely followed by the Andalusians, who rank as the most witty. It is -to be noted that the Moslem element in Spanish blood is very strong in -these sections. Another popular misconception as to Spanish <i>señoritas</i> -(young ladies) is that they are so dainty that they would almost melt in -one’s hand. In fact they are unusually self-contained in manner, and if -they have any pronounced defect it is one which does not go with -daintiness,—that of a loud, often metallic voice. On the other hand -there is most decidedly an all-pervading, unconscious grace in<a name="page_521" id="page_521"></a> Spanish -women. Women other than those of the working classes find very little to -do. Servants are extraordinarily cheap,—one can get a nurse-girl in -Seville for about ten cents a day; so there is little occasion to do -housework. Spanish women are not assiduous readers, do not even sew or -knit to any marked degree, and comparatively few of them sing or play -the piano. They are fond of a walk or ride in the afternoon, accompanied -by the children and the nurse-girls, and enjoy social gatherings at -night. In fine, their life is passed largely in pleasant conversation, -with very little variety; indeed, they require little that is novel, for -they are simple in their tastes, and are easily entertained. The Spanish -husband is not nearly so domesticated as the American species. Instead -of remaining at home at night he quite regularly goes out,—and even may -occupy a different place at the theatre from the group of seats where -his wife and daughter are found. This is the expected thing, and Spanish -women do not appear to wish it otherwise. They seem to consider that the -men have done them a great favor by marrying them, and take the attitude -of desiring to repay them for the rest of their lives. The husband is -devoted to his wife and the children, but he would commit suicide before -he would carry a baby in the street. Despite the fact that the brains of -most Spanish women may be said to lie fallow, they are often brilliant -talkers, sharing with the men the intellectual potentialities of the -race. They rarely travel, and know very little beyond the bounds of -their home town or city and the nearest watering-place. They are usually -very religious, but not in an aggressive way; in a country where there -is virtually no competition with the Catholic Church there is no -stimulus to make their religion anything but a purely personal matter -for the individual. This helps to account for the almost complete lack -of religious discussion in the Spanish circles one meets with. Young -ladies rarely go into the street unless accompanied by their mother or -some older person. Whenever they do appear they are stared at by the -men, but the practice seems to be regarded as proper and in a measure -complimentary. They are hedged around with safeguards which prevent<a name="page_522" id="page_522"></a> -their seeing the young man of their choice alone, except perhaps as -separated by the narrow grating of a window, until the day of their -marriage. According to all reports these measures fulfill their intended -purpose, for the material bars are supplemented by the inherited -instincts of the women themselves. Aside from prostitutes Spanish women -have a nation-wide reputation for good moral conduct. Once married the -size of the family depends, as many put it, “As God wills!” A family of -from five to seven children is not considered large, and there are many -families which are very much larger.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The aristocracy and the <i>latifundia</i>.</div> - -<p>Assuming that it would be desirable, can Spain advance any farther along -the highway of democracy? If she would do so, she must contend with the -aristocracy, which in fact rules the country. The modern Spanish -aristocracy is composed of the nobility, their relatives, rich -merchants, the clergy, and the military. The richer members of the -aristocracy, especially those of central and southern Spain, control the -greater part of the best Spanish lands, which they cultivate just enough -to ensure wealth to themselves. Thousands of acres are given over to the -raising of bulls for the bull-fights, and even the late Duke of Veragua, -a descendant of Columbus, was engaged in this industry. One often -wonders why Spanish towns are so far away from the railway station, -especially in level tracts where it would be normal to expect a growth -toward the railroad. The usual answer is that the land belongs to a -personage of the realm, who would not think of selling it, and does not -care to develop it himself. The agrarian problem is particularly acute -in Andalusia, where the evil of <i>latifundia</i>, springing out of the later -reconquests from the Moslems, is more in evidence than elsewhere.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Life of men of the better classes.</div> - -<p>The life of the men of the better classes is singularly free from care. -They arise late, and go to their favorite café or club to read the -newspaper. In the afternoon they frequent their club, passing the time -in discussion or in general conversation. Late in the afternoon they go -for a drive along the <i>paseo</i>, or driveway, the same place every day, -where the principal object is to see, or be seen by, the others<a name="page_523" id="page_523"></a> who are -doing the same thing. In the evening they return to the club. Perhaps at -9:30 or 10 o’clock they go to a play, for the theatre begins late, -following this by a visit to their favorite café and a late departure -for home. The program varies little from day to day. In the summer they -go to a watering-place, but it usually amounts only to a change of -cafés. These men rarely drink to excess, and they are the most charming -people in the world to talk to, but they never study and, if possible to -avoid it, never do any work. Unknowingly perhaps, for they are bred to -this type of life by centuries of training, they are a drain on the -land, the most serious element in the vested interests which stand in -the way of effective reform. Those of this class who have to work are -provided with sinecures at state expense. The social, economic, and -political betterment of Spain cannot proceed very far while the -aristocracy is in control. On the other hand the experience of the past -has not demonstrated that democracy could maintain order, and this the -present régime does. Furthermore, the aristocracy is by no means an -exclusive caste, but is open to the entry of all.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Social problems of contemporary Spain.</div> - -<p>In addition to the wealth and political influence of the aristocracy -other factors in Spanish life abound to aid and abet in their -maintenance of control. One of these is emigration. Spaniards do not -expect to rise from poverty to great wealth, as men do in America, for -so few of them rarely can, under the existing system, that there is not -the stimulus of other men’s successes to spur them on. The more -ambitious of the poor and moderately well-to-do, therefore, make their -way to the Americas, especially to Argentina, and, prior to the recent -era of civil war, to Mexico. The poorest and the least ambitious, who -are less likely than the others to give trouble, remain behind. A second -aid is the lottery. The lottery, which has its agencies in every hamlet -and city of Spain, is government owned and operated, paying some of the -highest prizes offered in the world at the present time. Few human -passions are so strong as that of gambling, and Spain has surrendered to -the lottery. The poor people<a name="page_524" id="page_524"></a> welcome this insidious system, believing -it to be almost the only avenue of advance to the envied ease of the -wealthy, and invest their spare savings in a ticket. Hope and even -expectation of getting a lucky number have come to be a national -disease. A third abettor of the aristocracy is the bull-fight. It is not -the cruelty, but rather the corrupting influence of this sport which -should occupy those who protest against it. The game is so emotional, so -wildly exciting, that it grips the people to the exclusion of almost -every other interest; in Seville, one can almost be certain, if he hears -men quarreling at the top of their voices, that they are disputing the -merits of this bull-fighter or that, for that is the absorbing factor in -life, every hour in the day, in every day of the year. Men who have -caught the fever of the bull-fight rarely have interest in national -reform; they do not want it, as it might sweep away the sport which is -the major part of their life. A fourth factor would seem to be the -extensive character of charitable enterprises. Thousands depend upon the -unused food of the army, and line up each day to receive it. Enormous -sums are also provided by the church or by charitable organizations to -enable the poor to get meals free or at slight cost. The object, no -doubt, is benevolent, but the result is that many men will not work. -Especially is this true in the mild climate of southern Spain, where not -a few contrive to exist without homes to sleep in and on the -dispensations of charity. A fifth factor is the extreme poverty of the -masses. Wages are unthinkably low. Men who can barely keep body and soul -together are not the ones who agitate reform. A sixth aid in the -maintenance of things as they are is the lack of a good public school -system. Schools are inadequate and teachers poorly paid. Few Spaniards -get beyond the primary grade, and many do not even go that far. The need -of education is undoubtedly the <i>sine qua non</i> of any effective Spanish -advancement. To change the form of government, without an accompanying -or a preliminary instruction of the masses, would be, as a French writer -puts it, “to change the label of a bottle, without transforming the -contents.” It is also necessary if any appreciable reform<a name="page_525" id="page_525"></a> is to be made -in the social and economic system of the country. None realizes this -better than the men who, like Altamira, Azcárate, Costa, Giner de los -Ríos, Posada, and Unamuno, stand for the new Spain, as distinct from the -old,—for a country which shall break with the past to the extent which -may be required in order to place itself in the current of modern world -progress. Their ideal is not impossible of achievement, despite the -forces which are against them, for the Spanish people, at bottom, are -admirable material, still virile and altogether sane.</p> - -<p><a name="page_526" id="page_526"></a></p> - -<p><a name="page_527" id="page_527"></a></p> - -<h2><a name="BIBLIOGRAPHICAL_NOTES" id="BIBLIOGRAPHICAL_NOTES"></a>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES</h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Writers on the history of Spain whose works are in Spanish, -French, and German.</div> - -<p>The principal aim of this volume is to be of service to the general -reader in English-speaking America. On this account the entries which -appear below have been restricted rigidly to works in English. It was a -temptation to include some of the more notable foreign works, such for -example as those by Altamira, Bonilla, Cánovas del Castillo, Colmeiro, -Danvila, Desdevises du Dézert, Diercks, Dozy (the <i>Recherches</i>), -Fernández de Navarrete, Fernández Duro, Fernán-Núñez, Ferrer del Río, -Fita, Foulché-Delbosc, Haebler, Hinojosa, Lafuente, Lembke, Mariéjol, -Marvaud, Menéndez Pidal, Menéndez y Pelayo, Mignet, Morel-Fatio, -Oliveira Martins, Ranke, Romey, Rosseeuw St. Hilaire, Rousseau, Salcedo, -and Tapia, but the reader will be able to go to their works and to many -others by using the aids which are provided here.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Bases for selection and exclusion of works in English.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Relation of the works cited to the field of Spanish history.</div> - -<p>A complete bibliography of the works in English on the history of Spain -would reach enormous proportions. It has therefore been deemed advisable -to narrow the field by excluding the following classes of material: -catalogues of books and manuscripts; volumes of source material; -periodicals about Spain not devoted primarily to history; articles in -periodicals; works on other subjects (such for example as the writings -of Mommsen and other historians of the Roman Empire) which, however, -contain much material on the history of Spain; works (such as those of -Motley or Helps) on the activities of Spain outside the peninsula, -whether in Europe or the Americas; and books which may be regarded as -out of date. Works published many years ago are not omitted, however, if -they are translations of important foreign works, the writings of -notable historians, or volumes which are unique in their field. No -attempt has been made to give an exhaustive list of all the items coming -within the classes eligible for entry. Thus there might be additions to -the lives of notable persons, to the histories of art and literature, or -to the already long list of recent descriptive works. The plan has been -rather to be representative, giving some of the works which will serve -to introduce the reader to the subject. No claim is made that the works -cited cover the subject of Spanish history adequately; indeed, if the -most broadly inclusive basis for entry of works in English had been -chosen they would not do so. They are particularly disappointing to the -American reader, in that they represent the point of view of England or -continental Europe rather than that of the Spanish gift to America. -Furthermore, many periods are but scantily covered from any standpoint, -while others, such as those of the Catholic<a name="page_528" id="page_528"></a> Kings and the House of -Austria, have an over-supply of writings upon them. It is to be noted, -however, that books of a given period have a number of preliminary -chapters on the years immediately preceding it. Thus, Coppée has some -two hundred pages on the Visigothic era, Plunket nearly a hundred pages -on the reign of Henry IV, and most of the histories of the nineteenth -century begin with the accession of Charles IV. Concluding chapters, -too, will often reach over into the next succeeding period,—as in the -case of Scott, who devotes sixty-nine pages to the Moriscos under the -kings of the House of Austria. Moreover, many of the volumes in the -section devoted to works of travel and description, especially those -dealing with particular localities, give much of their space to the -record of the past, thus supplementing the writings which are more -properly historical in character.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Methods of entry.</div> - -<p>In the works selected for entry an indication is given of the dates of -the first and the latest editions. In the case of translations the date -of the original publication in the foreign tongue is also stated. The -place of publication is not given for the latest edition if it is the -same as that of the first. No attempt has been made to record minor -variations in title in different editions, such for example as “Philip -the Second” for “Philip II,” but striking changes have been noted. The -presence of bibliographical apparatus in the works cited is indicated by -the abbreviation “Bib,” thus enabling the reader to know what are the -volumes which may take him to materials not mentioned here. Not only are -the books with formal bibliographies or lists of works so characterized, -but also those which have fairly ample bibliographical data in the -preface. The practice has not been followed, however, where the -information as to sources is confined to footnotes, although many -writers, Lea for example, have valuable references scattered through -their volumes.</p> - -<h3>I. <span class="smcap">Bibliographical Aids</span></h3> - -<p>Aside from the partial bibliographies in the books listed below and the -single periodical mentioned in this section there is no work in English -on the bibliography of Spanish history. The bibliographical sections of -the <i>Cambridge medieval history</i> and the <i>Cambridge modern history</i> -(items 10 and 29 below) will be found particularly helpful. Three works -in foreign tongues are worth noting. The bibliography in Altamira’s -<i>Historia de España</i> is perhaps the best general list in Spanish. The -two-volume <i>Catalogue de l’histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal</i> (Paris. -1883-85) of the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, based on the works at -the disposition of readers in the great national library at the French -capital, is valuable for the older books. The sections on Spain in the -German annual bibliography of historical writings, the <i>Jahresberichte -der Geschichtswissenschaft</i> (published at Berlin since 1880) cover -publications since 1878. The only item in English follows:<a name="page_529" id="page_529"></a></p> - -<p class="hang">1. <i>Hispanic American historical review.</i> Baltimore. 1918. Quarterly.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>This periodical begins publication in February, 1918. Will contain -material on Spain and Portugal, including bibliographical notices, -though primarily devoted to Hispanic America.</p></div> - -<h3>II. <span class="smcap">General Histories of Spain</span></h3> - -<p>In addition to the items of this paragraph, attention is directed to the -works on special subjects, in section IX, many of which range over -several or all of the various periods of Spanish history.</p> - -<p class="hang">2. Dunham, Samuel Astley.... <i>Spain and Portugal.</i> 5v. London. -1832[-33]. Takes to the close of the eighteenth century.</p> - -<p class="hang">3. Hale, Edward Everett, and Susan Hale.... <i>Spain.</i> New York, [c -1886].</p> - -<p class="hang">4. Harrison, James Albert. <i>Spain.</i> Boston. [c 1881]. Republished -under title <i>Spain in history</i>. New York and Akron, O. [1898].</p> - -<p class="hang">5. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>The Spanish people, their origin, -growth and influence.</i> London and New York. 1901. 1914. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">6. Mariana, Juan de. <i>The general history of Spain. From the first -peopling of it by Tubal, till the death of King Ferdinand, who -united the crowns of Castile and Aragon. With a continuation to the -death of King Philip III.</i> Tr. [fr. the Sp. ed. of 1669 or 1670] -ed. by Capt. John Stevens. London. 1699. Orig. ed. in Latin. -Toledo. 1592. First Sp. ed. Toledo. 1601. Later editions have -continuations, all except the first by other writers, bringing the -history to the date of publication. Latest Sp. ed. Madrid. 1854.</p> - -<p class="hang">7. Perkins, Clara Crawford. <i>Builders of Spain.</i> 2v. in 1. New -York. 1911.</p> - -<h3>III. <span class="smcap">Ancient Spain, to 711</span></h3> - -<p class="hang">8. Bouchier, Edmund Spencer. <i>Spain under the Roman Empire.</i> -Oxford. 1914. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">9. Burke, Ulick Ralph. <i>A history of Spain, from the earliest times -to the death of Ferdinand the Catholic.</i> 2v. London. [1894-] 1895. -1900.</p> - -<p class="hang">10. <i>Cambridge medieval history.</i> 3v. New York. 1911-18. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">11. Van Nostrand, John James. <i>The reorganization of Spain by -Augustus.</i> (University of California, <i>Publications in history</i>, v. -IV, no. 2). Berkeley. 1916. Bib.</p> - -<h3>IV. <span class="smcap">Medieval Spain, 711-1479</span></h3> - -<p>Items 9 and 10 belong also in this section.</p> - -<p class="hang">12. Beasley, Charles Raymond. <i>James the First of Aragon.</i> Oxford. -1890.</p> - -<p class="hang">13. Clarke, Henry Butler. <i>The Cid Campeador, and the waning of the -crescent in the west.</i> New York and London. 1902.</p> - -<p class="hang">14. Condé, José Antonio. <i>History of the dominion of the Arabs in -Spain.</i> Tr. ed. by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. 3v. London. 1854-55. Orig. -Sp. ed. Madrid. 1820-21. Usually regarded as untrustworthy.</p> - -<p class="hang">15. Coppée, Henry. <i>History of the conquest of Spain by the -Arab-Moors.</i> 2v. Boston. 1881.</p> - -<p class="hang">16. Dozy, Reinhart Pieter Anne. <i>Spanish Islam: a history of the -Moslems in Spain.</i> Tr. ed. by Francis Griffin Stokes. London. 1913. -Bib. Orig. Fr. ed. Leyde. 1861.</p> - -<p class="hang">17. Drane, Augusta Theodosia. <i>The history of St. Dominic, founder -of the Friars Preachers.</i> London and New York. 1891.</p> - -<p class="hang">18. Guiraud, Jean. <i>Saint Dominic.</i> Tr. ed. by Katharine de Mattos. -London. 1901. New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago. 1913. Bib. Orig. -Fr. ed. Paris. 1899.</p> - -<p class="hang">19. Ibn’Abd al-Hakām. <i>Ibn Abd-el-Hakem’s History of the -conquest of Spain.</i> Tr. (fr. the Arabic) ed. by John Harris Jones. -Göttingen. 1858. Orig. ms. written in ninth century.</p> - -<p class="hang">20. Lane-Poole, Stanley.... <i>The Moors in Spain.</i> New York and -London. [1886]. New York. 1911.</p> - -<p class="hang">21. Makkari, Ahmed ibn Mohammed al. <i>The history of the Mohammedan -dynasties in Spain.</i> Ext. and tr. [fr. ms. copies in the British -Museum] ed. by Pascual de Gayangos. 2v. London. 1840-43. Orig. ms. -in Arabic written early in the seventeenth century.</p> - -<p class="hang">22. Merriman, Roger Bigelow. <i>The rise of the Spanish empire in the -old world and the new.</i> 4v. New York and London. 1918-. Bib. Two -volumes are announced for publication in 1918 (<i>The middle ages</i> -and <i>The Catholic Kings</i>). Two more will follow (<i>The Emperor</i> and -<i>Philip the Prudent</i>).</p> - -<p class="hang">23. Miron, E. L. <i>The queens of Aragon, their lives and times.</i> -London. 1913. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">24. Scott, Samuel Parsons. <i>History of the Moorish empire in -Europe.</i> 3v. Philadelphia and London. 1904. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">25. Swift, Francis Darwin. <i>Life and times of James I., the -conqueror, king of Aragon, Valencia, and Majorca.</i> Oxford. 1894.</p> - -<p class="hang">26. Watts, Henry Edward.... <i>The Christian recovery of Spain, being -the story of Spain from the Moorish conquest to the fall of Granada -(711-1492 <small>A.D.</small>).</i> New York. 1901.</p> - -<p class="hang">27. Whishaw, Bernhard and Ellen M. <i>Arabic Spain, sidelights on her -history and art.</i> London. 1912. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">28. Yonge, Charlotte Mary. <i>The story of the Christians and Moors -of Spain.</i> London and New York. 1903.</p> - -<h3>V. <span class="smcap">Era of the Catholic Kings, 1479-1517</span></h3> - -<p>Items 9, 14, 15, 20-22, 24, 26, and 28 belong also in this section. Many -of the items of section IX are applicable here.</p> - -<p class="hang">29. <i>Cambridge modern history.</i> 14v. New York and London. 1902-12. -Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">30. Hare, Christopher. <i>A queen of queens</i> [Isabella (1474-1504)] -<i>& the making of Spain.</i> New York. 1906.</p> - -<p class="hang">31. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>Queens of old Spain.</i> New York. -1906. London. 1911.</p> - -<p class="hang">32. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>Spain, its greatness and decay -(1479-1788).</i> Cambridge. 1898. 1913. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">33. Irving, Washington. <i>Conquest of Granada.</i> New York. 1829. -1910. Bib. Orig. ed. entitled <i>A chronicle of the conquest of -Granada</i>.</p> - -<p class="hang">34. Lea, Henry Charles. <i>The Moriscos of Spain; their conversion -and expulsion.</i> Philadelphia. 1901.</p> - -<p class="hang">35. Plunket, Ierne L. <i>Isabel of Castile and the making of the -Spanish nation, 1451-1504.</i> New York and London. 1915. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">36. Prescott, William Hickling. <i>History of the reign of Ferdinand -and Isabella the Catholic.</i> 2v. in 1. New York. 1838. 3v. -Philadelphia. [1902].</p> - -<p class="hang">37. Sabatini, Rafael. <i>Torquemada and the Spanish inquisition.</i> -London. [1913]. Bib.</p> - -<h3>VI. <span class="smcap">The House of Austria, 1516-1700</span></h3> - -<p>Items 22, 29, 31, 32, and 34 belong also in this section. All of the -items in section IX have a bearing here.</p> - -<p class="hang">38. Armstrong, Edward. <i>The Emperor Charles V.</i> 2v. London and New -York. 1902. London. 1910. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">39. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>The life of Cervantes.</i> London and -New York. 1905. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">40. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Murillo, a biography and -appreciation.</i> London and New York. 1907.</p> - -<p class="hang">41. Calvert, Albert Frederick, <i>and Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine -(Hartley) Gallichan. <i>El Greco; an account of his life and works.</i> -London and New York. 1909.</p> - -<p class="hang">42. Calvert, Albert Frederick, <i>and Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine -(Hartley) Gallichan. <i>Velazquez; an account of his life and works.</i> -London and New York. 1908.</p> - -<p class="hang">43. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. <i>The Spanish Protestants and their -persecution by Philip II; a historical work.</i> Tr. ed. by T. Parker. -London and Edinburgh. 1851. (<i>History of religious intolerance in -Spain</i>). 1853. Orig. Sp. ed. Cádiz. 1851.</p> - -<p class="hang">44. Coloma, Luis. <i>The story of Don John of Austria.</i> Tr. ed. by -Lady Moreton. London and New York. 1912.<a name="page_532" id="page_532"></a></p> - -<p class="hang">45. Colvill, Helen Hester. <i>Saint Teresa of Spain.</i> New York and -London. 1909. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">46. Dunlop, John Colin. <i>Memoirs of Spain during the reigns of -Philip IV and Charles II, from 1621 to 1700.</i> 2v. 1834.</p> - -<p class="hang">47. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. <i>The life of Miguel de Cervantes de -Saavedra.</i> London. 1892. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">48. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. <i>Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra: a -memoir.</i> Oxford. 1913. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">49. Froude, James Anthony. <i>The Spanish story of the Armada and -other essays.</i> New York. 1892. London. 1901.</p> - -<p class="hang">50. Gardiner, Samuel Rawson. <i>Prince Charles and the Spanish -marriage.</i> 2v. London. 1869.</p> - -<p class="hang">51. Gayarré, Charles Etienne Arthur. <i>Philip II of Spain.</i> New -York. 1866.</p> - -<p class="hang">52. Gómara, Francisco López de. <i>Annals of the Emperor Charles V.</i> -Tr. [fr. an unpublished ms. of, probably, 1557-58] and Sp. orig. -ed. by Roger Bigelow Merriman. Oxford. 1912.</p> - -<p class="hang">53. Graham, <i>Mrs.</i> Gabriela (de La Balmondière) Cunninghame. <i>Santa -Teresa, being some account of her life and times.</i> 2v. London. -1894. 1907.</p> - -<p class="hang">54. Hughes, Thomas Aloysius. <i>Loyola and the educational system of -the Jesuits.</i> New York. 1892. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">55. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>The court of Philip IV. Spain in -decadence.</i> New York. 1907.</p> - -<p class="hang">56. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>Philip II. of Spain.</i> London. 1897. -1911. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">57. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>Two English queens and Philip.</i> -London. [1898].</p> - -<p class="hang">58. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>The year after the Armada, and -other historical studies.</i> London and New York. 1896.</p> - -<p class="hang">59. Joly, Henri. <i>Saint Ignatius of Loyola.</i> Tr. ed. by Mildred -Partridge. London. 1899. 1906. Orig. Fr. ed. Paris. 1898.</p> - -<p class="hang">60. Justi, Karl. <i>Diego Velasquez and his times.</i> Tr. ed. by A. H. -Keane. London. 1889. Orig. Ger. ed. Bonn. 1889.</p> - -<p class="hang">61. Lovat, Alice Mary (Weld-Blundell) Fraser, <i>baroness</i>. <i>The life -of Saint Teresa, taken from the French of “A Carmelite nun.”</i> -London. 1912.</p> - -<p class="hang">62. Loyola, <i>Saint</i> Ignacio de. <i>The autobiography of St. -Ignatius.</i> Tr. ed. by J. F. X. O’Conor. New York. 1900. Original -completed in 1555.</p> - -<p class="hang">63. Lyon, F. H. <i>Diego de Sarmiento de Acuña, conde de Gondomar.</i> -Oxford. 1910.</p> - -<p class="hang">64. McCrie, Thomas. <i>History of the progress and suppression of the -Reformation in Spain in the sixteenth century.</i> Edinburgh. 1829.</p> - -<p class="hang">65. Prescott, William Hickling. <i>History of the reign of Philip the -Second.</i> 3v. Boston. 1855-58. Philadelphia. 1916.<a name="page_533" id="page_533"></a></p> - -<p class="hang">66. Rennert, Hugo Albert. <i>The life of Lope de Vega (1562-1635).</i> -Glasgow and Philadelphia. 1904. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">67. Robertson, William. <i>The history of the reign of the Emperor -Charles the Fifth.</i> 3v. [Philadelphia]. 1770. Philadelphia. [1902].</p> - -<p class="hang">68. Rose, Stewart. <i>Ignatius Loyola and the early Jesuits.</i> London. -1870. 1891. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">69. Sandoval, Prudencio de. <i>The history of Charles the vth, -emperor and king of Spain, the great hero of the House of Austria: -containing the most remarkable occurrences that happen’d in the -world for the space of 56 years.</i> Tr. ed. by Capt. John Stevens. -London. 1703. Orig. Sp. ed. Antwerp. 1681.</p> - -<p class="hang">70. Stevenson, Robert Alan Mowbray. <i>Velasquez.</i> London and New -York. 1899. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">71. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. <i>The cloister life of the -Emperor Charles the Fifth.</i> London. 1852. 1891.</p> - -<p class="hang">72. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. <i>Don John of Austria; or -Passages from the history of the 16th century, 1547-1578.</i> 2v. -London. 1883.</p> - -<p class="hang">73. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. <i>Velazquez and his works.</i> -London. 1855.</p> - -<p class="hang">74. Teresa, <i>Saint</i>. <i>Saint Theresa. The history of her -foundations.</i> Tr. [fr. the Sp.] ed. by Sister Agnes Mason. -Cambridge. 1909. Orig. Sp. ed. Antwerp. 1630.</p> - -<p class="hang">75. Teresa, <i>Saint</i>. <i>The life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order -of Our Lady of Carmel.</i> Tr. ed. by David Lewis. London. 1870. 1904. -Orig. Sp. ed. Salamanca. 1588.</p> - -<p class="hang">76. Teresa, <i>Saint</i>. <i>St. Teresa of Jesus of the Order of Our Lady -of Carmel, embracing the life, relations, maxims and foundations -written by the saint, also, a history of St. Teresa’s journeys and -foundations.</i> Tr. ed. by John J. Burke. New York. 1911. Orig. Sp. -ed. (except the <i>Foundations</i>). Salamanca. 1588. Orig. Sp. ed. of -the <i>Foundations</i>. Antwerp. 1630.</p> - -<p class="hang">77. Thompson, Francis. <i>Saint Ignatius Loyola.</i> London. 1909. 1910.</p> - -<p class="hang">78. Watson, Robert, and William Thomson. <i>The history of the reign -of Philip the Third, king of Spain.</i> 2v. London. 1783. 1808.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">VII. The House of Bourbon, 1700-1808</span></h3> - -<p>Items 29 and 32 belong also in this section. Many of the items in -section IX are applicable here.</p> - -<p class="hang">79. Addison, Joseph. <i>Charles the Third of Spain.</i> Oxford. 1900.</p> - -<p class="hang">80. Armstrong, Edward. <i>Elizabeth Farnese, “the Termagant of -Spain.”</i> London. 1892. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">81. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Goya, an account of his life and -works.</i> London and New York. 1908.<a name="page_534" id="page_534"></a></p> - -<p class="hang">82. Coxe, William. <i>Memoirs of the kings of Spain of the House of -Bourbon, from the accession of Philip the Fifth to the death of -Charles the Third.</i> 3v. London. 1813. 5v. 1815.</p> - -<p class="hang">83. D’Auvergne, Edmund B. <i>Godoy; the queen’s favorite.</i> Boston. -[1913].</p> - -<p class="hang">84. Hill, Constance. <i>Story of the Princess des Ursins in Spain.</i> -New York. 1899.</p> - -<p class="hang">85. Parnell, Arthur. <i>The war of the succession in Spain during the -reign of Queen Anne, 1702-1711.</i> London. 1888. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">86. Ripperdá, Joan Willem van. <i>Memoirs of the Duke de Ripperdá: -1st. embassador from the states-general to his most catholick -majesty, then duke and grandee of Spain; afterwards bashaw and -prime minister to Muly Abdalla, emperor of Fez and Morocco, etc. -containing account of the remarkable events ... between 1715 and -1736.</i> London. 1740.</p> - -<p class="hang">87. Stokes, Hugh. <i>Francisco Goya; a study of the work and -personality of the eighteenth century Spanish painter and -satirist.</i> New York. 1914. Bib.</p> - -<h3>VIII. <span class="smcap">The Dawn of Liberalism, 1808 to Date</span></h3> -<p>Item 29 belongs also in this section.</p> - -<p class="hang">88. Bollaert, William. <i>Wars of succession of Portugal and Spain, -from 1826 to 1840: with résumé of the political history ... to the -present time.</i> 2v. London. 1870.</p> - -<p class="hang">89. Challice, Rachel. <i>The secret history of the court of Spain -during the last century.</i> London. 1909. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">90. Clarke, Henry Butler. <i>Modern Spain, 1815-1898.</i> Cambridge. -1906. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">91. D’Auvergne, Edmund B. <i>A queen at bay; the story of Christina -and Don Carlos.</i> London. 1910. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">92. Hannay, David. <i>Don Emilio Castelar.</i> London. 1896.</p> - -<p class="hang">93. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp.... <i>Modern Spain, 1788-1898.</i> New -York and London. 1900.</p> - -<p class="hang">94. Latimer, <i>Mrs.</i> Elizabeth (Wormeley). <i>Spain in the nineteenth -century.</i> Chicago. 1897. 1898.</p> - -<p class="hang">95. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. <i>A history of the peninsular -war.</i> 5v. Oxford. 1902-14. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">96. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. <i>Wellington’s army, 1809-1814.</i> -London. 1912. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">97. Strobel, Edward Henry. <i>Spanish revolution, 1868-1876.</i> Boston. -1898.</p> - -<p class="hang">98. White, George F. <i>A century of Spain and Portugal (1788-1898).</i> -London. [1909]. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">99. Whitehouse, Henry Remsen. <i>The sacrifice of a throne, being an -account of the life of Amadeus, duke of Aosta, sometime king of -Spain.</i> New York. 1897.</p> - -<h3>IX. <span class="smcap">Historical Works on Special Subjects</span></h3> - -<p>Many of the items in sections III to VIII might appropriately be entered -here. Conversely, as already indicated, the items of this section have a -bearing on various or all of the periods of Spanish history, but it has -been deemed best to give them separate entry, because of the obviously -restricted character of the subject-matter of these volumes.</p> - -<p class="hang">100. Caffin, Charles Henry. <i>The story of Spanish painting.</i> New -York. 1910.</p> - -<p class="hang">101. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. <i>The history of the Jews in Spain, -from the time of their settlement in that country till the -commencement of the present century.</i> Tr. ed. by Edward D. G. M. -Kirwan. Cambridge and London. 1851. Orig. Sp. ed. Cádiz. 1847.</p> - -<p class="hang">102. Clarke, Henry Butler. <i>Spanish literature; an elementary -handbook.</i> London. 1893. 1909. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">103. Dieulafoy, Marcel Auguste.... <i>Art in Spain and Portugal.</i> New -York. 1913.</p> - -<p class="hang">104. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. <i>Chapters on Spanish literature.</i> -London. 1908.</p> - -<p class="hang">105. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. <i>A history of Spanish literature.</i> -New York. 1898. New York and London. 1915. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">106. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. <i>Spanish influence on English -literature.</i> London. 1905.</p> - -<p class="hang">107. Lea, Henry Charles. <i>Chapters from the religious history of -Spain connected with the Inquisition.</i> Philadelphia. 1890.</p> - -<p class="hang">108. Lea, Henry Charles. <i>A history of the Inquisition of Spain.</i> -4v. New York and London. 1906-7.</p> - -<p class="hang">109. Lindo, Elias Hiam. <i>The history of the Jews of Spain and -Portugal, from the earliest times to their final expulsion from -those kingdoms, and their subsequent dispersion.</i> London. 1848.</p> - -<p class="hang">110. Markham, Sir Clements Robert. <i>The story of Majorca and -Minorca.</i> London. 1908.</p> - -<p class="hang">111. Sayer, Capt. Frederick. <i>The history of Gibraltar and of its -political relation to events in Europe.</i> London. 1862.</p> - -<p class="hang">112. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. <i>Stories of the Spanish -painters until Goya.</i> London. 1910.</p> - -<p class="hang">113. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. <i>Annals of the artists of -Spain.</i> 3v. London. 1848. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">114. Ticknor, George. <i>History of Spanish literature.</i> 3v. New -York. 1849. Boston. [1891].</p> - -<p class="hang">115. Webster, Wentworth. <i>Gleanings in church history, chiefly in -Spain and France.</i> London. 1903. Bib.</p> - -<p class="hang">116. Williams, Leonard. <i>The arts and crafts of older Spain.</i> 3v. -London. 1907. Bib.</p> - -<h3>X. <span class="smcap">Works of Travel and Description</span></h3> - -<p>Of works published prior to 1900, only those of unusual reputation, -whether because of the high station of the men who wrote them or the -remarkable character of the books themselves, have been included. No -attempt has been made to enter all works published in English since -1900, but the list is long enough and the scope of the material covered -sufficiently broad, it is believed, for the purposes of the general -reader who wishes to know something about contemporary Spain.</p> - -<p>117. Amicis, Edmondo de. <i>Spain and the Spaniards.</i> Tr. [fr. 10th -It. ed.] ed. by Stanley Rhoads Yarnall. 2v. Philadelphia. 1895. -Orig. It. ed. Florence. 1873.</p> - -<p>118. Andújar, Manuel. <i>Spain of to-day from within.</i> New York and -Chicago. [1909].</p> - -<p>119. Baedeker, Karl. <i>Spain and Portugal.</i> Leipsic. 1898. 1913. -Bib.</p> - -<p>120. Bates, Katharine Lee. <i>Spanish highways and byways.</i> New York -and London. 1912.</p> - -<p>121. Bell, Aubrey F. G. <i>The magic of Spain.</i> London and New York. -1912 [1911].</p> - -<p>122. Bensusan, Samuel Levy. <i>Home life in Spain.</i> New York and -London. 1910.</p> - -<p>123. Borrow, George Henry. <i>The Bible in Spain.</i> London. 1843. New -York. 1908.</p> - -<p>124. Borrow, George Henry. <i>Zincali; or, An account of the gypsies -of Spain.</i> 2v. London. 1841. 1v. London and New York. [1914].</p> - -<p>125. Boyd, <i>Mrs.</i> Mary Stuart. <i>The fortunate isles; life and -travel in Majorca, Minorca and Iviza.</i> New York. 1911.</p> - -<p>126. Browne, Edith A.... <i>Spain.</i> London. 1910.</p> - -<p>127. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>The Alhambra, being a brief record -of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a particular account -of the Mohammedan architecture and decoration.</i> London and New -York. 1907.</p> - -<p>128. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Catalonia & the Balearic Isles; an -historical and descriptive account. London and New York. 1910.</p> - -<p>129. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>The Escorial; a historical and -descriptive account of the Spanish royal palace, monastery and -mausoleum.</i> London and New York. 1907.</p> - -<p>130. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Granada, present and bygone.</i> -London. 1908.</p> - -<p>131. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Impressions of Spain.</i> London. -1903.</p> - -<p>132. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Leon, Burgos and Salamanca; a -historical and descriptive account.</i> London and New York, 1908.<a name="page_537" id="page_537"></a></p> - -<p>133. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Madrid; an historical description -and handbook of the Spanish capital.</i> London and New York. 1909.</p> - -<p>134. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Moorish remains in Spain; being a -brief record of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a -particular account of the Mohammedan architecture and decoration in -Cordova, Seville & Toledo.</i> London and New York. 1906.</p> - -<p>135. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Royal palaces of Spain; a -historical & descriptive account of the seven principal palaces of -the Spanish kings.</i> London and New York. 1909.</p> - -<p>136. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Sculpture in Spain.</i> London and -New York. 1912.</p> - -<p>137. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Seville; an historical and -descriptive account of “the Pearl of Andalusia.”</i> London and New -York. 1907.</p> - -<p>138. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Southern Spain.</i> London. 1908.</p> - -<p>139. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Spanish arms and armour, being a -historical and descriptive account of the royal armoury of Madrid.</i> -London and New York. 1907.</p> - -<p>140. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Toledo, an historical and -descriptive account of the “City of generations.”</i> London and New -York. 1907.</p> - -<p>141. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Valencia and Murcia, a glance at -African Spain.</i> London and New York. 1911.</p> - -<p>142. Calvert, Albert Frederick. <i>Valladolid, Oviedo, Segovia, -Zamora, Ávila, & Zaragoza; an historical & descriptive account.</i> -London and New York. 1908.</p> - -<p>143. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and <i>Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine -(Hartley) Gallichan. <i>The Prado; a description of the principal -pictures in the Madrid gallery.</i> London and New York. 1907.</p> - -<p>144. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Walter M. Gallichan. <i>Cordova, -a city of the Moors.</i> London and New York. 1907.</p> - -<p>145. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. <i>Unexplored Spain.</i> London. -1910.</p> - -<p>146. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. <i>Wild Spain ... Records of -sport with rifle, rod, and gun; natural history and exploration.</i> -London. 1893.</p> - -<p>147. Chatfield-Taylor, Hobart Chatfield. <i>The land of the -castanet.</i> Chicago. 1896. New York. 1906.</p> - -<p>148. Clark, Keith. <i>The spell of Spain.</i> Boston. 1914. Bib.</p> - -<p>149. Collier, William Miller. <i>At the court of His Catholic -Majesty.</i> Chicago. 1912.</p> - -<p>150. Collins, W. W. <i>Cathedral cities of Spain.</i> London and New -York. 1909.</p> - -<p>151. Crockett, Samuel Rutherford. <i>The adventurer in Spain.</i> -London. 1903.<a name="page_538" id="page_538"></a></p> - -<p>152. D’Este, Margaret. <i>With a camera in Majorca.</i> New York. 1907.</p> - -<p>153. Dickinson, Duncan. <i>Through Spain.</i> London. [1914].</p> - -<p>154. Elliott, <i>Mrs.</i> Maud (Howe). <i>Sun and shadow in Spain.</i> -Boston. 1908. 1911.</p> - -<p>155. Ellis, Henry Havelock. <i>The soul of Spain.</i> Boston and New -York. [1908].</p> - -<p>156. Fitz-Gerald, John Driscoll. <i>Rambles in Spain.</i> New York. -[1910].</p> - -<p>157. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. <i>A little journey in Spain; -notes of a Goya pilgrimage.</i> London. 1914.</p> - -<p>158. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. <i>Mediterranean moods, footnotes -of travel in the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza, and -Sardinia.</i> London. 1911.</p> - -<p>159. Ford, Richard. <i>Gatherings from Spain.</i> London. 1846. London -and New York. [1906]. Bib. Also issued under the title <i>The -Spaniards and their country</i>.</p> - -<p>160. Ford, Richard. <i>Handbook for travellers in Spain.</i> 2v. London. -1845. 1898.</p> - -<p>161. Franck, Harry Alverson. <i>Four months afoot in Spain.</i> New -York. 1911.</p> - -<p>162. Gade, John Allyne. <i>Cathedrals of Spain.</i> Boston and New York. -1911. Bib.</p> - -<p>163. Gallichan, <i>Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). <i>The -cathedrals of southern Spain.</i> London [n.d. Not earlier than 1912].</p> - -<p>164. Gallichan, <i>Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). <i>Moorish -cities in Spain.</i> London. 1906.</p> - -<p>165. Gallichan, <i>Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). <i>Spain -revisited, a summer holiday in Galicia.</i> London. [1911?].</p> - -<p>166. Gallichan, <i>Mrs.</i> Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). <i>The story of -Santiago de Compostela.</i> London and New York. 1912.</p> - -<p>167. Gallichan, Walter M. <i>The story of Seville.</i> London. 1903.</p> - -<p>168. Gautier, Théophile. <i>Wanderings in Spain.</i> London. 1853. Orig. -Fr. ed. (Tra los montes) Paris. 1843. 2d. Fr. ed. (<i>Voyage en -Espagne</i>) Paris. 1845.</p> - -<p>169. Hart, Jerome A. <i>Two Argonauts in Spain.</i> San Francisco. 1904 -[1903].</p> - -<p>170. Hay, John. <i>Castilian days.</i> Boston. 1871. Cambridge. 1903.</p> - -<p>171. Higgin, L. <i>Spanish life in town and country.</i> London. 1902. -New York and London. [1911].</p> - -<p>172. Howells, William Dean. <i>Familiar Spanish travels.</i> New York -and London. 1913.</p> - -<p>173. Irving, Washington. <i>The Alhambra.</i> 2v. Philadelphia. 1832. -1v. Boston and New York, [c 1915].</p> - -<p>174. Kennedy, Bart. <i>A tramp in Spain, from Andalusia to Andorra.</i> -London. 1892. 1904.<a name="page_539" id="page_539"></a></p> - -<p>175. Llewellyn, Owen, <i>and</i> L. R. Hill. <i>The south-bound car.</i> -London. 1907.</p> - -<p>176. Lomas, John. <i>In Spain.</i> London. 1908.</p> - -<p>177. Lowell, James Russell. <i>Impressions of Spain.</i> Boston and New -York. 1899.</p> - -<p>178. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. <i>Quiet days in Spain.</i> London. 1910.</p> - -<p>179. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. <i>A vagabond in Spain.</i> London and New -York. 1895.</p> - -<p>180. Lynch, Hannah. <i>Toledo, the story of an old Spanish capital.</i> -London. 1898. 1910.</p> - -<p>181. Marden, Philip Sanford. <i>Travels in Spain.</i> Boston and New -York. 1910.</p> - -<p>182. Marriott, Charles. <i>A Spanish holiday.</i> New York. 1908.</p> - -<p>183. Meakin, Annette M. B. <i>Galicia, the Switzerland of Spain.</i> -London. [1909]. Bib.</p> - -<p>184. Nixon-Roulet, Mary F. <i>The Spaniard at home.</i> Chicago. 1910.</p> - -<p>185. O’Connor, Vincent Clarence Scott. <i>Travels in the Pyrenees, -including Andorra and the coast from Barcelona to Carcassone.</i> -London. 1913.</p> - -<p>186. O’Reilly, Eliza Boyle. <i>Heroic Spain.</i> New York. 1910.</p> - -<p>187. Penfield, Edward. <i>Spanish sketches.</i> New York. 1911.</p> - -<p>188. Rudy, Charles. <i>The cathedrals of northern Spain, their -history and their architecture.</i> Boston. 1906.</p> - -<p>189. Seymour, Frederick H. A. <i>Saunterings in Spain; Barcelona, -Madrid, Toledo, Cordova, Seville, Granada.</i> London. 1906.</p> - -<p>190. Shaw, Rafael. <i>Spain from within.</i> New York. 1910.</p> - -<p>191. Slater, Ernest, <i>pseud.</i> Paul Gwynne. <i>The Guadalquivir, its -personality, its people and its associations.</i> London. 1912.</p> - -<p>192. Street, George Edmund.... <i>Some account of Gothic architecture -in Spain.</i> 2v. London. 1865. 1914.</p> - -<p>193. Tyler, Royall. <i>Spain, a study of her life and arts.</i> New -York. 1909. Bib.</p> - -<p>194. Villiers-Wardell, <i>Mrs.</i> Janie. <i>Spain of the Spanish.</i> New -York. 1909. 1914.</p> - -<p>195. Ward, G. H. B. <i>The truth about Spain.</i> London, New York, -Toronto, and Melbourne. 1911.</p> - -<p>196. Wigram, Edgar T. A. <i>Northern Spain, painted and described.</i> -London. 1906.</p> - -<p>197. Williams, Leonard. <i>Granada, memories, adventures, studies and -impressions.</i> Philadelphia. 1906.</p> - -<p>198. Williams, Leonard. <i>The land of the Dons.</i> London. 1902.</p> - -<p>199. Williams, Leonard. <i>Toledo and Madrid, their records and -romances.</i> London. 1903.</p> - -<p>200. Wood, Charles William. <i>Glories of Spain.</i> London and New -York. 1901.<a name="page_540" id="page_540"></a></p> - -<p>201. Wood, Ruth Kedzie. <i>The tourist’s Spain and Portugal.</i> New -York. 1913.</p> - -<p>202. Wood, Walter. <i>A corner of Spain.</i> New York and London. 1910.</p> - -<p>203. Zimmerman, Jeremiah. <i>Spain and her people.</i> Philadelphia. -1902. London. 1906.</p> - -<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> - -<p class="cb"><a href="#A">A</a>, -<a href="#B">B</a>, -<a href="#C">C</a>, -<a href="#D">D</a>, -<a href="#E">E</a>, -<a href="#F">F</a>, -<a href="#G">G</a>, -<a href="#H">H</a>, -<a href="#I">I</a>, -<a href="#J">J</a>, -<a href="#K">K</a>, -<a href="#L">L</a>, -<a href="#M">M</a>, -<a href="#N">N</a>, -<a href="#O">O</a>, -<a href="#P">P</a>, -<a href="#Q">Q</a>, -<a href="#R">R</a>, -<a href="#S">S</a>, -<a href="#T">T</a>, -<a href="#U">U</a>, -<a href="#V">V</a>, -<a href="#W">W</a>, -<a href="#X">X</a>, -<a href="#Y">Y</a>, -<a href="#Z">Z</a></p> - -<p class="nind"> -<a name="A" id="A"></a>Abbasside family, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> -Abdallah, <a href="#page_045">45</a>.<br /> -Abd-er-Rahman I, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>.<br /> -Abd-er-Rahman II, <a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> -Abd-er-Rahman III, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Abdul Malik, <a href="#page_046">46</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>.<br /> -Aben-Hayyán, <a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br /> -Abu Abdallah. <i>See</i> Boabdil.<br /> -Abul Cassim Mohammed, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.<br /> -Abul Hassan, <a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> -Academy, the. <i>See Real Academia Española.</i><br /> -Academy of Fine Arts. <i>See Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando.</i><br /> -Academy of History. <i>See Real Academia de la Historia.</i><br /> -Achila, <a href="#page_032">32</a>.<br /> -Acosta, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Acquaviva, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Acuña, Fernando de, <a href="#page_203">203</a>.<br /> -<i>Adelantados</i>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_154">154-156</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_199">199</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_222">222</a>.<br /> -Adrian, Cardinal. <i>See</i> Adrian VI.<br /> -Adrian VI, Pope, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -Affonso Enríquez of Portugal, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> -Africa, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_042">42-45</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_069">69-71</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_136">136</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>, <a href="#page_279">279</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>. <i>See</i> Algiers, Morocco,<br /> -Tripoli, Tunis.<br /> -Ágreda, María de Jesús, <a href="#page_310">310</a>.<br /> -Agrippa, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Alans, <a href="#page_026">26-28</a>.<br /> -Alarcón, the navigator, <a href="#page_349">349</a>.<br /> -Alarcón, the novelist, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Alarcos, battle of, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> -Alaric, <a href="#page_027">27</a>.<br /> -Álava, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_197">197-200</a>.<br /> -Alba, dukes of, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_323">323</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Albéniz, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Alberoni, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_375">375</a>, <a href="#page_377">377</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>.<br /> -Albigenses, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br /> -Alburquerque, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br /> -<i>Alcabala</i>, the, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_237">237</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_278">278</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_336">336</a>, <a href="#page_453">453</a>.<br /> -Alcalá, ordinance of, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_226">226</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_441">441</a>; university of, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_340">340</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>.<br /> -<i>Alcaldes</i>, <a href="#page_092">92</a>, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_433">433</a>, <a href="#page_446">446</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>.<br /> -Alcántara, order of, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br /> -Alcaraz, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Alcudia, <a href="#page_430">430</a>; Duke of: <i>See</i> Godoy.<br /> -Alegre, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Alexander III, Pope, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> -Alexandrian school, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br /> -Alfieri, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Alfonso, Prince, <a href="#page_115">115</a>.<br /> -Alfonso (another), Prince, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>.<br /> -Alfonso I of Aragon, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>.<br /> -Alfonso II of Aragon, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>.<br /> -Alfonso III of Aragon, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>.<br /> -Alfonso IV of Aragon, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Alfonso V of Aragon, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_188">188-191</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>.<br /> -Alfonso I of Asturias and León, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>.<br /> -Alfonso II of Asturias and León, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_056">56</a>.<br /> -Alfonso III of Asturias and León, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Alfonso IV of Asturias and León (925-930).<br /> -Omitted.<br /> -Alfonso V of Asturias and León, <a href="#page_058">58</a>.<br /> -Alfonso VI of León and Castile, <a href="#page_070">70-74</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>.<br /> -Alfonso VII of León and Castile, <a href="#page_074">74-76</a>.<br /> -Alfonso VIII of Castile, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_075">75-77</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> -Alfonso IX of León, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>.<br /> -Alfonso X of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_112">112-116</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_144">144</a>, <a href="#page_146">146</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_160">160-164</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_226">226</a>.<br /> -Alfonso XI of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_116">116-119</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_129">129-131</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_165">165</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>.<br /> -Alfonso XII of Spain, <a href="#page_503">503</a>, <a href="#page_505">505</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>.<br /> -Alfonso XIII of Spain, <a href="#page_506">506</a>, <a href="#page_509">509-511</a>.<br /> -Algarve, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>; Prince of: <i>See</i> Godoy.<br /> -Algeciras, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>.<br /> -Algiers, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> -Alhambra, the, <a href="#page_201">201</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>.<br /> -Alicante, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>.<br /> -Aljubarrota, battle of, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Almansor, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_046">46</a>, <a href="#page_048">48</a>, <a href="#page_051">51</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>.<br /> -Almería, city and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>.<br /> -Almohades, ix, <a href="#page_070">70</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_075">75-77</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>. <i>See</i> Moslems.<br /> -Almoravides, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_070">70</a>, <a href="#page_072">72</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>.<br /> -<i>See</i> Moslems.<br /> -Alomar, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Altamira, Rafael, <a href="#page_335">335</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>, <a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> -Alvarado, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Álvarez, General, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Álvarez, the sculptor, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -Álvarez Quintero, the brothers, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Amadeo, King, of Spain, <a href="#page_503">503</a>, <a href="#page_504">504</a>.<br /> -<i>Amadís de Gaula</i>, <a href="#page_145">145</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_355">355</a>.<br /> -Amalia, Queen, of Spain, <a href="#page_472">472</a>.<br /> -Amelot, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>.<br /> -American Revolution, <a href="#page_383">383</a>, <a href="#page_384">384</a>, <a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> -Americans. <i>See</i> United States.<br /> -Americas, the. <i>See</i> Spanish America.<br /> -<i>Amigos del País</i>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>.<br /> -Andalusia and the Andalusians, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_038">38</a>, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_067">67</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_364">364</a>, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>, <a href="#page_466">466</a>, <a href="#page_490">490</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_516">516</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>, <a href="#page_520">520</a>, <a href="#page_522">522</a>.<br /> -Anglada, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Anian, Strait of, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Anjou, House of, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>. <i>See</i> Charles<br /> -of Anjou.<br /> -Anson, George, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -Antonio, Julio, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Antonio, Nicolás, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Antonio of Crato, <a href="#page_251">251-253</a>.<br /> -Arabs, the, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_039">39-52</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_183">183</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>, <a href="#page_278">278</a>, <a href="#page_309">309</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_363">363</a>. <i>See</i> Moslems.<br /> -Aragón, Alfonso de, <a href="#page_216">216</a>.<br /> -Aragon (kingdom and province of) and the<br /> -Aragonese, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_056">56</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_064">64-66</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_078">78-82</a>, <a href="#page_096">96-101</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_109">109-111</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_119">119</a>, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_124">124-134</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_146">146-150</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_166">166-173</a>, <a href="#page_176">176-179</a>, <a href="#page_187">187-193</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_211">211-215</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_221">221-224</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_234">234</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_272">272-277</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_411">411</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_453">453</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Aranda, Count of, <a href="#page_389">389</a>, <a href="#page_393">393</a>, <a href="#page_394">394</a>, <a href="#page_402">402</a>, <a href="#page_420">420</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>, <a href="#page_472">472</a>.<br /> -Aranjuez, <a href="#page_408">408</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>.<br /> -Archivo General de Indias, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Argentina, <a href="#page_389">389</a>, <a href="#page_523">523</a>.<br /> -Argote y Góngora. <i>See</i> Góngora.<br /> -Arian creed, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_030">30</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>.<br /> -Aristotle, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> -Arjona, <a href="#page_071">71</a>.<br /> -Arlegui, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Armada, the Spanish, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_256">256</a>, <a href="#page_287">287</a>.<br /> -<i>Armada de Barlovento</i>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>.<br /> -Armenteira, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Arniches, Carlos, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Arriaga, <i>Cofradía</i> of, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>.<br /> -Arriaga, Julián de, <a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> -Arricivita, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Arrieta. Bartolomé de, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -Arrieta, the composer, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Arteaga, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Arthur, King, of England, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Artois, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.<br /> -Asia, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>. <i>See</i> Asia Minor.<br /> -Asia Minor, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>. <i>See</i> Asia.<br /> -<i>Asiento</i>, the, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_371">371</a>, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_385">385</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -Asso, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Assyria and the Assyrians, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>.<br /> -Astorga, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Asturias, Princes of, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>.<br /> -Asturias and the Asturians, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_053">53-57</a>, <a href="#page_060">60-64</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_434">434-436</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> -Ataulf, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>.<br /> -Athanagild, <a href="#page_029">29</a>.<br /> -Athens, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>.<br /> -Atlantic Ocean, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> -<i>Audiencias</i>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_429">429-433</a>, <a href="#page_437">437</a>.<br /> -Augsburg, Diets of, <a href="#page_243">243</a>.<br /> -Augustinians, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> -Augustus, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Austerlitz, battle of, <a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> -Austria, House of. <i>See</i> Hapsburg.<br /> -Austria and the Austrians, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_368">368</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_375">375-379</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_402">402</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> -<i>Autos de fe</i>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> -Avendaño, Francisco de, <a href="#page_353">353</a>.<br /> -Averröes, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>.<br /> -Avignon, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> -Ávila, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>.<br /> -Ayacucho, battle of, <a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> -Ayala, Pedro Lópes de. <i>See</i> López de Ayala.<br /> -Ayala, the dramatist, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Ayala, the navigator, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Ayora, Gonzalo de, <a href="#page_226">226</a>.<br /> -<i>Ayuntamientos</i>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_413">413</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> -Az-Zahra, palace of, <a href="#page_049">49</a>.<br /> -Azcárate, <a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> -Azcoytia, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -“Azorín,” <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="B" id="B"></a>Bacon, Francis, <a href="#page_342">342</a>.<br /> -Badajoz, city and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_069">69-71</a>, <a href="#page_405">405</a>.<br /> -Baegert, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Bahama Islands, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> -Baja California, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Balearic Islands, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>. <i>See</i> Ibiza, Majorca, Minorca.<br /> -Baltic Sea, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -Barba, Alonso, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Barbarossa, <a href="#page_242">242</a>.<br /> -Barbary Coast. <i>See</i> Africa, Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis.<br /> -Barca family, <a href="#page_012">12-14</a>.<br /> -Barcelona, city of, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_125">125</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>, <a href="#page_147">147-149</a>, <a href="#page_168">168-170</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_177">177-179</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_215">215</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_264">264</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_417">417</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_466">466</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">counts of, <a href="#page_056">56</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_065">65</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">university of, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>,3<a href="#page_050">50</a>.</span><br /> -Barlovento. <i>See</i> <i>Armada de Barlovento</i>.<br /> -Baroja, Pío, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<i>Barraganía</i>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_144">144</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>.<br /> -Basle, treaty of, <a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> -Basque provinces, the, and the Basques, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_196">196-200</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_432">432-434</a>, <a href="#page_461">461</a>, <a href="#page_465">465</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>. <i>See</i> Álava, Guipúzcoa, Vizcaya.<br /> -Bavaria, Prince of, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> -Bayeu, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -Baylén, battle of, <a href="#page_490">490</a>.<br /> -Bayonne, <a href="#page_409">409</a>, <a href="#page_489">489-491</a>.<br /> -Beaumarchais, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Beaumont, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Becquer, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<i>Behetrías</i>, <a href="#page_197">197-199</a>.<br /> -Belgium. <i>See</i> Catholic Netherlands, Low Countries.<br /> -Benavente, Jacinto, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Benedict XIII, Pope, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> -Benedict XIV, Pope, <a href="#page_453">453</a>.<br /> -Benedictines, <a href="#page_472">472</a>.<br /> -Benedito, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Beni-Casi family, <a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> -Benimerines, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_136">136</a>.<br /> -Benlliure, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Berbers, the, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_040">40-43</a>, <a href="#page_045">45-47</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_069">69-71</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>. <i>See</i> Moslems.<br /> -Berenguela, Queen, of Castile, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>.<br /> -Berruguete, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Beruete, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Bethencourt, Juan de, <a href="#page_122">122</a>.<br /> -Biblioteca Nacional, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Bilbao, city of, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>.<br /> -Bilbao, the painter, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Biron, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Biscay, Bay of, <a href="#page_260">260</a>.<br /> -Black Prince, the, <a href="#page_120">120</a>.<br /> -Black Sea, <a href="#page_027">27</a>.<br /> -Blanche of Bourbon, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br /> -Blanche of Navarre, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> -Blay, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -“Blue Lady.” <i>See</i> Ágreda.<br /> -Boabdil, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>.<br /> -Bobastro, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>.<br /> -Boccaccio, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Bodega, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Bogotá, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Bologna, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Bonaparte. <i>See</i> Joseph, Napoleon.<br /> -Bonilla, Adolfo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Borgia, Alfonso. <i>See</i> Calixtus III.<br /> -Borja, Cardinal, <a href="#page_318">318</a>.<br /> -Borja, town of, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Boston, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Bougainville, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Bourbon, House of, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_384">384-386</a>, <a href="#page_393">393</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_399">399</a>, <a href="#page_404">404</a>, <a href="#page_405">405</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>, <a href="#page_410">410</a>, <a href="#page_421">421</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_438">438</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>, <a href="#page_454">454</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>, <a href="#page_469">469</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>, <a href="#page_497">497</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> -Bracamonte, Rubín de, <a href="#page_122">122</a>.<br /> -Braciano, Duke of, <a href="#page_373">373</a>.<br /> -Braga, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Braganza, House of, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>.<br /> -Bravo Murillo, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_501">501</a>.<br /> -Brazil, <a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> -Bretón, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Bruges, <a href="#page_176">176</a>, <a href="#page_326">326</a>, <a href="#page_337">337</a>.<br /> -Buckingham, Duke of, <a href="#page_284">284</a>.<br /> -Bueno, Manuel, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Buenos Aires, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Burgos, <a href="#page_057">57</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_409">409</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordinances of, <a href="#page_160">160</a>.</span><br /> -Burgoyne, <a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> -Burgundy, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>.<br /> -Burriel, <a href="#page_481">481</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Byng, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_377">377</a>.<br /> -Byzantine Greeks. <i>See</i> Byzantine Romans.<br /> -Byzantine Romans, <a href="#page_029">29-31</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_036">36-38</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_052">52</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<i><a name="C" id="C"></a>Caballeros</i>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_137">137</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> -Cabezón, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Cáceres, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.<br /> -Cádiz, city and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_038">38</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_392">392</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_468">468-470</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>, <a href="#page_493">493</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> -Cæpio, <a href="#page_017">17</a>.<br /> -Cæsar, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Calatrava, order of, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br /> -Calderón, Alfredo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Calderón de la Barca, Pedro, <a href="#page_355">355</a>.<br /> -California, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_349">349</a>, <a href="#page_361">361</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gulf of, <a href="#page_349">349</a>.</span><br /> -Calixtus III, Pope, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>.<br /> -<i>Cámara de Castilla</i>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> -<i>Camarilla</i>, the, <a href="#page_495">495</a>, <a href="#page_501">501</a>.<br /> -Campillo, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>.<br /> -Campoamor, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Campomanes, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_418">418</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_459">459</a>, <a href="#page_461">461</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Canalejas, <a href="#page_509">509</a>.<br /> -Canary Islands, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_453">453</a>.<br /> -Canellas, <a href="#page_097">97</a>.<br /> -Cangas de Onís, <a href="#page_053">53</a>.<br /> -Cano, Alonso, <a href="#page_362">362</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Cano, Melchor, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> -Cánovas del Castillo, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Canstadt man, <a href="#page_006">6</a>.<br /> -Cantabrian Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Cantabrians, <a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br /> -Capmany, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Caribbean Sea, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_385">385</a>, <a href="#page_387">387</a>.<br /> -Carlism, <a href="#page_497">497-501</a>, <a href="#page_503">503-505</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>.<br /> -Carlos, Don, <a href="#page_497">497</a>, <a href="#page_498">498</a>, <a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> -Carmona, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.<br /> -Carpetana Mountains. <i>See</i> Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains.<br /> -Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>.<br /> -Carpio, Bernardo del, <a href="#page_055">55</a>.<br /> -Carranza, Bartolomé, <a href="#page_307">307</a>.<br /> -<i>Carreratge</i>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_169">169</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_199">199</a>.<br /> -Carrillo, Alonso de, <a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> -Cartagena in America, <a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> -Cartagena in Spain, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>.<br /> -Carthage and the Carthaginians, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_010">10-15</a>.<br /> -Carvajal, <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> -<i>Casa de Contratación</i>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_348">348</a>, <a href="#page_349">349</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>.<br /> -Castaños, <a href="#page_490">490</a>.<br /> -Castelar, <a href="#page_505">505</a>.<br /> -Castellanos, Juan de, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Castellón de Ampurias, <a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> -Castile and the Castilians, <a href="#page_001">1-5</a>, <a href="#page_038">38</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_060">60-64</a>, <a href="#page_066">66</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_071">71-78</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_084">84-99</a>, <a href="#page_104">104-125</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_131">131-147</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_151">151-167</a>, <a href="#page_169">169-176</a>, <a href="#page_180">180-190</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_197">197-199</a>, <a href="#page_203">203-206</a>, <a href="#page_209">209-221</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_224">224</a>, <a href="#page_226">226-231</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_237">237-240</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_249">249-253</a>, <a href="#page_262">262-266</a>, <a href="#page_274">274-277</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_364">364</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_429">429-432</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>, <a href="#page_453">453</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">language of, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_351">351-353</a>, <a href="#page_357">357</a>, <a href="#page_358">358</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>. <i>See</i> New Castile, Old Castile.</span><br /> -Castro, Américo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Castro, Juana de, <a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br /> -Castro, Rosalía de, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -“Catalan vengeance,” the, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Catalonia and the Catalans, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_056">56</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_064">64-66</a>, <a href="#page_077">77-82</a>, <a href="#page_096">96-100</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_125">125</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_129">129-134</a>, <a href="#page_146">146-150</a>, <a href="#page_168">168-173</a>, <a href="#page_176">176-179</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_210">210-212</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_262">262-265</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_370">370-374</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_429">429-431</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>, <a href="#page_453">453</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_466">466</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">language of, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>.</span><br /> -Catherine of Aragon, <a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br /> -Catholic Kings. <i>See</i> Ferdinand II of Aragon, Isabella I of Castile.<br /> -Catholic Netherlands, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_378">378</a>. <i>See</i> Low Countries.<br /> -Catholic Reaction. <i>See</i> Counter-Reformation.<br /> -Catholicism, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_029">29-31</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_243">243</a>, <a href="#page_246">246-248</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_253">253-255</a>, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_264">264</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_302">302-304</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_313">313</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>, <a href="#page_319">319</a>, <a href="#page_343">343</a>, <a href="#page_355">355</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_455">455-457</a>, <a href="#page_494">494</a>, <a href="#page_501">501</a>, <a href="#page_502">502</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>, <a href="#page_521">521</a>. <i>See</i> Arian creed, Church.<br /> -Cavanilles, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Cavo, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Cejador, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Celtiberian Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> -Celtiberians, the, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>.<br /> -Celts, the, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>.<br /> -<i>Censos</i>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_416">416</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Cerda, Fernando de la. <i>See</i> Fernando.<br /> -Cerdagne, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>.<br /> -Cervantes de Salazar, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Cervantes y Saavedra, Miguel de, <a href="#page_334">334</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_355">355-357</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Ceuta, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>.<br /> -Chaldea and the Chaldeans, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">language of, <a href="#page_230">230</a>.</span><br /> -Champagne, Count of, <a href="#page_082">82</a>.<br /> -<i>Chancillerías.</i> <i>See Audiencias.</i><br /> -<i>Chanson de Roland</i>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> -Chapí, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Chappe d’Autereche, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Charlemagne, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Charles, Prince, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_256">256</a>.<br /> -Charles, the Archduke. <i>See</i> Charles VI (the Emperor).<br /> -Charles V, the Emperor. <i>See</i> Charles I of Spain.<br /> -Charles VI, the Emperor, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_369">369-372</a>, <a href="#page_376">376-381</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>.<br /> -Charles of Anjou, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br /> -Charles of Valois, <a href="#page_127">127</a>.<br /> -Charles of Viana, <a href="#page_132">132-134</a>.<br /> -Charles I of England, <a href="#page_284">284</a>.<br /> -Charles IV of France, <a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> -Charles VIII of France, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br /> -Charles I of Spain, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_234">234-250</a>, <a href="#page_256">256-258</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_275">275-277</a>, <a href="#page_283">283-287</a>, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_298">298</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_306">306-308</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_316">316-320</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_326">326</a>, <a href="#page_335">335</a>, <a href="#page_339">339</a>, <a href="#page_345">345</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_363">363</a>.<br /> -Charles II of Spain, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_268">268-271</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_333">333</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_384">384</a>.<br /> -Charles III of Spain, <a href="#page_376">376-380</a>, <a href="#page_382">382-386</a>, <a href="#page_389">389-392</a>, <a href="#page_394">394-399</a>, <a href="#page_403">403</a>, <a href="#page_411">411</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_414">414</a>, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_420">420</a>, <a href="#page_422">422-424</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_431">431-433</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_438">438</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_449">449-454</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_461">461-465</a>, <a href="#page_467">467</a>, <a href="#page_472">472-475</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_479">479</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>, <a href="#page_495">495</a>.<br /> -Charles IV of Spain, <a href="#page_384">384</a>, <a href="#page_399">399-404</a>, <a href="#page_407">407-409</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_446">446</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_463">463</a>, <a href="#page_469">469</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_477">477</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_498">498</a>.<br /> -Charolais, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.<br /> -Charron, <a href="#page_343">343</a>.<br /> -Chatham, Lord. <i>See</i> Pitt.<br /> -Chicharro, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Chièvres, <a href="#page_237">237</a>.<br /> -Chile, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Chindaswinth, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>.<br /> -Chinese, the, <a href="#page_353">353</a>.<br /> -Choiseul, <a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> -Christians, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_039">39-41</a>, <a href="#page_043">43-47</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_053">53-60</a>, <a href="#page_067">67-73</a>, <a href="#page_075">75-77</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_136">136</a>, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_193">193</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_201">201</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_274">274-278</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_338">338</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>, <a href="#page_421">421</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Chueca, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Church, the, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_035">35-37</a>, <a href="#page_041">41</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_053">53-55</a>, <a href="#page_060">60-63</a>, <a href="#page_065">65</a>, <a href="#page_066">66</a>, <a href="#page_085">85-88</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_093">93-98</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_137">137-141</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_144">144</a>, <a href="#page_146">146</a>, <a href="#page_155">155-160</a>, <a href="#page_163">163-165</a>, <a href="#page_169">169</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_182">182-184</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>, <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_237">237</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_273">273-278</a>, <a href="#page_283">283</a>, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_303">303-323</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_334">334</a>, <a href="#page_340">340-343</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_351">351-353</a>, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_401">401</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_416">416</a>, <a href="#page_418">418</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_426">426-428</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_437">437</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>, <a href="#page_443">443-460</a>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>, <a href="#page_472">472</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_477">477</a>, <a href="#page_479">479</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_493">493</a>, <a href="#page_494">494</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_501">501</a>, <a href="#page_504">504</a>, <a href="#page_505">505</a>, <a href="#page_511">511-513</a>, <a href="#page_522">522</a>. <i>See</i> Albigenses, Alcántara, Augustinians, Benedictines, Calatrava, Catholicism, Christians, Cistercians, Cluny, Counter-Reformation, Dominicans, Franciscans, Illuminism, Inquisition, Jesuits, <i>Limpieza de sangre</i>, Mozárabes, Mysticism, Nobles, Papal States, Priscillianism, Protestantism, Quietism, Reformation, Santiago, Templars.<br /> -Churriguera, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Cicero, <a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> -Cid, the, <a href="#page_072">72-74</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>.<br /> -Cieza de León, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Cistercians, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Cities. <i>See</i> Towns.<br /> -Ciudad Real, town and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Ciudadela, <a href="#page_195">195</a>.<br /> -Civita Vecchia, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Clará, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -“Clarín,” <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Clavigero, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Clement V, Pope, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> -Clement VII, Pope, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> -Clergy. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Clovis, <a href="#page_029">29</a>.<br /> -Cluny, monks of, <a href="#page_065">65</a>, <a href="#page_066">66</a>, <a href="#page_072">72</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Cobos, Bernabé, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Coello, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -<i>Cofradías</i>, <a href="#page_144">144</a>, <a href="#page_145">145</a>, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_417">417</a>. <i>See</i> Arriaga.<br /> -Coimbra, <a href="#page_054">54</a>.<br /> -Colmeiro, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Colonna, <a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> -Columbus, Christopher, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_522">522</a>.<br /> -Columbus, Ferdinand, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Comenius, <a href="#page_343">343</a>.<br /> -Commons, House of, <a href="#page_493">493</a>.<br /> -<i>Compilación de Canellas</i>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>.<br /> -Compostela, Santiago de, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_165">165</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>.<br /> -<i>Comunales</i>, <a href="#page_093">93</a>.<br /> -<i>Comunidades</i>, the, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>.<br /> -<i>Concejo.</i> <i>See</i> Towns, Villa.<br /> -Condé, <a href="#page_261">261</a>.<br /> -<i>Consejo de Castilla.</i> <i>See Consejo Real.</i><br /> -<i>Consejo Real</i>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_264">264</a>, <a href="#page_290">290-293</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_317">317</a>, <a href="#page_320">320</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_331">331</a>, <a href="#page_418">418</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_475">475</a>.<br /> -<i>Consejos</i>, the, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_468">468</a>. <i>See Cámara, Consejo Real.</i><br /> -<i>Consell</i>, the. <i>See</i> Barcelona.<br /> -Conservatives, the, <a href="#page_506">506</a>, <a href="#page_509">509</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>. <i>See</i><br /> -Moderates.<br /> -Constance of Aragon, <a href="#page_130">130</a>.<br /> -Constance of Sicily, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br /> -Constantinople, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_249">249</a>.<br /> -Constanza, Princess, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Constitutions, <a href="#page_493">493</a>, <a href="#page_494">494</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_498">498-502</a>, <a href="#page_504">504-506</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_509">509</a>, <a href="#page_510">510</a>.<br /> -<i>Consulados</i>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_331">331</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_468">468</a>, <a href="#page_469">469</a>.<br /> -<i>Consumo</i>, the, <a href="#page_157">157</a>.<br /> -Convention, the French, <a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> -<i>Conversos</i>, the. <i>See</i> Marranos.<br /> -Copernicus, <a href="#page_349">349</a>.<br /> -Córdoba, Gonzalo de, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_226">226</a>.<br /> -Cordova, <a href="#page_024">24</a>, <a href="#page_043">43-45</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> -Coria, <a href="#page_054">54</a>.<br /> -Corneille, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Cornejo, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Cornwall, Earl of, <a href="#page_112">112</a>.<br /> -<i>Corregidores</i>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_198">198</a>, <a href="#page_199">199</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_238">238</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_466">466</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>.<br /> -Corsica, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -<i>Cort</i>, the, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>.<br /> -<i>Cortes</i>, the, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_089">89-93</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_099">99-101</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_161">161</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_165">165-168</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_226">226</a>, <a href="#page_237">237-239</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_302">302</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_320">320</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_413">413</a>, <a href="#page_425">425-429</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_492">492-498</a>, <a href="#page_501">501-505</a>, <a href="#page_509">509</a>.<br /> -Cortés, Hernando, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Coruña, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Cossío, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Costa, <a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> -Counter-Reformation, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>. <i>See</i><br /> -Church, Protestantism, Reformation.<br /> -Counts, <a href="#page_061">61</a>, <a href="#page_062">62</a>, <a href="#page_065">65</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -Covadonga, battle of, <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>.<br /> -Cowley, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Cristina, Queen, of Spain, <a href="#page_497">497-500</a>.<br /> -Cromagnon man, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> -Cromwell, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Cruz, Juan de la, Saint, <a href="#page_310">310</a>.<br /> -Cruz, Ramón de la, <a href="#page_484">484</a>, <a href="#page_487">487</a>.<br /> -<i>Cruzada</i>, the, <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>.<br /> -Cuba, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -Cuenca, town and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> -Cueva, Beltrán de la, <a href="#page_123">123</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="D" id="D"></a>Dante, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Danube River, <a href="#page_027">27</a>.<br /> -Danvila y Collado, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Daoiz, Luis, <a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> -Darío, Rubén, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Daroca, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Daza, Juan de, <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> -Denia, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.<br /> -Denmark, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> -Depósito Hidrográfico, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Deputation of the <i>Cortes</i>. <i>See Generalitat.</i><br /> -Descartes, <a href="#page_343">343</a>.<br /> -Díaz, Juan, <a href="#page_308">308</a>.<br /> -Díaz, Rodrigo, or Ruy. <i>See</i> Cid.<br /> -Díaz de Montalvo, Alfonso, <a href="#page_226">226</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -Díaz del Castillo, Bernal, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Dicenta, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Diderot, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Diez Canedo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<i>Diezmos</i>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Diocletian, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Directory, the French, <a href="#page_404">404</a>.<br /> -Dominic, Saint, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>.<br /> -Dominicans, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_358">358</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -<i>Don Quixote</i>, <a href="#page_355">355-357</a>.<br /> -<i>Donativos</i>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>.<br /> -Dorantes de Carranza, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -<i>Dos de Mayo</i>, the, <a href="#page_399">399</a>, <a href="#page_410">410</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>, <a href="#page_489">489</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>.<br /> -<i>Dos novenas</i>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>.<br /> -Douro River, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>.<br /> -Doz, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Drake, Francis, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>.<br /> -Dukes, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -Dupont, <a href="#page_490">490</a>.<br /> -Dutch, the. <i>See</i> Protestant Netherlands.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="E" id="E"></a>East Indies, <a href="#page_262">262</a>.<br /> -Ebro River, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_408">408</a>, <a href="#page_490">490</a>.<br /> -Echegaray, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Edward, Prince. <i>See</i> Black Prince.<br /> -Edward I of England, <a href="#page_112">112</a>.<br /> -Edward III of England, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Egmont, Port, <a href="#page_388">388</a>, <a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> -Egypt and the Egyptians, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>. <i>See</i> Gypsies.<br /> -El Greco, <a href="#page_364">364</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -El Zagal, <a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> -Elche, <a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> -Elhuyar brothers, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Elisa, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Elizabeth, Queen, of England, <a href="#page_253">253-255</a>.<br /> -Elvira, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>.<br /> -Emporium, <a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> -<i>Encomienda</i>, <a href="#page_060">60</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>.<br /> -Encyclopedia, the, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -England and the English, <a href="#page_092">92</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_176">176</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_253">253-256</a>, <a href="#page_259">259</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_337">337</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_368">368-372</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_377">377</a>, <a href="#page_379">379-401</a>, <a href="#page_403">403-407</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_440">440</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_458">458</a>, <a href="#page_459">459</a>, <a href="#page_469">469-471</a>, <a href="#page_483">483</a>, <a href="#page_489">489</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>, <a href="#page_499">499</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>, <a href="#page_519">519</a>.<br /> -Engracia, Saint, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Ensenada, Marquis of, <a href="#page_434">434-436</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_440">440</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>.<br /> -Enzina, Juan del, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>.<br /> -Épila, battle of, <a href="#page_130">130</a>.<br /> -Erasmus, <a href="#page_342">342</a>.<br /> -Escarano, <a href="#page_393">393</a>, <a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> -Escoiquiz, <a href="#page_406">406</a>, <a href="#page_409">409</a>.<br /> -Escorial, the, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Espagnoletto. <i>See</i> Ribera (the painter).<br /> -Espartero, <a href="#page_499">499</a>, <a href="#page_502">502</a>.<br /> -<i>Espéculo</i>, the, <a href="#page_162">162</a>.<br /> -Espinosa, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Esquivel, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Estudios Reales de San Isidro, <a href="#page_341">341</a>.<br /> -Etruria, <a href="#page_405">405</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>, <a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> -Etruscans, the ancient, <a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br /> -Eulalia, Saint, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Euric, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>.<br /> -Europe and Europeans, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_038">38</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_049">49-51</a>, <a href="#page_060">60-62</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_067">67</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_105">105-108</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_165">165</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_202">202</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_234">234</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_240">240-246</a>, <a href="#page_248">248-251</a>, <a href="#page_254">254</a>, <a href="#page_257">257-262</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_298">298</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_324">324</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_334">334</a>, <a href="#page_336">336-338</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_355">355</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>, <a href="#page_358">358-360</a>, <a href="#page_368">368-370</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_380">380-384</a>,<br /> -<a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_392">392</a>, <a href="#page_394">394</a>, <a href="#page_401">401-403</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_466">466</a>, <a href="#page_471">471</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_480">480-482</a>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>, <a href="#page_495">495</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>, <a href="#page_520">520</a>.<br /> -Évora, <a href="#page_266">266</a>.<br /> -Evreux, House of, <a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> -<i>Expolios</i>, <a href="#page_319">319</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>.<br /> -Extremadura, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="F" id="F"></a>Fachenetti concordat, <a href="#page_320">320</a>.<br /> -Fadrique of Sicily, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Falkland Islands, <a href="#page_388">388</a>, <a href="#page_389">389</a>, <a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> -Falla, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Family Compact, the, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_383">383</a>, <a href="#page_386">386</a>, <a href="#page_389">389</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>, <a href="#page_395">395</a>, <a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> -Far East, the, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> -Farnese, Alexander, <a href="#page_251">251</a>.<br /> -Farnesio, Isabel, <a href="#page_374">374-382</a>, <a href="#page_404">404</a>, <a href="#page_418">418</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand I, the Emperor, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand II, the Emperor, <a href="#page_260">260</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand of Antequera. <i>See</i> Ferdinand I of Aragon.<br /> -Ferdinand of Aragon. <i>See</i> Ferdinand II of Aragon.<br /> -Ferdinand I of Aragon, <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand II of Aragon, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>, <a href="#page_202">202-215</a>, <a href="#page_217">217-230</a>, <a href="#page_234">234</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>, <a href="#page_287">287</a>, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_292">292-294</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_335">335</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand of Bourbon, Prince, <a href="#page_382">382</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand I of Castile, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand II of León (1157-1188). Omitted.<br /> -Ferdinand III of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand IV of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_115">115-117</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand V of Spain. <i>See</i> Ferdinand II of Aragon.<br /> -Ferdinand VI of Spain, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_382">382</a>, <a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_418">418</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand VII of Spain, <a href="#page_406">406-409</a>, <a href="#page_477">477</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_492">492-498</a>.<br /> -Ferdinand of Naples, <a href="#page_132">132</a>.<br /> -Fernán González, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Fernán-Núñez, Count of, <a href="#page_472">472</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Fernández. <i>See</i> Moratín.<br /> -Fernández Caballero, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Fernández de Oviedo, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Fernández Duro, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Fernández Guerra, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Fernando de la Cerda, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>.<br /> -Ferrán, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Ferrara, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Ferrer, Francisco, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>.<br /> -Ferrer, Jaime, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -Feudalism. <i>See</i> Church, Nobles, Towns.<br /> -Feyjóo, <a href="#page_472">472</a>, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Fidalgo, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Figueras, President, <a href="#page_504">504</a>.<br /> -<i>Fiscal</i>, the, <a href="#page_156">156</a>.<br /> -Fita, Fidel, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Flanders, the Flemings, and Flemish influences, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_176">176</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_233">233</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_237">237</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_323">323</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>.<br /> -Flor, Roger de, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Florence, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_363">363</a>.<br /> -Florencia, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Flórez, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Florida, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_395">395</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_398">398</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> -Floridablanca, Count of, <a href="#page_395">395</a>, <a href="#page_396">396</a>, <a href="#page_400">400-402</a>, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>, <a href="#page_463">463</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>.<br /> -Foix, Count of, <a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> -France, the French, and French influences, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_027">27-30</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_064">64-66</a>, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_078">78-81</a>, <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_092">92</a>, <a href="#page_105">105-107</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_161">161</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_206">206-209</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_240">240-244</a>, <a href="#page_246">246-248</a>, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_254">254</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_260">260-265</a>, <a href="#page_267">267-271</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_333">333</a>, <a href="#page_351">351</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_360">360</a>, <a href="#page_368">368-390</a>, <a href="#page_392">392-397</a>, <a href="#page_399">399-411</a>, <a href="#page_419">419-421</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>, <a href="#page_427">427-429</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_440">440</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>, <a href="#page_454">454</a>, <a href="#page_457">457</a>, <a href="#page_459">459</a>, <a href="#page_461">461</a>, <a href="#page_468">468-472</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_482">482-485</a>, <a href="#page_489">489-493</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_497">497</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_503">503</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>, <a href="#page_524">524</a>. <i>See</i> French Revolution, Provençal influences.<br /> -Franche-Comté, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.<br /> -Francis I of France, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>.<br /> -Franciscans, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Franks, the, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_030">30</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_056">56</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>.<br /> -Freemasons, <a href="#page_495">495</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>.<br /> -French Revolution, <a href="#page_161">161</a>, <a href="#page_384">384</a>, <a href="#page_399">399-402</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_457">457</a>, <a href="#page_477">477</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> -<i>Fuero Juzgo</i>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_037">37</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_065">65</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>.<br /> -<i>Fuero Real</i>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -<i>Fuerza</i>, recourse of, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_291">291</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> -Furfooz man, <a href="#page_006">6</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="G" id="G"></a>Galba, <a href="#page_016">16</a>.<br /> -<i>Galeras</i>, the, <a href="#page_295">295</a>.<br /> -Galés. Pedro, <a href="#page_308">308</a>.<br /> -Galicia and the Galicians, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_004">4</a>, <a href="#page_008">8-10</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_056">56-58</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>.<br /> -Galván, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Gálvez, Bernardo de, <a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> -Gálvez, José de, <a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> -Gándara, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Ganivet, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -García de la Huerta, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -Garnier, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Gascony, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>.<br /> -Gastambide, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Gaudí, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Gelmírez, Diego, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>.<br /> -General Privilege, the, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> -<i>Generalitat</i>, the, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_170">170-172</a>, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>.<br /> -Genoa, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_470">470</a>.<br /> -Germanic tribes, <a href="#page_026">26-29</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>. <i>See</i> Alans, Germans, Ostrogoths, Suevians, Vandals, Visigoths.<br /> -Germany and the Germans, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_240">240-244</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_371">371</a>, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>, <a href="#page_483">483</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>. <i>See</i> Prussia.<br /> -Gerona, city and province of, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_065">65</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Gibbon, <a href="#page_346">346</a>.<br /> -Gibraltar, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_371">371</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_377">377</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_382">382</a>, <a href="#page_385">385</a>, <a href="#page_396">396</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> -Gilbert, Humphrey, <a href="#page_253">253</a>.<br /> -Giner de los Ríos, <a href="#page_516">516</a>, <a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> -Giotto, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>.<br /> -Godoy, Manuel, <a href="#page_402">402-409</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>, <a href="#page_472">472</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>, <a href="#page_475">475</a>, <a href="#page_477">477</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Gómez de Baquero, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Góngora, Luis de Argote y, <a href="#page_358">358</a>.<br /> -Góngora, the historian, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -González Blanco, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -González Bravo, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> -González Dávila, Gil, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -González del Castillo, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -Gothic art, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_233">233</a>, <a href="#page_361">361</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Gothic rite, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br /> -Goya, Francisco José, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_421">421</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_471">471</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Granada, city of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_201">201</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">kingdom and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_121">121-123</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_136">136</a>, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_200">200-202</a>, <a href="#page_204">204-206</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_225">225-227</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>.</span><br /> -Granados, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Grandees, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>, <a href="#page_373">373</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_411">411-413</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_501">501</a>, <a href="#page_505">505</a>.<br /> -Great Schism, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -Greece, the Greeks, and Greek influences, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_011">11-14</a>, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_024">24</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_037">37</a>, <a href="#page_051">51</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_350">350-353</a>, <a href="#page_361">361</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>, <a href="#page_364">364</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>. <i>See</i> Byzantine Romans.<br /> -Gregory VII, Pope, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Gregory XIII, Pope, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_349">349</a>.<br /> -Gregory XIV, Pope, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -Grimaldi, <a href="#page_394">394</a>, <a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> -Grotius, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -Guadalajara, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Guadalquivir River, <a href="#page_001">1-3</a>, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>.<br /> -Guadalupe, Sentence of, <a href="#page_212">212</a>.<br /> -Guadarrama Mountains. <i>See</i> Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains.<br /> -Guadiana River, <a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> -Guastalla, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -Guatemala, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Guerrero, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Guesclin, Bertrand du, <a href="#page_120">120</a>.<br /> -Guimerá, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Guipúzcoa, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_197">197-200</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> -Gutiérres de Santa Clara, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Guzmán, Domingo de. <i>See</i> Dominic.<br /> -Guzmán, Leonor de, <a href="#page_118">118</a>.<br /> -Guzmán el Bueno, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>.<br /> -Guzmán family, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>.<br /> -Gypsies, the, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_414">414</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="H" id="H"></a>Hadrian, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Hakem I, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> -Hakem II, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Hamilcar, <a href="#page_012">12</a>.<br /> -Hannibal, <a href="#page_012">12-14</a>.<br /> -Hapsburg, House of, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_234">234-236</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_243">243</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_268">268-271</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_287">287</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>, <a href="#page_331">331</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_368">368</a>, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_411">411</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_446">446</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>, <a href="#page_454">454</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -Harcourt, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> -Harrach, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> -Hasdrubal, the elder, <a href="#page_012">12-13</a>.<br /> -Hasdrubal, the younger, <a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> -Havana, <a href="#page_386">386</a>, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> -Hawkins, John, <a href="#page_253">253</a>.<br /> -Hayti, <a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> -Hebrew literature, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>. <i>See</i> Jews.<br /> -Heceta, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Henry, Prince, of Portugal, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -Henry I of Castile, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> -Henry II of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_118">118-121</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>.<br /> -Henry III of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>.<br /> -Henry IV of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_122">122-124</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>.<br /> -Henry VIII of England, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.<br /> -Henry IV of France, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>.<br /> -Henry of Lorraine, <a href="#page_074">74</a>.<br /> -Henry I of Portugal, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>.<br /> -Henry of Trastamara. <i>See</i> Henry II of Castile (and León).<br /> -<i>Hermandades</i>, <a href="#page_092">92</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>.<br /> -Hermenegild, <a href="#page_030">30</a>.<br /> -Herrera, Juan de, <a href="#page_361">361</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Herrera, the historian, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Herrera, the painter, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Hevía, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -<i>Hidalgos</i>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_298">298</a>, <a href="#page_411">411-414</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>.<br /> -Hillo, Pepe, <a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> -Hinojosa, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Hippocrates, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Hisham I, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> -Hisham II, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_046">46</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.<br /> -Hisham III, <a href="#page_046">46</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>.<br /> -Hispano-Romans, <a href="#page_018">18-21</a>, <a href="#page_024">24</a>, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_028">28-31</a>, <a href="#page_033">33-36</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>.<br /> -Hittites, the, <a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br /> -Hobbes, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Hohenstaufen, House of, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br /> -Holland. <i>See</i> Low Countries, Protestant Netherlands.<br /> -Holy Roman Emperors. <i>See</i> Holy Roman Empire.<br /> -Holy Roman Empire, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_371">371</a>.<br /> -Homer, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Honduras, <a href="#page_385">385-387</a>, <a href="#page_395">395</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> -<i>Honores</i>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>.<br /> -<i>Honrats</i>, <a href="#page_169">169</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>.<br /> -Hoyos, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Huesca, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Humanism, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_343">343</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_351">351-353</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Humboldt, Alexander von, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Hume, <a href="#page_345">345</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Hungary, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>.<br /> -Huns, <a href="#page_027">27</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="I" id="I"></a>Ibáñez, Blasco, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Iberian Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> -Iberian Peninsula, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_005">5-7</a>.<br /> -Iberians, the, <a href="#page_007">7-10</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br /> -Ibiza, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br /> -Iglesias, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Ignatius, Saint. <i>See</i> Loyola.<br /> -Ilerda, battle of, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Iliberis, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Illo, Pepe. <i>See</i> Hillo.<br /> -Illuminism, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_309">309</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_457">457</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Incas, the, <a href="#page_281">281</a>.<br /> -<i>Index</i>, the, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_319">319</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>.<br /> -India, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>.<br /> -Indians, <a href="#page_060">60</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>.<br /> -Iñigo Arista, <a href="#page_056">56</a>.<br /> -Innocent III, Pope, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br /> -Inquisition, the, <a href="#page_202">202</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_214">214-216</a>, <a href="#page_221">221-224</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_248">248-250</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_276">276-278</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_309">309-312</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_319">319</a>, <a href="#page_360">360</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_444">444-449</a>, <a href="#page_455">455-457</a>, <a href="#page_494">494</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Insúa, Alberto, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Irish, the, <a href="#page_264">264</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>.<br /> -Isabel, Princess, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Isabella I of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_202">202-230</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_287">287</a>, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_292">292-294</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>, <a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> -Isabella II of Spain, <a href="#page_498">498-503</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -Isidore, Saint, <a href="#page_037">37</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> -Isla, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Islam, <a href="#page_043">43</a>. <i>See</i> Mohammedanism.<br /> -Itálica, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Italy, the Italians, and Italian influences, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_125">125-127</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_202">202</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_207">207-209</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_218">218</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_229">229-231</a>, <a href="#page_233">233-236</a>, <a href="#page_241">241-244</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_264">264</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>, <a href="#page_318">318</a>, <a href="#page_320">320</a>, <a href="#page_339">339</a>, <a href="#page_351">351-353</a>, <a href="#page_355">355-357</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_362">362-364</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_374">374-382</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>, <a href="#page_470">470</a>, <a href="#page_471">471</a>, <a href="#page_482">482-485</a>, <a href="#page_487">487</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="J" id="J"></a>Jaén, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br /> -Jaime I of Aragon, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_080">80-82</a>, <a href="#page_097">97-100</a>, <a href="#page_109">109-112</a>, <a href="#page_125">125</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>.<br /> -Jaime II of Aragon, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> -Jaime II of Majorca, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>.<br /> -Jaime of Urgel, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> -Jamaica, <a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> -James, Saint, <a href="#page_055">55</a>.<br /> -James I of England, <a href="#page_254">254</a>, <a href="#page_259">259</a>.<br /> -Janda, battle of, <a href="#page_032">32</a>.<br /> -Jansenists, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -Japanese, the, <a href="#page_353">353</a>.<br /> -Jay, John, <a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> -Jena, battle of, <a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> -Jenkins, <a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> -Jerez, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Jerusalem, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>.<br /> -Jesuits, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_310">310</a>, <a href="#page_312">312-315</a>, <a href="#page_323">323</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>, <a href="#page_448">448-453</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>, <a href="#page_483">483</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -Jews, the, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_041">41</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_102">102-105</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_176">176</a>, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_183">183</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_193">193-196</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_213">213-216</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_414">414</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_457">457</a>. <i>See</i> Marranos.<br /> -Jiménez de Cisneros. <i>See</i> Ximénez.<br /> -Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo, <a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> -Jiménez de Urrea, Miguel, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -João IV of Portugal, <a href="#page_267">267</a>. <i>See</i> Braganza.<br /> -John, Don, of Austria. <i>See</i> Juan of Austria.<br /> -John of Gaunt, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Joseph, King, of Spain, <a href="#page_409">409</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_490">490</a>.<br /> -Jovellanos, <a href="#page_415">415</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_459">459</a>, <a href="#page_472">472</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>, <a href="#page_475">475</a>, <a href="#page_480">480</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Juan, Jorge, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Juan, Prince, of Castile, <a href="#page_114">114-116</a>.<br /> -Juan I of Aragon, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -Juan II of Aragon, <a href="#page_132">132-134</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>.<br /> -Juan of Austria, <a href="#page_249">249-251</a>, <a href="#page_254">254</a>.<br /> -Juan of Austria (another), <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>.<br /> -Juan I of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>.<br /> -Juan II of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_161">161</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> -Juana Enríquez of Castile, <a href="#page_132">132-134</a>.<br /> -Juana la Beltraneja, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>.<br /> -Juana la Loca, <a href="#page_207">207-209</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.<br /> -Judaizantes, <a href="#page_215">215</a>. <i>See</i> Marranos.<br /> -Jumilla, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Junot, <a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> -<i>Junta Central</i>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>.<br /> -<i>Junta de Comercio y Moneda</i>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>.<br /> -<i>Junta de Moneda</i>. <i>See</i> <i>Junta de Comercio<br /> -y Moneda</i>.<br /> -<i>Justicia</i>, the, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_125">125</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>.<br /> -Justinian, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -<i>Juzgado de Imprenta</i>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="K" id="K"></a>Kino, Eusebio, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Koran, the, <a href="#page_048">48</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="L" id="L"></a>La Bisbal, <a href="#page_177">177</a>.<br /> -<i>La Celestina</i>, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -La Mancha, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> -Labrit family, <a href="#page_240">240</a>.<br /> -Lafita, Juan, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Lancaster, Duke of. <i>See</i> John of Gaunt.<br /> -Lanza, Silverio, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<i>Lanzas</i>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>.<br /> -Las Casas, Bartolomé de, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_358">358</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>.<br /> -Las Mesas, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -<i>Latifundia</i>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_144">144</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_336">336</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>, <a href="#page_522">522</a>.<br /> -Latin language, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_230">230-232</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_350">350-353</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>. <i>See</i> Rome.<br /> -Latins, <a href="#page_015">15</a>. <i>See</i> Rome.<br /> -Lauria, Roger de, <a href="#page_127">127</a>.<br /> -Lee, Arthur, <a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> -Leocadia, Saint, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -León, city of, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_056">56</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a>, <a href="#page_361">361</a>.<br /> -León, Ricardo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -León (kingdom and province of) and the Leonese, <a href="#page_056">56-58</a>, <a href="#page_060">60-64</a>, <a href="#page_069">69-77</a>, <a href="#page_085">85-97</a>, <a href="#page_104">104-110</a>, <a href="#page_161">161</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -León Pinelo, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Leonor of Navarre, <a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> -Leopold of Hohenzollern, <a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> -Leovgild, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_030">30</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>.<br /> -Lepanto, battle of, <a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Lérida, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>.<br /> -Lerma, Duke of, <a href="#page_259">259</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>.<br /> -Lesage, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -<i>Letrados</i>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>.<br /> -<i>Leyes de Toro</i>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -Liberalism, <a href="#page_489">489</a>, <a href="#page_495">495-503</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>, <a href="#page_509">509</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> -<i>Limosna al rey</i>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>.<br /> -<i>Limpieza de sangre</i>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_417">417</a>.<br /> -Linares Rivas, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Lisbon, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>.<br /> -Livy, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Llorente, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Lobeira, Vasco de, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br /> -Locke, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Loire River, <a href="#page_028">28</a>.<br /> -London, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_389">389</a>, <a href="#page_393">393</a>, <a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> -Lope de Vega. <i>See</i> Vega.<br /> -López de Ayala, Pedro, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>.<br /> -López de Chinchilla, Garcí, <a href="#page_203">203</a>.<br /> -López de Gómara, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -López de Haro, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -López de Velasco, Juan, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_348">348</a>.<br /> -Lords. <i>See</i> Church, Nobles.<br /> -Loreto, <a href="#page_055">55</a>.<br /> -Louis IX of France, <a href="#page_077">77</a>.<br /> -Louis XII of France, <a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br /> -Louis XIV of France, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_269">269-271</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_371">371</a>, <a href="#page_373">373-375</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>.<br /> -Louis XV of France, <a href="#page_375">375</a>, <a href="#page_377">377</a>, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> -Louis XVI of France, <a href="#page_396">396</a>, <a href="#page_401">401-403</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> -Louis the Pious, <a href="#page_055">55</a>.<br /> -Louisiana, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_405">405</a>, <a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> -Low Countries, the, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_234">234</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_250">250-252</a>, <a href="#page_254">254-256</a>, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_259">259</a>, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>. <i>See</i> Catholic Netherlands, Flanders, Protestant Netherlands.<br /> -Loyola, Ignacio de, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>.<br /> -Lucan, <a href="#page_024">24</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Lucas of Tuy, <a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> -Lucero, <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> -Lucian, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Lugo, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Luis I of Spain, <a href="#page_377">377</a>, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>.<br /> -Lull, Raymond, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_309">309</a>.<br /> -Luna, Álvaro de, <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br /> -Luna, Pedro de. <i>See</i> Benedict XIII.<br /> -Lusitania and the Lusitanians, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Luther, Martin, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_309">309</a>.<br /> -Luxembourg, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.<br /> -Luzán, Ignacio de, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="M" id="M"></a>Machado (two), <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Madrid, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_283">283</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_291">291</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_331">331</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_354">354</a>, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_408">408-410</a>, <a href="#page_421">421-423</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>, <a href="#page_469">469</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_479">479</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>, <a href="#page_490">490</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordinance of, <a href="#page_160">160</a>.</span><br /> -Maeztu, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Magellan, Strait of, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Mahomet, <a href="#page_039">39</a>.<br /> -Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir. <i>See</i> Almansor.<br /> -Mahón, Port, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -Maimónides, <a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br /> -<i>Majismo</i>, <a href="#page_421">421</a>, <a href="#page_424">424</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>.<br /> -Majorca and the Majorcans, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_192">192-196</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_430">430-432</a>, <a href="#page_437">437</a>.<br /> -Málaga, city and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.<br /> -Malaspina, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Malouines Islands. <i>See</i> Falkland Islands.<br /> -Malta, <a href="#page_249">249</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">knights of, <a href="#page_404">404</a>.</span><br /> -Maluinas Islands. <i>See</i> Falkland Islands.<br /> -Manfred of Athens, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Manfred of Sicily, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br /> -Manila, <a href="#page_386">386-388</a>.<br /> -Manuel I of Portugal, <a href="#page_252">252</a>.<br /> -Maragall, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Marcus Aurelius, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -María Ana of Austria, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>.<br /> -María Cristina, Queen, of Spain, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -María Cristina of Naples. <i>See</i> Cristina (Queen).<br /> -María Luisa, Queen, <a href="#page_402">402</a>, <a href="#page_404">404</a>, <a href="#page_405">405</a>, <a href="#page_407">407-409</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_424">424</a>, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>.<br /> -María Luisa of Savoy, <a href="#page_374">374</a>.<br /> -María of Aragon, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>.<br /> -María of Portugal, <a href="#page_247">247</a>.<br /> -María Teresa of Spain, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> -María Victoria of Portugal, <a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> -Mariana, <a href="#page_345">345-347</a>.<br /> -Mariánica Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> -Marie de Medici, <a href="#page_260">260</a>.<br /> -Marinas, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Marius, <a href="#page_017">17</a>.<br /> -Marmontel, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Marquina, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Marquises, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -Marranos, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_193">193</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_215">215</a>. <i>See</i> Jews, Judaizantes.<br /> -Marseilles, <a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> -Martel, Charles, <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br /> -Martial, <a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br /> -Martín I of Aragon. <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> -Martínez de la Mata, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -Martínez Marina, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Martínez Sierra, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Martyr, Peter, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br /> -Mary, Queen, of England, <a href="#page_244">244</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>.<br /> -Mary Stuart, <a href="#page_254">254</a>.<br /> -Masdeu, <a href="#page_480">480</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Mathei, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Maura, Antonio, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>.<br /> -Mauretania, <a href="#page_019">19</a>.<br /> -Maurice of Saxony, <a href="#page_243">243</a>.<br /> -Maximilian I, the Emperor, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_237">237</a>.<br /> -Mayáns, Gregorio, <a href="#page_480">480</a>.<br /> -<i>Media anata</i>, the, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_413">413</a>.<br /> -Medici, Marie de. <i>See</i> Marie.<br /> -Medina, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Medina del Campo, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>.<br /> -Medina Sidonia, dukes of, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>.<br /> -Mediterranean Sea, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_066">66</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_129">129-132</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_170">170-172</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>.<br /> -Meléndez Valdés, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Melilla, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> -Melón, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Mendieta, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Mendoza, Pedro de, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> -Menéndez, the painter, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -Menéndez Pidal, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Menéndez y Pelayo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Mengs, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -Mercado, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Mercator, <a href="#page_348">348</a>.<br /> -Mérida, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> -<i>Merinos</i>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_092">92</a>, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_154">154-156</a>, <a href="#page_199">199</a>.<br /> -Merlin, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Mesa, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Mesenghi, <a href="#page_445">445</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>.<br /> -<i>Mesta</i>, the, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_227">227-229</a>, <a href="#page_282">282</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_416">416</a>, <a href="#page_463">463</a>, <a href="#page_465">465</a>.<br /> -Metaurus, battle of the, <a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> -Mexico, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_523">523</a>. <i>See</i> New Spain.<br /> -Meyra, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Milá Fontanals, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Milan, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>.<br /> -<i>Milicias</i>, the, <a href="#page_453">453</a>.<br /> -Military orders. <i>See</i> Alcántara, Calatrava, Church, Malta, Nobles, Saint John, Santiago, Templars.<br /> -<i>Millones</i>, the, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>.<br /> -Milton, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Mina, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Minorca, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_371">371</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_382">382</a>, <a href="#page_386">386</a>, <a href="#page_396">396-398</a>, <a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> -Mirabeau, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Miralles, <a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> -Miranda, Marquis of, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Mississippi River, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> -Mociño, <a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> -Moderates, the, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_498">498</a>, <a href="#page_499">499</a>.<br /> -Moguls, the, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Mohammedanism, <a href="#page_039">39-41</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_047">47-49</a>, <a href="#page_051">51</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_069">69-72</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>. <i>See</i> Moslems.<br /> -Molina, María de, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a>.<br /> -Molina, the botanist, <a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> -Molinism. <i>See</i> Quietism.<br /> -Molinos, Miguel de, <a href="#page_309">309</a>.<br /> -Mombeltrán, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Mondoñedo, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Moñino, José. <i>See</i> Floridablanca.<br /> -Montaigne, <a href="#page_343">343</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Montalvo, Alfonso Díaz de. <i>See</i> Díaz.<br /> -Montalvo, Garcí Ordóñez de. <i>See</i> Ordóñez.<br /> -Montañés, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Montano, Arias, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>.<br /> -<i>Montepíos</i>, <a href="#page_417">417</a>, <a href="#page_463">463</a>.<br /> -Montesquieu, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> -Montfort, Simon de, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br /> -Montiel, battle of, <a href="#page_120">120</a>.<br /> -Moors. <i>See</i> Almohades, Moslems.<br /> -Morales, Ambrosio de, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Morales, the composer, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Morales, the treasurer, <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> -Moratín, Leandro Fernández de, <a href="#page_483">483</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -Moratín, Nicolás Fernández de, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Moreno Carbonero, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Moriscos, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_275">275-280</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_334">334</a>, <a href="#page_336">336</a>.<br /> -Morocco, <a href="#page_070">70</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_383">383</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>, <a href="#page_414">414</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>. <i>See</i> Africa.<br /> -Morote, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Moslems, the, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_038">38-59</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_066">66-73</a>, <a href="#page_075">75-79</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>, <a href="#page_092">92</a>, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_102">102-105</a>, <a href="#page_111">111-113</a>, <a href="#page_115">115-117</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_136">136</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_178">178-183</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_201">201</a>, <a href="#page_204">204-206</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_247">247-249</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_279">279</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_324">324</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_334">334</a>, <a href="#page_338">338</a>, <a href="#page_363">363</a>, <a href="#page_066">66</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>, <a href="#page_414">414</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>, <a href="#page_520">520</a>, <a href="#page_522">522</a>. <i>See</i> Almohades, Almoravides, Arabs, Benimerines, Berbers, Granada, Islam, Mohammedanism, Moriscos, Morocco, Mudéjares, Muladíes, Renegados, Shiites, Sunnites, Syrians.<br /> -Mota Padilla, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Moura, Cristóbal de, <a href="#page_252">252</a>.<br /> -Mozárabes, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>. <i>See</i> Gothic rite.<br /> -Mozart, <a href="#page_487">487</a>.<br /> -Mudarites. <i>See</i> Shiites.<br /> -Mudéjar architecture, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>.<br /> -Mudéjares, the, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_096">96-98</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_183">183</a>, <a href="#page_193">193</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_277">277</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>.<br /> -Mühlberg, battle of, <a href="#page_243">243</a>.<br /> -Muladíes, <a href="#page_041">41</a>. <i>See</i> Renegados.<br /> -Munda, battle of, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Muñoz, Gil, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> -Muñoz, the historian, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -Muñoz Degrain, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Muñoz San Román, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Murat, <a href="#page_408">408</a>, <a href="#page_409">409</a>.<br /> -Murcia, city of, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_437">437</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> -Murillo, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -Musa, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>.<br /> -Mutis, <a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> -Mysticism, <a href="#page_309">309</a>, <a href="#page_310">310</a>, <a href="#page_343">343</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>. <i>See</i> Church.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="N" id="N"></a>Nájera, <a href="#page_091">91</a>.<br /> -Naples, city of, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">kingdom of, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_364">364</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_384">384</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_472">472</a>, <a href="#page_497">497</a>.</span><br /> -Napoleon I of France, <a href="#page_399">399</a>, <a href="#page_400">400</a>, <a href="#page_404">404-410</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_488">488-492</a>, <a href="#page_494">494</a>, <a href="#page_497">497</a>.<br /> -Narbonne, <a href="#page_029">29</a>.<br /> -Narváez, <a href="#page_500">500-502</a>.<br /> -National Assembly, the French, <a href="#page_400">400</a>, <a href="#page_401">401</a>, <a href="#page_493">493</a>.<br /> -Navalcarnero, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Navarre, <a href="#page_055">55-59</a>, <a href="#page_064">64-66</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_101">101</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_132">132-135</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_199">199</a>, <a href="#page_207">207-209</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a>, <a href="#page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_430">430-433</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_461">461</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Navas de Tolosa, battle of, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> -Neanderthal man, <a href="#page_006">6</a>.<br /> -Nebrija, Antonio de, <a href="#page_231">231</a>.<br /> -Nelson, <a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> -New Castile, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>. <i>See</i> Castile.<br /> -New Orleans, <a href="#page_395">395</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> -New Spain, <a href="#page_394">394</a>, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>. <i>See</i> Mexico.<br /> -Newfoundland, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_385">385-387</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> -Nicene creed. <i>See</i> Catholicism.<br /> -Nieto, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Niño, Pero, <a href="#page_158">158</a>.<br /> -Nobles, the, <a href="#page_030">30-35</a>, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_041">41</a>, <a href="#page_053">53-57</a>, <a href="#page_060">60-65</a>, <a href="#page_067">67</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_076">76-82</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_089">89-94</a>, <a href="#page_096">96-101</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_113">113-128</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>, <a href="#page_137">137-142</a>, <a href="#page_144">144-157</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_166">166-172</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_196">196-200</a>, <a href="#page_202">202-204</a>, <a href="#page_210">210-213</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_219">219-221</a>, <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_237">237-240</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_272">272-281</a>, <a href="#page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_298">298</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_334">334-336</a>, <a href="#page_339">339</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_402">402</a>, <a href="#page_411">411-415</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_421">421</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_424">424</a>, <a href="#page_426">426-428</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>, <a href="#page_437">437</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_448">448</a>, <a href="#page_459">459</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>, <a href="#page_464">464</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>, <a href="#page_472">472-474</a>, <a href="#page_490">490</a>, <a href="#page_494">494</a>, <a href="#page_501">501</a>, <a href="#page_505">505</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>, <a href="#page_522">522</a>. <i>See</i> <i>Caballeros</i>, Church, Counts, Dukes, Grandees, <i>Hidalgos</i>, Marquises, Military orders, <i>Ricoshombres</i>.<br /> -Nootka affair, the, <a href="#page_400">400</a>, <a href="#page_401">401</a>.<br /> -Normans, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>.<br /> -North Africa. <i>See</i> Africa.<br /> -North America. <i>See</i> Spanish America, United States.<br /> -Norway, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -<i>Novísima Recopilación</i>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -<i>Nueva Recopilación</i>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -Numantia, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>.<br /> -Numidians, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br /> -Núñez de Arce, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="O" id="O"></a>Ocampo, Florián de, <a href="#page_345">345</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>.<br /> -Octavius. <i>See</i> Augustus.<br /> -O’Donnell, <a href="#page_500">500-502</a>.<br /> -<i>Oidores</i>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>.<br /> -Old Castile, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>. <i>See</i> Castile.<br /> -Olivares, Count-Duke of, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_263">263-268</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>.<br /> -Oman, <a href="#page_489">489</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Omar-ben Hafsun, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>.<br /> -Ommayad family, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_046">46</a>.<br /> -<i>Ordenanzas Reales</i>, the, <a href="#page_226">226</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>.<br /> -Ordóñez de Montalvo, Garcí, <a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br /> -O’Reilly, Alejandro, <a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> -Oretana Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> -Orleans, Duke of, <a href="#page_375">375</a>.<br /> -Orosius, <a href="#page_036">36</a>.<br /> -Orry, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>.<br /> -Ortega, the historian, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Ortega Gasset, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Ostend Company, the, <a href="#page_378">378</a>.<br /> -Ostrogoths, <a href="#page_027">27</a>.<br /> -Ovid, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Oviedo, <a href="#page_055">55-57</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="P" id="P"></a>Pacheco, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Pacific Ocean, <a href="#page_310">310</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Padilla, María de, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_119">119</a>, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Padilla family, <a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br /> -Páez de Castro, <a href="#page_345">345</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>.<br /> -Palacio Valdés, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Palacios, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Palafox, General, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Palafox, Juan de, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Palatinate, the, <a href="#page_260">260</a>.<br /> -Palencia, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Palestine, <a href="#page_082">82</a>.<br /> -Palma, <a href="#page_192">192-195</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_437">437</a>.<br /> -Palou, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Pamplona, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>.<br /> -Panamá, Isthmus of, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Papal States, <a href="#page_126">126-128</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_316">316-320</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>, <a href="#page_504">504</a>. <i>See</i> Church, Rome.<br /> -Paraguay, <a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_392">392</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>.<br /> -Pardo Bazán, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Paris, city of, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_512">512</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treaty of, <a href="#page_387">387</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">university of, <a href="#page_312">312</a>.</span><br /> -Parlement of Paris, <a href="#page_369">369</a>.<br /> -Parliament, the British, <a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> -Parma, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_404">404</a>, <a href="#page_405">405</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>.<br /> -<i>Partidas</i>, the, <a href="#page_162">162-165</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_226">226</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -<i>Pase Regio</i>, the, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_317">317</a>, <a href="#page_318">318</a>, <a href="#page_320">320</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_444">444-447</a>.<br /> -Passau, <a href="#page_243">243</a>.<br /> -Patiño, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_436">436</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>.<br /> -<i>Patronato Real</i>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_445">445</a>.<br /> -Paul IV, Pope, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_316">316-318</a>.<br /> -Paul, Saint, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Paula, Francisco de, <a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> -Pavón, <a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> -Peace, Prince of the, <a href="#page_403">403</a>. <i>See</i> Godoy.<br /> -Pedrell, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Pedro I of Aragon (1094-1104). Omitted.<br /> -Pedro II of Aragon, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> -Pedro III of Aragon, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_125">125-127</a>. <a href="#page_192">192</a>.<br /> -Pedro IV of Aragon, <a href="#page_119">119</a>, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_129">129-131</a>, <a href="#page_146">146</a>, <a href="#page_148">148</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_166">166-168</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>.<br /> -Pedro I of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_117">117-121</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>.<br /> -Pelayo, <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>.<br /> -Penibética Mountains, <a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> -Peninsula War, <a href="#page_491">491</a>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>.<br /> -Peñíscola, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> -Pereda, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Perés, Ramón D., <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Pérez, the navigator, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -Pérez de Ayala, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Pérez de Guzmán, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_345">345</a>.<br /> -Pérez de Ribas, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Pérez Galdós, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Persia, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Perú, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -<i>Pesquisa</i>, the, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -<i>Pesquisidores</i>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br /> -Pestalozzi, <a href="#page_474">474</a>.<br /> -Petrarch, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Petronilla, <a href="#page_079">79</a>.<br /> -Philip of Bourbon, Prince, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -Philip I of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.<br /> -Philip II of Spain, <a href="#page_244">244-259</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a>, <a href="#page_283">283-287</a>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_297">297</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a>, <a href="#page_306">306-308</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_314">314-322</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_326">326</a>, <a href="#page_331">331</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_340">340</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_348">348</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_362">362-364</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>.<br /> -Philip III of Spain, <a href="#page_256">256</a>, <a href="#page_258">258-260</a>, <a href="#page_266">266</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_340">340</a>, <a href="#page_365">365</a>.<br /> -Philip IV of Spain, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_260">260-268</a>, <a href="#page_283">283</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_310">310</a>, <a href="#page_318">318</a>, <a href="#page_320">320</a>, <a href="#page_326">326</a>, <a href="#page_333">333</a>, <a href="#page_340">340</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>.<br /> -Philip V of Spain, <a href="#page_270">270</a>, <a href="#page_271">271</a>, <a href="#page_369">369-378</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_418">418</a>, <a href="#page_419">419</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_425">425-427</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_498">498</a>.<br /> -Philip IV of France, <a href="#page_083">83</a>.<br /> -Philip the Handsome. <i>See</i> Philip I of Castile (and León).<br /> -Philippine Islands, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -Phocians, <a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> -Phœnicians, <a href="#page_007">7-11</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br /> -Pi y Margall, <a href="#page_504">504</a>.<br /> -Picavea, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Picón, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Piquer, Andrés, <a href="#page_480">480</a>.<br /> -Pisa, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Pitt, William, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_385">385</a>, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Pius IV, Pope, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -Pius V, Pope, <a href="#page_318">318</a>.<br /> -Pizarro, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Plasencia, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -Plata, Río de la, <a href="#page_386">386</a>, <a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> -Plato, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> -Plutarch, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Plymouth, <a href="#page_256">256</a>.<br /> -Poitiers, <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br /> -Poland, <a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> -Pombal, Marquis of, <a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> -Pompey, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Ponce de la Fuente, Constantino, <a href="#page_307">307</a>.<br /> -Ponce family, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>.<br /> -Porlier, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Porto Rico, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -Portocarrero, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> -Portugal and the Portuguese, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_074">74-76</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_120">120-122</a>, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_251">251-253</a>, <a href="#page_258">258</a>, <a href="#page_259">259</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_265">265-268</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_383">383</a>, <a href="#page_386">386</a>, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_390">390-392</a>, <a href="#page_394">394</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_404">404-408</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>, <a href="#page_490">490</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Posada, <a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> -Pradilla, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Prado, the, <a href="#page_365">365</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -Pragmatic Sanction, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -Prim, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_502">502-504</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>.<br /> -<i>Primicias</i>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Princes, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -Priscillian, <a href="#page_023">23</a>.<br /> -Priscillianism, <a href="#page_023">23</a>.<br /> -Privilege of the Union, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>.<br /> -Progressives, the, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_498">498</a>, <a href="#page_499">499</a>.<br /> -<i>Propios</i>, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_415">415</a>.<br /> -Protestant Netherlands, the, and the Dutch, <a href="#page_246">246</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_254">254</a>, <a href="#page_259">259-262</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_267">267-269</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a>, <a href="#page_330">330</a>, <a href="#page_344">344</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>. <i>See</i> Low Countries.<br /> -Protestantism, <a href="#page_241">241-243</a>, <a href="#page_248">248</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_302">302-304</a>, <a href="#page_306">306-309</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>, <a href="#page_318">318</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>, <a href="#page_472">472</a>. <i>See</i> Church, Counter-Reformation, Reformation.<br /> -Provençal influences, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_188">188-190</a>. <i>See</i> France.<br /> -Prussia, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_402">402</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> -Puebla de los Ángeles, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Puig, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Pulgar, Hernando del, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_345">345</a>.<br /> -Punic Wars, <a href="#page_012">12-14</a>.<br /> -Puritans, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Pyrenees Mountains, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_403">403</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<i><a name="Q" id="Q"></a>Quadrivium</i>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> -Quero, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Quevedo, Francisco de, <a href="#page_358">358</a>.<br /> -Quietism, <a href="#page_309">309</a>.<br /> -Quintana, <a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> -Quintilian, <a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="R" id="R"></a>Racine, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Radicals, the. <i>See</i> Progressives.<br /> -Raleigh, Walter, <a href="#page_253">253</a>.<br /> -Ramiro I of Aragon (1035-1063). Omitted.<br /> -Ramiro II of Aragon, <a href="#page_079">79</a>.<br /> -Ramiro I of Asturias and León (842-850). Omitted.<br /> -Ramiro II of Asturias and León, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Ramón Berenguer I of Barcelona, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br /> -Ramón Buerenguer II of Barcelona (1076-1082 Omitted.<br /> -Ramón Buerenguer III of Barcelona, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>.<br /> -Ramón Buerenguer IV of Barcelona, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br /> -Ramón y Cajal, Santiago, <a href="#page_517">517</a>.<br /> -Raphael, <a href="#page_363">363</a>.<br /> -<i>Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando</i>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -<i>Real Academia de la Historia</i>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -<i>Real Academia Española</i>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>.<br /> -<i>Reales</i>, <a href="#page_225">225</a>.<br /> -Reccared, <a href="#page_030">30</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>.<br /> -Recceswinth, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>.<br /> -<i>Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias</i>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>.<br /> -Reformation, the, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a>, <a href="#page_304">304</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Church, Counter-Reformation, Protestantism.</span><br /> -Regency, the, <a href="#page_492">492</a>, <a href="#page_493">493</a>.<br /> -<i>Regidores</i>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> -Reguera, Juan de la, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -Reid, <a href="#page_343">343</a>.<br /> -Renaissance, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_125">125</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_233">233</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_338">338</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_351">351</a>, <a href="#page_361">361</a>, <a href="#page_363">363</a>.<br /> -Rendón, <a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> -Renegados, the, <a href="#page_041">41</a>, <a href="#page_043">43-45</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Moslems.</span><br /> -Republicans, the, <a href="#page_503">503-505</a>, <a href="#page_510">510</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>.<br /> -Requesens, <a href="#page_251">251</a>.<br /> -<i>Residencia</i>, the, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> -Revilla Gigedo, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Rhine River, <a href="#page_026">26</a>.<br /> -Rhodes, <a href="#page_195">195</a>.<br /> -Ribera, Juan de, <a href="#page_279">279</a>.<br /> -Ribera, the painter, <a href="#page_364">364-366</a>.<br /> -Richelieu, <a href="#page_261">261</a>.<br /> -<i>Ricoshombres</i>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -Riego, <a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> -<i>Riepto</i>, the, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>.<br /> -Ripperdá, Baron of, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>.<br /> -Rochford, Lord, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Rocroy, battle of, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>.<br /> -Roderic, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_053">53</a>.<br /> -Rodríguez Marín, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Roelas, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Rojas, Fernando de, <a href="#page_232">232</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Roland, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> -Romans, <a href="#page_012">12-28</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_037">37</a>, <a href="#page_051">51</a>, <a href="#page_052">52</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Rome.</span><br /> -Rome, city of, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_308">308</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_316">316</a>, <a href="#page_318">318</a>, <a href="#page_319">319</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_349">349</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>, <a href="#page_424">424</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_451">451</a>, <a href="#page_452">452</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">law of, <a href="#page_020">20-22</a>, <a href="#page_024">24</a>, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_144">144</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_149">149-151</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a>, <a href="#page_344">344</a>, <a href="#page_415">415-417</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">republic and empire of, <a href="#page_012">12-28</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>.</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Byzantine Romans, Hispano-Romans, Latin language, Latins, Papal States, Romans.</span><br /> -Romanesque architecture, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>.<br /> -Roncesvalles, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> -Ronda, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Ronsard, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Rooke, <a href="#page_371">371</a>.<br /> -Rossini, <a href="#page_487">487</a>.<br /> -Rousseau, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>.<br /> -Roussillon, the, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_264">264</a>.<br /> -Rudolph of Hapsburg, Count, <a href="#page_113">113</a>.<br /> -Rueda, Lope de, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> -Rueda, Salvador, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Rueda, town of, <a href="#page_070">70</a>.<br /> -Ruiz, Lieutenant, <a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> -Ruiz, the botanist, <a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> -Ruiz de Luzuriaga, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Rusiñol, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Russia, <a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="S" id="S"></a>Saavedra, Diego de, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Saavedra, the minister, <a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> -Sacramento, <a href="#page_386">386</a>, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_391">391</a>, <a href="#page_392">392</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_449">449</a>.<br /> -Saguntum, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> -Sahagún, the historian, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Sahagún, town of, <a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br /> -Sahara Desert, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.<br /> -Said Armesto, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Saint John, order of, <a href="#page_170">170</a>.<br /> -Salado, battle of the, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_136">136</a>.<br /> -Salamanca, city of, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">university of, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_340">340</a>, <a href="#page_350">350</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>.</span><br /> -Salcedo, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> -Salcillo, <a href="#page_485">485</a>.<br /> -Salic law, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_498">498</a>.<br /> -Salmerón, <a href="#page_504">504</a>, <a href="#page_505">505</a>.<br /> -Sallust, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Salvá, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -San Ildefonso, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -San Lúcar, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -San Marcos of León, <a href="#page_361">361</a>.<br /> -San Onofre, <a href="#page_318">318</a>.<br /> -San Pablo of Valladolid, <a href="#page_233">233</a>.<br /> -San Sebastián, <a href="#page_284">284</a>.<br /> -San Telmo of Seville, <a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> -Sánchez, Julián, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Sancho García of Navarre, <a href="#page_056">56</a>.<br /> -Sancho I of Asturias and León, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Sancho II of Castile, <a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br /> -Sancho III of Castile (1157-1158). Omitted.<br /> -Sancho IV of Castile (and León), <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>.<br /> -Sancho the Fat. <i>See</i> Sancho I of Asturias and León.<br /> -Sancho the Great of Navarre, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_066">66</a>, <a href="#page_071">71</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> -Santa Fe, <a href="#page_205">205</a>.<br /> -Santa Tecla, <a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> -Santiago. <i>See</i> Compostela.<br /> -Santiago, order of, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br /> -Santo Domingo, <a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> -Saragossa, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_070">70</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>, <a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> -Saratoga, <a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> -Sardinia, island and kingdom of, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> -Sarmiento, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Savary, <a href="#page_409">409</a>.<br /> -Savoy, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_503">503</a>, <a href="#page_504">504</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Duke of, <a href="#page_374">374</a>.</span><br /> -Scandinavia, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>.<br /> -Scipio, Gnæus, <a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> -Scipio, Publius Cornelius, <a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> -Scipio Æmilianus, <a href="#page_017">17</a>.<br /> -Scipio Africanus, Publius Cornelius, <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br /> -Scotland and the Scotch, <a href="#page_254">254</a>, <a href="#page_255">255</a>.<br /> -Scylax, <a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> -Sebastian I of Portugal, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>.<br /> -Segovia, <a href="#page_156">156</a>.<br /> -Segoyuela, battle of, <a href="#page_033">33</a>.<br /> -<i>Segundones</i>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> -Seneca, <a href="#page_024">24</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> -Serrano, General, <a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> -Serrano, the composer, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Sertorius, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Servet, Miguel, <a href="#page_308">308</a>.<br /> -Servilianus, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>.<br /> -Sessé, <a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> -<i>Setenario</i>, the, <a href="#page_162">162</a>.<br /> -Seven Years War, <a href="#page_382">382</a>, <a href="#page_386">386-388</a>.<br /> -Severo, Saint, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Seville, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_036">36-38</a>, <a href="#page_045">45</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_215">215</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_361">361</a>, <a href="#page_362">362</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_466">466</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>, <a href="#page_521">521</a>, <a href="#page_524">524</a>.<br /> -Shiites, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> -“Sicilian vespers,” the, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> -Sicily, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_126">126-129</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_377">377</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> -Sierra Morena, <a href="#page_462">462</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Mariánica Mountains.</span><br /> -Sierra Nevada. <i>See</i> Penibética Mountains.<br /> -<i>Siete Partidas.</i> <i>See</i> <i>Partidas</i>.<br /> -Sigüenza, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> -Siliceo, <a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> -Simancas, <a href="#page_342">342</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>.<br /> -Sisebut, <a href="#page_031">31</a>.<br /> -Sixtus V, Pope, <a href="#page_318">318</a>.<br /> -Smith, Adam, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -<i>Solariegos</i>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>.<br /> -Solís, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Solórzano, <a href="#page_344">344</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_358">358</a>.<br /> -Somodevilla. <i>See</i> Ensenada.<br /> -Soria, ordinance of, <a href="#page_160">160</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">town of, <a href="#page_017">17</a>.</span><br /> -Sorolla, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Sotomayor, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -South America, <a href="#page_370">370</a>, <a href="#page_390">390-392</a>, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Spanish America.</span><br /> -“Span,” <a href="#page_010">10</a>.<br /> -“Spania,” <a href="#page_010">10</a>.<br /> -Spanish America, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_038">38</a>, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_151">151</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_202">202</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_219">219-223</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_229">229-231</a>, <a href="#page_234">234-236</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>, <a href="#page_244">244-246</a>, <a href="#page_251">251</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_257">257-259</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_279">279</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_296">296-299</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_303">303-306</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_313">313</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>, <a href="#page_324">324</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_328">328</a>, <a href="#page_330">330-332</a>, <a href="#page_334">334</a>, <a href="#page_336">336-339</a>, <a href="#page_341">341</a>, <a href="#page_343">343</a>, <a href="#page_344">344</a>, <a href="#page_347">347-350</a>, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_353">353</a>, <a href="#page_358">358-361</a>, <a href="#page_368">368-372</a>, <a href="#page_378">378</a>, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_384">384-387</a>, <a href="#page_390">390-395</a>, <a href="#page_397">397-401</a>, <a href="#page_403">403</a>, <a href="#page_406">406</a>, <a href="#page_408">408</a>, <a href="#page_414">414</a>, <a href="#page_424">424</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_442">442</a>, <a href="#page_443">443</a>, <a href="#page_451">451-453</a>, <a href="#page_458">458</a>, <a href="#page_466">466-471</a>, <a href="#page_476">476-479</a>, <a href="#page_481">481</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_486">486</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_489">489</a>, <a href="#page_492">492-497</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>, <a href="#page_510">510</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>, <a href="#page_523">523</a>.<br /> -Spanish Main, the, <a href="#page_253">253</a>.<br /> -Spanish Mark, the, <a href="#page_056">56</a>.<br /> -Spencer, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -Spínola, Ambrosio, <a href="#page_259">259-261</a>.<br /> -Spires, Diets of, <a href="#page_243">243</a>.<br /> -Squillace, <a href="#page_420">420</a>, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Stanhope, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> -Stuart, Mary. <i>See</i> Mary Stuart.<br /> -Suárez de Peralta, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Suevians, the, <a href="#page_027">27-30</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_037">37</a>.<br /> -Sulla, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> -Sunnites, <a href="#page_040">40</a>, <a href="#page_042">42-44</a>.<br /> -Sweden, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>, <a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> -Swinthila, <a href="#page_031">31</a>.<br /> -Switzerland and the Swiss, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a>.<br /> -Syria and the Syrians, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Moslems.</span><br /> -<br /> -<a name="T" id="T"></a>Tagus River, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>.<br /> -<i>Taifas</i>, <a href="#page_068">68-72</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_504">504</a>.<br /> -Talavera, Hernando de, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> -Talavera, town of, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>.<br /> -Tamayo, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Tamerlane, <a href="#page_121">121</a>.<br /> -Tanucci, <a href="#page_472">472</a>.<br /> -Tarazona, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br /> -Tarifa, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_072">72</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>.<br /> -Tarik, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>.<br /> -Tavera, <a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> -Taverner, <a href="#page_430">430</a>.<br /> -Téllez, Gabriel, <a href="#page_354">354</a>.<br /> -Téllez Girón, Pedro, <a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br /> -Tello, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Templars, order of the, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br /> -Tenreiro, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -<i>Tercias reales</i>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>.<br /> -Teresa de Jesús, Saint, <a href="#page_310">310</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>.<br /> -Teresa of Portugal, <a href="#page_074">74</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>.<br /> -Theodoric, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_029">29</a>.<br /> -Theodosius, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Theotocopuli, Domenico. <i>See</i> El Greco.<br /> -Thirty Years War, <a href="#page_260">260-262</a>.<br /> -<i>Tierras</i>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>.<br /> -Tirso de Molina. <i>See</i> Téllez (Gabriel).<br /> -Titian, <a href="#page_363">363</a>.<br /> -Tobarra, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Toledo, archbishops of, <a href="#page_124">124</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_314">314</a>, <a href="#page_322">322</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">city and province of, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_030">30</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_043">43-45</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_072">72</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_237">237-239</a>, <a href="#page_364">364</a>.</span><br /> -Tolstoy, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -Tordesillas, town of, <a href="#page_239">239</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treaty of, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_391">391</a>.</span><br /> -Tories, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -Toro, Laws of (<i>See</i> <i>Leyes de Toro</i>);<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordinances of, <a href="#page_160">160</a>.</span><br /> -Torquemada, Juan de, <a href="#page_215">215</a>.<br /> -Torquemada, the historian, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Torres Lanzas, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Torres Naharro, <a href="#page_353">353</a>.<br /> -Torrigiani, <a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> -Tortosa, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>.<br /> -Toulouse, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br /> -Tours, battle of, <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br /> -Towns, <a href="#page_062">62-64</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_091">91-93</a>, <a href="#page_097">97-100</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_119">119</a>, <a href="#page_123">123-127</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_137">137</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_140">140-142</a>, <a href="#page_144">144-149</a>, <a href="#page_151">151</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>, <a href="#page_155">155-163</a>, <a href="#page_168">168-179</a>, <a href="#page_192">192-200</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_237">237-239</a>, <a href="#page_253">253</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_282">282-284</a>, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_295">295</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_331">331</a>, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_354">354</a>, <a href="#page_412">412-419</a>, <a href="#page_423">423</a>, <a href="#page_424">424</a>, <a href="#page_426">426</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_432">432-434</a>, <a href="#page_458">458</a>, <a href="#page_462">462</a>, <a href="#page_468">468</a>, <a href="#page_469">469</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_493">493</a>, <a href="#page_496">496</a>, <a href="#page_505">505</a>, <a href="#page_508">508</a>, <a href="#page_510">510</a>, <a href="#page_511">511</a>, <a href="#page_521">521</a>, <a href="#page_523">523</a>.<br /> -Trafalgar, battle of, <a href="#page_406">406</a>, <a href="#page_440">440</a>.<br /> -Trajan, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> -Trent, Council of, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a>, <a href="#page_319">319</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>.<br /> -Trinidad Island, <a href="#page_406">406</a>, <a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> -Tripoli, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -<i>Trivium</i>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> -Tunis, <a href="#page_126">126</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -Turdetanians, <a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br /> -Turina, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Turkey and the Turks, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a>, <a href="#page_241">241-243</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a>, <a href="#page_249">249</a>, <a href="#page_250">250</a>, <a href="#page_260">260</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -Tuscany, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_381">381</a>, <a href="#page_405">405</a>.<br /> -Two Sicilies, <a href="#page_235">235</a>, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_382">382</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Naples (kingdom of), Sicily.</span><br /> -<br /> -<a name="U" id="U"></a>Ulloa, Antonio de, <a href="#page_476">476</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> -Unamuno, <a href="#page_515">515</a>, <a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> -Union, the, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Privilege of the Union.</span><br /> -United States, the, and the Americans, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_310">310</a>, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_385">385</a>, <a href="#page_392">392-398</a>, <a href="#page_406">406</a>, <a href="#page_410">410</a>, <a href="#page_435">435</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>, <a href="#page_500">500</a>, <a href="#page_506">506</a>, <a href="#page_514">514</a>, <a href="#page_518">518</a>, <a href="#page_520">520</a>, <a href="#page_521">521</a>, <a href="#page_523">523</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> American Revolution.</span><br /> -Urban VI, Pope, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -Urban VII, Pope, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -Urquijo, <a href="#page_405">405</a>, <a href="#page_447">447</a>, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -Urraca, Queen, of Castile and León, <a href="#page_073">73-75</a>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>.<br /> -Ursins, Madame des, <a href="#page_373">373-375</a>.<br /> -<i>Usatges</i>, <a href="#page_078">78</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>.<br /> -Utrecht, treaty of, <a href="#page_371">371</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<i><a name="V" id="V"></a>Vacantes</i>, <a href="#page_320">320</a>, <a href="#page_321">321</a>, <a href="#page_444">444</a>.<br /> -Valdés, Juan de, <a href="#page_308">308</a>.<br /> -Valdés Leal, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Valencia, city of, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_072">72</a>, <a href="#page_073">73</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_177">177-179</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a>, <a href="#page_279">279</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_329">329</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_484">484</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">university of, <a href="#page_350">350</a>.</span><br /> -Valencia (kingdom and province of) and the Valencians, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_130">130</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_146">146</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>, <a href="#page_169">169</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_176">176-179</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a>, <a href="#page_272">272</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a>, <a href="#page_279">279</a>, <a href="#page_288">288-290</a>, <a href="#page_296">296</a>, <a href="#page_325">325</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a>, <a href="#page_359">359</a>, <a href="#page_422">422</a>, <a href="#page_427">427</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_453">453</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>, <a href="#page_461">461</a>, <a href="#page_465">465</a>, <a href="#page_478">478</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>, <a href="#page_520">520</a>.<br /> -Valera, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Valladolid, city of, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_233">233</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_431">431</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordinances of, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_237">237</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">university of, <a href="#page_340">340</a>.</span><br /> -Valle Inclán, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Valverde, Quinito, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Van Eyck, <a href="#page_187">187</a>.<br /> -Vancouver Island, <a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> -Vandals, the, <a href="#page_026">26-28</a>, <a href="#page_037">37</a>.<br /> -Varela, <a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> -Vaulgrenant, <a href="#page_470">470</a>.<br /> -Vázquez, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -<i>Veedores</i>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>.<br /> -Vega, Garcilaso de la, <a href="#page_347">347</a>, <a href="#page_358">358</a>.<br /> -Vega, Lope de, <a href="#page_354">354</a>, <a href="#page_355">355</a>, <a href="#page_367">367</a>.<br /> -Velarde, Pedro, <a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> -Velázquez, the architect, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Velázquez de Silva, Diego, <a href="#page_364">364-366</a>, <a href="#page_485">485</a>, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Venice, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_363">363</a>, <a href="#page_364">364</a>, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Veragua, Duke of, <a href="#page_522">522</a>.<br /> -Vergennes, <a href="#page_389">389</a>, <a href="#page_390">390</a>, <a href="#page_393">393-395</a>.<br /> -Vernon, <a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> -Versailles, <a href="#page_369">369</a>, <a href="#page_425">425</a>.<br /> -Vetancurt, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Vicente, Gil, <a href="#page_353">353</a>.<br /> -Vicente, Saint, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> -Victoria, Queen, of England, <a href="#page_510">510</a>.<br /> -Victoria, the composer, <a href="#page_366">366</a>.<br /> -Vienna, <a href="#page_378">378</a>.<br /> -Vigo, <a href="#page_467">467</a>.<br /> -<i>Villa</i>, <a href="#page_062">62</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_474">474</a>.<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See</i> Towns.</span><br /> -Villa-Señor, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Villaespesa, <a href="#page_515">515</a>.<br /> -Villalar, battle of, <a href="#page_239">239</a>.<br /> -Villanueva, Juan, <a href="#page_484">484</a>.<br /> -Villareal, <a href="#page_155">155</a>.<br /> -Villaviciosa, battle of, <a href="#page_268">268</a>.<br /> -Villegas, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Villena, Enrique de, <a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> -Villena, town of, <a href="#page_450">450</a>.<br /> -Virgil, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> -Viriatus, <a href="#page_016">16-18</a>.<br /> -Visigothic rite. <i>See</i> Gothic rite.<br /> -Visigoths, the, <a href="#page_026">26-37</a>, <a href="#page_040">40-42</a>, <a href="#page_044">44</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>, <a href="#page_048">48</a>, <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_146">146</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>.<br /> -<i>Visitadores</i>, <a href="#page_220">220</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_340">340</a>.<br /> -Vitoria, battle of, <a href="#page_135">135</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">town of, <a href="#page_409">409</a>.</span><br /> -Vitoria, the jurist, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -Vivar, <a href="#page_072">72</a>.<br /> -Vives, Luis, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_342">342-346</a>, <a href="#page_473">473</a>.<br /> -Vives, the composer, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Vizcaya, <a href="#page_134">134</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_197">197-199</a>, <a href="#page_268">268</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_412">412</a>, <a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> -Voltaire, <a href="#page_345">345</a>, <a href="#page_428">428</a>, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="W" id="W"></a>Wallace, <a href="#page_344">344</a>.<br /> -Wallia, <a href="#page_028">28</a>.<br /> -Wamba, <a href="#page_032">32</a>.<br /> -War of Independence, <a href="#page_488">488-492</a>, <a href="#page_513">513</a>.<br /> -War of Jenkins’ Ear, <a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> -War of the Austrian Succession, <a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> -War of the Spanish Succession, <a href="#page_370">370-374</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a>, <a href="#page_429">429</a>, <a href="#page_430">430</a>, <a href="#page_432">432</a>, <a href="#page_434">434</a>, <a href="#page_439">439</a>, <a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> -Ward, <a href="#page_480">480</a>.<br /> -Wellington, Duke of, <a href="#page_491">491</a>, <a href="#page_492">492</a>.<br /> -West Indies, <a href="#page_380">380</a>, <a href="#page_387">387</a>, <a href="#page_393">393</a>, <a href="#page_395">395</a>, <a href="#page_397">397</a>, <a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> -Westphalia, treaties of, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_455">455</a>.<br /> -Weymouth, Lord, <a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> -Whigs, <a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> -White companies, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>.<br /> -Wifredo, <a href="#page_056">56</a>.<br /> -William of Orange (two), <a href="#page_251">251</a>.<br /> -Windward Islands. <i>See</i> <i>Armada de Barlovento</i>.<br /> -Witiza, <a href="#page_032">32</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="X" id="X"></a>Ximénez de Cisneros, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_230">230</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a>, <a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="Y" id="Y"></a>Yacub, <a href="#page_071">71</a>.<br /> -Yemenites. <i>See</i> Sunnites.<br /> -Young, <a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> -Yuste, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.<br /> -Yusuf, <a href="#page_070">70</a>.<br /> -<br /> -<a name="Z" id="Z"></a>Zalaca, battle of, <a href="#page_070">70</a>.<br /> -Zama, battle of, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br /> -Zamora, <a href="#page_057">57</a>.<br /> -Zarate, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -Zoraya, <a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> -Zubiaurre, the brothers, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Zuloaga, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Zulueta, <a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> -Zurbarán, <a href="#page_365">365</a>.<br /> -Zurita, Jerónimo, <a href="#page_346">346</a>, <a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="c">Printed in the United States of America.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p> </p> - -<div class="bbox"> -<p class="cb"><span class="letra">T</span>HE following pages contain advertisements of a few of the Macmillan -books on kindred subjects.</p> -</div> - -<p> </p> - -<p> </p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="cb">The Founding of Spanish California:<br />Northwestward Expansion of New Spain, 1687-1783</p> - -<p class="r">$3.50</p> - -<p class="c"><span class="smcap">By</span> CHARLES E. CHAPMAN</p> - -<p class="c">Assistant Professor of California History, University of California, and -the first N. S. G. W. Traveling Fellow in Pacific Coast History.</p> - -<p>This work, based almost wholly on hitherto unused material, tends to -show that the history of California is not only interesting, but that it -is also important in the development of the great nation of which it now -forms a part.</p> - -<p>Doctor Chapman’s volume tends to show that the Spanish occupation of -California in the years just prior to the American Revolution was in -great degrees responsible for the later acquisition of American frontage -on the Pacific,—surely a matter of importance in American life to-day -and fraught with vast possibilities for the future.</p> - -<p class="c">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br />Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="cb">The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New</p> - -<p class="c"><span class="smcap">By</span> R. B. MERRIMAN</p> - -<p class="cb">In Four Volumes</p> - -<p class="r"><i>Cloth, 8vo</i></p> - -<p class="c">Volume I The Middle Ages</p> - -<p class="c">Volume II The Catholic Kings</p> - -<p>This work, the first two volumes of which are now published, aims to -show the continuity of the story of the reconquest of Spain from the -Moors and of the conquest of her vast dominions beyond the seas. The -first volume deals principally with the narrative and constitutional -history of the different Spanish kingdoms in the middle ages, and with -the growth of the Aragonese Empire in the western basin of the -Mediterranean. The second volume describes the union of the crowns and -the reorganization of Spain under Ferdinand and Isabella. It recounts -the beginnings of a new period of expansion in America and North Africa, -and the early stages of the conflict of France and Spain for the -supremacy of western Europe. This history forms an indispensable -background for the study of Spanish America.</p> - -<p class="c">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br />Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="cb">The Literary History of Spanish America</p> - -<p class="c">BY ALFRED COESTER</p> - -<p class="r"><i>$2.50</i></p> - -<p>The author of this book has made an exhaustive study of the poems, -essays, dramas, and novels written by Spanish Americans, and has related -them to the political and social history of the several countries. The -book makes clear to an English-speaking North American many perplexing -peculiarities of his Spanish-speaking neighbor, as they are revealed in -his writings. As a chapter is devoted to each nationality, the reader -may learn, for example, how the long fight for political freedom waged -by the Cuban, as well as the climate in which he lives, has made him -totally different from the sober Chilean or the fun-loving Peruvian; or -how the gaucho, the cowboy of the Argentine pampas, has lent poesy to -the business of cattle raising. Dr. Coester has written an informing -book of high literary merit that is indispensable to anybody, business -man or scholar, who desires an accurate knowledge of Spanish-American -life, characteristics, and habits of thought.</p> - -<p class="c">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br />Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="cb">The Early History of Cuba, 1492-1586</p> - -<p class="c">BY IRENE A. WRIGHT</p> - -<p class="r"><i>Cloth, 8vo, $2.00</i></p> - -<p>This book is the history of Cuba from its discovery by Columbus in 1492, -through the year 1586, when Sir Francis Drake, in sailing along the -north shore of the island, after his successful raid on other Spanish -settlements of the West Indies, closed the first era of the colony’s -history. Although such a history as this is seldom written from original -sources, Miss Wright found it necessary to do so in this case. Through -her long residence in Cuba and Spain and the opening up last year of the -Archive of the Indies at Seville she had extraordinary facilities for -discovering and employing in her narrative hitherto unused and unknown -documents and manuscripts. Her work is almost the first serious one from -a historical point of view to deal with this period.</p> - -<p class="c">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br />Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="padding:2%;border:3px double gray;"> -<tr><th align="center">Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:</th></tr> -<tr><td align="center">nobles <span class="errata">duirng</span> the regency=> nobles durng the regency {pg 121}</td></tr> -<tr><td align="center">Explorers <span class="errata">wear</span> required by law=> Explorers were required by law {pg 348}</td></tr> -<tr><td align="center">checking <span class="errata">inititative</span> and making=> checking initiative and making {pg 418}</td></tr> -<tr><td align="center">Frenchman Chappe d’Auteroche=> Frenchman Chappe d’Autereche {pg 476}</td></tr> -<tr><td align="center">Jahresberichte der <span class="errata">geschichtswissenschaft</span>=> Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft {pg 528}</td></tr> -</table> - -<div class="footnotes"><p class="cb">FOOTNOTES:</p> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The <i>Historia</i>, in four volumes, was first published in the -years 1900 to 1911, at Barcelona. It has now reached its third -edition,—1913 to 1914. An excellent bibliography eighty-eight pages in -length with well over a thousand items is to be found in the fourth -volume.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>The founding of Spanish California</i> (The Macmillan -Company. New York. 1916), chap. IX.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The first and most important social question in the history -of the Spanish people, says Altamira, is that of modifying the physical -conditions of the peninsula, as the basis of their national development. -They have been able to count on the fertility of some regions, the -abundant waters of others at some seasons of the year (most of which is -lost in the sea, without being utilized), the wealth of subterranean -waters in many localities, and the mineral wealth which lends itself -also to industrial development. In other words, the problem is that of -correcting the unequal distribution of Spain’s resources, rather than of -a lack of them.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> So called from the localities in Germany where bones of men -of this type were discovered.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The inhabitants of the Canary Islands, a Spanish group off -the northwest coast of Africa, are of this race. They preserved their -racial characteristics with great purity until the fifteenth century, -since which time more and more intermixture has taken place.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> As an illustration of the close relationship between Spain -and northern Africa it may be mentioned that the diocese of Spain under -Diocletian included the province of Mauretania, or northern Africa. A -seventh province was formed of the Balearic Islands.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Many of these city camps date from the period of Augustus, -whose name appears in most of them, <i>e.g.</i>: <i>Cæsaria Augusta</i> -(Saragossa); <i>Urbs Septima Legionis</i> (León); <i>Asturica Augusta</i> -(Astorga) <i>Lucas Augusti</i> (Lugo); <i>Emerita Augusta</i> (Mérida); <i>Pax -Augusta</i> (Badajoz); and <i>Bracara Augusta</i> (Braga).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Spain contributed its share of martyrs during the periods -of persecution, especially in the time of Diocletian. San Vicente of -Valencia, Santa Eulalia of Mérida, San Severo of Barcelona, Santa -Leocadia of Toledo, and Santa Engracia of Saragossa were among those put -to death in Diocletian’s reign.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> This term, characterized by Joaquín Escriche (<i>Diccionario -razonado de legislación y jurisprudencia</i>. Madrid, 1847) as “barbarous,” -is about equivalent to “Charter of the laws.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Named for him, Gebel-al-Tarik, or hill of Tarik.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Near Medina Sidonia and Vejer.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Province of Salamanca.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The laws themselves furnish numerous indications of the -customary evils. Doctors, for example, were forbidden to cure women, -unless in the presence of certain specified persons. It may be added -that doctors were made responsible by law for the effect of their -medicines.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> One curious superstitious practice was that of celebrating -a mass for an enemy who was yet alive. It was believed that this would -accelerate his death.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> The word “count” was not at that time a title of -nobility.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> The figures are 300,000 and 5,408,000 dinars respectively, -or roughly $700,000 and $12,600,000. It is of course impossible to -reckon the comparative purchasing power of a dinar then and its -equivalent today, although it was no doubt much greater then; hence, the -above figures have only a relative value.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Almansor burned great numbers of philosophical works so as -to win the favor of the Mohammedan priesthood.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Rueda continued independent,—an unimportant exception.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Less famous than the Cid, but quite as representative of -his time, was the figure of Bishop Diego Gelmírez of Santiago de -Compostela, who played an important part in the events of Urraca’s -reign. He was a vigorous, ambitious, restless, not overscrupulous man, -breaking pledges and changing from one side to another with the usual -facility of men of that age. He was not only ambitious for himself but -was also an ardent votary of the extension of church authority. He was a -fighting bishop, who engaged in military campaigns himself and -encountered many vicissitudes both in the civil wars of the kingdom and -in the local uprisings of his own subjects. On one occasion the citizens -of Santiago besieged him in his church, and set fire to a tower in which -he took refuge. Nevertheless, the bishop escaped in the guise of a -beggar. In the end he was usually successful. He procured the erection -of Santiago de Compostela into an archbishopric, and enjoyed the -distinction, equally with the church of Rome, of having seven cardinals -as canons. He also gained the influential post of chaplain to Alfonso -VII.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> The word “<i>merino</i>” is an untranslatable term for an -official in Spanish administration whose powers varied greatly from -century to century. While the <i>merinos</i> were at times “judges of -sheep-walks,” as the word is often translated, they usually had much -broader power as officials of the king. The <i>merinos mayores</i>, or -greater <i>merinos</i>, were appointed by the king, with functions largely -judicial in character and with authority extending over the greater -provinces, such as Castile, León, or Galicia. <i>Merinos menores</i>, or -lesser <i>merinos</i>, might be the appointees and subordinates of <i>merinos -mayores</i>, or, similarly, of the <i>corregidores</i>, or rulers of districts.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> The term “<i>adelantado</i>” comes from the fact that the -officials so-called were “advanced,” or “put forward,” in the place of -the king, to act in his name. There is some authority to the effect that -the title was in existence as early as the tenth century, but it was -certainly employed by the latter part of the twelfth century. In origin -the <i>adelantados mayores</i>, or greater <i>adelantados</i>, were judicial -officials, hearing appeals that had formerly gone to the king. The -<i>adelantado menor</i>, or lesser <i>adelantado</i>, came into existence early in -the thirteenth century, at which time he was a judicial officer of -higher rank than the <i>merinos</i>, but also possessed extensive -administrative powers. Many of the <i>adelantados menores</i> were stationed -in frontier districts, and indeed they were often called <i>adelantados -fronterizos</i> (frontier <i>adelantados</i>). It was natural, therefore, that -they should acquire military functions. It was the <i>adelantado -fronterizo</i> of Spain who figured so prominently in the conquest of the -Americas. Most of the conquerors of the sixteenth century were -<i>adelantados</i>. After that the title died out. Hill, Roscoe R., <i>The -office of adelantado</i>, in <i>Political science quarterly</i>, v. XXVIII, no. -4; Dec., 1913.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Taxes at that time were many and varied in kind, but may -be reduced to three types: regular contributions, but depending on the -happening of some event; indemnities to escape rendering certain due -services; and fines. As examples of the first type may be mentioned the -<i>goyosa</i> (rejoicing) payable by a married man at the birth of a child; -the <i>movicio</i> (removal) payable whenever one changed his residence; the -<i>yantar</i>, or food supplies, for the king and his retinue whenever he -visited a town; the <i>servicios</i> (services), or subsidies, granted by the -<i>Cortes</i>; the <i>diezmos de mar</i> (tithes of the sea), or customs duties -collected at the ports. The most notable tax of the second class was the -<i>fonsado</i> (foss), payable by those who wished to escape the obligation -of going on a military campaign. One of the third group was the <i>caloña</i> -(fine), due from the inhabitants of a region where a crime had been -committed and the guilty person had not been found. Gradually it became -the practice to commute these taxes for a single payment, except for the -<i>fonsado</i> and the <i>yantar</i>, which were not dispensed with.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> At the present time the word <i>alférez</i> is equivalent to -“sub-lieutenant.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> It is still allowed to exist in a chapel of the cathedral -of Toledo, and in another of Salamanca.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> To Saint Dominic is due the institution of the rosary.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> A curious law of Jaime I recommended that ladies of noble -rank should not offer food or lodging to jugglers, or even give them -kisses.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Neoplatonism was a late and decadent form of the Greek -philosophies. It endeavored to unite the precepts of Christian, Jewish, -and oriental religions, and displayed a disregard for the empirical -investigation of the universe, holding that the way to redemption lay -through rising superior to the material manifestations of life.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> The wars of Sancho and Juan gave rise to the celebrated -act of heroism of Guzmán el Bueno. Guzmán was governor of Tarifa, and -had promised Sancho that he would not surrender the place. Juan appeared -before Tarifa with a Moslem army, and threatened to kill Guzmán’s infant -son, whom he had in his power, unless the fortress were delivered. -Guzmán preferred to keep faith with his king, and sent his own dagger -for Juan to use in fulfilling his threat. Juan had the boy beheaded in -front of the walls of Tarifa, but failed to take the town. The incident -is illustrative of the savage brutality of the age, and was a rather -unusual instance for that time of keeping political faith at any cost.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> So called from a legend respecting his death. He is said -to have ordered two men put to death for a crime which they protested -they did not commit. As the sentence was being executed they summoned -Ferdinand to appear before the tribunal of God within thirty days, and -on the thirtieth day thereafter Ferdinand was dead.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> The eldest son of Fernando de la Cerda, and therefore the -rightful king according to the laws of Alfonso X.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> This document is often rendered in English as “Privilege -of Union,” a phrase which is frequently misunderstood to mean, privilege -to unite. The use of the article is necessary in order to give the -correct connotation.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> The lack of regular armies in the medieval period gave -rise to the employment of mercenary troops composed of adventurers from -all countries, whose presence became a danger to the state, once the -purpose for which they had been hired had been achieved. Fadrique of -Sicily found himself in this position at the end of the war with his -father in 1302. He therefore suggested to Roger de Flor, one of his -mercenary leaders, that he go to the aid of the Roman emperor of -Constantinople, then in grave danger from the Turks, who had overrun -Asia Minor. Roger de Flor accepted the idea, and embarked for the east -with a large body of mercenaries, many of whom were Catalans. Through -their aid the emperor won great successes against the Turks, and he -therefore granted wealth and honors to his mercenary helpers, with the -result that yet more mercenaries came to share in the prosperity of -their brothers in arms. Some of the Byzantine Greek nobles became -jealous of the favor accorded to Roger de Flor and his men, and planned -a massacre which was so successfully executed that that leader and -thousands of his followers were killed. The survivors, some 3300 in -number, did not lose courage, but on the contrary resolved to avenge -this treachery, and did so, so effectively that the “Catalan vengeance” -has become quite as famous a term in history as the “Sicilian vespers.” -They defeated their enemies in several battles, and sacked and burned -many towns, but at length accepted a call from the duke of Athens to -assist him in his wars. They freed the duke from the danger which -threatened him, but when he tried to deal with them as the Byzantine -Greeks had done they dethroned him and sent a message to Fadrique of -Sicily asking him to take them under his protection. Fadrique sent his -son, Manfred, who established the Catalan duchy of Athens, which was -destined to endure over half a century, from 1326 to 1387 or 1388.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> This was at the time of the Great Schism in the church. -Benedict was an Avignon pope.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Blanche was the unfortunate queen divorced by Henry the -Impotent of Castile. Shortly after her imprisonment in Navarre she died -suddenly, probably poisoned by order of her sister.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> The figure of Pedro López de Ayala (1332-1407) is typical -of the nobility of the times, illustrating also the new tendency to win -triumphs in court intrigues rather than in warlike pursuits. Despite the -facility with which he changed from one side to another, he was able to -procure a profit for himself (even out of his reverses) without scandal -and under a pretence of serving the public good, being always on the -border of immorality without falling openly and resolutely into it. Thus -he was able to rise from untitled poverty to nobility and extraordinary -wealth, and to the position of chancellor of Castile. He was also the -most noted historian of his time. -</p><p> -A worthy successor of the preceding was Pedro Téllez Girón, grand master -of Calatrava, whose achievements occupied the latter years of Juan II -and most of the reign of Henry IV. As a favorite of the latter before he -became king he was influential in causing the downfall of Álvaro de -Luna, and profited by that event to secure honors and wealth for -himself, so that in the reign of Henry IV he proved to be the most -powerful of the Castilian lords. He was also one of the most turbulent -and disloyal of the nobles, and knew how to procure a good price for his -services in the civil wars of his time. He would have married Isabella, -the successor of Henry IV, if he had lived, and in that event the -history of Spain might have taken a different course.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Usually the “royal thirds” amounted to two-ninths. At a -later time, both in Spain and the colonies, this tax was specifically -called the <i>dos novenas</i> (two-ninths).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> The customs of the clergy will be taken up more fully in -chapter XIV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> It was still the practice to farm out the revenues for a -fixed sum, leaving the contractor to collect them as a private venture.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Despite the existence of bull-fighting in much earlier -times,—for example, in the Visigothic period,—there is no clear -documentary reference to that game for centuries prior to the reign of -Alfonso X.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> The earliest recorded petition in their favor in the -popular branch of the <i>Cortes</i> was in 1626!</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> An estimate of 1359 states that there were 25,731 -dwellings on royal lands, and 57,278 on those of the lords. As late as -the seventeenth century it is said that 1800 cities and towns out of -2400 belonged to the nobles or the church, or three-fourths of the -total.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Thus Queen María felt it incumbent upon her to enact, in -1454, that naked men should not take part in processions of -masqueraders.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> See page 90, note 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Literally “audience,” or “hearing.” Originally, the king -gave “audience” for the decision of cases. Later, he was relieved of -this duty by other officials, or bodies, and the name was applied -finally to the courts referred to in this volume.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> The most famous of these leagues was the <i>Santa Real -Hermandad</i> (Royal Holy Brotherhood) of Toledo, Talavera, and Villarreal -which lasted until the nineteenth century, although with modifications -of its jurisdiction and activities. The members of the league might -pursue an offender as far as the borders of Portugal or Aragon. When -they caught him they had a banquet, after which the criminal was tied to -a post to serve as a target, and a prize was given to the one who first -shot him through the heart. When the accused was already dead, a trial -was held and he was sentenced. This procedure helps one to visualize the -real insecurity of the times,—for the same summary methods were -employed which men have used both before and since when the central -authority was not strong enough to guarantee public security. The -California Vigilance Committees in the days of the gold rush are an -instance in point.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Literally “corrector.” While the royal agent of this name -might originally have been considered a “corrector” rather than an -administrator, he later came to rule over areas ranging from that of a -city to a province, with wide judicial and executive functions.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> In 1283 the General Privilege was added as book eight, for -there had been the usual seven parts in the code of Jaime I; in 1300 the -reforms of Jaime II; in 1348 those of Pedro IV; and finally those of -Juan I and Martín I.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> In medieval schools grammar, rhetoric, and logic -(comprising the <i>trivium</i>) were the principal studies, supplemented by -arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music (or the <i>quadrivium</i>). These -subjects were almost unrecognizably unlike those of the same names -today.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> See page 110.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> The Basque game, with which the people of Navarre were -equally familiar. This game bears no resemblance to American base-ball; -rather it is more like a combination of tennis and hand-ball. At the -present time the players, three on a side, use a kind of bat, or racket, -and a leather-covered, solid rubber ball. The ball is served against a -side wall, and must be made to bound back over a net. The ball is thus -kept in play until one side misses a return, which scores a point for -the opponents. The side first making a required number of points wins -the match.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> After referring to the wealth of jewelry worn by the women -of his time a Moslem writer goes on to say, “The women of Granada are -beautiful, being distinguished for the symmetry of their figures, the -gracefulness of their bodies, the length and waviness of their hair, the -whiteness and brilliance of their teeth, the perfume of their breath, -the pleasing lightness of their movements, the cleverness of their -speech, and the charm of their conversation.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> See p. 159.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Cf. p. 155, n. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> The <i>real</i> was a former Spanish coin of elusive value. -Prior to the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella it was worth slightly more -than ninety <i>maravedís</i> and after that reign slightly less than -eighty-nine. Today the <i>real</i> of copper (a theoretical coin) is worth -thirty-four <i>maravedís</i> and the <i>real</i> of silver sixty-eight. As the -<i>maravedí</i> (which is no longer coined) was worth about a sixth of a cent -in present-day United States money, it will be seen that the <i>real</i> has -ranged from about fifteen to five cents in value. These amounts do not, -of course, represent the actual value, or purchasing power, of the -<i>real</i>. That cannot be determined, but it was certainly many times -greater than it would be today.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> The two most important, those of Valladolid and Granada, -were distinguished from the others by being called <i>chancillerías</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Compare the figures on population given at <a href="#page_333">page 333</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> The addition of the name “de Jesús” to that of some of the -mystics came from their assertions of a marriage with Christ, according -to which fact their names, in Spanish fashion, required this indication -of their marital partner.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> The best place to see them is in the Velázquez room of the -Prado at Madrid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> The British settlement was abandoned in 1774, after which -the Spaniards returned. Following the establishment of Argentine -independence that country occupied the Falklands, and still claims them. -Since 1833, however, they have been in the possession of England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> For negotiating this treaty, which certainly did not -redound greatly to the advantage of Spain, Godoy won the title of Prince -of the Peace.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Those who have lived in Spanish boarding-houses (<i>fondas</i>) -in our own times will recognize that this description lacks very little -of fitting contemporary Spain.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> See note at page 196.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> The Jansenists were a sect within the Catholic Church -following the teachings of Cornelis Jansen (1585-1638), who relied upon -the tenets of Saint Augustine as the basis for a reform of the church. -They were opposed to the doctrine of papal infallibility, and were -bitter enemies of the Jesuits, besides differing from other Catholics in -certain points of dogma. Their views were eventually pronounced -heretical.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> On the basis of the usual size of Spanish families, this -would have meant one churchman to every five to ten adult men.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> One well-known case of clerical impropriety was that of -the two ambitious priests whom Queen María Luisa employed as spies to -keep her informed whether Godoy were faithful to her or not.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> A <i>fanega</i> equals about 1.59 acres.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> There were some relatively unimportant combats after this -date, and Spain did not acknowledge defeat until 1836.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Belloc, Hilaire, “<i>The International</i>,” in <i>The Dublin -Review</i>, v. CXLVI, nos. 292-293, pp. 167-181, 396-411. London. Jan. and -Apr., 1910. This is an article about the Ferrer case.</p></div> - -</div> -<hr class="full" /> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's A History of Spain, by Charles E. Chapman - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SPAIN *** - -***** This file should be named 40646-h.htm or 40646-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/6/4/40646/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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