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diff --git a/40960-8.txt b/40960-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4ced67a..0000000 --- a/40960-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16896 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The History of Antiquity, Volume IV (of 6), -by Max Duncker, Translated by Evelyn Abbott - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The History of Antiquity, Volume IV (of 6) - - -Author: Max Duncker - - - -Release Date: October 6, 2012 [eBook #40960] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY, VOLUME -IV (OF 6)*** - - -E-text prepared by Adrian Mastronardi and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(http://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - http://archive.org/details/historyofantiqui04dunciala - - -Transcriber's note: - - 1. Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - 2. A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: 1^2). - - 3. Mixed fractions in this text version are indicated with - a hyphen and forward slash. For example, four and a half - is represented by 4-1/2. - - 4. The original text includes Greek characters. For this - text version these letters have been replaced with - transliterations. - - - - - -THE HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY. - -From the German of - -PROFESSOR MAX DUNCKER, - -by - -Evelyn Abbott, M.A., LL.D., -Fellow And Tutor Of Balliol College, Oxford. - -VOL. IV. - - - - - - - -London: -Richard Bentley & Son, New Burlington Street, -Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen. -1880. - -Bungay: -Clay and Taylor, Printers. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - -BOOK V. - -_THE ARIANS ON THE INDUS AND THE GANGES._ - - CHAPTER I. PAGE - THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 1 - - CHAPTER II. - THE ARYAS ON THE INDUS 27 - - CHAPTER III. - THE CONQUEST OF THE LAND OF THE GANGES 65 - - CHAPTER IV. - THE FORMATION AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE ORDERS 110 - - CHAPTER V. - THE OLD AND THE NEW RELIGION 154 - - CHAPTER VI. - THE CONSTITUTION AND LAW OF THE INDIANS 188 - - CHAPTER VII. - THE CASTES AND THE FAMILY 236 - - CHAPTER VIII. - THE THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE BRAHMANS 270 - - -BOOK VI. - -_BUDDHISTS AND BRAHMANS._ - - CHAPTER I. - THE STATES ON THE GANGES IN THE SIXTH CENTURY B.C. 315 - - CHAPTER II. - BUDDHA'S LIFE AND TEACHING 332 - - CHAPTER III. - THE KINGDOM OF MAGADHA AND THE SETTLEMENTS IN THE SOUTH 365 - - CHAPTER IV. - THE NATIONS AND PRINCES OF THE LAND OF THE INDUS 383 - - CHAPTER V. - THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LIFE OF THE INDIANS IN THE FOURTH - CENTURY B.C. 408 - - CHAPTER VI. - CHANDRAGUPTA OF MAGADHA 439 - - CHAPTER VII. - THE RELIGION OF THE BUDDHISTS 454 - - CHAPTER VIII. - THE REFORMS OF THE BRAHMANS 491 - - CHAPTER IX. - AÇOKA OF MAGADHA 521 - - CHAPTER X. - RETROSPECT 544 - - - - -BOOK V. - -THE ARIANS ON THE INDUS AND THE GANGES. - - - - -INDIA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE. - - -It was not only in the lower valley of the Nile, on the banks of the -Euphrates and the Tigris, and along the coast and on the heights of -Syria that independent forms of intellectual and civic life grew up in -antiquity. By the side of the early civilisation of Egypt, and the -hardly later civilisation of that unknown people from which Elam, -Babylon, and Asshur borrowed such important factors in the development -of their own capacities; along with the civilisation of the Semites of -the East and West, who here observed the heavens, there busily explored -the shores of the sea; here erected massive buildings, and there were so -earnestly occupied with the study of their own inward nature, are found -forms of culture later in their origin, and represented by a different -family of nations. This family, the Indo-European, extends over a far -larger area than the Semitic. We find branches of it in the wide -districts to the east of the Semitic nations, on the table-land of Iran, -in the valleys of the Indus and the Ganges. Other branches we have -already encountered on the heights of Armenia, and the table-land of -Asia Minor (I. 512, 524). Others again obtained possession of the -plains above the Black Sea; others, of the peninsulas of Greece and -Italy. Nations of this stock have forced their way to the shores of the -Atlantic Ocean; we find them settled on the western coast of the Spanish -peninsula, from the mouth of the Garonne to the Channel, in Britain and -Ireland no less than in Scandinavia, on the shores of the North Sea and -the Baltic. Those branches of the family which took up their abodes the -farthest to the East exhibit the most independent and peculiar form of -civilisation. - -The mutual relationship of the Arian, Greek, Italian, Letto-Sclavonian, -Germanic, and Celtic languages proves the relationship of the nations -who have spoken and still speak them; it proves that all these nations -have a common origin and descent. The words, of which the roots in these -languages exhibit complete phonetic agreement, must be considered as a -common possession, acquired before the separation; and from this we can -discover at what stage of life the nation from which these languages -derive their origin stood at the time when it was not yet divided into -these six great branches, and separated into the nations which -subsequently occupied abodes so extensive and remote from each other. We -find common terms for members of the family, for house, yard, garden, -and citadel; common words for horses, cattle, dogs, swine, sheep, goats, -mice, geese, ducks; common roots for wool, hemp or flax, corn (_i.e._ -wheat, spelt, or barley), for ploughing, grinding, and weaving, for -certain metals (copper or iron), for some weapons and tools, for waggon, -boat and rudder, for the elementary numbers, and the division of the -year according to the moon.[1] Hence the stock, whose branches and -shoots have spread over the whole continent of Europe and Asia from -Ceylon to Britain and Scandinavia, cannot, even before the separation, -have been without a certain degree of civilisation. On the contrary, -this common fund of words proves that even in that early time it tilled -the field, and reared cattle; that it could build waggons and boats, and -forge weapons, and if the general name for the gods and some names of -special deities are the same in widely remote branches of this -stock,--in India, Iran, Greece, and Italy, and even on the plains of -Lithuania,--it follows that the notions which lie at the base of these -names must also be counted among the common possessions existing before -the separation. - -We can hardly venture a conjecture as to the region in which the fathers -of the Indo-European nations attained to this degree of cultivation. It -must have been of such a nature as to admit of agriculture beside the -breeding of cattle. The varieties of produce mentioned and the domestic -animals point to a northern district, which, however, cannot have -reached down to the ocean, inasmuch as no common roots are in existence -to denote the sea. This proof is strengthened by the fact that in all -the branches the wolf and bear alone among beasts of prey are designated -by common roots. If we combine these considerations with the equal -extension of the tribes of this nation towards east and west, we may -assume that an elevated district in the middle of the eastern continent -was the abode of the nation while yet undivided. - -The branches which occupied the table-land of Iran and the valley of the -Indus were the first to rise from the basis acquired in common to a -higher civilisation; and even they did not attain to this till long -after the time when Egypt, under the ancient kingdom of Memphis, found -herself in the possession of a many-sided culture, after Babylon had -become the centre of a different conception of life and development. The -western branches of the Indo-Europeans remained at various stages behind -their eastern fellow-tribesmen in regard to the epochs of their higher -culture. If the Greeks, who were brought into frequent contact with the -civilisation of the Semites, came next in point of time after the -eastern tribes, and the Italians next to the Greeks, it was only through -conflict and contact with the culture of Greece and Rome that the -western branches reached a higher stage, while the dwellers on the -plains of the Baltic owe their cultivation to the influences of Germanic -life. Finally, when the West European branches, the Indo-Germans, had -developed independently their capacities and their nature, when in -different phases they had received and assimilated what had been left -behind by their Greek and Roman kinsmen, and formed it into the -civilisation of the modern world, their distant navigation came into -contact with the ancient civilisation, to which their fellow-tribesmen -in the distant East had finally attained some 2000 years previously. -With wonder and astonishment the long-separated, long-estranged -relatives looked each other in the face. But even now the ancient, -deeply-rooted, and variously-developed civilisation of the eastern -branch maintains its place with tough endurance beside the mobile, -comprehensive, and restlessly-advancing civilisation of the west. - -On the southern edge of the great table-land which forms the nucleus of -the districts of Asia, the range of the Himalayas rises in parallel -lines. The range runs from north-west to south-east, with a breadth of -from 200 to 250 miles, and a length of about 1750 miles. It presents the -highest elevations on the surface of the earth. Covered with boundless -fields of snow and extensive glaciers, the sharp edges and points of the -highest ridge rise gleaming into the tropic sky; no sound breaks the -deep silence of this solemn Alpine wild. To the south of these mighty -white towers, in the second range, is a multitude of summits, separated -by rugged ravines. Here also is neither moss nor herb, for this range -also rises above the limits of vegetation. Much lower down, a third -range, of which the average elevation rises to more than 12,000 feet, -displays up to the summits forests of a European kind; in the cool, -fresh air the ridges are clothed with birches, pines, and oaks. Beneath -this girdle of northern growths, on the heights which gradually sink -down from an elevation of 5000 feet, are thick forests of Indian -fig-trees of gigantic size. Under the forest there commences in the west -a hilly region, in the east a marshy district broken by lakes which the -mountain waters leave behind in the depression, and covered with -impenetrable thickets, tall jungles, and rank grass--a district -oppressive and unhealthy, inhabited by herds of elephants, crocodiles, -and large snakes. - -The mighty wall of the Himalayas decides the nature and life of the -extensive land which lies before it to the south in the same way as the -peninsula of Italy lies before the European Alps. It protects hill and -plain from the raw winds which blow from the north over the table-land -of Central Asia; it checks the rain-clouds, the collected moisture of -the ocean brought up by the trade winds from the South Sea. These clouds -are compelled to pour their water into the plains at the foot of the -Himalayas, and change the glow of the sun into coolness, the parched -vegetation into fresh green. Owing to their extraordinary elevation, the -mountain masses of the Himalayas, in spite of their southern situation, -preserve such enormous fields of ice and snow that they are able to -discharge into the plains the mightiest rivers in the world. From the -central block flow the Indus, the Ganges, and the Brahmaputra, _i.e._ -the son of Brahma. - -Springing from fields of snow, which surround Alpine lakes, the Indus -descends from an elevated mountain plain to the south of the highest -ridge. At first the river flows in a westerly direction through a cleft -between parallel rows of mountains. In spite of the long and severe -winter of this region, mountain sheep and goats flourish here, and the -sandy soil contains gold-dust. To the south of the course of the river -we find depressions in the mountains, where the climate is happily -tempered by the nature of the sky and the elevation of the soil. The -largest of these is the valley of Cashmere, surrounded by an oval of -snowy mountains. To the west of Cashmere the Indus turns its course -suddenly to the south; it breaks through the mountain ranges which bar -its way, and from this point to the mouth accompanies the eastern slope -of the table-land of Iran. As soon as the Himalayas are left behind, a -hilly land commences on the left bank, of moderate warmth and fruitful -vegetation, spreading out far to the east between the tributaries of the -stream. The river now receives the Panjab, and the valley is narrowed in -the west by the closer approach of the mountains of Iran; in the east by -a wide, waterless steppe, descending from the spurs of the Himalayas to -the sea, which affords nothing beyond a scanty maintenance for herds of -buffaloes, asses, and camels. The heat becomes greater as the land -becomes flatter, and the river more southerly in its course; in the dry -months the earth cracks and vegetation is at a standstill. Any overflow -from the river, which might give it new vigour, on the melting of the -snow in the upper mountains, is prevented for long distances by the -elevation of the banks. The Delta formed by the Indus at its mouth, -after a course of 1500 miles, contains only a few islands of good marsh -soil. The sea comes up over the flat shore for a long distance, and -higher up the arms of the river a thick growth of reeds and rushes -hinders cultivation, while the want of fresh water makes a numerous -population impossible. - -Not far from the sources of the Indus, at the very nucleus of the -highest summits of the Himalayas, rise the Yamuna (Jumna) and the -Ganges. The Ganges flows out of fields of snow beneath unsurmountable -summits of more than 20,000 feet in height, and breaking through the -mountains to the south reaches the plains; here the course of the river -is turned to the east by the broad and thickly-wooded girdle of the -Vindhyas, the mountain range which rises to the south of the plains. -Enlarged by a number of tributaries from north and south, it pours from -year to year copious inundations over the low banks, and thus creates -for the plains through which it flows a fruitful soil where tropic -vegetation can flourish in the most luxuriant wildness. This is the land -of rice, of cotton, of sugar-canes, of the blue lotus, the edible -banana, the gigantic fig-tree. On the lower course of the river, where -it approaches the Brahmaputra, which also at first flows between the -parallel ranges of the Himalayas towards the east, in the same way as -the Indus flows to the west, there commences a hot, moist, and luxuriant -plain (Bengal) of enervating climate, covered with coco and arica palms, -with the tendrils of the betel, and the stalks of the cinnamon, with -endless creepers overgrowing the trunks of the trees, and ascending even -to their topmost branches. Here the river is so broad that the eye can -no longer reach from one bank to the other. In the region at the mouth, -where the Ganges unites with the Brahmaputra, and then splits into many -arms, the numerous waters create hot marshes; and here the vegetation is -so abundant, the jungles of bamboo so thick and impenetrable, that they -are abandoned to the rhinoceros, the elephant, and the tiger, whose -proper home is in these wooded morasses. - -Into this wide region, which in length, from north to south, exceeds the -distance from Cape Skagen to Cape Spartivento, and in breadth, from east -to west, is about equal to the distance from Bayonne to Odessa, came a -branch of the family, whose common origin has been noticed, and their -civilisation previous to the separation of the members sketched. The -members of this branch called themselves Arya, _i.e._ the noble, or the -ruling. In the oldest existing monuments of their language and poetry -these Aryas are found invoking their gods to grant them room against the -Dasyus,[2] to make a distinction between Arya and Dasyu, to place the -Dasyus on the left hand, to turn away the arms of the Dasyus from the -Aryas, to make the hostile nations of the Dasyus bow down before the -Aryas, to increase the might and glory of the Aryas, to subjugate the -"Black-skins" to them.[3] In the epic poetry of the Indians we find -mention of black inhabitants of Himavat (_i.e._ inhabitants of the snowy -mountains, the Himalayas), and of "black Çudra" beyond the delta of the -Indus. By the same name, Çudra, the Aryas designated the population -which became subject to them in the valley of the Ganges; and when they -advanced from the valleys of the Indus and the Ganges towards the south, -to the coasts of the Deccan, they found there also populations of a -similar kind. Even at the present day the inhabitants of India fall into -two great masses, essentially distinguished from each other by the -formation of their bodies and their language. In the broad and -inaccessible belt of the Vindhya mountains, which separates the -peninsula of the Deccan from the plains of the two rivers, are situated -the tribes of the Gondas, men of a deep-black colour, with thick, long, -and black hair, barbarous manners, and a peculiar language. Closely -allied to these nations are the slim and black Bhillas, of small -stature, who inhabit the western slopes of the Vindhyas to the sea; and -the Kolas, who dwell in the mountainous district of Surashtra (Guzerat), -and to this day form two-thirds of the inhabitants of this district.[4] -On the eastern declivities and spurs of the Vindhyas we find in the -south the Kandas, in the north the Paharias, nations also of a dark -colour and thick long hair. Distinct from these rude savages, less dark -in colour, and exhibiting other modes of life, are the tribes which -possess the coasts of the Deccan, the Carnatas, Tuluwas, and Malabars on -the west, the Tamilas and Telingas on the east. Opposed to all these -tribes are the Aryas, with their light colour and decisively Caucasian -stamp. These once spoke Sanskrit, and are still acquainted with the -language, and to them is due the development of civilisation in these -wide districts. - -This juxtaposition of two populations, of which one is in possession of -the best districts in the country, while of the other only fragments -are in existence (combined masses are not found except in the most -inaccessible regions),--the indications supplied by these invocations, -according to which the light-coloured population on the Indus was in -conflict with the "Black-skins,"--the fact that the light-coloured -population, both on the Ganges and the coasts of the Deccan, has always -taken up an exclusive and contemptuous position towards the darker -tribes existing there, justify the conclusion that the whole region from -the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges, from the Himalayas to Cape -Comorin, once belonged to the dark population, and that the Aryas are -immigrants. These immigrants partly drove back the ancient population, -and confined it in hardly accessible mountains or morasses, partly -forced it to submit to their rule and accept their civilisation, partly -allowed it to live among them, as now, in a despicable and subordinate -position. In historical times we can trace this process, by which the -old population was driven back or civilised, on the coasts of the Deccan -and in Ceylon. From the position of the remnant of this population on -the Ganges, and these invocations of the Aryas, which spring from a time -when they were not yet established in the land of the Ganges, we may -conclude that a similar process went on in a severer form on the Indus. -Following the example of the Indians, modern science collects the -languages of these inhabitants of India, who are found under and among -the Aryas, so far as they at present exist, under the names of the -Nishada and Dravida languages.[5] The language of the Brahuis to the -west of the Indus,--they were settled there, or at least retired from -thence, at the time of the immigration of the Aryas,--the Canaresian, -the Malayalam, the language of the Tamilas, of the Telingas, the Badaga -of the inhabitants of the Nilgiri, on the southern apex of the Deccan, -are closely related, but to which of the great stems of language they -are to be apportioned is not determined.[6] - -The immigration of the Aryas into India took place from the west. They -stand in the closest relation to the inhabitants of the table-land of -Iran, especially the inhabitants of the eastern half. These also call -themselves Aryas, though among them the word becomes Airya, or Ariya, -and among the Greeks Arioi. The language of the Aryas is in the closest -connection with that of the Avesta, the religious books of Iran, and in -very close connection with the language of the monuments of Darius and -Xerxes, in the western half of that region. The religious conceptions of -the Iranians and Indians exhibit striking traits of a homogeneous -character. A considerable number of the names of gods, of myths, -sacrifices, and customs, occurs in both nations, though the meaning is -not always the same, and is sometimes diametrically opposed. Moreover, -the Aryas in India are at first confined to the borders of Iran, the -region of the Indus, and the Panjab. Here, in the west, the Aryas had -their most extensive settlements, and their oldest monuments frequently -mention the Indus, but not the Ganges.[7] Even the name by which the -Aryas denote the land to the south of the Vindhyas, Dakshinapatha -(Deccan), _i.e._ path to the right[8], confirms the fact already -established, that the Aryas came from the west. - -From this it is beyond a doubt that the Aryas, descending from the -heights of Iran, first occupied the valley of the Indus and the five -tributary streams, which combine and flow into the river from the -north-east, and they spread as far as they found pastures and arable -land, _i.e._ as far eastward as the desert which separates the valley of -the Indus from the Ganges. The river which irrigated their land, watered -their pastures, and shaped the course of their lives they called Sindhu -(in Pliny, Sindus), _i.e._ the river[9]. It is, no doubt, the region of -the Indus, with the Panjab, which is meant in the Avesta by the land -_hapta hindu_ (_hendu_), i.e. the seven streams. The inscriptions of -Darius call the dwellers on the Indus Idhus. These names the Greeks -render by Indos and Indoi. - -Can we fix the time at which the Aryas immigrated into India and -occupied the valley of the Indus? As we proceed it will become clear -that it was not till a late period that the nation began to record the -names of the kings of their states, that they never wrote down in a -satisfactory matter their legends and the facts of their history, and -that we cannot find among them any trustworthy chronology. Even with the -assistance of the statements of western writers, we can only go back -with any certainty to the year 800 B.C. for the dynasties of the kingdom -of Magadha, the most important kingdom in ancient times on the Ganges. -But if at this period the Aryas held sway not on the upper Ganges only, -but also on the lower, they must have been already settled on the Indus -for centuries. If the narratives already given of the foundation of the -Assyrian kingdom and the war of Semiramis on the Indus (II. 9 ff) were -historical, the Aryas must have been settled in that country even at -this date, _i.e._ about 1500 B.C. They must have lived there under a -monarchy which could place great forces in the field, and they must have -been already acquainted with the use of elephants in war. Stabrobates, -the name of the king of the Indians who met Semiramis and repulsed her, -would become Çtaorapati, _i.e._ lord of oxen, in the language of the -Aryas. But after what has been previously said (II. 19 ff), we can only -allow this narrative to have a value for the conceptions existing in -Persian epic poetry about the foundation of the empire of Assyria, and -the campaigns of Assyrian rulers to the distant East. In their -statements about India we can only, at most, expect to find a repetition -of the information existing about that country in the western half of -Iran in the seventh or sixth century, and even this takes a form -corresponding to the views expressed in the poems. In the monuments of -the kings of Assyria we found the elephant and the rhinoceros among the -tribute offered to Shalmanesar II., who reigned from 859-823 B.C. (II. -320); the inscriptions of Bin-nirar III. (810-781 B.C.) pointed to -campaigns of this king extending as far as Bactria (II. 328); we were -able to follow the marches of Tiglath Pilesar II. (745-727 B.C.) in the -table-land of Iran as far as Arachosia (III. 4). Hence the Assyrian -tablets do not as yet supply any definite information about the land of -the Indus. Arrian has preserved a notice according to which the -Astacenes and Assacanes, Indian nations on the right bank of the Indus, -between the river and Cophen (Cabul), were once subject to the -Assyrians.[10] The Indian epics extol the horses of the Açvakas, who, in -them also, are an Indian nation, and we may venture to regard them as -the Assacenes of Arrian. Alexander of Macedon found them in that region; -they could place many warriors in the field against him on their high -mountain uplands. But the observation in Arrian, even if we attach -weight to it, does not carry us far in answering the question when the -Aryas came into the valley of the Indus, for it does not make it clear -at what period the Açvakas were subject to the Assyrians. More may be -gained, perhaps, from the Hebrew scriptures. We saw that about 1000 B.C. -Solomon of Israel and Hiram of Tyre caused ships to be built and -equipped at Elath, on the north-east point of the Arabian Gulf. These -ships were to visit the lands of the south, and we saw what wealth they -brought back from Ophir after an absence of three years (II. 188). They -are laden with gold, silver, precious stones, and sandal-wood in -abundance, the like of which was not seen afterwards; peacocks, apes, -and ivory.[11] Now ivory, sandal-wood, apes, and peacocks are the -products of India, and peacocks and sandal-wood belong to that land -exclusively. It is true that they might have been transported to the -south coast of Arabia or the Somali coast of East Africa by the trade of -the Arabians, or even of the Indians (I. 321); but the ships of Solomon -and Hiram would not need to be absent for three years in order to obtain -them there. For our question it is decisive that the names with which -the Hebrews denote apes, peacocks, and sandal-wood, _kophim_, _tukijim_, -_almugim_, are Sanskrit (_kapi_, _çikhi_, _valgu_), and from this it -follows that the Aryas must have been in possession, at any rate, of -the land of the Indus and the coast of that region as early as 1000 B.C. -The book of the law of the Aryas mentions a nation Abhira. According to -the Aryan epics this nation possessed cows, goats, sheep, and camels. -Ptolemy places a land Abiria at the mouth of the Indus, and to this day -a tribe of the name of Ahir possesses the coast of the peninsula of -Cashtha (Kattywar).[12] These Abhiras may therefore have been meant by -the Ophir of the Hebrews. It is true that the genealogical table in -Genesis puts Ophir among the tribes which are said to spring from -Joktan, but no doubt it includes under the name of Joktan all the -nations of the south-east known to the Hebrews. If the ships of Hiram -brought back gold in abundance from their voyages to the mouth of the -Indus, this can only have been conveyed to the lower Indus, where there -is no gold, from the upper Indus, which is rich in gold, and from other -upland valleys in the Himalayas, where the mountain streams carry down -this metal. Hence about the year 1000 B.C. there must have been a lively -trade between the upper and lower Indus. Further, if the Phenicians and -Hebrews purchased sandal-wood among the Abhiras, this can only have been -transported to the mouth of the Indus by sea, and the coast navigation, -which is rendered easy in the Indian Sea by the regular occurrence of -the monsoons, for sandal-wood nowhere flourishes except in the glowing -sun of the Malabar coast. Whatever may have been the case with this -trade, products of India, and among them such as do not belong to the -land of the Indus, were exported from the land about 1000 B.C., under -names given to them by the Aryas, and therefore the Aryas must have been -settled there for centuries previously. For this reason, and it is -confirmed by facts which will appear further on, we may assume that the -Aryas descended into the valley of the Indus about the year 2000 B.C., -_i.e._ about the time when the kingdom of Elam was predominant in the -valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, when Assyria still stood under the -dominion of Babylon, and the kingdom of Memphis was ruled by the Hyksos. - -We have no further accounts from the West about the Aryas till the year -500 B.C., and later. It is not improbable that the arms of Cyrus reached -the Indus. The Astacenes and Assacanes are said to have been subject to -the Medes after the Assyrians; then Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, imposed -tribute upon them.[13] As Cyrus subjugated Bactria, fought in Arachosia, -and marched through Gedrosia, we may assume that he compelled the -nations of the Aryas on the right bank of the Indus to pay tribute. It -was in conflict with the Derbiccians, to whom the Indians sent elephants -as auxiliaries, that Cyrus, according to the account of Ctesias, was -slain. Darius, as Herodotus tells us, sent messengers to explore the -land of the Indus. Setting out from Arachosia, they proceeded from -Caspapyrus (Kaçpapura), a city which, according to Hecatĉus, belonged to -the Gandarii[14]--_i.e._ without doubt from Kabura (Cabul) down the -Indus to the sea. According to Herodotus' account the Gandarii, together -with the Arachoti and Sattagydĉ, paid 170 talents of gold yearly; the -rest of the Indians paid a larger tribute than any other satrapy--360 -talents of gold.[15] The Indians who paid this tribute were, according -to Herodotus, the most northerly and the most warlike of this great -nation. They dwelt near the city of Caspapyrus, _i.e._ near Cabul; their -mode of life was like that of the Bactrians, and they obtained the gold -from a sandy desert, where ants, smaller than dogs, but larger than -foxes, dug up the gold-dust.[16] Darius tells us himself, in the -inscriptions of Persepolis, that the Gandarii and the Indians were -subject to him. Like Herodotus, these inscriptions comprise the tribes -of the Aryas on the right bank of the Indus as far down as Cabul under -the name of Indians, so that the Açvakas were included among them. The -Gandarii, as is shown by their vicinity to and connection with the -Arachoti, lay to the south of Cabul. In the epos of the Indians the -daughter of the king of the Gandharas is married to the king of the -Bharatas, who lie between the Yamuna and the Ganges, and the Buddhist -writings speak of the Brahmans of the Gandarii as the worst in -India.[17] In the campaign of Xerxes, Herodotus separates the Gandarii -from the rest of the Indians who are subject to the Persian kingdom. The -first, he says, were armed like the Bactrians; with the rest marched the -Ethiopians of the East, equipped almost like the Indians; but on their -heads they had the skins of horses' heads, with the ears and mane erect, -and their shields were made from the skins of cranes. These Ethiopians -of the East were not distinguished from the others in form and -character, but by their language and hair. The Libyan Ethiopians, _i.e._ -the negroes, had the curliest hair of all men; but the hair of the -Eastern branch was straight.[18] We have already observed that now, as -in the days of Xerxes, remains of the dark-coloured pre-Aryan population -of India are found on the right bank of the Indus (p. 10). - -Of the Indians "who never obeyed Darius,"[19] Herodotus tells us that -they lived the furthest to the east of all the nations about which -anything definite was known. Still further in that direction were sandy -deserts. The Indians were the largest of all nations, and the Indus was -the only river beside the Nile in which crocodiles are found (they are -alligators).[20] The remotest parts of the earth have always the best -products, and India, the remotest inhabited land to the east, was no -exception. The birds and the quadrupeds were far greater in size here -than elsewhere, with the exception of the horse; for the Nisĉan horses -of the Medes were larger than the horses of the Indians. Moreover, India -possessed an extraordinary abundance of gold, of which some was dug up -from mines, and some brought down by the rivers, and some obtained from -the deserts. The wild trees also produced a wool which in beauty and -excellence surpassed the wool of sheep; this the Indians used for -clothing. There were many nations of the Indians, and they spoke -different languages. Some were stationary; some dwelt in the marshes of -the rivers, and lived on raw fish, which they caught in canoes made of -reeds, and every joint of the reed made a canoe. These Indians wore -garments of bark, which they wove like cloths, and then drew on like -coats of mail. Eastward of these dwelt the Padĉans, a migratory tribe, -who ate raw flesh; and when any one, even the nearest relative, among -them was sick, they slew him, in order to eat the corpse. This custom -was also observed by the women. Even the few who attained to old age -they killed, in order to eat them. Other Indian nations lived only on -herbs, which they ate cooked, and troubled themselves neither about -their sick nor their dead, whom they carried out, like the sick, into -desert places. All the nations spoken of were black in colour.[21] - -These, the oldest accounts from the West on the ancient pre-Aryan -population of India, and on the black-skins of the Rigveda, we owe to -Herodotus. His statements about their physical formation are correct; -those on their savage life may be exaggerated; but even to this day a -part of these nations live in the marshes and mountains in a condition -hardly removed from that of animals. - -The contrast between the light-coloured and dark population of India, -between the Aryas and the ancient inhabitants, did not escape Ctesias. -India, he maintained, was as large as the rest of Asia, and the -inhabitants of India almost as numerous as all the other nations put -together. The Indians were both white and black. He had himself seen -white Indians, five men and two women. The sun in India appeared ten -times as large as in other lands, and the heat was suffocating. The -Indus was a great river flowing through mountains and plains; in the -narrowest places the water occupied a space of 40 stades, or five miles, -in the broadest it reached 100 stades.[22] The river watered the land. -In India it did not rain, and there were no storms there, though there -were violent whirlwinds which carried everything before them.[23] On the -Indus grew reeds small and great; the stoutest reeds could not be -spanned by two men, and the height of the largest was equal to the mast -of a ship.[24] The fruit of the palms also in India was three times as -large as in Babylonia, and the sheep and goats there were equal in size -to asses elsewhere, and had such enormous tails that they had to be cut -off to enable them to walk. Ctesias goes on to describe the large cocks -of India, with their beautiful combs, and broad tails of gold, -dark-blue, and emerald; the peacocks, the many-coloured birds with red -faces, dark-blue necks, and black beards, which had a human tongue, and -could speak Indian, and would speak Greek if they were taught; the -little apes with tails four cubits long.[25] He was the first to -describe the elephant to the Greeks.[26] He had seen these animals, and -had been present in Babylon when the elephants of the Persian king had -torn up palm trees with their roots out of the ground. These animals -could even throw down the walls of cities. In war the king of India was -preceded by 100,000 elephants, and 3000 of the strongest and bravest -followed him.[27] - -After the army of Alexander of Macedon had encamped in the Panjab, the -Greeks could give more accurate accounts of India. Megasthenes assures -us that India reached in breadth, from west to east, an extent of from -15,000 to 16,000 stades (1940 to 2000 miles), while the length, from -north to south, was 22,000 stades (2750 miles);[28] and in these -distances he is not very greatly in error, for, measured in a direct -line, the breadth is 13,600 stades (1720 miles), and the length 16,400 -stades (2050 miles). To the north India was bounded by lofty mountains, -which the Greeks called Caucasus, and the Indians Paropamisos -(Paropanishadha[29]), and Emodos, or Imaos. Emodos, like Imaos, -is the Greek form of the old Indian name for the Himalayas, Haimavata -(Himavat).[30] In India there were many great mountains, but -still greater plains; and even the mountains were covered with -fruit-trees, and contained in their bowels precious stones of various -kinds--crystals, carbuncles, and others. Gold also and silver, metals -and salt, could be obtained from the mines,[31] and the rivers carried -down gold from the mountains.[32] The streams of India were the largest -and the most numerous in the world. The Indus was larger than the Nile, -and all the rivers of Asia; the Ganges, which took an easterly direction -on reaching the plains, was a great river even at its source, and -reached a width of 100 stades, or 12-1/2 miles. In many places it formed -lakes, so that one bank could not be seen from the other, and its depth -reached 20 fathoms.[33] The first statement is exaggerated, the second -is correct for the lower course of the river. The Indus, according to -Megasthenes, had 15 navigable affluents, and the Ganges 19, the names of -which he could enumerate.[34] In all there were 58 navigable rivers in -India. - -This abundance of streams in India the Greeks explained by the fact that -the lands which surrounded the country--Ariana, as the Greeks call -eastern Iran, Bactria, and the land of the Scythians--were higher than -India, so that the waters from them flowed down, and were collected -there.[35] The water was also the cause of the great fertility of India, -which the Greeks unite in extolling. The rivers not only brought down, -as Nearchus observes, soft and good earth into the land from the -hills,[36] but they traversed it in such a manner that, from the -universal irrigation, it was turned into a fruit garden.[37] Onesicritus -tells us that India is better irrigated by its rivers than Egypt by its -canals. The Nile flows straight on through a long and narrow land, and -so is continually passing into a different climate and different air, -while the Indian rivers flow through much larger and broader plains, and -continue long in the same region. Hence they are more nourishing than -the Nile, and the fish are larger than the fish in the Nile;[38] they -also refresh the land better by their moist exhalations.[39] Besides, -there were the inundations caused by the rivers; and the land was also -watered by the heavy rains, which fell constantly each year at a fixed -period with the regular winds, so that the rivers rose fully 20 cubits -above their beds,--a statement quite accurate,--and in many places the -plains were changed into marshes,[40] in consequence of which the Indus -had sometimes taken a new channel through them.[41] Since, then, the -warmth of the sun was the same in India as in Arabia and Ethiopia,--for -India lay far to the south, and in the most southern parts of the land -the constellation of the Bear was seen no longer, and the shadows fell -in the other direction, i.e. to the south,--[42]while in India there was -more water and a moister atmosphere than in those other countries, the -creatures of the water, air, and land were much larger and stronger in -India than anywhere else.[43] Further, as the water in the river and -that which fell from heaven was tempered by the sun's heat, the growth -of the roots and plants was extraordinarily vigorous. The strength of -the tiger, which, according to Megasthenes, is twice the size of the -lion, the docility of the elephant, the splendour of the birds, were the -admiration of the Greeks. With horror they saw the whale for the first -time in the Indian waters. Nearchus caused his ship to be rowed forward -at double speed to contend with this peaceful monster of the deep. - -According to the statement of Megasthenes--which for the land of the -Ganges is quite correct--there are two harvests in India. For the winter -sowing rice and barley were used, and other kinds of fruit unknown to -the Greeks; for the summer sowing, sesame, rice, and bosmoron; while -during the rainy season flax and millet were planted, so that in India -want and famine were unknown.[44] Equally luxuriant in growth were the -herbs and reeds. There was a reed there which produced honey without -bees (the sugar-cane); and in Southern India cinnamon, nard, and the -rest of the spices grew as well as in Arabia and Ethiopia.[45] The -Greeks did not know that the cinnamon is a native of India only, and -that the bark came to them from that country, though it came through -Arabia. The marshes of India were filled with roots, wholesome or -deadly; the trees there grew to a larger size than elsewhere; some were -so tall that an arrow could not be shot over them, and the leaves were -as large as shields. There were other trees there of which the trunks -could not be spanned by five men, and the branches, as though bent, grew -downwards till they touched the earth, and then, springing up anew, -formed fresh trunks, to send out other arches, so that from one tree -was formed a grove, not unlike a tent supported by many poles. Fifty or -even 400 horsemen could take their mid-day rest under such a tree. -Nearchus even goes so far as to say that there were trees of this kind -under which there was room for 10,000 men.[46] There were also trees in -India which produced intoxicating fruits. This description of the Indian -fig tree and the statements about the shelter its branches afford are -not exaggerated. By intoxicating fruits the coco and fan-palms are, no -doubt, meant, from which palm-wine is made.[47] - -The northern, _i.e._ the light-coloured, Indians, or Aryas, are said by -the Greeks of this period to have most closely resembled the Egyptians -in the colour of their skin and their shape. They were light, delicate, -and slim of body, and not so heavy as other nations. They were free from -diseases, for their climate was healthy, and their land possessed good -air, pure water, and wholesome fruits. The southern Indians, _i.e._ the -non-Aryan population, who were at that time far less broken up in the -Deccan by Aryan and other settlers than now, and must therefore have -existed in far greater masses, were not quite so black as the Ethiopians -(the negroes), and had not, like them, a snub nose and woolly hair. -Strabo was of opinion that their colour was not so black owing to the -moist air of India, which also caused the hair of the inhabitants to be -straight.[48] Of the 200 millions, at which the population of India is -now estimated, more then 150 millions either spring from the Aryas or -have adopted their civilisation. The number of the dark-coloured races, -dwelling in the mountains and broad marshes, who have remained free from -the dominion of the Aryas, the Mohammedans, and the English, and are, -therefore, strangers to their civilisation, is estimated at 12 -millions. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Whitney, "Language," p. 327; Benfey, "Geschichte der -Sprachwissenchaft," s. 598. - -[2] "Rigveda," 1, 59, 2; 7, 5, 6; 10, 69, 6. Cf. Manu, 10, 45. That in -the Rigveda the Dasyus are always enemies, and even evil spirits, is -beyond a doubt, and cannot excite any wonder when we remember how the -Indians confound the natural and supernatural; Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," -2^2, 358 ff. On the original meaning of the word Dasyu, and its -signification in the Mahabharata, cf. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 633. - -[3] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 110, 113. - -[4] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 440. - -[5] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 461. - -[6] According to Whitney ("Language," p. 327), the language of the Kolas -and Santals is quite distinct from the Dravidian languages. Lassen's -view on the relation of the Vindhya tribes to the Dravida and the -Nishada is given, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 456. - -[7] The Ganges (Ganga) is mentioned only twice in the Rigveda, and then -without any emphasis or epithet; "Rigveda," 10, 75, 5; 64, 9. This book -is of later origin; Roth, "Zur Literatur und Geschichte des Veda," s. -127, 136, 137, 139. - -[8] This name, it is true, may also have arisen from the fact that the -Indians turned to the east when praying. - -[9] The root _syand_ means "to flow." - -[10] Arrian, "Ind." 1, 3; "Anab." 4, 25. - -[11] 1 Kings ix. 26-28; x. 11, 12, 22. - -[12] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 651 ff.; 2^2, 595 ff. - -[13] Arrian, "Ind." 1, 3. - -[14] Steph. _sub. voc._ - -[15] Herod. 3, 94, 105; 4, 44. - -[16] Herod. 3, 102 ff. - -[17] "Mahavança," ed. Turnour, p. 47. - -[18] Herod. 7, 66, 70. - -[19] Herod. 3, 101. - -[20] Herod. 3, 94; 4, 44. - -[21] Herod. 3, 96, 98 ff. - -[22] Ctes. "Ecl." 1. - -[23] "Ecl." 1, 8. - -[24] "Ecl." 6. - -[25] Ctes. "Ecl." 3; Aelian, 16, 2. - -[26] Herodotus only makes a passing mention of the elephant in Libya, 4, -191. - -[27] Ĉlian 17, 29. Arrian also ("Anab." 4, 14) maintains that the Indus -is 100 stades in breadth, and even broader; Megasthenes also relates -that the elephants tore down walls, and that the bamboo was a fathom in -thickness. Strabo, p. 711. That Ctesias followed Persian-Bactrian -accounts is clear from the fact that the scene of all his history is the -north-west of India. He knows that India is a civilised land, though he -also believes that it obeys only one king; he knows the veneration of -the Indians for their kings, their contempt of death, and some products -of Indian industry. The fabulous stories of the Pygmĉans, Dog-heads, -Shovel-eared, Shadow-feet, and Macrobii he did not invent, but copied. -Similar marvels of men with dogs' heads, and without a head, and of -unicorns, are narrated by Herodotus, only he ascribes these stories to -the western Ethiopians, not to the eastern (4, 191). Homer had already -sung of the Pygmĉans ("Il." 3, 6). Hecatĉus had spoken of the -Shovel-eared and Shadow-feet (fragm. 265, 266, ed. Klausen), and also -Aristophanes ("Aves," 1553). Of the griffins, the one-eyed Arimaspians, -the long-lived, happy Hyperboreans, Aristeas of Proconnesus had told and -Ĉschylus had sung long before Ctesias (above, III. 232). Megasthenes -repeats the legends of the Pygmĉans, Shovel-eared, Shadow-feet, -Dog-heads, and adds accounts of men without mouths, and other marvels. -Ctesias, therefore, had predecessors as well as followers in these -stories. The fantastic world with which the Indians surrounded -themselves, the nicknames and strange peculiarities which they ascribed -to some of the old population and to distant nations, reached the -Persians, and through them the Greeks. "Kirata" of small stature in the -Eastern Himalayas, against which Vishnu's bird fights, Çunamukhas -(Dog-heads), "brow-eyed" cannibals, "one-footed" men, who bring as -tribute very swift horses, occur in the Indian epics, and in other -writings. On the divine mountain Meru, according to the Indians, dwell -the Uttara Kuru, _i.e._ the northern Kurus, who live for 10,000 years, -among whom is no heat, where the streams flow in golden beds, and roll -down pearls and precious stones instead of gravel. Lassen, "Ind. -Alterth." 1, 511; 2, 653, 693 ff.; Muir, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 324 ff. -According to the cosmology of the Buddhists, whose Sutras also knew -these Uttara Kuru, Mount Meru is the centre of the world. To the south -of Meru is Yambudvipa, to the north the region of the Uttara Kuru, who -live for 1000 years, while the inhabitants of Yambudvipa only live for -100 years. Burnouf, "Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme," p. 177; -Koppen, "Buddh." p. 233. Ptolemy, obviously following Indian sources, -puts the [Greek: Ottora Korra] to the north of the Imaus, beyond the -highest range, which with the Indians is a spur of the divine mountain -Meru. This land and nation is obviously the garden of Yima and his -elect, whom the myth of Iran places on the divine hill. These are the -long-lived Hyperboreans of the Greeks, who dwell in the remote north -beyond the Rhipaean mountains--one of the old common myths of the Aryan -and Greek branch of the Indo-Germanic stock. - -[28] Megasthenes and Eratosthenes in Strabo, pp. 689, 690; Arrian, -"Ind." 3, 8. - -[29] Lassen explains Paropamisus as Paropa-nishadha, "lower mountain," -in opposition to Nishadha, "high mountain," by which the high ridge of -the Hindu Kush is meant, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 27, _n._ 4. - -[30] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 2^2, 324, 328. - -[31] Strabo, pp. 690, 691. - -[32] Diod. 2, 35; Strabo, pp. 700, 717. - -[33] Megasthenes in Strabo, pp. 690, 702; cf. Arrian, "Ind." 4. Diodorus -allows the upper Ganges a breadth of 30 stades, at Palibothra a breadth -of 32 stades--2, 37; 17, 93. - -[34] Arrian, "Ind." 4. - -[35] Diod. 2, 37. - -[36] Strabo, p. 691. - -[37] Diod. 2, 37. - -[38] Strabo, p. 695. - -[39] Diod. 2, 37. - -[40] Strabo, pp. 690, 691. - -[41] Aristobulus in Strabo, pp. 692, 693; cf. Curtius, 8, 30, ed. -Mützell. - -[42] These statements, which are quite correct, are found in Megasthenes -in Strabo, p. 76; Diod. 2, 35. - -[43] Strabo, p. 695; Diod. 2, 35. - -[44] Strabo, pp. 690, 693. - -[45] Strabo, p. 695. - -[46] Strabo, p. 694; Arrian, "Ind." 11. - -[47] Strabo, pp. 692, 693. Arrian ("Ind." 7) mentions the Sanskrit name -of the umbrella palm, _tala_, and tells us that the shoots were eaten, -which is also correct. - -[48] Arrian, "Ind." 6, 17; Strabo, pp. 96, 690, 696, 701, 706, 709. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE ARYAS ON THE INDUS. - - -We have already examined the earliest date at which the kings who -reigned in antiquity in the lower valley of Nile attempted to bring -their actions into everlasting remembrance by pictures and writing. The -oldest inscription preserved there dates from the period immediately -preceding the erection of the great pyramids. The same impulse swayed -the rulers of Babylon and Asshur, of whom we possess monuments reaching -beyond the year 2000 B.C. The Hebrews also began at a very early time to -record the fortunes of their progenitors and their nation. With the -Indians the reverse is the case. Here neither prince nor people show the -least interest in preserving the memory of their actions or fortunes. No -other nation has been so late in recording their traditions, and has -been content to leave them in so fragmentary a condition. For this -reason, fancy is in India more lively, the treasures of poetry are more -rich and inexhaustible. Thus it becomes the object of our investigation, -from the remains of this poetry, and the wrecks of literature, to -ascertain and reconstruct, as far as possible, the history of the -Indians. From the first the want of fixed tradition precludes the -attempt to establish in detail the course of the history of the Aryan -states and their rulers. Our attempts are essentially limited to the -discovery of the stages in the advance of the power of the Aryas in the -regions where they first set foot, to the deciphering of the successive -steps through which their religious views and intellectual culture were -developed. And when we have thus exhumed the buried history of the -Indians, we are assisted in determining its periods by the contact of -the Indians with their western neighbours, the Persian kingdom, and the -Greeks, and by the accounts of western writers on these events. - -The oldest evidence of the life of the Aryas, whose immigration into the -region of the Indus and settlement there we have been able to fix about -2000 _B.C._, is given in a collection of prayers and hymns of praise, -the Rigveda, _i.e._ "the knowledge of thanksgiving." It is a selection -or collection of poems and invocations in the possession of the priestly -families, of hymns and prayers arising in these families, and sung and -preserved by them. In the ten books which make up this collection, the -poems of the first book are ascribed to minstrels of various families; -in some the minstrel is even named. "This song was made by Dirghatamas, -of the race of Angiras;" "this new hymn was composed by Nodhas, a -descendant of Gautama." Of the other books, each is ascribed to a single -family of priests--to the Gritsamadas, Viçvamitras, Vamadevas, Atris, -Bharadvajas, Vasishthas, and Kanvas. The tenth book contains isolated -pieces which found no place in the earlier books; several of these -pieces bear the stamp of a later origin, as they exhibit a more -complicated ritual, the operation of various classes of priests, and -reflections of an abstract character.[49] - -We see, then, that from ancient times there were among the Aryas -families in possession of effectual invocations of the gods, who knew -how to pronounce and sing the prayers at sacrifice, and offer the -sacrifice in due form. We may gather further from the Rigveda that these -families were distinguished by special symbols. The family of Vasishtha -had a coil or knot of hair on the right side,[50] the family of Atri had -three knots, the family of Angiras five locks, while the Bhrigus shaved -their hair.[51] Sung for centuries in these families, in these circles -of minstrels and priests, these poems were thus revised and preserved, -until at length out of the possessions of these schools arose the -collection which we have in the Rigveda. We find frequent mention in the -poems of the invocations of ancient time, of the prayers of the fathers, -and hence what is in itself probable becomes certain--that we have -united in the Rigveda poems of various dates, and invocations divided in -their origin by centuries. - -Though the minstrels of the poems of the Rigveda could look back on a -distant past, though they could distinguish the sages of the ancient, -the earlier time, and the present, and the men of old from those of the -later and most recent times,[52] there is yet nothing in these poems to -point to an earlier home, to older habitations, or previous fortunes of -the nation, unless, indeed, we ought to find an indication of life in a -more northern region in the fact that the older poems in the collection -count by winters, and the later by autumns.[53] In any case there is no -remembrance of earlier abodes, and therefore we must conclude that even -the oldest of these poems had been sung long after the immigration. If -the assumption established above, that the immigration took place soon -after 2000 _B.C._, is approximately probable, the extinction of any -memory of earlier abodes and fortunes will hardly allow us to carry back -the origin of the oldest songs of the Veda beyond the sixteenth century -_B.C._ - -On the other hand, the hymns of the Veda contain conceptions of the -creation and early ages of the world, the outlines of which, like the -conception of the contrast between the men of the old time and the -present, must have been brought by the Aryas into the land of the Indus -from the common possession of the Aryan tribes. The oldest man, the -father and progenitor of the Aryas, is, in the hymns of the Veda, Manu, -the son of Vivasvat, _i.e._ "the illuminating," the sun. Frequent -mention occurs in these poems of the "father Manu," of "our father -Manu," "the paternal path which Manu trod," "the children of Manu," "the -people of Manu." Manu brought the first offering to the gods of light; -with Atharvan and Dadhyanch he kindled the first sacrificial fire; he -has set Agni to give light to all the people, and to summon the gods, -and prayed to him with Bhrigu and Angiras.[54] Five races of men sprung -from Agni--the Yadus, the Turvaças, Druhyus, Anus, and Purus.[55] Beside -Manu stands Yama (_geminus_), like Manu, the son of Vivasvat. In the -hymns of the Rigveda he is the assembler of the people, the king, the -pattern of just dealing. He "has discovered the path which leads from -the deeps to the heights;" he "has removed the darkness," and "made -smooth the path of the godly." He first discovered the resting-place -from which no one drives out those who are there. From the depth of the -earth he first ascended to the heights of heaven; he has had experience -of death, he has entered into heaven, and there gathered round him all -the godly and brave. "He went before us, and found for us a -dwelling-place on a plain, which no one takes from us, whither the -fathers of old time have gone; thither his path guides every child of -earth."[56] - -Manu and Yama are not unknown to the mythology of the nations of Iran. -With the Iranians Yama is Yima; his father, according to the laws of the -Bactrian, the language of East Iran, is not Vivasvat, but Vivanghat. The -meaning is of course the same. According to the myths of Iran, Yima is -the sovereign who first established the _cultus_ of fire, and first -tilled the field with the plough. In his reign of 1000 years there was -neither heat nor cold, hunger nor thirst, age nor sickness, hate nor -strife. And when this golden age came to an end, Yima continued to live -an equally happy life in his garden on the mountain of the gods (_i.e._ -in heaven), where the sun, moon, and stars shone together, where there -was neither night nor darkness, in everlasting light with the elect. In -the Rigveda the sacrificers of old time, who kindled the fire with Manu, -and offered the first sacrifice,--Angiras, Bhrigu, Atharvan, and their -families,--are half divine creatures, though not quite on an equal with -Manu and Yama. They were ranged with the spirits of light, and shone -like them, though with less brilliancy.[57] In the faith of the Aryas -the good and pious deed confers supernatural power; it makes the body -light, and therefore like the body of the gods. The myths of Iran also -praise certain heroes and sages of old time, who sacrificed first after -Yima. - -We can ascertain with exactness the region in which the greater number -of these poems grew up. The Indus is especially the object of praise; -the "seven rivers" are mentioned as the dwelling-place of the Aryas. -This aggregate of seven is made up of the Indus itself and the five -streams which unite and flow into it from the east--the Vitasta, Asikni, -Iravati, Vipaça, Çatadru. The seventh river is the Sarasvati, which is -expressly named "the seven-sistered." The land of the seven rivers is, -as has already been remarked, known to the Iranians. The "_Sapta -sindhava_" of the Rigveda are, no doubt, the _hapta hendu_ of the -Avesta, and in the form Harahvaiti, the Arachotus of the Greeks, we -again find the Sarasvati in the east of the table-land of Iran. As the -Yamuna and the Ganges are only mentioned in passing (p. 11), and the -Vindhya mountains and Narmadas are not mentioned at all, the conclusion -is certain that, at the time when the songs of the Aryas were composed, -the nation was confined to the land of the Panjab, though they may have -already begun to move eastward beyond the valley of the Sarasvati.[58] - -We gather from the songs of the Rigveda that the Aryas on the Indus were -not one civic community. They were governed by a number of princes -(_raja_). Some of these ruled on the bank of the Indus, others in the -neighbourhood of the Sarasvati.[59] They sometimes combined; they also -fought not against the Dasyus only, but against each other. They ruled -over villages (_grama_), and fortified walled places (_pura_), of which -overseers are mentioned (_gramani_, _purpati_).[60] We find minstrels -and priests in their retinue. "Glorious songs of praise," says one of -them, "did I frame by my skill for Svanaya, the son of Bavya, who dwells -on the Indus, the unconquerable prince." Other poems in the Veda tell us -that the princes make presents to the minstrels and priests of cows, -chariots, robes, slave-women, and bars of gold. Whatever we may have to -deduct from these statements on the score of poetical exaggeration, they -still show that the court and possessions of the princes cannot have -been utterly insignificant. The descriptions of the ornaments and -weapons of the gods in the Rigveda are without a doubt merely enlarged -copies of the style and habit of the princes. The gods travel in golden -coats of mail, on splendid chariots, yoked with horses; they have -palaces with a thousand pillars and a thousand gates; they linger among -the lights of the sky, like a king among his wives.[61] From these -pictures, by reducing the scale, we may represent to ourselves the life -and customs of the princes in the land of the Indus. - -From the numerous invocations for victory and booty, it follows that the -life of the Aryas in the Panjab was disturbed by wars, that raids and -feuds must have been frequent. War-chariots, and infantry, -standard-bearers, bows, spears, swords, axes, and trumpets are -mentioned.[62] We learn that those who fought in chariots were superior -to the foot-soldiers. "There appears like the lustre of a cloud when -the mailed warrior stalks into the heart of the combat. Conquer with an -unscathed body; let the might of thine armour protect thee. With the bow -may we conquer cattle; with the bow may we conquer in the struggle for -the mastery, and in the sharp conflicts. The bow frustrates the desire -of our enemy; with the bow may we conquer all the regions round. The -bow-string approaches close to the bowman's ear, as if to speak to or -embrace a dear friend; strung upon the bow, it twangs like the scream of -a woman, and carries the warrior safely through the battle. Standing on -the chariot, the skilful charioteer directs the horses whithersoever he -wills. Laud the power of the reins, which far behind control the impulse -of the horses. The strong-hoofed steeds, rushing on with the chariots, -utter shrill neighings; trampling the foe with their hoofs, they crush -them, never receding." Again and again are the gods invoked that the -bow-strings of the enemy may be snapped.[63] - -The poems of the Veda distinguish the rich from the poor. The -cultivation of the land is practised and recommended. Corn (_dhana_), -barley, beans, and sesame were sown, but the rice of the Ganges valley -is unknown. Channels also are mentioned for leading water on the land. - -Healing herbs are not unknown to the poems, nor the person who is -skilled in applying them, the physician. We find in them the desire for -health and a long life,[64] blessed with abundance, with sons and -daughters. Beautiful garments, precious stones, adorned women with four -knots of hair, dancers, wine-houses, and dice are repeatedly mentioned. -Weaving and leather-work are known, and also the crafts of the smith, -the carpenter, the wheelwright, and the shipbuilder.[65] - -Among the Aryas of those days more attention must have been given to the -breeding of cattle than to the cultivation of the field. A great number -of similes and metaphors in the hymns of the Veda show that the Aryas -must have lived long with their flocks, and that they stood to them in -relations of the closest familiarity. The daughter is the milkmaid -(_duhitar_), the consort of the prince is even in later poems the -buffalo-cow (_mahishî_), the prince is at times the cow-herd, or -protector of cows (_gôpa_), the assembly of the tribe and the fold which -encloses the cows are called by the same name (_gôshtha_), and the word -expressing a feud (_gavisshthi_) denotes in the first instance the -desire for cows. Similes are taken especially from cows and horses. -Beside cattle and horses, buffaloes, sheep, and goats are mentioned. The -gods are invoked to protect and feed the cows, to increase the herds, to -make the cows full of milk, and satisfy the horses, to lead the herds to -good pastures, and protect them from misfortune on the way. At the -sacrifices parched corn was sprinkled for the horses of the gods.[66] - -In regard to the ethical feeling and attitude of the nation, we learn -from the hymns of the Rigveda that it was filled at that time with a -courageous and warlike spirit, with freshness and enjoyment of life. -Liberality and fidelity were highly praised; theft and plunder held in -contempt; faithlessness and lying severely condemned. The friend of the -gods could look forward to horses, chariots, and cows. Beautiful to look -upon, and filled with vigorous strength, he will shine in the assembly -of the people. There is a lively feeling that the gods feel themselves -injured by untruth and falsehood, by neglect and improper offering of -the sacrifice, and the conscience is awake. The gods are earnestly -entreated to forgive the sins of the fathers, and those committed by the -suppliants, in wine, play, or heedlessness, to soften their anger, and -spare the transgressor from punishment or death. If princes and nobles -did not content themselves with one wife, monogamy was nevertheless the -rule, so far as we can see. The beautiful maiden is accounted happy -because she can choose her husband in the nation. Many a one certainly -would be content with the wealth of him who seeks her. - -In the beneficent forces and phenomena of nature, which are friendly and -helpful to men, the religious conceptions of the Aryas see the power of -kindly deities; and in all the influences and phenomena which injure the -prosperity and possessions of men they see the rule of evil deities. To -the Aryas light was joy and life, darkness fear and death; the night and -the gloom filled them with alarm, the light cheered them. With gladsome -hearts they greeted the returning glow of morning, the beams of the sun, -which awaken us to life. The obscuring of the sun by dark clouds raised -the apprehension that the heavenly light might be taken from them. In -the heat of the summer the springs and streams were dried up, the -pastures were withered, the herds suffered from want, and therefore the -more fervent were the thanks of the Aryas to the spirits who poured down -fructifying water from heaven, and caused the springs, streams, and -rivers again to flow full in their banks. - -The basis of these views the Aryas brought with them into the valley of -the Indus. Their name for the deity of light--_deva_, from _div_, to -shine--is found among the Greek, Italian, Lettish, and Celtic nations -in the forms [Greek: theoi], _dii_, _diewas_, and _dia_; it recurs in -the Zeus (_dyaus_) of the Greeks, and the Jupiter (_dyauspitar_) of the -Romans. The god of the upper air is with the Aryas Varuna, the Uranos of -the Greeks. And these were not the only ideas possessed by the Aryas -before their immigration. When they had broken off from the original -stem of the Indo-European tribes, they must for a time have lived in -union with another branch of the same stem, which inhabited the -table-land of Iran, and only after a long period of union did they -become a nation, and emigrate to the East. The nucleus of the view of -the nature and action of the gods is identical in the Aryas and the -tribes of Iran to such a degree that it can only have grown up in a -common life. In both it lies in the struggle and opposition in which the -spirits of light stand to the spirits of darkness, the spirits who give -water to the spirits who parch up all things--in the contest of good and -evil gods. It is assistance and protection against the evil spirits, the -boon of light and water, which is sought for in the worship of both -nations. The names of the deities of light, which the Indians and the -Iranians serve, are the same. Mitra, Aryaman, Bhaga, Ushas are invoked -on the Indus and Sarasvati as well as on the Hilmend, in Bactria and -Media. Here, as there, the beneficent morning wind which drives away the -clouds of night is called Vayu; the same drink offerings were offered -under the same names in both nations to the good gods. With the Indians -Atharvan lights the sacrificial fire;[67] among the Iranians the fire -priests are called Athravas. The chief of the evil spirits, against -which the good spirits have to contend, is called Veretra among the -Iranians, and Vritra among the Indians; another evil spirit is called -Azhi (_Aji_) in one nation, Ahi in the other. Such was the development -given to the common inheritance from the parent stock, attained while -the Airyas and Aryas lived together; and after the community was broken -up, and the two nations became separated, those views received a -peculiar shape in each. The point in this special development reached by -the Aryas while yet in the Panjab we know from the poems of the Rigveda. - -To the Iranians, as to the Aryas, the brightness of fire was a friendly -spirit which gave light in darkness. To it, among both nations, almost -the first place was allotted. By far the greatest number of invocations -in the Rigveda are addressed to this spirit, Agni (_ignis_). When the -darkness of evening came on, the glowing fire scared the beasts of prey -from the encampment of men and the herds, and so far as the flame shone -it drove back the evil spirits of the night.[68] Then the demons were -seen from a distance hovering round the kindled fire, and the changing -outlines of their forms were seen on the skirts of the darkness. Thus in -the Rigveda, the fire-god is a bringer of light, who overpowers the -night with red hues, who drives away the Rakshasas, or evil spirits; he -is the conqueror and slayer of demons, with sharp teeth and keen -weapons, a beautiful youth of mighty power. But the fire of the hearth -also unites the family, and provides them with nourishment. As such Agni -is the gleaming guest of men, the dear friend and companion of men, the -far-seeing house-lord, who dwells in every house, and despises none; a -god, giving food and wealth;[69] the protector, leader, and guide of his -nation. As his power carries the sacrificial gifts to the gods, he is -also the priest of the house; to the sensuous conception of the Aryas -he is the messenger of men to the gods; his gleam leads the eye of the -gods to the sacrifice of men; hence he is himself a priest, the first of -priests, the true offerer of sacrifice, the mediator between heaven and -earth, the lord of all religious duties, the protector and supporter of -the worship. With his far-reaching tongue, the smoke of the kindled fire -of sacrifice, he announces to the gods the gifts offered, the prayers -which accompany the sacrifice, and brings the gods to the place of -offering. Through Agni they consume their food. He is to the gods what -the goblet is to the mouth of men.[70] With a thousand eyes Agni watches -over him who brings him food, _i.e._ wood, and pours fat and clarified -butter into his mouth; he rejects not the gifts of him who possesses -neither cow nor axe, and brings but small pieces of wood; he protects -him from hunger, and sends him all kinds of good; in the battle he -fights among the foremost, and consumes the enemy like dry underwood. -When he yokes to his chariot the red, wind-driven horses, he roars like -a bull; the birds are terror-stricken when his sparks come consuming the -grass; when, like a lion, he blackens the forest with his tongue, and -seizes it with his flames, which sound like the waves of the sea; when -he shears off the hair of the earth, as a man shaves his beard, and -marks his path with blackness. Nothing can withstand the lightning of -the sky, the sounding winds, and Agni; by his power the gods Varuna, -Mitra, and Aryaman are victorious.[71] - -In the conception of the Indians Agni was born from the double wood; in -this he lay concealed. They kindled fire by friction. A short staff was -fixed in a round disc of wood, and whirled quickly round till fire was -kindled.[72] This process was the birth of Agni. The disc was compared -to the mother, the staff to the father; the disc was impregnated by -friction, and soon a living creature springs forth from the dry wood. At -the moment of birth this golden-haired child begins to consume his -parents; he grows up in marvellous wise, like the offspring of serpents, -without a mother to give suck. Eagerly he stretches forth his sharp -tongue to the wood of the sacrifices; with gnashing and neighing he -springs up like a horse on high, when the priests sprinkle melted -butter; streaming brightly forth, he rolls up the sacred smoke, and -touches the sky with his hair, uniting with the sun.[73] Yet not on -earth only is Agni born; he is born in the air and the sky by the -lightning; in the lightning he descends to earth, and he is thus the -twice-born. But as the lightning descends in the torrents of the storm, -Agni is also born from the water of the sky, and is thus the -triple-born; he is also named the bull begotten in the bed of water.[74] -"We call on Agni, who gives food, with solemn songs," we are told in a -hymn. "We choose thee as a messenger to the all-knowing; thy rising -gleam shines far into the sky. To thee, rich youth, is every sacrifice -offered; be gracious to us to-day, and for the future. Sacrifice thyself -to the mightiest gods; bring our sacrifice to the gods. Mighty as a -horse, who neighs in the battle, give rich gifts, O Agni, to the -suppliant. Bring thyself to us, O mighty one; shine, most beloved of the -gods; let the winged smoke ascend. Bring thyself to us, thou whom the -gods once gave to man upon the earth. Give us treasures; gladden us. -Come, ascending at once to help us, like Savitar; shine and protect us -from sin by knowledge; make us strong for action and life; destroy our -enemies; protect us, Agni, from the Rakshasas; protect us from the -murderer and cruel bird of prey, and from the enemy who plans our -destruction, thou shining youth. Strike down the enemies who bring no -gifts, who sharpen their arrows against us, thou who art armed with a -gleaming beam as with a club, that our enemies may never rule over us. -No one can approach thy darting, strong, fearful flames; burn the evil -spirits, and every enemy."[75] - -If Agni scared away the spirits of the night for the Aryas, they greeted -with the liveliest joy the earliest light, the approach of breaking day, -the first white rays of the dawn, which assured them that the night had -not been victorious over the light, that the daylight was returning. -These rays are for them a beautiful pair of twins, the brothers of -Ushas, the morning glow, the sons of the sky.[76] They are named the two -Açvins, _i.e._ the swift, the horsemen; and also Nasatyas, _i.e._ -apparently, the trustworthy, or guileless. Swift spirits, they hasten on -before the dawn. As they pass onward victorious against the spirits of -the night, and each morning assist the earth against the darkness, they -are the helpers and protectors of men. That this conception of the -Açvins springs from the common possession of the parent-stock of the -Indo-Europeans, is proved by the Dioscuri of the Greeks. Dioskouroi -means, "the young sons of the sky," and in the myth of the Greeks they -are the brothers of Helena, _i.e._ of the Bright one, the Light; and if, -in this myth, they live alternately in heaven and in the gloom of the -under-world, this fact is no doubt founded in the idea that the first -beams which break forth from the night belong to the darkness as much as -to the light. In the Rigveda, the Açvins are compared to two swans, two -falcons, two deer, two buffaloes, two watchful hounds. They are invoked -to harness their light cars, drawn by swan-like, falcon-like, -golden-winged horses, to descend and drink the morning offering with -Ushas (the [Greek: Auôs, Eôs] of the Greeks.) They heal the sick, the -blind, the lame, and make the old young again, and strong; they give -wealth and nourishment, they accompany ships over the wide sea, and -protect them. In invocations in the Rigveda to the Açvins, in which the -benefits done by them to the forefathers are extolled and enumerated, we -find: "Açvins, come on your chariot which is yoked with the good horses, -which flies like the falcon, and is swifter than the wind, or the -thoughts of men, on which ye visit the houses of pious men; come to our -dwelling. On the chariot, whose triple wheel hastens through the triple -world (the Indians distinguish the heaven of light, the region of the -atmosphere and the clouds, and the earth as three worlds) approach us. -Make the cows full of milk, and feed our horses, and give us goodly -progeny. Approach in swift, fair-coursing chariots; listen, ye -bounteous, to my prayer; ye Açvins, whom the men of old extol as driving -away want. The falcons, the swift-winged ones, who fly like the vultures -in the sky, may they bring you, ye Nasatyas, like water streaming from -heaven, to the sacrifice. In old days ye gave nourishment to Manu; ye -speedily brought food to Atri in the dark dungeon, and freed him from -his bonds; ye restored light to the blind Kanva, ye bounteous ones, whom -we love to praise. With your onward flying horses ye brought Bhujyu -without harm from the wide pathless sea; for Çayu, when he prayed to -you, ye filled the cow with milk, and gave to Pedu the white horse, -clear-neighing, fearful, who is victorious over enemies, and defeats -them. Even as ye were of old, we invoke you, beautiful-born, to come to -our help; come with the swift flight of the falcons to us, for I summon -you to a sacrifice prepared at the first light of the eternal dawn."[77] - -This dawn is in the hymns of the Veda a ruddy cow, a tawny mare, a -beautiful maiden, who is born anew every day, when the Açvins yoke their -chariot.[78] Many are the generations of men that she has seen, yet she -grows not old. Like a maiden robed for the dance, like a daughter -adorned by her mother, as a loving wife approaches her husband, as a -woman rising in beauty from the bath, smiling and trusting to her -irresistible charms, unveils her bosom to the eye of the beholder, so -does Ushas divide the darkness and unveil the wealth hidden therein. -From the far east she travels on her gleaming car, which the ruddy -horses and ruddy cows bring swiftly over thirty Yojanas, and illumines -the world to the uttermost end. She looses the cows (_i.e._ the bright -clouds) from the stall, and causes the birds to fly from their nests; -she awakes the five tribes (p. 30), as an active housewife wakes her -household, and sets each to his work; she passes by no house, but -everywhere kindles the sacrificial fire, and gives breath and life to -all. Occasionally the hymns call upon her to accelerate her awakening, -to linger no longer, to hasten that the sun may not wither her away.[79] -"Come, Ushas," we find in invocations, "descend from the light of the -sky on gracious paths: let the red cows lead thee into the house of the -sacrificer. The light cows bring in the gleaming Ushas; her beams appear -in the east. As bold warriors flash their swords, the ruddy cows press -on; already they are shining clear. The bright beam of Ushas breaks -through the dark veil of black night at the edge of heaven. We are -beyond the darkness. Rise up. The light is there. Thou hast opened the -path for the sun; rise up, awakening glad voices. Listen to our prayer, -O giver of all good; increase our progeny."[80] - -The god of the sun was invoked under the names Surya and Savitar -(Savitri), _i.e._ "the impeller." The first name seems to belong -specially to the rising, the second to the sinking, sun. "Already," the -hymn tells us, "the beams raise up Surya, so that all see him. With the -night, the stars retire like thieves before Surya, the all-seeing. His -beams shine clear over the nations, like glowing flames. Before gods and -men thou risest up, Surya. With thy glance thou lookest over the -nations, wanderest through heaven, the broad clouds, measuring the day -and the night. Thy chariot, bright Surya, far-seeing one with the -gleaming hair, seven yellow horses draw. Looking on thee after the -darkness, we invoke thee, the highest light. Banish the pain and fear of -my heart; pale fear we give to the thrushes and parrots. The sun of -Aditi has arisen with all his victorious power;[81] he bows down the -enemy before me."[82] A hymn says to Savitar: "I summon Savitar to -help, who calls all gods and men to their place, when he returns to the -dark heaven. He goes on the ascending path, and on the sinking one; -shining from far, he removes transgression. The god ascends the great -gold-adorned chariot, armed with the golden goad. The yellow horses with -the white feet bring on the light, drawing the golden yoke. With golden -hands Savitar advances between heaven and earth. Golden-handed, Renewer, -rich one, come to us; beat off from us the Rakshasas; come, thou who art -invoked every night on thine old firm paths through the air, which are -free from dust; protect us to-day also."[83] In an evening song to -Savitar we find: "With the swift horses which Savitar unyokes, he brings -even the course of the swift one to a stand: the weaving woman rolls up -her web; the workman stops in the middle of his work; where men dwell, -the glimmer of the house fire is spread here and there; the mother puts -the best piece before the son; he who has gone abroad for gain returns, -and every wanderer yearns for home; the bird seeks the nest, the herd -the stall. From the sky, from the water, and the earth, Savitar caused -gifts to come to us, to bless the suppliant as well as thy friend, the -minstrel, whose words sound far."[84] A third god of light, who seems to -stand in some relation to the sun, especially the setting sun, is -Pushan, _i.e._ "the nourisher." He pastures the cows of the sky, the -bright clouds, and leads them back into the stall; he never loses one; -he is the protector and increaser of cattle; he weaves a garment for the -sheep; he protects the horses; he is also lord and keeper of the path of -heaven and earth; he protects and guides the wanderers in their paths; -he brings the bride to the bridegroom, and leads the souls of the dead -into the other world.[85] - -Above the spirits of fire, of the first streaks of light, of the dawn, -and the sun, are those gods of the clear sky, with which we have already -made acquaintance, as belonging partly to the undivided possessions of -the Indo-Europeans, and partly to the undivided possessions of the Aryas -in Iran and on the Indus. Though still enthroned in the highest light -and the highest sky, these spirits are nevertheless, in the minds of the -Aryas, expelled from the central position in their religious conceptions -and worship, by a form which, though it did not spring up in the land of -the Indus, first attained this pre-eminent position among the Aryas -there. With the tribes of Iran, the god of the clear sky, the god of -light, is Mitra, the victorious champion against darkness and demons. It -is he who has overcome Veretra, the prince of the evil ones, the demon -of darkness; as a warrior-god, he is for the Iranians the god of -battles, the giver of victory. The nature of the land of the Panjab was -calculated to give a special development and peculiar traits to the -ancient conception of the struggle of the god of light against the demon -of darkness. There the pastures were parched in the height of summer, -the fields burnt, the springs and streams dried up, until at length, -long awaited and desired, the storms bring the rain. Phenomena of so -violent a nature as the tropical storms were unknown to the Aryas before -they entered this region. The deluge of water in storm and tempest, the -return of the clear sky and sunlight after the dense blackness of the -storm, could not be without influence on the existing conceptions of the -struggle with the spirits. In the heavy black clouds which came before -the storm, the Aryas saw the dark spirits, Vritra and Ahi, who would -change the light of the sky into night, quench the sun, and carry off -the water of the sky. The tempest which preceded the outbreak of the -storm, the lightning which parted the heavy clouds, and caused the rain -to stream down, the returning light of the sun in the sky, these must be -the beneficent saving acts of a victorious god, who rendered vain the -object of the demons, wrested from them the waters they had carried off, -rekindled the light of the sun, sent the waters on the earth, caused -streams and rivers to flow with renewed vigour, and gave fresh life to -the withered pastures and parched fields. These conceptions underlie the -mighty form into which the struggle of the demons grew up among the -Aryas on the Indus, the god of storm and tempest--Indra. The army of the -winds fights at his side, just as the wild army surrounds the storm-god -of the Germans. Indra is a warrior, who bears the spear; heaven and -earth tremble at the sound of his spear. This sound is the thunder, his -good spear is the lightning; with this he smites the black clouds, the -black bodies of the demons which have sucked up the water of the sky; -with it he rekindles the sun.[86] With it he milks the cows, _i.e._ the -clouds; shatters the towers of the demons, _i.e._ the tempests which -gather round the mountain top; and hurls back the demons when they would -ascend heaven.[87] "I will sing of the victories of Indra, which the god -with the spear carried off," so we read in the hymns of the Veda. "On -the mountain he smote Ahi; he poured out the waters, and let the river -flow from the mountains; like calves to cows, so do the waters hasten to -the sea. Like a bull, Indra dashed upon the sacrifice, and drank thrice -of the prepared drink, then he smote the first-born of the evil one. -When thou, Indra, didst smite them, thou didst overcome the craft of the -guileful: thou didst beget the sun, the day, and the dawn. With a mighty -cast Indra smote the dark Vritra, so that he broke his shoulders; like a -tree felled with an axe Ahi sank to the earth. The waters now run over -the corpse of Ahi, and the enemy of Indra sleeps there in the long -darkness."[88] "Thou hast opened the cave of Vritra rich in cattle; the -fetters of the streams thou hast burnt asunder."[89] - -On a golden chariot, drawn by horses, yellow or ruddy, cream-coloured or -chestnut, Indra approaches;[90] his skilful driver is Vayu, _i.e._ "the -blowing," the spirit of the morning wind,[91] which, hastening before -the morning glow, frees the nocturnal sky from dark clouds. Indra is -followed by Rudra, _i.e._ the terrible, the spirit of the mighty wind, -the destroying, but also beneficent storm, and the whistling winds, the -swift, strong Maruts, who fight with Indra against the demons. These -are twenty-seven, or thirty-six in number, the sons of Rudra. Their -chariots are drawn by dappled horses; they wear golden helmets, and -greaves, and spears on their shoulders. They dwell in the mountains, -open the path for the sun, break down the branches of the trees like -wild elephants, and when Indra has overpowered Vritra, they tear him to -pieces. To Indra, as to Mitra, horses were sacrificed, and bulls also, -and the libation of soma was offered.[92] Indra is the deity addressed -in the greater part of the poems of the Rigveda. Himself a king, hero, -and conqueror, he is invoked by minstrels to give victory to their -princes. They entreat him "to harness the shrill-neighing, -peacock-tailed pair of cream-coloured horses;" to come into the ranks of -the warriors, like a wild, terrible lion from the mountains; to approach -with sharp spear and knotty club; to give the hosts of the enemy to the -vultures for food. The warriors are urged to follow Indra's victorious -chariot, to vie with Indra: he who does not flinch in the battle will -fight before them; he will strike back the arrows of the enemies. Indra -destroys the towers and fortresses of the enemies; he casts down twenty -kings; he smites the opponents by fifties and sixties of thousands.[93] -The prayer has already been mentioned in which Indra is invoked to give -the Aryas victory against the Dasyus. "Lead us, O Indra," we read in an -invocation of the Samaveda; "let the troop of the Maruts go before the -overpowering, victorious arms of the god. Raise up the weapons, O -wealthy god; raise up the souls of our warriors; strengthen the vigour -of the strong; let the cry of victory rise from the chariots. Be with -us, Indra, when the banners wave; let our arrows be victorious; give our -warriors the supremacy; protect us, ye gods, in the battle. Fear, seize -the hearts of our enemies, and take possession of their limbs."[94] - -The old Arian conception of Mitra as the highest god of light, may still -be recognised in the Rigveda; the hymns declare that his stature -transcends the sky, and his glory spreads beyond the earth. He sustains -heaven and earth; with never-closing eyes he looks down on all -creatures. He whom Mitra, the mighty helper, protects, no evil will -touch, from far or from near; he will not be conquered or slain. A -mighty, strong, and wise king, Mitra summons men to activity.[95] Driven -back by the predominance of Indra, the functions of Mitra in the Rigveda -are found amalgamated with those of Varuna, but even in this -amalgamation the nature of light is completely victorious. In the -conception of the Arians light is not only the power that awakens and -gives health and prosperity, it is also the pure and the good, not -merely in the natural, but also in the moral sense, the true, the -honourable, just and faithful. Thus Mitra, removed from immediate -conflict with the evil spirits, is combined with Varuna, the god of the -highest heaven, and the life-giving water which springs from the heaven; -and becomes the guardian of truth, fidelity, justice, and the duties of -men to the gods. The sun is the eye of Mitra and Varuna; they have -placed him in the sky; at their command the sky is bright; they send -down the rain. Even the gods cannot withstand their will. They are the -guardians of the world; they look down on men as on herds of -cattle.[96] The light sees all, illuminates all: hence Mitra and Varuna -know what takes place on earth; the most secret thing escapes them not. -They are angry, terrible deities; they punish those who do not honour -the gods; they avenge falsehood and sin. But to those who serve them, -they forgive their transgressions. Varuna, whose special duty it is to -punish the offences of men, is entreated in the hymns, with the greatest -earnestness, to pardon transgression and sin. In the conception of the -hymns of the Rigveda, he is the highest lord of heaven and earth. In the -waters of heaven he dwells in a golden coat of mail, in his spacious -golden house with a thousand doors. He has shown to the sun his path; he -has excavated their beds for the rivers, and causes them to flow into -the sea; his breath sounds with invigorating force through the breezes. -He knows the way of the winds, and the flight of birds, and the course -of ships on the sea. He knows all things in heaven, on earth, and under -the earth. Even he who would fly further than the sky extends is not -beyond his power. He numbers the glances of the eyes of men; where two -men sit together and converse, king Varuna is a third among them.[97] He -knows the truth and falsehood of men; he knows their thoughts, and -watches them as a herdman his herd. His coils, threefold and sevenfold, -embrace them who speak lies. "May he remain unscathed by them who speak -truth," is the prayer of the invocations. "Was it for an old sin, -Varuna," we read in a prayer, "that thou wishest to destroy thy friend, -who praises thee? Absolve us from the sins of our fathers, and from -those which we committed with our own bodies. Release Vasishtha, O king, -like a thief who has feasted on stolen oxen; release him like a calf -from the rope. It was not our own doing that led us astray, O Varuna, it -was necessity (or temptation), an intoxicating draught, passion, dice, -thoughtlessness. The old is there to mislead the young; even sleep -brings unrighteousness. Through want of strength, thou strong and bright -god, have I gone wrong: have mercy, almighty, have mercy. I go along -trembling, like a cloud driven before the wind; let not us guilty ones -reap the fruit of our sin. Let me not yet enter into the house of clay, -king Varuna. Protect, O wise god, him who praises thee. Whenever we men, -O Varuna, commit an offence before the heavenly host, whenever we break -the law through thoughtlessness, have mercy, almighty, have mercy."[98] - -The chief offering which the Aryas made to the spirits of the sky, was -of ancient origin; even before they entered the land of the Indus, at -the time when they were one nation with their fellow-tribesmen of -Iran--this libation had been established. It was a drink-offering, the -juice of a mountain plant, the soma, or haoma of the Irans, which they -offered. The expressed sap of this plant, which is the _asclepias acida_ -of our botanists, mixed with milk, narcotic and intoxicating, was to the -Arya the strongest, most exhilarating liquor, a drink fit for their -gods. According to the Rigveda, a tamed falcon brought the soma from the -summit of the sky, or from the tops of the mountains, where Varuna had -placed it. The drink of the soma inspires the songs of the poet, heals -the sick, prolongs life, and makes the poor believe themselves rich. -The rites of preparing the soma were already widely developed when the -songs of the Rigveda over the offering were composed. The sacrificial -vessels were washed out with kuça-grass, and with "the sacred word," -_i.e._ with traditional forms of words. The plants of the -soma--according to the rubrics of later times, they are to be collected -by moonlight on the hills,[99]--were crushed between stones. In the Veda -we are told that the suppliants "squeeze the soma with stones." The -liquor thus obtained was then strained through a sieve, with songs and -incantations. The sieve appears to have been made out of the hairs of a -ram's tail, and the juice is pressed through it with the ten sisters, -_i.e._ with the fingers; "it rushes to the milk as fiercely as the bull -to the cow." The sound of the drops of the golden fluid falling into the -metal vessels is the roaring of the bulls, the neighing of the horses of -Indra, "the hymn of praise, which the song of the minstrel -accompanies."[100] The drink thus prepared was then placed in the -sacrificial vessel, on outspread, delicate grass, over which was laid a -cloth. Then the Açvins, Vayu, the Maruts, Indra were invoked to descend, -to place themselves at the sacrificial cloth, and drink the draught -prepared for them. According to the faith of the Aryas, Indra fights on -the side of the tribe whose soma offering he has drunk, and gives the -victory to them. The invocations to Indra, to the Maruts, and the -Açvins, who were considered mightiest and most influential in inviting -and bringing down the gods to the sacrifice, are preserved in the -Rigveda. - -It would be futile to attempt to distinguish in detail the exuberant -abundance of conceptions and pictures which the young and vigorous fancy -of the Indians has embodied in the songs of the Veda. One poetical idea -presses on another; scarcely a single image is retained for any length -of time, so that we not unfrequently receive the impression of a -restless variety, of uncertain effort, of flux and confusion. On the -other hand, it is impossible to deny that in these poems there is a -freshness and vigour of thought, a wide sympathy and moral earnestness. -Beside the most lively conceptions of the phenomena of the heavens, the -formation of clouds and storms; besides deep delight in nature, and a -sensuous view of natural life, we find attempts to form a comprehensive, -exhaustive idea of the nature of God, the beginnings of reflection and -abstraction. If this contrast proves that the poems of the Veda were -divided in their origin by intervals of time, we can hardly be wrong if -we look upon the _naïve_, coarse and sensuous conceptions as the older, -and the attempts at combination and abstraction as of later origin. Yet -the basis of that conception of moral purity, of the just avenging power -of the high deities of light, Mitra and Varuna, cannot be regarded as of -later date, since it occurs also in the Mitra of the Iranians. We can -hardly find a more _naïve_ conception than the view expressed in the -poems of the Veda that the sacrifice not only gives food and drink to -the hungry deities, but also gives them the power to fulfil their -duties. The offering of soma strengthens Indra in the battles which he -has to fight against the evil spirits; it invigorates him for the -struggle against the enemies of the tribe whose offering he drinks. The -god requires strength for the contest; and this, according to the -peculiar view of the Indians, is increased by the offering of soma made -to him. And not only does the offering give strength, it inspires the -god for battle. Just as men sought courage in drinking, so does Indra -drink courage from the sacrificial goblet. If Indra is to give wealth -and blessing, if he is to fight victoriously his ever-recurring struggle -against Vritra and Ahi, to win the fructifying moisture, and contend in -the ranks of the tribe, the "honey-sweet" soma must be prepared for him -without ceasing, he must be invoked to harness his horses, and place -himself at the meal of the sacrifice, and exhilarate himself with the -drink prepared for him; in his exhilaration, victory over the demons is -certain; he will fight invincibly before the ranks of his friends. His -enemies, we are told of Indra, he overcomes in the inspiration of the -soma. "Drink, Indra, of the soma like a wise man, delighting thyself in -the mead; it is good for exhilaration. Come down, Indra, who art truly a -bull, and drink thyself full; drink the most inspiring of drinks. The -intoxicating drink of the rich gives bulls."[101] By the side of -conceptions such as this, the invocation praises the lofty power, the -sublime nature of the gods, in moving images, which attempt, to the -utmost degree, to glorify the power of the god to whom they are -addressed. They elevate him and his power above the other gods, and -concentrate the divine action in the deity to whom the prayer or -thanksgiving is made, at the expense of his divine compeers. The object -was to win by prayer and sacrifice the grace of the deity who was -invoked. In this manner Agni, Surya, Indra, Mitra, and Varuna are -celebrated as the highest deities. Of Indra we are told that none of the -gods is like him; that none can contend with him; that before him, the -thunderer, all worlds tremble. He is the lord of all; the king of the -firm land and flowing water; his power has set up the ancient hills, and -causes the streams to flow; he sustains the earth, the nourisher of all; -he has created the sky, the sun, the dawn; he has fixed the lights of -the sky; should he desire to take up both worlds--the heaven and -earth--it would be but a handful for him. Who of the seers of old has -seen the limits of his power?[102] As we have observed, the form of the -mighty storm-god which grew up in the land of the Indus, had driven back -the ancient forms of Mitra and Varuna, and thus the minstrels found a -strong tendency to unite in the mighty warrior, the thunderer, the sum -total of divine power. But Mitra and Varuna were not forgotten; and as -the warlike life fell into the back-ground, and the impulse to seize the -unity of the divine nature became stronger, these ancient forms were in -their turn more easily idealized, and framed into a higher ethical -conception than was possible with the peculiarly warlike nature of -Indra. In the songs of praise addressed to Varuna, which have been -quoted, it is impossible not to see the effort to concentrate in him as -the highest god the highest divine power. - -If in the conception of the gods in the Veda we find besides sensuous -views important ethical elements, and traits transcending sense, we also -find in the worship of the Aryas, in the relation of man to the gods, a -certain simplicity coexisting with sharply defined ethical perception. -Men pray to the gods for protection against the evil spirits, for the -preservation and increase of the herd, for help in sickness, and long -life, for victory in battle. It is allowed that sacrifices are offered -in order to obtain treasures and wealth. Indra is to "give gift for -gift;" he is to send wealth "so that one may wade therein to the knee." -From this the god will obtain his advantage in turn; if Indra gives -horses, chariots and bulls, sacrifices will be offered without -ceasing.[103] Like flies round a jar of honey, we are told in another -place, do the suppliants sit round the bowl of the offering; as a man -sets his foot in the chariot, so does the host of minstrels longing for -treasure place their confidence in Indra.[104] In a hymn, the minstrel -says to Indra: "If I were the lord of cattle, master of such wealth as -thou art, Indra, then would I assist the minstrel; I would not leave him -in need."[105] But, on the other hand, it is emphatically stated that -Indra rejects the wicked, as a man spurns a toadstool with his -foot;[106] that no evil is concealed from Mitra and Varuna. It is left -to Indra to give to the sacrificer whatever he considers best and most -valuable; he is entreated to instruct the sacrificer, to give him -wisdom, as a father to his child.[107] Stress is laid on the fact that -sacrifice can remove a multitude of sins, and purify him who offers it, -and we saw how earnestly Varuna was invoked to forgive the guilt that -had been incurred. - -The _naïve_ conception that the god drank vigour and courage out of the -sacrificial bowl is developed among the Aryas in a very peculiar manner. -From this fact they derived the idea that the sacrifice gave power to -the gods generally to increase their strength; that the gods "grew" by -prayer and sacrifice. Thus we read: "The suppliants, extolling Indra by -their songs of praise, have strengthened him, to slay Ahi. Increase, O -hero Indra, in thy body, praised with piety, and impelled by our -prayers. The hymns whet thy great strength, thy courage, thy power, thy -glorious thunder-club."[108] As it is men who offer sacrifice to the -gods, this conception gives mankind a certain power over the deities; -it lies with them to strengthen the gods by sacrifice and gifts; they -can compel the gods to be helpful to them, if only they understand how -to invoke them rightly. The holy words, _i.e._ the invocations, are, in -the conception of the Veda, "a voyage which leads to heaven." Hence -those who are acquainted with the correct mode of prayer and offering -become magicians, who are in a position to exercise force over the gods. -The idea that man has power to compel the gods is very _naïve_, -childlike, and childish; in its most elementary form it lies at the root -of fetishism. In other nations also great weight is laid on the correct -mode of offering sacrifices, as the essential condition of winning the -grace of the gods; but the conception that a hearing must attend a -sacrifice and prayer correctly made is far more strongly present in the -Indians, than in any other civilised people. Yet the hymns of the Veda -are far above fetishism, which attempts to exercise direct external -compulsion upon the gods. The Indian faith is rather that this effect is -obtained not merely by the custom of sacrifice, but by the intensity of -invocation, by the power of meditation, by elevation of spirit, by the -passionate force of prayer, which will not leave the god till he has -given his blessing. It is inward, not outward compulsion that they would -exercise. Developed in a peculiar direction, this mode of conception is -of deep and decisive importance for the religious and civic views of the -Indians. - -The power ascribed to the sacrificial prayers of bringing down the gods -from heaven; the eager desire of every man to invite the gods -effectually to his own sacrifice, in order that he may scorn the -sacrifice of his enemy; the notion that it was possible by the correct -and pleasing invocation to disturb the sacrifice of the enemy and make -it inoperative, had their natural effect. The singers of these prayers, -who knew the strongest forms of invocation, or could "weave" them--the -priests--early obtained a position of importance. It has been already -remarked what rich presents they boast to have received from the -princes. The minstrel Kakshivat tells us that king Svanaya had presented -him with one hundred bars of gold, ten chariots with four horses each, a -hundred bulls and a thousand cows.[109] Other songs advise the princes -to place before them a pious suppliant at the sacrifice, and to reward -him liberally. These suppliants or priests were called _purohita_, -_i.e._ "men placed before." "He dwells happily in his house," we are -told; "to him the earth brings fruit at all times; to that king all -families willingly give way, who is preceded by the suppliant; that king -is protected by the gods, who liberally rewards the suppliant who seeks -food."[110] The invocations which have drawn down the gods and have -obtained an answer to the prayer of the sacrificer, are repeatedly used, -and handed down by the minstrel to his descendants. This explains the -fact that even in the Veda we find these families of minstrels; that -some of the hymns are said to spring from the ancestors of these races, -while others are mentioned as the new compositions of members of these -families; that the supposed ancestors are considered the first and -oldest minstrels and suppliants, and have already become mythical and -half-divine forms, of whom some kindled the first sacrificial fire, and -offered the first sacrifice with Manu, the progenitor of the Aryas. - -The hymns of the Veda make frequent mention of the dead. They are -invited to the sacrificial meal; they are said to sit at the fire; to -eat and drink the gifts set before them on the grass. Those who have -attained "life," are entreated to protect the invocations of their -descendants, to ward off the evil spirits, to give wealth to their -descendants. We know from a later period that daily libations were -offered "to the fathers," and special gifts were given at the new moon; -that a banquet of the dead was kept. In Iran also similar honours were -given to the spirits of the dead. Yama, who first experienced death, who -ascended from the depths of the earth to the summit of heaven, has -discovered the path for mortals (p. 31). He dwells with Varuna in the -third heaven, the heaven of light. To him, in this heaven of light, come -the heroes who are slain in battle, the pious who are distinguished by -sacrifices and knowledge, who have trodden the path of virtue, who have -observed justice and have been liberal, _i.e._ all those who have lived -a holy and pure life, and have thus purified their own bodies. In this -body of light they walk in the heaven of Yama. According to the -Mahabharata, the heroes and saints of ancient days shine in heaven in a -light of their own (chapter viii.). In the heaven of Yama is milk, -butter, honey, and soma, the drink of the gods, in large vats.[111] Here -the weak no longer pay tribute to the strong;[112] here those whom death -has separated are again united; here they live with Yama in feasting and -rejoicing. The souls of the wicked, on the other hand, fall into -darkness.[113] According to an old commentary on the Rigveda, the heaven -of Yama is in the South-east, one thousand days journey on horse from -the earth.[114] - -The Aryas buried their dead, a custom which was also observed in old -time among the Arians of Iran. A form of words, to be spoken at the -burial, which is preserved among the more recent hymns of the Veda, -shows that even at this period burial was practised. The bow was taken -from the hand of the dead; a sacrifice was offered, in which the widow -of the dead and the wives of the family took part, and during the -ceremony a stone was set up as a symbol between the dead and the living. -"Get thee gone, death, on thy way,"--such is this form of words--"which -lies apart from the way of the gods. Thou seest, thou canst hear what I -say to thee; injure not the children nor the men. I set this wall of -separation (the stone) for those that live, that no one may hasten to -that goal; they must cover death with this rock, and live a hundred -autumns. He comes to a length of years, free from the weakness of age. -The women here, who are wives not widows, glad in their husbands, -advance with sacrificial fat and butter, and without tears; cheerful, -and beautifully adorned, they climb the steps of the altar. Exalt -thyself, O woman, to the world of life. The breath of him, by whom thou -art sitting, is gone; the marriage with him who once took thy hand, and -desired thee, is completed. I take the bow out of the hand of the -dead--the symbol of honour, of courage, of lordship. We here and thou -there, we would with force and vigour drive back every enemy and every -onset. Approach to mother earth; she opens to receive thee kindly; may -she protect thee henceforth from destruction. Open, O earth; be not too -narrow for him; cover him like the mother who folds her son in her -garment. Henceforth thou hast thy house and thy prosperity here; may -Yama procure thee an abode there."[115] - -The Arians in Iran gave up the burial of their corpses, and exposed them -on the mountains; the Arians on the Indus burnt them. For some time -burial and cremation went on side by side in the valley of the Indus. -"May the fathers," we are told in an invocation, "have joy in our -offering whether they have undergone cremation or not."[116] In other -prayers Agni is entreated to do no harm to the dead, to make the body -ripe, to carry the "unborn" part into heaven where the righteous keep -festival with the gods; where Yama says: "I will give this home to the -man who comes hither if he is mine."[117] "Warm, O Agni," so we are told -in one of these prayers, "warm with thy glance and thy glow the immortal -part of him; bear it gently away to the world of the righteous. Let him -rejoin the fathers, for he drew near to thee with the libation of -sacrifice. May the Maruts carry thee upwards and bedew thee with rain. -May the wise Pushan (p. 47) lead thee hence, the shepherd of the world, -who never lost one of his flock. Pushan alone knows all those spaces; he -will lead us on a secure path. He will carefully go before as a lamp, a -complete hero, a giver of rich blessing. Enter, therefore, on the old -path on which our fathers have gone. Thou shalt see Varuna and Yama, -the two kings, the drinkers of libations. Go to the fathers; there abide -with Yama in the highest heaven, even as thou well deservest. On the -right path escape the two hounds--the brood of Sarama--of the four eyes. -Then proceed onward to the wise fathers who take delight in happy union -with Yama. Thou wilt find a home among the fathers; prosper among the -people of Yama. Surround him, Yama, with thy protection against the -hounds who watch for thee, the guardians of thy path, and give him -health and painless life. With wide nostrils, eager for men, with -blood-brown hair, Yama's two messengers go round among men. O that they -may again grant us the pleasant breath of life to-day, and that we may -see the sun!"[118] In other invocations of the Rigveda the object of the -prayer is "to reach to the imperishable, unchangeable world, where is -eternal light and splendour; to become immortal, where king Vaivasvata -(Yama) dwells, where is the sanctuary of heaven, where the great waters -flow, where is ambrosia (_amrita_) and peacefulness, joy and delight, -where wishes and desires are fulfilled."[119] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[49] Max Müller, "Hist. of Sanskrit Liter." p. 481 ff. Kaegi, "Rigveda," -1, 9 ff. - -[50] Roth, "Literatur des Veda," s. 120. - -[51] In the later hymns of the Rigveda, Angiras and Bhrigu are combined -with other sages and minstrels of old time into a septad of saints (10, -109, 4), and designated the great saints. They are, beside Bhrigu and -Angiras, Viçvamitra, Vasishtha, Kaçyapa, Atri, Agastya. The eight saints -from whom the eight tribes of the Brahman priests now in existence are -derived are: Jamadagni, Gautama, Bharadvaja, Viçvamitra, Vasishtha, -Kaçyapa, Atri, Agastya. Jamadagni is said to have sprung from Bhrigu; -Gautama and Bharadvaja from Angiras. - -[52] Muir, "Sanskrit texts," 3, 117 ff.; 121 ff. - -[53] A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 1. 88. - -[54] Muir, "Sanskrit texts," 1^2, 160 ff. - -[55] Kuhn in Weber, "Ind. Stud." 1. 202. The Çatapatha-Brahmana (Weber, -"Ind. Stud." 1. 161) tells us that Manu, when washing his hands in the -morning, took a fish in his hands, which said to him--"Spare me, and I -will save thee; a flood will wash away all creatures." The fish grew to -a monstrous size, and Manu brought him to the ocean; and it bid Manu -build a ship, and embark on the ocean. When the flood rose, the fish -swam beside the ship, and Manu attached it by a rope to the horn of the -fish. Thus the ship passed over the northern mountains. And the fish -told Manu that he had saved him, and bade him fasten the ship to a tree. -So Manu went up as the waters sank from the northern hills. The flood -carried away all creatures; Manu alone remained. Eager for posterity, -Manu offered sacrifice, and threw clarified butter, curdled milk, and -whey into the water. After a year a woman rose out of the water, with -clarified butter under her feet. Mitra and Varuna asked her whether she -was their daughter, but she replied that she was the daughter of Manu, -who had begotten her, and she went to Manu and told him that he had -begotten her by the sacrifice which he had thrown into the water. He was -to conduct her to the sacrifice, and he would then receive posterity and -herds. And Manu did so, and lived with her with sacrifice and strict -meditation, and through her began the posterity of Manu. Cf. M. Müller, -"Hist. of Sanskrit Liter." p. 425 ff. The later form of the Indian -legend of the flood is found in an episode of the Maha-bharata. Here the -fish appears to Manu when he is performing some expiatory rites on the -shore of a river. The fish grew so mighty that Manu was compelled to -bring it into the Ganges, and when it became too large for this into the -ocean. When swimming in the ocean the fish announced the flood, and bade -Manu and the seven saints (Rishis) ascend the ship, and take with them -all kinds of seeds. Then the fish drew the ship attached to his horn -through the ocean, and there was no more land to be seen; for several -years all was water and sky. At last the fish drew the ship to the -highest part of the Himavat, and with a smile bade the rishis bind the -ship to this, which to this day bears the name of Naubandhana -(ship-binding). Then the fish revealed himself to the seven saints as -Brahman, and commanded Manu to create all living creatures, gods, -Asuras, and men, and all things movable and immovable; which command -Manu performed. The legend overlooks the fact that the new creation was -unnecessary, as we have already been told that Manu brought seeds of -everything on board ship. The poems of the Rigveda present no trace of -the legend of the flood. It may have arisen in the land of the Ganges, -from the experience of the floods there, unless it is simply borrowed -from external sources. In any case it is of later date; the -Çatapatha-Brahmana is one of the later Brahmanas. Weber, "Ind. Stud." 9, -423; Kuhn, "Beiträge," 4, 288. I cannot follow De Gubernatis, "Letture," -p. 228, ff, _seqq._ - -[56] Kaegi, "Rigveda," 2, 58. - -[57] On the Bhrigus see A. Weber, "Z. D. M. G." 9, 240. Kuhn, -"Herabkunft," s. 21 ff. - -[58] On the Sarayu, which is mentioned, "Rigveda," 4, 30, 14, and 10, -64, 9, cf. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 644. - -[59] "Rigveda," 1, 126, 1; 8, 21, 18. - -[60] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 451, 456. - -[61] "Rigveda," 7, 18, 2; in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 455. - -[62] "Rigveda," 1, 28, 5; 6, 47, 29. - -[63] "Rigveda." 6, 75, in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 469, 471. - -[64] Roth, "Das lied des Arztes," "Rigveda," 10, 97. "Z. D. M. G." 1871, -645. - -[65] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 457, 461, 465. - -[66] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 463. - -[67] "Rigveda," 10, 21, 5. Above, p. 29. - -[68] "Rigveda," 1, 94, 7; 1, 140, 1. - -[69] "Samaveda," by Benfey, 2, 7, 2, 1. - -[70] "Samaveda," by Benfey, 1, 1, 2, 2; 1, 1, 1, 9. - -[71] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 212 ff. - -[72] Kuhn, "Herabkunft des Feuers," s. 23 ff., 36 ff., 70 ff. - -[73] Kaegi, "Rigveda," 1, 23. - -[74] The triple birth is explained differently in the poems of the -Rigveda and in the Brahmanas. - -[75] "Rigveda," 1, 36; cf. 1, 27, 58, 76. - -[76] _Divo napata_: "Rigveda," 1, 182, 1, 4. - -[77] "Rigveda," 1, 112, 116, 117, 118, 119, according to Roth's -rendering; cf. Benfey's translation, "Orient," 3, 147 ff. - -[78] "Rigveda," 1, 92; 1, 30; 4, 52; 10, 39, 12. - -[79] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 193 ff. - -[80] "Rigveda," 1, 49; 1, 92; 1, 2, 5; 1, 113, 19 in Benfey's rendering, -"Orient," 1, 404; 2, 257; 3, 155. The three skilful Ribhus, who are -frequently mentioned in the Rigveda, are assistants of the spirits of -light. They assist the gods to liberate the cows, which the spirits of -the night have fastened in the rock-stable, _i.e._ the bright clouds. - -[81] The spirits of light are called sons of Aditi, _i.e._ of the -Eternal, Unlimited, Infinite; seven or eight sons are ascribed to her; -Hillebrandt, "Die Göttin Aditi." Originally Aditi meant, in mythology, -merely the non-ending, the imperishable, in opposition to the perishable -world, and the gods are called the sons of immortality because they -cannot die. Darmesteter, "Haurvatat," p. 83. - -[82] "Rigveda," 1, 50, according to Sonne's translation in Kuhn, "Z. V. -Spr." 12, 267 ff.; cf. Benfey's rendering, "Orient," 1, 405. - -[83] "Rigveda," 1, 35, according to Roth's translation; cf. Benfey, -"Orient," 1, 53. - -[84] "Rigveda," 2, 38, according to Roth's translation, "Z. D. M. G." -1870, 306 ff. - -[85] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 171 ff. Kaegi, "Rigveda," 2, 43. - -[86] Kuhn, "Herabkunft des Feuers," s. 66. - -[87] "Rigveda," 1, 51, 5; 2, 12, 12. - -[88] "Rigveda," 1, 32, according to Roth's translation; cf. Benfey, -"Orient," 1, 46. - -[89] "Rigveda," 1, 11; 1, 121. - -[90] Indra is derived by Benfey from _syand_, "to flow," "to drop," in -which case we shall have to refer it to the rain-bringing power of the -god. Others have proposed a derivation from _idh_, _indh_, "to kindle;" -others from _indra_, "blue." In any case, Andra, the corresponding name -in the Rigveda, must not be left out of consideration. - -[91] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 144. - -[92] Roth, "Zwei Lieder des Rigveda, Z. D. M. G.," 1870, 301 ff. Muir, -_loc. cit._ 5, 147 ff. - -[93] "Rigveda," 4, 30; "Samaveda," Benfey, 1, 3, 2, 1. 1, 4, 1, 1. - -[94] "Samaveda," Benfey, _loc. cit._ - -[95] "Rigveda," 3, 59, in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 69. - -[96] "Rigveda," 1, 115, 1 in Benfey; "Orient," 3, 157; "Rigveda," 6, 51, -2; 7, 61, 1; 7, 63, 4; in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 157. - -[97] "Atharvaveda," 4, 16, according to M. Müller's translation -"Essays," 1, 40, 41. Cf. Roth, "Atharvaveda," 8. 19. - -[98] "Rigveda," 7, 86, 89, according to Müller's rendering, "Essays," 1, -38, 39; cf. Muir's translation, _loc. cit._ 5, 63 ff. [who reads "like -an inflated skin" for "like a cloud," etc.] - -[99] Windischmann, "Abh. der Münch. Akademie," 1847, s. 129. - -[100] "Samaveda," 1, 6, 2, 2; "Rigveda," 1, 2, 2; 1, 5, 5, and -elsewhere. - -[101] "Samaveda," Benfey, 1, 4, 1, 1; 5, 2, 4, 1, 15, and elsewhere. - -[102] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 98, ff. - -[103] "Samaveda," Benfey, 1, 3, 2, 4. - -[104] "Samaveda," 2, 8, 2, 6. - -[105] "Samaveda," 1, 4, 1, 2; 2, 9, 2, 9. - -[106] "Samaveda," 1, 6, 2, 1. - -[107] "Rigveda," 1, 32; "Samaveda," 1, 3, 2, 4. - -[108] "Rigveda," 5, 31, 10; 1, 63, 2; 2, 20, 8; 1, 54, 8. - -[109] "Rigveda," 1, 126, 2, 3. - -[110] "Rigveda," 4, 50, 8, 9. Roth, "Z. D. M. G.," 1, 77. Lassen, _loc. -cit._ 1^2, 951. - -[111] M. Müller, "Z. D. M. G.," 9, 16. These bright bodies of the -fathers led to the idea that the souls of the fathers had adorned the -heaven with stars, and that they were these stars. "Rigveda," 10, 68, -11. - -[112] "Atharvaveda," 3, 29, 3; in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 310. - -[113] Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 308, 309, 311. In the later portion of the -Rigveda, 10, 15, the old conception of the fathers is already changed. -Three classes of fathers are distinguished, and burning and non-burning -are mentioned side by side. - -[114] "Aitareya-Brahmana," 2, 17; in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 322. - -[115] "Rigveda," 10, 18; according to Roth's rendering, "Z. D. M. G.," -8, 468 ff. - -[116] "Rigveda," 10, 15, 14; in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 297. - -[117] "Atharvaveda," 18, 2, 37; in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 294. - -[118] M. Müller, "Die Todtenbestattung der Brahmanen," s. 14 ff. - -[119] "Rigveda," 9, 113, 7 ff. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE CONQUEST OF THE LAND OF THE GANGES. - - -The life of the Aryas in the Panjab was manly and warlike. From the -songs of the Rigveda we saw how familiar they were with the bow and the -chariot, how frequent were the feuds between the princes, and the -prayers offered to the gods for victory. Such a life could, no doubt, -increase the pleasure in martial achievements, and lead to further -enterprises, even if the plains and pastures of the Panjab had not been -too narrow for the inhabitants. We remember the prayer in which the -war-god was invoked to grant the Arian tribes room against the -black-skins (p. 8). As a fact the Aryas extended their settlements to -the East beyond the Sarasvati; and as on the lower Indus the broad -deserts checked any progress towards the region of the Yamuna and the -Ganges, the advance from the Sarasvati to the Yamuna must have taken -place in the North along the spurs of the Himalayas. - -From the hymns of the Rigveda we can ascertain that the Arian tribes -pressed on each other, and that the tribes settled in the East were -pushed forward in that direction by tribes in the West. Ten tribes of -the Panjab, who appear to have occupied the region of the -Iravati,[120]--the Bharatas, Matsyas, Anus, and Druhyus, are specially -mentioned among them--united for a campaign against king Sudas, the son -of Divodasa, the descendant of Pijavana, who ruled over the Tritsus on -the Sarasvati. On the side of the united tribes was the priest -Viçvamitra of the race of the Kuçikas; on the side of the Tritsus the -family of Vasishtha.[121] The Bharatas, Matsyas, Anus, and Druhyus, must -have crossed the Vipaça and the Çatadru in order to attack the Tritsus. -The Rigveda mentions a prayer addressed by Viçvamitra to these two -streams. "Forth from the slopes of the mountains; full of desire, like -horses loosed in the course, like bright-coloured cows to their calves, -Vipaça and Çatadru hasten with their waves. Impelled by Indra, seeking -an outlet to the sea, ye roll onward like warriors in chariots of war: -in united course with swelling waves ye roll into each other, ye clear -ones. Listen joyfully to my pleasant speech, for a moment. O abounding -in waters, halt on your steps to the sea. With strong earnestness, -crying for help, I entreat you, I, the son of Kuçika. Listen to the -minstrel, ye sisters; he has come from far with horse and chariot. -Incline yourselves, that ye may be crossed; your waves, ye streams, -must not reach the axles. When the Bharatas have crossed you, the -mounted host, goaded by Indra, then run on in your renewed course." -After the two rivers were crossed a battle took place. Viçvamitra -uttered the prayer for the Bharatas: "Indra, approach us with manifold -choice help; great hero, be friendly. May he who hates us fall at our -feet; may he whom we hate, be deserted by the breath of life. As the -tree falls beneath the axe, as a man breaks asunder a husk, as a boiling -kettle throws off the foam, so deal thou, O Indra, with them. These sons -of Bharata, O Indra, know the battle. They spur their horses; they carry -the strong bow like an eternal enemy, looking round in the battle."[122] - -In spite of the prayer of Viçvamitra the Bharatas and their confederates -were defeated; Sudas was even able to invade their land, to capture and -plunder several places. The song of victory of the Tritsus, which a -minstrel of Sudas may have composed after their success, runs thus: "Two -hundred cows, two chariots with women, allotted as booty to Sudas, I -step round with praises, as the priests step round the place of -sacrifice. To Sudas Indra gave the flourishing race of his enemies, the -vain boasters among men. Even with poor men Indra has done marvellous -deeds; by the weak he has struck down the lion-like. With a needle Indra -has broken spears; all kinds of good things he has given to Sudas. Ten -kings, holding themselves invincible in battle, could not strive against -Sudas, Indra, and Varuna; the song of them who brought food-offerings -was effectual. Where men meet with raised banner in the battle-field, -where evil of every kind happens, where all creatures are afraid, there -have ye, Indra and Varuna, spoken (words of) courage above us, as we -looked upwards. The Tritsus in whose ranks Indra entered went onward -like downward streaming water: their enemies, like hucksters when -dealing, leave all their goods to Sudas. As Sudas laid low twenty-one -enemies in glorious strife, as the sacrificer strews holy grass on the -place of sacrifice, so did Indra the hero pour out the winds. Sixty -hundred of the mounted Anus and Druhyus perished; sixty and six heroes -fell before the righteous Sudas. These are the heroic deeds, all of -which Indra has done. Without delay, Indra destroyed all the fortresses -of the enemy, and divided the goods of the Anus in battle to the -Tritsus. The four horses of Sudas, the coursers worthy of praise, richly -adorned, stamping the ground, will bring race against race to glory. Ye -strong Maruts, be gracious to him as to his father Divodasa, preserve to -him the house of Pijavana, and let the power of the righteous king -continue uninjured." In another song of the Rigveda the glory of this -victory of king Sudas is especially ascribed to Vasishtha and his sons -"in white robes with the knot on the right side" (p. 29). They were seen -surrounded in the battle of the ten kings, then Indra heard Vasishtha's -song of praise, and the Bharatas were broken like the staffs of the -ox-driver. The Vasishthas had brought the mighty Indra from far by their -soma-offering, by the power of their prayer; then had Indra given glory -to the Tritsus, and their tribes had extended.[123] - -The extension of the Aryas in the rich plains of the Yamuna and the -Ganges must in the first place have followed the course of the former -river towards the south, and then reached over the land between the two -rivers, until the immigrants arrived further and further to the east on -the banks of the Ganges. We have no historical information about the -facts of these migrations and conquests, of the occupation of the -valleys of the Yamuna, the upper and middle Ganges; we can only -ascertain that the valley of the Yamuna, and the doab of the two rivers -were first occupied and most thickly colonised. It is not till we come -lower down the course of the Ganges, that we find a large number of the -old population in a position of subjection to the Arian settlers. -Lastly, as we learn from the Indian Epos, the Aryas had not merely to -contend against the old population at the time of their settlement; nor -did they merely press upon one another, while those who came last sought -to push forward the early immigrants, as we concluded to be the case -from the hymns quoted from the Rigveda; they also engaged in conflicts -among themselves for the possession of the best land between the Yamuna -and the Ganges. In these struggles the tribes of the immigrants became -amalgamated into large communities or nations, and the successful -leaders found themselves at the head of important states. The conquest -and colonisation of such large regions, the limitation and arrangement -of the new states founded in them, could only be accomplished in a long -space of time. According to the Epos and the Puranas, _i.e._ the very -late and untrustworthy collections of Indian legends and traditions, it -was after a great war among the Aryas in the doab of the Yamuna and -Ganges, in which the family of Pandu obtained the crown of the Bharatas -on the upper Ganges, that the commotion ceased, and the newly founded -states enjoyed a state of peace. In the Rigveda, the Bharatas are to the -west of the Vipaça, in the Epos we find them dwelling on the upper -Ganges; on the Yamuna are settled the nations of the Matsyas, and the -Yadavas; between the upper Yamuna and the Ganges are the Panchalas, -_i.e._ the five tribes; eastward of the Bharatas on the Sarayu, down to -the Ganges, are the Koçalas. Still further to the east and north of the -Ganges are the Videhas; on the Ganges itself are the Kaçis and the -Angas, and to the south of the Ganges the Magadhas. - -Are we in a position to fix even approximately the period at which the -settlement of the Aryas in the valley of the Ganges took place, and the -struggles connected with this movement came to an end? The law-book of -the Indians tells us that the world has gone through four ages; the age -of perfection, _Kritayuga_; the age of the three fires of sacrifice, -_i.e._ of the complete observance of all sacred duties, _Tritayuga_; the -age of doubt, _Dvaparayuga_, in which the knowledge of divine things -became obscured; and lastly the age of sin, the present age of the -world, _Kaliyuga_. Between the end of one period and the beginning of -the next there came in each case a period of dimness and twilight. If -this period is reckoned in, the first age lasted 4800 divine years, or -1,728,000 human years; the life of men in this age reached 400 years. -The second age lasted 3600 divine years, or 1,296,000 human years, and -life reached 300 years. The third age lasted 2400 divine years, or -864,000 human years, and men only lived to the age of 200 years. The -present age will last 1200 divine years, or 432,000 human years, and men -will never live beyond the age of 100 years.[124] This scheme is -obviously an invention intended to represent the decline of the better -world and the increase of evil, in proportion to the distance from the -divine origin. In the matter of numbers the Indians are always inclined -to reckon with large figures, and nothing is gained by setting forth the -calculations in greater detail. From the Rigveda it is clear that the -year of the Indians contained 360 days in twelve months of 30 days. In -order to bring this year into accordance with the natural time, a month -of thirty days was inserted in each fifth year as a thirteenth month -although the actual excess in five years only amounted to 26-1/4 days. -Twelve of these cycles of five years were then united into a period of -60 years, _i.e._ 12 x 5, and both the smaller and the larger periods -were called _Yuga_.[125] On this analogy the world-periods were formed. -By multiplying the age of sin by ten we get the whole duration of the -world; the perfect age is four times as long as the age of sin.[126] A -year with the gods is as long as a day with men; hence a divine year -contains 360 years of men, and the world-period, _i.e._ the great -world-year, is completed in 12 cycles each of 1000 divine years, _i.e._ -360,000 human years. In the first age, the age of perfection, Yama and -Manu walked and lived on earth with their half-divine companions (p. -30); in the age of the three fires of sacrifice, _i.e._ of the strict -fulfilment of sacred duties, lived Pururavas, who kindled the triple -sacrificial fire,[127] and the great sacrificers or minstrels, the seven -or ten Rishis (p. 29 _n._ 2); the period of darkness and doubt was the -age of the great heroes. With the priests who invented this system of -ages the period of the great heroes was naturally placed lower than that -of the great sacrificers and saints. The historical value attaching to -this scheme lies in the fact that the Epos places the great war of the -Pandus and Kurus in the period of transition between the age of doubt -and the age of evil, in the twilight of the Kaliyuga, and the Puranas in -consequence make the beginning of the reign of the first Pandu over the -Bharatas after the great war, the accession of Parikshit, coincide with -the commencement of the Kaliyuga.[128] Now according to the date of the -Puranas the Kaliyuga begins in the year 3102 B.C. On this calculation -the great movement towards the east and in the east came to an end about -this time. - -That the Indians once contented themselves with smaller numbers in -fixing the ages than those which we find in the book of the law and the -Puranas, we may conclude from the statements of the Greek Megasthenes, -who drew up his account at the court of Chandragupta (Sandrakottos) of -Magadha at the end of the fourth century B.C. This author tells us that -in ancient times the Indians were nomads, clothed in the skins of -animals, and eating raw flesh, till Dionysus came to them and taught -them the tillage of the field, the care of vines, and the worship of the -gods. On leaving India he made Spatembas king, who reigned 52 years; -after him his son Budyas reigned for 20 years, who was in turn succeeded -by his son Kradeuas, and so the sceptre descended from father to son; -but if a king died without children the Indians selected the best man to -be king. From Dionysus to Sandrakottos the Indians calculated 153 kings, -and 6402 years. In this period the line had been broken three times; the -second interruption lasted 300 years, the third 120 years.[129] What -particular rite among the Indians caused the Greeks to represent -Dionysus as visiting India and to make him the founder of Indian -civilisation, will become clear further on. Putting this aside, the -account of Megasthenes of the triple break in the series of kings shows -that the system of the four ages was in vogue among the Indians even at -that time. If Megasthenes speaks of a single line of Indian kings ruling -over the whole of India from the very beginning, the reason is obviously -that he transfers to the past the condition in which India was at the -time when he abode on the Ganges. Chandragupta did what had never been -done before; he united under his dominion all the regions of India from -the Panjab to the mouth of the Ganges, from the Himalayas to the -Vindhyas. But the close of this series of kings at which Sandrakottos is -himself placed shows us plainly that the royal line of Megasthenes is no -other than the royal line of Magadha. The Puranas of the Indians also -carry back the line of Magadha to the ancient heroes, and through them -to the progenitors of the nation. Spatembas, with whom the series of -Indian kings commences in Megasthenes, may be the Manu Svayambhuva whom -the cosmogonic systems of the priests had meanwhile placed before Manu -Vaivasvata, the son of Vivasvat. Budyas the successor of Spatembas may -have been the Budha of the Indians who is with them the father of -Pururavas, the kindler of the triple fire of sacrifice: and Pururavas -himself may be concealed under the Kradeuas of the manuscripts, which -is possibly Prareuas, the Grecised form of the Indian name. However this -may be, the statements of Megasthenes present us with far smaller and -more intelligible numbers for the periods of Indian history than those -obtained from Manu's book of the law and the Puranas.[130] - -The year in which Chandragupta conquered Palibothra, and so ascended the -throne of Magadha, can be fixed with accuracy from the accounts of -western writers. It was the year 315 B.C. As 6042 years are supposed to -elapse between Spatembas and the accession of Sandrakottos, Spatembas -must have begun to reign over the Indians in the year 6717 B.C. But this -date it is impossible to maintain. In the first place it is impossible -that 153 reigns should have filled up a space of 6400 years. This would -allow each king a reign of 42 years, or of about 38 years if we deduct -600 years for the three interruptions in the series. Moreover, the -Indian lists of kings, at any rate as we now find them in the Epos and -in the Puranas, present a smaller total of kings than 153, whether they -come down to Chandragupta himself, or to his age. From Chandragupta to -Brihadratha, the supposed founder of the race, the lists of the kings of -Magadha give 53 kings according to the lesser total and 64 according to -the larger. If to these lists we add the rulers who unite the kings of -Magadha to the family of Kuru, and those who carry back the family of -Kuru to Manu, we are still able to add no more than 28 or 38 kings -according as we take the shorter or longer lists. Hence in these lists, -instead of 153 kings, we get at most only 100, as reigning before -Chandragupta. The list given in the Vishnu Purana for the kings of the -Koçalas is somewhat longer; it enumerates 116 kings from Manu to -Prasenajit, whose reign fills the interval between 600 and 550 B.C. If -we add 10 or 14 reigns for the period between Prasenajit and the -accession of Chandragupta, the longest of the lists preserved by the -Indians would still only present 130 reigns before the time of -Chandragupta.[131] - -It is not clear from the account of Megasthenes, or at any rate from the -excerpts which have come down to us, what was the extent of the period -which elapsed between the last interruption in the list of kings and -Sandrakottos. Hence we are not in a position to ascertain the duration -of the fourth age, or Kaliyuga, as it was fixed among the Indians in his -time; we must therefore have recourse to other proofs in order to -discover whether the year given in the Puranas, 3102 B.C., may be taken -for the commencement of a new period, _i.e._ the post-epic, or historic, -in the valley of the Ganges. The fixed point from which we must start is -the year of the accession of Sandrakottos, a date rendered certain by -the accounts of the Greeks. In the period before this date, the lists of -the Brahmans taken together with the lists of Buddhists carry back the -series of the kings of Magadha, which was the most important kingdom on -the Ganges long before Sandrakottos, with tolerable certainty as far as -the year 803 B.C., _i.e._ to the beginning of the sway of the dynasty -of the Pradyotas over Magadha.[132] - -Can we ascend beyond this point? According to the Puranas, the race of -the Barhadrathas had ruled over Magadha before the Pradyotas, from -Somapi to Ripunjaya, the last of the family, and their sway had -continued 1000 years. Of this family the Vayu-Purana enumerates 21 -kings, and the Matsya-Purana 32 kings. This domination of a thousand -years is obviously a round, cyclic sum: and both in the Vayu-Purana and -the Matsya-Purana the total of the reigns given for the several rulers -of this dynasty falls below the sum of 1000 years. If we take 25 years, -the highest possible average for each reign, 21 reigns or 525 years will -only bring us to the year 1328 B.C. (803 + 525). At this date, then, the -Barhadrathas may have begun to reign over Magadha. If, on the other -hand, we keep 32 as the number of these kings, and an average of only 15 -years is allotted to the several reigns--an average usually correct in -long lists of reigns in the East--we arrive at 1283 B.C. as the date of -the beginning of the reign of the Barhadrathas (803 + 480). To this -date, or near it, we come, if we test the lists of kings supplied by the -Puranas for the series of the kings of the Koçalas and the Bharatas in -the land of the Ganges. The time at which Prasenajit was king of the -Koçalas can be fixed at the first half of the sixth century B.C. (see -below). Before him the Vishnu-Purana gives a series of 23 kings down to -the close of the great war. Twenty-three reigns, allowing an average of -25 years for each, carry us 575 years beyond the commencement of -Prasenajit, _i.e._ up to 1175 B.C. (600 + 575). In the list of the -rulers of Hastinapura, for which throne the great war was waged, -Çatanika appears as the twenty-fourth successor of Parikshit, to whom, -as we found, this throne fell, after the conclusion of the great war. As -Çatanika died about the year 600 B.C. (cf. Book VI. chap, i.), 24 reigns -of 25 years before him would bring us to the year 1200 B.C. as the -beginning of the year of Parikshit. The statement of the Puranas that he -ascended the throne in the year 3102 B.C. and that the Kaliyuga began -with that year cannot therefore be maintained. And this date is -contradicted not only by the results of an examination of the lists of -the kings of Magadha, of the Koçalas and Bharatas, but also by a -statement in the Vishnu-Purana. This tells us that, from the beginning -of the Kaliyuga to the date when the first Nanda ascended the throne of -Magadha, a period of 1015 years elapsed.[133] The accession of this king -we can place with tolerable certainty in the year 403 B.C.; and thus, -even on the evidence of the Vishnu-Purana, the Kaliyuga began in the -year 1418 B.C., and Parikshit ascended the throne of the Bharatas in -that year. It is not impossible, therefore, that the 32 reigns which the -Matsya-Purana gives to the Barhadrathas may have filled up the time from -the year 1418 to the year 803 B.C. (615 years).[134] Before the first -Barhadrathas, Sahadeva, Jarasandha, and Brihadratha are said to have -reigned over Magadha. Hence the foundation of the kingdom of Magadha -would have to be placed, at the earliest, in the year 1480 B.C., and not -earlier; but rather, if we follow the comparison of the parallel reigns -as above, a century later. If the great movement towards the east and in -the east was brought to an end at the accession of Parikshit and the -commencement of the Kaliyuga in the year 1418 B.C., and thus in the -course of the fifteenth or fourteenth century the foundation could be -laid for the kingdom of Magadha, _i.e._ for a great civic community far -to the east, the migration into the regions of the Yamuna and the upper -Ganges must have commenced at the least about the year 1500 B.C. We have -already referred to the fact that the colonisation of such extensive -districts, the foundation and fortification of large kingdoms in them, -which was moreover rendered still more difficult by severe contests -among the immigrants, could not have been the work of a few decades of -years. - -If the immigration of the Aryas into the land of the Ganges took place -about 1500 B.C. we should have a point whereby to fix the time at which -the hymns of the Veda were composed, for in them, as has been already -remarked, the Ganges is rarely mentioned. The great number of the hymns -must therefore have received the form in which they were retained and -handed down by the families of minstrels before the year 1500 B.C. The -period of migration brought with it more serious and earnest tasks than -had occupied the Aryas in the Panjab. The struggles against the old -population, the wars of the newly-established states with one another, -claimed the whole power of the emigrants. Hence the duties of the -sacrificial songs or of hymns of thanksgiving were thrown into the -background by the imperative necessities of the moment. Men were -contented with the invocations of the gods which lived in the memory of -the minstrel-families, and had been brought from the ancient home. The -minstrels also, who led the emigrant princes and tribes, naturally gave -their attention to songs of war and victory--songs of which the fragment -preserved from the wars of the Bharatas against the Tritsus is an -example (p. 67). When at length the period of emigration, of settlement, -and struggle was over, with the advent of more peaceful times, the -excitement of the moment gave place to reflection and to the remembrance -of the great deeds of the ancestors. The inspired flights, the pressure -of immediate feeling which had prompted the songs before the battle and -after the victory, were followed by a more peaceful and narrative tone. -Hence grew up a series of songs of the marvels and deeds of the heroes -who had conquered the land in the Yamuna and Ganges, and had founded -states and cities there. As the heroes and events thus celebrated passed -into the background, as the intervening periods became wider, the -greater was the tendency of this mass of song to gather round a few -great names and incidents. The less prominent forms and struggles -disappeared, and in the centuries which followed the strain of -settlement and establishment an artificial culture of this warlike -minstrelsy united the whole recollections of the heroic times into the -narrative of the great war, the Mahabharata. - -If we could present to ourselves this Epos of the Indians in the form -which it may have assumed two or three centuries after the close of the -great migrations and struggles, _i.e._ about the eleventh century B.C., -it would still be a valuable source of historical knowledge. We could -not indeed have taken the occurrences described in it as historical -facts, without criticism, but we should have possessed a tradition of -which the outline would have been approximately correct, and a -description of manners historically true for the period when the poems -arose and were thrown into shape--though untrue for the period depicted -in the poem--after deducting what was due to the idealism of the poet. -Unfortunately, repeated revisions and alterations have almost effaced -the original lines; each new stage of civilisation attained by the -Indians has eagerly sought to infuse its ideas and conceptions into the -national tradition; older and later elements lie side by side often -without any attempt at reconciliation, sometimes in direct opposition. -The original warlike character of the poetry is forced into the -background by the priestly point of view of a later age. In the poems in -their present form there is none of that freshness of feeling and -impression which is so vividly expressed in the prayers of the priests -of the Bharatas, and the songs of the Tritsus; there is no immediate -recollection at work. The effort to comprise all the stories and legends -of the nation into a whole, to bring forward in these poems, as in a -pattern and mirror of virtue, every lesson of religion and morals, and -unite them into one great body of doctrine, has swelled the Indian Epos -into a heavy and enormous mass, an encyclopĉdia, in which it is not -possible without great labour to discover the connecting links of the -narrative in the endless chaos of interpolations and episodes, the -varying accounts of one and the same event. The Epos has thus become a -tangle in which we cannot discover the original threads. It received its -present form in the last centuries B.C.[135] - -In the poem of the great war once waged by the kings of the Aryas on the -Yamuna and the upper Ganges the Tritsus are no longer found on the -Sarasvati or the Yamuna. The enemies at this period are the Matsyas and -the Bharatas, the former on the Yamuna, the latter further to the east -on the upper Ganges. The Tritsus have been forced further to the east, -and have become lost among the Koçalas, who are situated on the Sarayu, -or have taken that name; at any rate, the name of Sudas appears in the -genealogical table of the rulers of the Koçalas, and in the Ramayana, as -in other traditions, Vasishtha, who (or whose family) then gained -victory by his prayers for Sudas, is the wisest priest among the -Koçalas.[136] Hence we may conclude that at a later time the Bharatas -were more fortunate in their advance to the east. The struggle for their -country and throne is the central point in the poem. According to the -Mahabharata the rulers of the Bharatas spring from Manu. With Ila, the -daughter of Manu, Budha the son of the moon, begot the 'pious' -Pururavas, _i.e._ the far-famed. Pururavas is succeeded by Ayus, -Nahusha, and Yayati. From Yayati's elder sons, Anu, Druhyu, Yadu, spring -the Anus, the Drahyus, and the Yadavas,[137] of whom we already have the -two first as confederates of the Bharatas.[138] Yayati was followed on -the throne by his youngest son Puru. Dushyanta, one of the successors of -Puru, married Çakuntala, the daughter of the priest Viçvamitra. To him -she bore Bharata, who reduced all nations, and was lord of the whole -earth. After Bharata, Bhumanyu, Suhotra, Ajamidha, and Samvarana, -occupied the throne of Hastinapura, the chief city of the kingdom on the -upper Ganges.[139] In Samvarana's reign the kingdom was attacked by -droughts, famine, and pestilence; and the king of the Panchalas advanced -with a mighty host, and conquered Samvarana in the battle, who fled with -his wife Tapati, his children and dependants, to the west, and took up -his abode in a forest hut in the neighbourhood of the Indus. There the -Bharatas lived for a long time, protected by the impenetrable country. -Afterwards Samvarana reconquered the glorious city which he had -previously inhabited, and Tapati bore him Kuru, whom the nation chose to -be king. Kuru was succeeded on the throne of Hastinapura by Viduratha, -Anaçvan, Parikshit, Pratiçravas, Pratipa and Çantanu. - -The names which the poem places at the head of the genealogical tree of -the rulers of the Bharatas are taken from the Veda. Yayati, like -Pururavas, is commended in the Rigveda as a sacrificer. The name of -Yayati's son, Puru, is borrowed from a name which in the Veda designates -the Bharatas, who in these poems are variously called Purus and -Bharatas.[140] The tribes of the Anus, and the Druhyus, whom the Rigveda -presented to us as confederates of the Bharatas, are in the Epos united -with them by their ancestors. We have become acquainted with Viçvamitra -as a priest and minstrel of the Bharatas, when they crossed the Vipaça -against the Tritsus. In the Epos a descendant of Puru begets Bharata, -_i.e._ the second eponymous hero of the tribe, with the daughter of -Viçvamitra. In order to glorify the position of this priest, and secure -his blessing for the royal race of the Puru-Bharatas, he becomes, in the -Epos, by his daughter, the progenitor of king Bharata, to whom at the -same time is ascribed the dominion over the whole earth. Thus far, it is -obvious, the Epos goes to work upon the names of the tribes, and changes -them into the names of heroes or kings. Apart from any poetical -exaggeration, the wide dominion of the mythical king Bharata is, no -doubt, an anticipation of the predominance to which the Bharatas -attained at a later time on the upper Ganges. At any rate, according to -the Epos, Samvarana, the descendant of Bharata, was compelled to return -once more to the Indus, and there take up his abode for a long time. The -statement that it is the Panchalas who conquer Samvarana is no doubt an -invention based on the attitude of the Panchalas towards the Bharatas in -the great war (p. 88). With Kuru, the successor of Samvarana, it is -obvious that a new dynasty begins to reign over the Bharatas. This is -obviously the first dynasty, whose achievements were widely felt, to -which the Epic poetry could attach itself. Owing to his justice, Kuru is -chosen by the nation of the Bharatas to be their king; this, of itself, -is evidence of a new beginning. But Kuru is also said to be of divine -origin, like Pururavas, the progenitor of his supposed ancestors. -Pururavas is the child of the son of the moon and the daughter of Manu; -Kuru is the child of Samvarana and the sister of Manu, the daughter of -the god of light. Manu was the son of Vivasvat (p. 30); Tapati, the -mother of Kuru, is the daughter of Vivasvat.[141] The name Kurukshetra, -_i.e._ land or kingdom of Kuru, which adheres to the region between the -Drishadvati and the Yamuna, is evidence that the Bharatas, under the -guidance of the kings descended from Kuru, first conquered this region -and settled in it. When they had been there long enough to give to the -country as a lasting name a title derived from their kings, they -extended their settlements from the Yamuna further to the north-east. -Here, on the upper Ganges, Hastinapura became the abode of their kings -of the stock of Kuru, whose name now passed over to the people, so that -the Bharatas, who, in the Veda, are called Purus and Bharatas, are now -called Kurus after their royal family. With the Bharatas, or soon after -them, other Arian tribes advance to the Yamuna; here we meet in the Epos -the tribes which, according to the Rigveda, once fought with the -Bharatas against the Tritsus, the Matsyas, and the Yadavas, the latter -lower down on the Yamuna. Hence we may conclude with tolerable certainty -that the Bharatas, under the guidance of the Kurus, succeeded in driving -further to the east the tribes which had previously emigrated in that -direction--the Tritsus (_i.e._ the Koçalas), Angas, Videhas, and -Magadhas (as they were afterwards called), and that it was the family of -the Kurus who established the first extensive dominion among the Indians -on the upper Ganges. It is the struggles of the tribes, who once in part -united with the Bharatas, and followed them into the valley of Yamuna, -against the kingdom of the Kurus which are described in the Mahabharata. - -Çantanu, the descendant of Kuru, had a son Bhishma, so we are told in -this poem. When Çantanu was old he wished to marry a young wife, -Satyavati; but her parents refused their consent, because the sons of -their daughter could not inherit the throne. Then Bhishma vowed never to -marry, and to give up his claim to the throne. Satyavati became the wife -of Çantanu, and bore him two sons. The oldest of these Bhishma placed, -after Çantanu's death, on the throne, and, when he fell in war, he -placed the younger son, Vijitravirya, to whom he married two daughters -of the king of the Kaçis, a people situated on the Ganges (in the -neighbourhood of Varanasi or Benares). But the king died without -children. Anxious that the race of Kuru should not die out, Satyavati -bade the wise priest Vyasa, the son of her love, whom she had borne -before her marriage with Çantanu, raise up children to the two widows of -Vijitravirya. When the first widow saw the holy man approach by the -light of the lamp, with knots in his hair, with flashing eyes, and bushy -brows, she trembled and closed her eyes. The second widow became pale -with fear; and so it befell that the son of the first, Dhritarashtra, -was born blind, and the son of the second, Pandu, was a pale man. -Bhishma took both under his care. He married Dhritarashtra to Gandhari, -the daughter of the king of the Gandharas, on the Indus; for Pandu he -chose the daughter of a prince of the Bodshas, Kunti; and with gold and -precious stones, Bhishma also purchased for him a second wife, Madri, -the sister of the prince of the Madras. As Dhritarashtra was blind, -Bhishma made Pandu king of Hastinapura, and he became a mighty warrior; -under him the kingdom was as powerful as under Bharata. But he loved -hunting even more than war. He went with his wives to the Himalayas in -order to hunt, and there he died at an early age. The blind -Dhritarashtra now reigned over the Bharatas. His wife Gandhari had first -borne him Duryodhana and then ninety-nine sons; but on the same day on -which Duryodhana saw the light Kunti had borne Yudhishthira to Pandu, -and after him Arjuna and Bhima. Madri bore twins to Pandu, Nakula and -Sahadeva. With these five sons Kunti returned to Hastinapura after -Pandu's death. Dhritarashtra received them into the palace, and they -became strong and brave, and showed their power and skill in arms at a -great tournament, which Dhritarashtra caused to be held at Hastinapura. -The martial skill exhibited in this tournament by the sons of Pandu, and -a victory which they obtained against the Panchalas, who had defeated -Duryodhana, induced Dhritarashtra to fix on Yudhishthira as his -successor. But Duryodhana would not allow the throne to be taken from -him. At his instigation Dhritarashtra removed the sons of Pandu from -Hastinapura to Varanavata at the confluence of the Yamuna and the -Ganges. Even here Duryodhana's hatred pursued them; he caused their -house to be set on fire, so that they with difficulty escaped from the -flames. They fled into the wilderness. As they wandered up and down, -they heard that Drupada, the king of the Panchalas, against whom they -had fought for Dhritarashtra, had made proclamation, that whosoever -could bend his great bow and hit the mark, should win his daughter. In -vain did all kings and heroes try their strength on this bow, till -Arjuna came. He strung the bow, hit the mark, and so won the king's -daughter to wife--whom he shared with his four brothers. When the Kurus -discovered that the sons of Pandu were alive and had become the -sons-in-law of the king of the Panchalas, they were afraid, and in order -to avoid a war between the Panchalas and Bharatas, Dhritarashtra divided -his kingdom with the sons of Pandu. As Dhritarashtra's royal abode was -at Hastinapura, on the Ganges, the sons of Pandu founded the city of -Indraprashtha in their portion of the kingdom (it lay to the south-west -of Hastinapura on the Yamuna), conquered the surrounding people, and -amassed great wealth in their new city, so that Yudhishthira offered the -great royal sacrifice. This aroused the envy and anxiety of Duryodhana. -He caused the sons of Pandu to be invited to Hastinapura to a game of -dice. As Çakuni, the brother of his mother Gandhari, was very skilful in -throwing the dice and always won, Duryodhana hoped to be able to gain -back his kingdom from Yudishthira. The sons of Pandu came. Yudishthira -lost his kingdom and his goods, his slaves, himself, and finally he lost -Draupadi. Duryodhana bade the latter, as a slave, sweep the room; and -when she refused, Dushana, one of his brothers, dragged her by her long -black hair. Then the blind Dhritarashtra came, and said that his sons -had done wrong; the Pandus should return into their kingdom and forget -what had happened on this day. When they returned home, Duryodhana -induced his father to allow a second game of dice against the Pandus, as -he and his brothers were not allowed to take up arms against them; the -defeated party was to go into banishment for twelve years. This was -done, and Çakuni, who again threw the dice for Duryodhana, was once more -victorious. For twelve years the Pandus wandered with Draupadi into the -desert, and lived by the chase. In the thirteenth they went in disguise -to Virata the king of the Matsyas, and became his servants. Yudishthira -was his instructor in the game of dice; Arjuna, clothed as a eunuch, -taught dancing and music in the women's apartment; Bhima was cook; -Nakula and Sahadeva were overseers of the horses and cattle; Draupadi -was the queen's maid. When Duryodhana invaded the land of the Matsyas -and lifted their cattle, Arjuna recovered the booty, and in reward, when -the Pandus had made themselves known, he received the king's daughter as -a wife for his son Abhimanyu. On the day after the marriage a -consultation was held how the Pandus could recover their sovereignty, as -the time of exile was now over. An embassy was sent to Hastinapura to -demand the part of the kingdom possessed by the Pandus. Through -Duryodhana's efforts the request was refused. The Pandus and Kurus -prepared for war. - -The armies met in the plain of Kurukshetra, in the ancient territory of -the Kuru-Bharatas, between the Drishadvati and the Yamuna. The Bharatas -were led by the aged Bhishma, Çantanu's eldest son, with whom was -associated his grand-nephew Duryodhana, the oldest son of Dhritarashtra -and the bitter foe of his cousins. With the Bharatas were the Çurasenas, -whom we afterwards find on the Yamuna, the Madras, the Koçalas, the -Videhas and the Angas--who were situated on the eastern affluents of the -Ganges, and the northern bank of the river. The Pandus were supported by -the Matsyas, the king of the Panchalas, Drupada, with his young son -Çikhandin, and his people, the Kaçis from the Ganges, and Krishna, a -hero of the Yadavas, with a part of his people; the remainder fought for -the Kurus. In front of the army of the Pandus were seen the five -brothers on their chariots of war, from which waved their standards. -Before the banner of Yudishthira, who stood upon his chariot, slim of -shape, in garments of yellow and gold, with a nose like the flower of -Prachandala, the two drums sounded; beside him was the long-armed Bhima, -holding in his hand his iron club adorned with gold, with dark glance -and knitted brows. The third was the bearer of the great bow, Arjuna, -with an ape on his banner, the steadfast hero of men, who reverenced the -men of old, the destroyer of the troops of the enemy, who banished the -fears of the fearful. Last were seen Nakula who fought with the sword, -and Sahadeva. Opposite them Bhishma's banner waved from his chariot on a -golden palm-stem; it displayed five silver stars. When the armies -approached each other Bhishma cried with a voice of thunder to his -warriors: "To-day the gates of heaven are opened for the brave; go ye -the way which your fathers and ancestors have gone to heaven, by falling -gloriously. Would ye rather end life on a sick-bed in pain? Only in the -field may the Kshatriya (warrior) fall." Then he seized the great -gold-adorned shell and blew for onset. As the sea surges to and fro in a -storm when driven by roaring winds, the armies dashed upon each other; -from afar the ravens screamed and the wolves howled, announcing a great -slaughter, and heaps of carcasses. The heroes fight against the hostile -heroes; rarely do they spring down from their chariots, and scatter the -"heads of the foot soldiers like seed." The princes mutually cover each -other with clouds of arrows; they shoot down the hostile charioteers, so -that the horses rage uncontrolled hither and thither in the battle; if -the elephants are driven against the chariots in order to overthrow -them, the riders shoot them like "peacocks from trees," or they seize -the great swords and hew off their trunks, at the root, close by the -tusks, so that "the harnessed elephants" raise a great roar. In their -turn they tear the warriors from their chariots; they press on -irresistibly through the ranks of the warriors, like streams "leaping -from rock to rock;" they check the advance of the enemy "as rocks beat -back the waves of the sea." Covered with arrows they drop blood, till, -deeply wounded in the head and neck, they fall to the ground, or turn -raging on their own army. When the heroes have shot forth their arrows, -their bows broken, the missiles driven through their coats of mail, so -that the warriors "blossom like rose-trees," they leap down from their -chariots, seize their great painted shields of hide, raise aloft their -war-clubs and rush like buffalo-bulls upon each other. At one time in -attack, at another in defence, they circle round each other, and spy out -a moment to give a deadly blow. If the shields are destroyed and the -clubs broken, they rush like "maddened tigers" to wrestle and fight hand -to hand, till one sinks to earth pouring out blood, like a tree of which -the root has been hewn through. - -Thus, for nine days, the contest went on between the two armies. The -army of the Kurus had the advantage; no one ventured to meet the aged -Bhishma. Then Krishna, the driver of Arjuna, advised him to mount the -chariot of Çikhandin, the young son of Drupada, the prince of the -Panchalas, on the following morning and to put on his armour. The aged -Bhishma would not fight against Çikhandin; he held it beneath him to -fight against children. When he saw Arjuna approach him with the ensigns -of Çikhandin, and in his armour, he cried out, "Attack me as you will, -I will not fight with you." Then Arjuna laid the smooth arrows of reed, -furnished with feathers from the heron and points of iron, on the string -of the bow, and covered Bhishma with arrows as a cloud in summer pours -its rain on the mountain. The invincible old man looked up with -astonishment, and cried: "Like a row of swarming bees, arrow hisses -after arrow through the air. As the lightning of Indra travels to earth, -so do these arrows fly. They are not the arrows of Çikhandin. Like -thunder-bolts shattering all they pierce through my mail and shield into -my limbs. Like poisonous snakes darting their tongues in anger, their -arrows bite me and drink my heart's blood. They are not the arrows of -Çikhandin; they are Yama's messengers (p. 63); they bring the death I -have long desired; they are the arrows of Arjuna." Head foremost, -streaming with blood, Bhishma fell from the chariot. Delighted at this -victory, Arjuna cried aloud with a clear lion's cry, and the army of the -Pandus shouted for joy and blew their shells. Duryodhana's warriors were -seized with panic; their tower and defence was gone. Drona, whom the -sons of Pandu had once instructed in the use of arms, now led the army -of the Kurus; and a second time they gained the advantage. Bhima sought -in vain to overcome Drona; then the brother of Draupadi attacked him, -and at Krishna's advice, Yudishthira and Bhima called to Drona that his -son Açvatthaman had fallen. Deceived by this craft, Drona allowed his -arms to drop, and Draupadi's brother smote off his head. After his fall, -the Kurus were led by Karna, the prince of the Angas. He passed as the -son of a waggoner; his real father, the sun-god Surya, appeared to him -in the night, and warned him against Arjuna; he would meet his death. -Glory was sweet to the living, when parents, children, and friends -surrounded him with pride, and kings celebrated his courage; but what -was honour and glory to the withered man who had become ashes?--it was -only the flowers and the chaplets placed on his corpse to adorn it. -Karna answered: He had no friend, no wife nor child; he feared not -death, and would gladly sacrifice his body in the battle; but Arjuna -would not conquer him. On the next morning he prudently besought Çalya, -the prince of the Madyas, to guide his horses, since Krishna, the best -of charioteers, guided the horses of Arjuna. At the instance of -Duryodhana, Çalya undertook to do this, but his heart was angered at the -degrading thought that he was guiding the horses of a waggoner, and he -guided them so that while Karna was fighting against Arjuna, and had -wounded him with his arrows, the chariot sank in a marsh. As Karna -sprang down in order to draw the chariot out, Arjuna, at Krishna's -instigation, shot a deadly arrow into the hero's back. Then one hero of -the Kurus fell after the other. On the eighteenth day of the struggle, -Duryodhana and Bhima met. As two raging elephants goad each other for -the possession of a female elephant, so did these princes meet with -their battle-clubs, whirling round sometimes to the right and sometimes -to the left, each seeking the unprotected part of his opponent, and -brandishing his club in the air. Duryodhana has the advantage. He has -retired before a stroke of Bhima's club, which has thus spent itself on -the ground; seeing the unprotected state of his opponent, he has dealt -him a mighty blow on the breast. Then, on Krishna's advice, Bhima dealt -a blow at Duryodhana's thigh, broke the bone, and the two fell to the -earth. The army of the Pandus shouted for joy, but Duryodhana spoke with -his dying voice: "We have always fought honourably, and, therefore, the -honour remains with us. You have won by craft and dishonour, and -dishonour attends your victory. In honourable fight you would never have -conquered us. In the garments of Çikhandin, Arjuna slew Bhishma when -defenceless. To Drona ye cried in subtlety that his son was dead, and -slew him as he dropped his arms. Karna, Arjuna slew by a shameful blow -from behind; by dishonour Bhima brings me to the ground, for it is said, -'In battle with the club it is dishonourable to strike below the -navel.'" Red with rage, Bhima stepped up to the king-lion who lay -outstretched, with his club beside him, beat in his skull with his foot, -and said: "We have not laid fire to burn our enemies, nor cheated them -in the game, nor outraged their wives; by the strength of our arms alone -we destroy our enemies." On the evening of the eighteenth day of the -battle, all the brothers of Duryodhana, all the princes who fought for -the Kurus, and all the warriors of the Kurus were dead. The victors blew -their shells, called Yudishthira to the king, and obtained as booty -numberless treasures in gold and silver, in precious stones, in cloths, -skins, and slave-women. Then all is sunk in deep slumber. But three -warriors of the army of the Kurus have escaped into the forest; -Açvatthaman, the son of the slain Drona, Kritavarman and Kripa. Sorrow -for his father made rest impossible for Açvatthaman; on the branches of -the fig-tree under which he lay he saw a troop of crows asleep; an owl -softly flew up and slew one crow after the other. Açvatthaman set out -with his companions and penetrated into the camp of the Pandus. First he -slays the brother of Draupadi who had killed his father; then he throws -fire into the camp, and slays the five sons of Draupadi, and all the -Matsyas and Panchalas. Then he hastens to the place where Duryodhana -lies. "Thou art still living," he says to Duryodhana; "listen, then, to -a word which will be pleasing to thine ear: all the Panchalas, all the -Matsyas, all the sons of Draupadi are dead." Only the four brothers, the -sons of Pandu, Krishna and his charioteer, escaped this nocturnal -massacre. - -Then the dead were buried on the field of Kurukshetra: the sons of Pandu -knelt before Dhritarashtra, and Vyasa reconciled the old king with the -sons of his step-brother; but Gandhari cursed Krishna, who by his -devices had brought her sons to death. Then the Pandus made their -entrance into Hastinapura, and Yudishthira was consecrated king under -the guidance of Krishna. He treated the old king as a son treats his -father, but the latter could not forget the death of Duryodhana and his -other sons: he went with Gandhari into the jungles on the Ganges, and -with her he perished, when the jungle was set on fire. At Vyasa's -command Yudishthira offered a sacrifice of horses, and then obtained the -dominion over the whole earth. Following the course of the sacrificial -horse (chap. VIII.) Arjuna conquered for him the Magadhas on the south -bank of the Ganges, the Chedis, the Nishadas, the Saindhavas, _i.e._ the -inhabitants of the Indus, and the Gandharas, beyond the Indus.[142] -Afterwards all the conquered kings presented themselves at this -sacrifice of the horse in Hastinapura, and acknowledged Yudishthira as -their lord. He sat on the throne of Hastinapura for 36 years, and then -heard that the curse which Gandhari had pronounced upon Krishna was -fulfilled. At a great festival of the Yadavas the reproach was made -against Açvatthaman that he had basely slain the heroes in their sleep, -after the great battle. Then there arose a strife among the princes of -the Yadavas. They seized their weapons and mutually slaughtered each -other. Distressed at the loss of his people Krishna retired into the -wilderness, and there he was slain by the arrow of a hunter who took him -for an antelope. The death of the hero to whom he owed his victory -filled Yudishthira and his brothers with deep sorrow. On Vyasa's advice -they determined to withdraw with Draupadi into the forest. All her sons -had fallen in the great battle; but the wife of one (Abhimanyu), who was -the daughter of the king of the Matsyas, had borne a son, Parikshit, -after the death of her husband. When he had been consecrated at -Hastinapura, the sons of Pandu went on a pilgrimage to the east, to the -Himalayas, and beyond this to the holy mountain, Meru. Draupadi was the -first to succumb, then Nakula and Sahadeva; last of all Arjuna and Bhima -fell exhausted. Yudishthira climbed on, till Indra met him with his -chariot, and carried him with his body to the imperishable world, the -heaven of the heroes; there he would again behold his brothers and his -wife, when their souls had been freed from the earthly impurity still -adhering to them. For Bhima had trusted too much to his bodily power, -and had eaten too much. Arjuna had loved battle too well, and had been -too harsh against his enemies; Sahadeva was too proud of his wisdom, -Nakula of his beauty; and Draupadi had loved Arjuna too dearly. But -Parikshit reigned in Hastinapura 60 years. He died from the bite of a -snake. Hence his son, Janamejaya, caused all the snakes to be burned in -one great fire of sacrifice. On this occasion he asked Vyasa how the -strife had arisen in old times between the Kurus and the Pandus, for -Vyasa had been a witness: "I would hear from thee, Brahman, the story of -the fortunes of the Kurus and Pandus." So the king concludes. Then Vyasa -bids Vaiçampayana repeat the great poem which he had taught him. -Janamejaya was succeeded by Çatanika, Açvamedhadatta, Asimakrishna, and -Nichakra, in his sway over the Bharatas, Nichakra changed the place of -residence from Hastinapura to Kauçambi lower down the Ganges. And after -Nichakra 24 kings of the race of Pandu reigned over the Bharatas. - -No words are needed to point out the absurdity and recent origin of an -arrangement which not only ascribes to Vyasa the reconciliation of the -last Kurus with the Pandus, but also makes him the father of the -progenitors of the two hostile houses of Dhritarashtra and Pandu, and -the author of the great poem. The name Vyasa means collector, arranger; -and if the arranger of the poem is also the father of the ancestors of -the contending tribes, this expression can only mean, that poetry has -invented the whole legend. But a more minute examination limits this -interpretation to a _naïve_ confession on the part of poetry, that she -and not tradition has transferred the origin of the Pandus to the race -of the Kurus, and has represented the progenitors of the hostile races -as brothers. - -We can do no more than make hypotheses about the original contents of -the poem on the great war. Against the Kurus, who, at the head of the -Bharatas, maintained their supremacy on the upper course of the Yamuna -and the Ganges, there rises in rebellion a younger race, the Pandus, who -have risen into note among the Panchalas. The sons of Pandu receive in -marriage the daughter of the king of the Panchalas, who are situated to -the south of the Bharatas on the confluence of the Yamuna and the -Ganges; and they are aided by the king of the Matsyas. It is Krishna, a -hero of the Yadavas, to whom the Pandus owe their success in council and -action. The Epos represents the Pandus as growing up in their childhood -in the forest, and afterwards again making their home in the wilderness; -they receive half of the kingdom of the Bharatas, and then lose it; and -in their half they found Indraprastha to the west of Hastinapura on the -Yamuna. From this we may conclude that the supremacy of the Bharatas -established by the Kurus was resisted by the Panchalas and Matsyas and a -part of the Yadavas--the Yadavas fight in the Epos partly for the Kurus -and partly against them--and that a family among these nations, -apparently a family of the Panchalas, succeeded in combining this -resistance and establishing another kingdom, with Indraprastha as a -centre, beside the kingdom of Hastinapura, from which they finally -conquered the Bharatas. This struggle of the Panchalas and Matsyas -against the Bharatas is the nucleus of the Epos. A tradition may lie at -the base of the statement in the poems, that the nations of the East, -the Madras, Koçalas, Videhas and Angas (in north-western Bengal), fight -beside the Kurus against the Panchalas and Matsyas: at any rate it would -be to the interest of the previous settlers on the Ganges to repel the -advance of later immigrants. On the other hand, the Kaçis, in the region -of the later Benares, may have fought against the Bharatas. However this -may be, the race of the Kurus disappeared in a great war, and kings of -the race of Pandu ascended the throne of Hastinapura. If, as we have -assumed, the Bharatas had previously forced the Tritsus from the -Sarasvati to the Yamuna, and from the Yamuna to the upper Ganges, and -from the upper Ganges further east to the Sarayu, they were now, in -turn, not indeed expelled, but over-mastered, by the tribes which had -followed them and settled on the Yamuna. The metropolis of the kingdom -which arose out of these struggles was Hastinapura, the chief city of -the Bharatas; under the rule of the race of Pandu it comprised the -Bharatas and the Panchalas; in the old ritual of consecration we find -the formula: "This is your king, ye Kurus, ye Panchalas."[143] - -The original poem no doubt took the part of the Kurus against the -Pandus, of the Bharatas against the Panchalas. In some passages of the -old poem, which have remained intact, Duryodhana, _i.e._ Bad-fighter, is -called Suyodhana, _i.e._ Good-fighter. It is not by their bravery but by -their cunning that the Pandus were victorious. The words of the dying -Duryodhana: "The Pandus have fought with subtlety and shame, and by -shame have obtained the victory," are an invention made from this point -of view. The vengeance which follows close after the victory of the -Pandus, the massacre of their army in the following night, through which -the life of the dying Duryodhana is prolonged; the fulfilment of the -curse which the mother of Duryodhana pronounces upon Krishna and the -Yadavas--at a later time the tribes of the Yadavas disappeared, at any -rate in these regions--all enable us to detect the original form and -object of the poem. It was the lament over the fall of the famous race -of the Kurus, which had founded the oldest kingdom in India, over the -death of Bhishma and his hundred sons, and the narration of the -vengeance which overtook the crime of Krishna and the Pandus. - -In any case certain traits which reappear in the Epic poetry of the -Greeks and the Germans--the contest with the bow for Draupadi, the death -of the young hero of half-divine descent by an arrow shot in secret, the -fall of an ancient hero with his hundred sons, the destruction even of -the victors in the great battle--are evidence that old Indo-Germanic -conceptions must have formed the basis of the original poem. Even in -the form in which we now have them they remind us of the grand, mighty, -rude style of the oldest Epic poetry. In other respects also traits of -antiquity are not wanting--the marriage of five brothers with one wife, -the hazard of goods, kingdom, wife, and even personal liberty, on a -single throw of the dice, which is an outcome of the passionate nature -already known to us through the songs of the Vedas. In the songs of the -conquests and struggles on the Yamuna and Ganges, sung by the minstrels -to the princes and nobles of these new states, these elements became -amalgamated with the praises of the deeds achieved by their ancestors at -their first foundation. This is proved by the tone of the poem, which -penetrates even the description of the great war. It was only before -princes who made war and battle their noblest occupation, before -assemblies of a warlike nobility, and in the spirit of such circles, -that songs could be recited, telling of the contests in all knightly -accomplishments--the wooing of the king's daughter by the bow, the -choice of a husband by the princess, who gives her hand to the noblest -knight. Only there could such lively and detailed descriptions of single -contests and battles be given, and the laws of knightly honour and -warfare be extolled with such enthusiasm. These must have penetrated -deeply into the minds of the hearers, when the decision in the great -battle could be brought about by a breach of these laws, and the -destruction of the Yadavas accounted for by a quarrel arising out of a -question of this kind. Even the law-book which bears the name of Manu -places great value on the laws of honourable contest.[144] Hence we may -with certainty assume that the songs of the princes who conquered the -land on the Yamuna and the Ganges, were sung at the courts of their -descendants, at the time when the latter, surrounded by an armed -nobility, ruled on the Ganges. There, after the tumult of the first -period of the settlement had subsided, these songs of the marvels and -achievements of ancient heroes, coloured with mythical conceptions, were -united into a great poem, the original Epos of the great war, and in -this the living heroic song came to an end. In the German Epos, the -Nibelungen, we find a foundation of mythical elements, together with -historical reminiscences of the wars of Dietrich of Bern, overgrown by -the conflicts and destruction of the Burgundians. - -At a much later time the Epos of the great war passed from the tradition -of the minstrels into the hands of the priests, by whom it was recorded -and revised from a priestly point of view. Descendants of the Pandus who -had overthrown the ancient famous race of the Kurus, and had gained in -their place the kingdom of Hastinapura, are said to have remained on the -throne for 30 generations in that city, and afterwards at Kauçambi. From -other sources we can establish the fact, that at least in the sixth -century B.C. the sovereignty among the Kuru-Panchalas belonged to kings -who traced their descent from Pandu; and even in the fourth century we -have mention of families of Nakula, and Sahadeva, and among the Eastern -Bharatas, of descendants of Yudhishthira and Arjuna.[145] Hence the -rulers of the tribe of Pandu must have thought it of much importance not -to appear as evil-doers and rebels, and to invent some justification of -their attack on the Kurus, and the throne of Hastinapura. In this way -they would appear both to the Panchalas and the Bharatas as legitimate -princes sprung from noble ancestors, and would share wherever possible -in the ancient glory of the kings of the Bharatas, who were sprung from -the race of Kuru. This end it was attempted to gain by revision and -interpolation; and the views of the priests, which were of later origin, -have no doubt supported the subsequent justification of the usurpation -of the race of the Pandus. The priestly order might think it desirable -to win the favour of the Pandu-kings of Kauçambi. Of this they were -secure if they united the ancestors of the race with the family of the -Kurus, while at the same time they brought the kings of the Bharatas and -Panchalas into connection with priestly views of life by representing -their ancestors as patterns of piety, virtue, and respect for priests. -In the old poem, Bhishma, the descendant of Kuru on the throne of the -Bharatas, perished, at an advanced age, with his son Suyodhana, and his -ninety-nine brothers, in stout conflict against the Pandus, who were at -the head of the Panchalas; but his fall was due to the craft of the -latter. On the other hand, the revision maintains that king Çantanu was -the last legitimate Kuru; that his son Bhishma renounced the throne, -marriage, and children; that Çantanu's younger son died childless; and -represents the Dritarashtras and the Pandus as his illegitimate -descendants. Thus the Pandus are brought into the race of Kuru, and the -claims of the descendants of Dhritarashtra and Pandu are placed on an -equality. It was an old custom among the Indians, not wholly removed by -the law-book of the priests, even in the later form of the regulation, -that if a father remained without a son his brother or some other -relation might raise up a son to him by his wife or widow.[146] -According to the poem, the wife of Çantanu charged her nearest -relation, her natural son, to raise up children to the two childless -widows of her son born in marriage. Agreeably to the tendency of the -revision, this son is a very sacred and wise person; and thus it is -proved that it was within the power of the priests to summon into life -the most famous royal families. But great as the freedom of the revision -is, it does not venture to deny the right of birth of the Kurus. -Dhritarashtra is the older, Pandu is the younger, of the two sons. In -order to clear the younger brother, Dhritarashtra is afflicted with -blindness, because his mother could not endure the sight of the great -Brahman. Even the son of Dhritarashtra, Duryodhana, is allowed to have -the right of birth; it is only maintained that Yudhishthira, Pandu's -elder son, was born on the same day. That this insertion of the Pandus -into the race of the Kurus in the Epic poem was completed in the fourth -century B.C. we can prove.[147] The revision then represents -Dhritarashtra as voluntarily surrendering half his kingdom to the sons -of Pandu, and this is a great help towards their legitimacy. When the -Pandus are resolved on war, Krishna removes Yudhishthira's scruples by -asserting "that even in times gone by it has not always been the eldest -son who has sat on the throne of Hastinapura." These traits are all -tolerably transparent. How weak the position of the Pandus was in the -legend, how little could be told of their ancestors and of Pandu -himself, is shown in the poem by the fact that the want of ancestors can -only be supplemented by inserting the family in the race of the Kurus, -and that no definite achievement of Pandu is mentioned. He is allowed to -die early, and his sons grow up in the forest. So transparent is the -veil thrown over the fact that an unknown family rose to be the leaders -of the Panchalas. The insertion of Dhritarashtra is caused by the -insertion of Pandu. The Indian poetry of the later period is not -troubled by the fact that Bhishma, Çantanu's eldest son, renounces the -throne in order to allow a blind nephew to reign in his place; that even -as a great-uncle he is the mightiest hero of the Kurus, and can only be -slain on the battle-field by treachery. - -Thus, rightly or wrongly, the Pandus were brought into the family of the -Kurus. But why should the elder branch make way for the younger? To -explain this circumstance, the blind king, the honourable Dhritarashtra, -_i.e._ "firmly holding to the kingdom," must first fix on Yudhishthira -as his successor, to the exclusion of his own sons, and then, even in -his own lifetime, divide the kingdom with Yudhishthira. Hence the Pandus -could advance claims, and the more fiercely Duryodhana opposed the -surrender of his legitimate right, the more does he lose ground from a -moral standard against the Pandus. His persecutions and villainies -provide the revision with the means to bring the Pandus repeatedly into -banishment, and into the forest, from which in the old poem they had -been brought to stand at the head of the Panchalas. It is Duryodhana who -causes the house of Pandu to be set on fire, who by false play wins -Draupadi from Yudhishthira, and treats her despitefully, and takes from -him the half of the kingdom. On the other hand, the sons of the Pandus, -so far as the lines of the old poem allow, are changed into persecuted -innocents, patterns of piety, virtue, and obedience to the Brahmans. It -is naturally the form of Yudhishthira which undergoes the main change -from these points of view, since he twice succumbs to the passion for -the game. By these interpolations his brother Bhima is fortunately put -in a position to answer the reproach of the dying Duryodhana--that the -Pandus had conquered by treachery and shame--by asserting that they had -not laid fire for their enemies as he had, or cheated them in the game, -or outraged their women. - -The revision carries the justification and legitimisation of the Pandus -even beyond the destruction of Duryodhana and the Kurus. Owing to his -blindness the king Dhritarashtra could not be brought into the battle -and slain there. Where the old poem represents the mother of the slain -Kurus as cursing Krishna, the revision interpolates a reconciliation -between the aged Dhritarashtra and the destroyers of his race, a -reconciliation naturally accomplished through the instrumentality of a -Brahman. Hence Yudhishthira is allowed to ascend the throne of -Hastinapura with the consent of the legitimate king, and reign in his -name. Lastly, in order to remove every stain from the Pandus, they are -represented as renouncing the world, and dying on a pious pilgrimage to -the divine mountain. - -A second revision of the poem--which, as will become clear below, -cannot, in any case, have been made before the seventh century -B.C.--represents the Pandus as becoming the sons of gods, and thus makes -still easier the task of their justification. It was not by Pandu that -Kunti became the mother of Yudhishthira, Arjuna, and Bhima, but the -first and most just of all rulers she bore to the very god of justice. -Hence his claim to the throne and his righteous life were established -from the first. The second brother, the great warrior Arjuna, owed his -birth to Indra; the third, Bhima, to the strong wind-god, Vayu; the -twin-sons of Madri are then naturally the children of the twins in -heaven, the two Açvins. More serious is the change of Krishna, _i.e._ -the black, into the god Vishnu, assumed in a third revision, which was -completed in the course of the fourth century B.C. (Book VI. chap. -viii.). Krishna, after whom the city of Krishnapura on the Yamuna is -said to have been named,[148] belongs to the tribe of the Yadavas, who -were settled on the Yamuna, in the district of Mathura. He is the son of -the cow-herd Nanda and his wife Yaçoda; he is himself a cow-herd, drives -off herds of cows, carries away the clothes of the daughters of the -herdsmen while they are bathing, and engages in many other exploits of a -similar kind. He rebels against the king of Mathura, and slays him. His -crafty and treacherous plans then bring the heroes of the Kurus to -destruction; at length, with his whole nation, he succumbs to the curse -hurled against him by the mother of Duryodhana. Out of this form of the -ancient poem the later revision has made an incarnation of Vishnu, the -beneficent, sustaining god. The child of Vasudeva and Devaki, who bears -all the marks of Vishnu, is no other than Vishnu, who permits himself to -be born from Devaki; he is changed with the child of Yaçoda, which was -born in the same night. But these new points of view are not thoroughly -carried out; the Mahabharata is not consistent about the origin of -Krishna or his divine nature. At one time he is a human warrior, at -another the highest of the gods, and the original position both of -Krishna and the Pandus is still perceptible.[149] - -The second great Epic of the Indians--the Ramayana--is essentially -distinguished from the poems of the great war. Here also a legend, or -ancient ballads, may have formed the basis; here, too, it is clear that -a later redaction has changed the hero of the poem into an incarnation -of a god. But the legend is already changed into the fairy tale, of -which the scene is principally the Deccan, the banks of the Godavari, -the island of Lanka (Ceylon) where the Aryas first arrived about the -year 500 B.C. The cast of the poem as a whole is essentially different -from that of the Mahabharata. The old legend may have related the story -of a prince who wins his wife by his power to string the great bow of -her father, and who, when banished from the banks of the Sarayu, -contends in the Himavat, or in the south of the Ganges, against the -giants dwelling there. These giants carried off his wife from the forest -hut, and he is only able to regain her after severe struggles. Rama, the -banished prince, is supposed to be a son of a king of the Koçalas (the -Tritsus of the Rigveda), who had taken up their abode on the Sarayu. -Daçaratha, the father of Rama, had apparently reigned a long time before -the great war; he was descended from Ikshvaku, the son of Manu. -According to the Vishnu-Purana, Daçaratha is the sixtieth king of this -family, the eleventh after Sudas, who repelled the attack of the -Bharatas.[150] In their battle the Tritsus were aided by the priest -Vasishtha, to whom in the poem of Rama the same place is allotted which -in the Mahabharata is first allotted to Viçvamitra and then to Vyasa. -Without regard to the ancient poems and their strongly-marked traits of -great battles and mighty contests, the priests entirely transformed the -legend of Rama from their point of view into the form in which it now -lies before us; and this took place at a period of Indian life, when the -warlike impulse had long given way to peaceful institutions, and the -requirements of the priests had driven out the military code of honour -and martial glory--a time when the weaker sides of the Aryan -disposition, submission and sacrifice, had won the victory over the hard -and masculine qualities of activity and self-assertion. The Ramayana -gives expression to the feeling of calm subjection, virtuous -renunciation, passionless performance of duties, patient obedience, -unbroken reticence. Throughout, prominence is given to the system of -priestly asceticism, of the eremite's life in the forest, of voluntary -suicide. Here we can scarcely find any echoes of that desire of honour, -that jealousy, that lust of battle, and eagerness for revenge, which -occur unmistakably in the Mahabharata; nothing remains of the knightly -pride which scorns to give a blow forbidden by the rules of the battle. -The hero of the Ramayana is a hero of virtue, not of the battle. He -commends without ceasing renunciation and the fulfilment of duties; he -abandons throne and kingdom; he gives up his right out of obedience to -his father, and respect for a promise made by him; his wife leads him -against his will into the desert, because she also knows her duties. -Respect, devotion, and sacrifice in the relation of children to their -parents, of younger brothers to the elder, of the wife to her husband, -of subjects to their lords, are described with great poetical beauty and -power, but often with the weakest sentimentality. The mission of the -hero in his banishment is the defence of the settlements of holy -penitents against the giants. But his battles are no merely human -struggle; he not only strings the bow of Çiva, he breaks it, so that it -sounds like the fall of a mountain or like Indra's thunder. He fights -with the bow of Indra and the arrows of Brahman, and at length even with -the chariot of Indra against the giants. These battles are no less -legendary than are his confederates' against the giants of Lanka, the -vulture Jatayu, the apes and bears, which build him a bridge into that -island. These are all described with an exaggeration and monstrous -unreality into which Indian poetry only strayed after traversing many -stages. We do indeed once hear, even in the Ramayana, of heroes "who -never turned in the battle, and fell struck in front." Even here, in -isolated passages, the old manly independence breaks forth, which, -conscious of its strength, beats down injustice instead of enduring it, -and makes a path for itself, but only in order to place in a still -clearer light a quick compliance, a patient fulfilment of duties, and -thus allow to the latter a greater advantage. - -At this day Epic poetry lives in India in full force, just as it left -the hands of the priests. At the close of the Mahabharata we are told: -"What the Brahman is to the rest of mankind, the cow to all quadrupeds, -the ocean to the pool, such is the Mahabharata in comparison with all -other histories." To the readers and hearers of the Mahabharata and -Ramayana the best rewards in this life and the next are promised: -wealth, forgiveness of sins, entrance into heaven. At all festivals and -fairs, at the marriages of the wealthy, episodes from one of the two -poems are recited to the eager crowd of assembled hearers; the audience -accompany the acts and sufferings of the heroes with cries of joy or -signs of sorrow, with laughter or tears. In the village, the Brahman, -sitting beneath a fig-tree, recites the great poems, in the order of the -events no doubt, to the community. The interest of the audience never -flags. If the piece recited touches on happy incidents--on victory, -triumph, happy return home, the marriage or consecration of the heroes, -the village is adorned with crowns as at a festival. The Indians live -with the forms of their Epos; they know the fortunes of these heroes, -and look on them as a pattern or a warning. The priests have fully -realised their intention of setting before the nation in these poems a -mirror of manners and virtue. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[120] This follows from the fact that the army of the confederates had -to cross the Vipaça and Çatadru in order to reach the Tritsus. - -[121] In the Rigveda king Sudas is at once a son of Divodasa and a scion -of the house of the Pijavanas, possibly because Pijavana was the father -or some ancestor of Divodasa. In the Samaveda (2, 5, 1, 5) Divodasa is -called the noble. In the book of Manu (7, 41; 8, 110) Sudasa is the son -of Pijavana. In the genealogy of the kings of the Koçalas, by whom the -Tritsus were destroyed, the Vishnu-Purana mentions in the fiftieth -generation after Ikshvaku, the founder of the race, a king Sudasa, the -son of Sarvakama, grandson of Rituparna. So also the Harivança, and in -the Vishnu-Purana (ed. Wilson, p. 381) Vasishtha is the priest of king -Sudas as well as of Nimi, the son of Ikshvaku. On the other hand the -Vishnu-Purana (p. 454, 455) is aware of a second Sudas, the grandson of -Divodasa, in the race of the moon. Viçvamitra is himself called a -Bharata; we shall see below that the Mahabharata connects Viçvamitra -with the genealogy of the kings of the Bharata. Cp. Roth, "Zur -Literatur," S. 142 ff. [On the names of Indian rivers, see Muir, _loc. -cit._ 2, 345 ff.] - -[122] Cf. Muir, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 339, where the hymn is translated. - -[123] Roth, "Zur Literatur," S. 87, 91 ff. [Rigveda, 3, 33; 7, 83. Muir, -_loc. cit._ 322, 323.] - -[124] Manu, 1, 67 ff. [Muir, 1, 43 ff.] - -[125] Weber, "Jyotisham, Abh. d. Berl. Akad." 1862, s. 23 ff. and below. - -[126] With similar exaggeration "Duty" tells king Parikshit at the close -of the Mahabharata that her four feet measured 20 yodhanas in the first -age, 16 in the second, 12 in the third, whereas now in the Kaliyuga they -only measure four yodhanas. The whole narrative is intended to point out -that in the Kaliyuga even Çudras could become kings. The Vishnu-Purana -(ed. Wilson, p. 467) calls the first Nanda who ascended the throne of -Magadha in 403 B.C. the son of a Çudra woman. - -[127] "Bhagavata-Purana," 9, 14. - -[128] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 600. - -[129] Arrian, "Ind." 7, 8, 9. Plin. 6, 21, 4. Solin. 52, 5. As to the -numbers, Bunsen, "Ĉgypt." 5, 156; Von Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 64. The -duration of the first interruption is lost; but it was less than the -second, for Arrian says that the second continued as much as 300 years. -Perhaps the number of the first and third interruptions taken together -are as long as the second. Diodorus (2, 38, 39) allots the 52 years to -Dionysus, which Arrian gives to Spatembas. - -[130] That the Kalpa--_i.e._ the great world-period--was a current -conception in the third century B.C. is proved by the inscriptions of -Açoka at Girnar. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 238. - -[131] Not more than nine names can be given to the dynasty of the -Nandas, which reigned for 88 years before Chandragupta; seventeen for -the dynasty of the Çaiçunagas, even if Kalaçoka's sons are all counted -as independent regents; and five for the Pradyotas. For the Barhadrathas -the Vayu and Vishnu-Puranas give 21 kings after Sahadeva, the -Bhagavata-Purana 20, the Matsya-Purana 32. Hence, taking the highest -figures, the united dynasties number 64 reigns. To these are to be added -the seven names which connect Brihadratha with Kuru, and the 31 or 21 -names given in the longer and shorter lists of the Mahabharata between -Kuru and Manu. - -[132] Von Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 76 ff. See below. - -[133] P. 484, ed. Wilson. - -[134] Von Gutschmid, _loc. cit._ s. 85 ff. - -[135] That the main portions of the Epos in their present form cannot be -older, is clear from the views of the worship of Vishnu and Çiva which -prevail in the poem. These forms of worship first obtained currency in -the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. (see below). It is also clear from -the identification of Vishnu and Krishna, of Rama and Vishnu; the deeply -felt Brahmanic anti-Buddhist tendencies, seen in such a marked manner in -the Ramayana; the form of philosophic speculation, and the application -of astrology, which are characteristic of the Epos in its present state; -and finally from the mention of the Yavanas as the allies of the Kurus, -and Dattamira, _i.e._ Demetrius, the king of the Yavanas. This king -reigned in Bactria in the first half of the second century B.C. (Lassen, -_loc. cit._ 1, 557). Another king of the Yavanas who is mentioned is -Bhagadatta, _i.e._ apparently, Apollodotus, the founder of the -Grĉco-Indian kingdom in the second half of the first century B.C. (Von -Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 75). We are led to the same result by the -descriptions of Indian buildings, of paved roads and lofty temples, -which were first built by the Brahmans in opposition to the stupas of -the Buddhists. Lassen places the important pieces of the Mahabharata, in -their present form, between Kalaçoka and Chandragupta, _i.e._ between -425-315 B.C. (_loc. cit._ 1^2, 589 ff.) Benfey places them in the third -century B.C., A. Weber in the first century. The Mahabharata, which -according to the statement found in the poem (1, 81) originally had only -8,800 double-verses, now numbers 100,000: A. Weber, "Acad. Vorlesungen," -s. 176. The old form of the Mahabharata is much anterior to the fifth -century B.C.; certain passages of the present poem are much later: A. -Weber, "Indische Skizzen," s. 37, 38. When Dion Chrysostom remarks (2, -253, ed. Reiske) that the Homeric poems were sung by the Indians in -their own language--the sorrows of Priam, the lamentation of Hecuba and -Andromache, the bravery of Achilles and Hector--Lassen is undoubtedly -right in referring this statement to the Mahabharata, and putting -Dhritarashtra in the place of Priam, Gandhari and Draupadi in the place -of Andromache and Hecuba, Arjuna and Suyodhana or Karna in the place of -Achilles and Hector ("Alterth." 2^2, 409). It is doubtful whether the -remark of Chrysostom is taken from Megasthenes. That the Ramayana is -later in style than the Mahabharata will become clear below. - -[136] "Vishnu-Purana," ed. Wilson, p. 380, _seqq._ - -[137] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, Anhang xviii. n. 4. - -[138] In the Rigveda we find: "If you, Indra and Agni, are among the -Druhyus, Anus or Purus, come forth." - -[139] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1, xxii. n. 15. - -[140] "Rigveda," 1, 31, 4; 1, 31, 17; 7, 18, 13. - -[141] According to the Brahmanic recension of the poem which we now -possess, Samvarana is able to obtain the daughter of the god only by the -mediation of a sacred priest. The king therefore bethinks him of -Vasishtha, who ascends to the god of light and obtains his daughter for -the king. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, Anhang xxvi. - -[142] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2 656, n. and 1^2 850. - -[143] A. Weber, "Ind. Literaturgesch." s. 126^2. - -[144] Manu, 7, 90, 93. Yajnavalkya, 1, 323-325. - -[145] Panini in M. Müller, "Hist. of anc. Sanskrit Literature," p. 44, -_n._ 2. - -[146] Manu, 9, 59. - -[147] M. Müller, _loc. cit._ - -[148] "Vishnu-Purana," ed. Wilson, p. 440. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, -68 ff. - -[149] In Panini Krishna is called a god, but also a hero. M. Müller, -"Hist. of anc. Sanskrit Lit." p. 45 _n._ - -[150] On the form of the Rama legend in the Daçaratha-Jataka, cf. A. -Weber, "Abh. Berl Akad." 1870. The Vishnu-Purana enumerates 33 kings of -the Koçalas from Daçaratha to Brihadbala, who falls in the great battle -on the side of the Kurus. Including these this Purana makes 60 kings -between Manu and Daçaratha. For the same interval the Ramayana has only -34 names, of which some, like Yagati, Nahusha, Bharata, are taken from -the genealogical table of the kings of the Bharata, others, like Pritha -and Triçanku, belong to the Veda. We have already seen that the series -of the Bharata kings give about ten generations between the time when -they gained the upper hand on the Yamuna and upper Ganges, _i.e._ the -time of Kuru and Duryodhana. The Koçalas forced eastward by the Bharatas -would thus have existed on the Sarayu from 23 generations before Kuru. -Wilson, "Vishnu-Purana," p. 386. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE FORMATION AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE ORDERS. - - -The Aryas had now advanced far beyond the borders of their ancient -territory; from the land of the Panjab they had conquered and occupied -the valley of the Ganges. The plundering raids and feuds which had -occupied the tribes on the Indus had passed away, and in their place -came the migration, conquest, settlement, the conflict for the conquered -districts, and a warlike life of considerable duration. It was only when -attempted in large masses that attack or defence could be successful. By -this means the tribes grew up into larger communities; the small unions -of tribes became nations, which divided the land of the Ganges among -them. The tribal princes were changed into leaders of great armies. The -serious and important nature of the tasks imposed upon them by the -conquest and the settlement, by the need of security against the ancient -inhabitants or the pressure of their own countrymen, placed in the hands -of these princes a military dictatorship; so that in the new districts -which were won and maintained under their guidance, the princes had a -much greater weight, and a far wider power, than the heads of the tribes -on the Indus, surrounded by the warriors of their nations, had ever -ventured to exercise. Thus arose a number of monarchies in the -conquered land. Beside the Matsyas on the western bank of the Yamuna, -and the Çurasenas, who lay to the south in the cities of Mathura and -Krishnapura (in the place of the Yadavas), stood the kingdom of the -Bharatas and Panchalas on the upper course of the Yamuna and Ganges. -These nations were governed by the dynasty of Pandu, at first from -Hastinapura on the upper Ganges, and afterwards, apparently after the -accession of the eighth successor of Parikshit, from Kauçambi, which -lies on the lower Yamuna, about 30 miles above the confluence of the -Yamuna and the Ganges.[151] Further to the east, and to the north of the -Ganges, the Koçalas were situated on the Sarayu; the seat of their -kingdom was Ayodhya. Still further to the east were the Videhas, whose -rulers resided at Mithila (Tirhat). On the Ganges, below the confluence -with the Yamuna, were the kings of the Kaçis at Varanasi (Benares), and -farther to the east still, the kings of the Angas at Champa, also on the -Ganges. To the south of the river the Magadhas had won a large district; -their kings resided at Rajagriha (king's house) on the Sumagadhi.[152] -Thus in the east there was a complex of tolerably extensive states, -under a monarchy which owed its origin to military leadership in the -war, and its permanence to the success of the settlement; a state of -things forming a complete contrast to the old life of the tribes of the -Aryas in the land of the Panjab. - -Such a powerful, extensive, and complete alteration of the forms of the -civic community, combined with the new conditions of life rendered -necessary on the Ganges, must have exercised a deeply-felt influence on -the Aryas. The conquest, establishment, and arrangement of extensive -dominions had created the monarchy, but at the same time a warlike -nobility had sprung up beside the princes in these contests. The land of -the Ganges had been won by the sword and divided among the victors. No -doubt those who had achieved most in the battles, and stood nearest to -the princes, received the best reward in land and slaves, in captives or -dependants among the old population. In this way a number of families -with larger possessions became distinguished from the mass of the -population. In these the delight in arms and war became hereditary; the -feeling of the father passed to his son along with his booty, his -horses, and his weapons. He could apply himself to the chase, or to the -exercise of arms; he was raised above all care for his maintenance, or -the necessity of work. He possessed land and slaves to tend his herds or -till his fields. From the later position of this order, we might assume -that a nobility practised in the use of arms, the Rajnayas, _i.e._ the -princely, the Kshatriyas, _i.e._ the wealthy or powerful, surrounded the -princes in the Ganges in greater numbers and with greater importance -than the warriors of pre-eminent position, who in the land of the Indus -had aided the tribal princes in battle, in council, and in giving -judgment. - -The battles for the possession of the new territory were over, and the -mutual pressure of the Arian tribes had come to an end. War was no -longer a constant occupation, or carried on for existence; it was only -at a distance, on the borders of the new states, that battles took -place, either to check the incursions of the old inhabitants from the -mountains or to extend the territory already possessed. Hence the -majority of the settlers preferred to till their lands in peace, and -left it to those for whom booty or glory had a charm, to follow their -kings in beating back the enemy at the borders, or making an attack on -foreign tribes and countries. Those who had to work the soil with their -own hands gladly gave up the precedence to this military nobility; the -king might fight out his wars with their help, if under such protection -the herds could pasture in peace, or the fields be tilled without -interruption. It was time enough for the peasants to take arms when the -nobles who surrounded the princes were no longer able to keep off the -attacks of the enemy. No doubt the Kshatriyas formed a still more -favourable estimate of themselves and their position. Busied with their -arms, their horses, or the chase, they became proud, and despised the -work of the peasant, paying little respect to that laborious occupation -in comparison with their own free and adventurous life. - -Owing to their close relation to the king, to their weapons, and their -possessions, the Kshatriyas took the first place in the new states on -the Ganges. This they maintained beyond a doubt for centuries in the -kingdom of the Bharatas, among the Matsyas and Çurasenas, the Koçalas, -Kaçis, Videhas, Magadhas. In the royal houses and the families of the -Kshatriyas the achievements of the forefathers continued to live; they -preserved the recollection of the wars of conquest, the struggles for -the possession of the lands, which they now held. At their festivals and -banquets the minstrels sang to them the songs of the ancient heroes, -their ancestors, their mighty deeds, their sufferings and death; they -extolled the delight in battle and the martial spirit, the knightly -temper and mode of combat, and thus at length arose the poem of the -great war. If our assumption, that the conquest of the land on the -Ganges may have been completed about the year 1400 B.C., is tenable, we -might ascribe to the two following centuries the rise of the -Kshatriyas, the establishment of their prominent position in the -newly-conquered territory, and to the next century the composition of -the songs of the great war in their oldest form. - -In the development of other nations the periods of wide expansion, the -rise of the military element, and protracted war, usually repress the -influence and importance of the priesthood, but among the emigrant Aryas -this could not have been the case. We have already seen that among them -the contest of sacrifices preceded the contest of arms. The victory fell -to the side whose sacrificial bowl Indra had drained. As the correct -offering and correct invocation compelled the gods to come down and -fight for the nation whose sacrifice they received, the priests were -naturally most indispensable in the time of war. The singers of the -sacrificial hymns which caused the gods to come down were identical -among the Indians with the priests, and were in fact the priests in the -stricter sense. With them, minstrel and priest had one name--Brahmana, -_i.e._ one who prays. The hymns of the Vedas showed us how the princes -were commanded to set before them at the sacrifice a holy minstrel to -offer prayer, and to be liberal to him. The minstrels who accompanied -the emigrant tribes to the Yamuna and Ganges had, in those turbulent -times, to sing songs of war and victory, as well as to offer prayers at -sacrifice, and afterwards to compose the poems on the deeds of the -heroes. If the result was that no more new invocations were composed in -the period of heroic song, the minstrels nevertheless preserved the old -invocations which they had brought with them from the land of the Indus -very faithfully. They had imported the ancient worship of their native -deities into the new land; they had to preserve the old faith and the -old rites at a distance from their ancient home, to offer sacrifice in -the old fashion, and thus to win and retain the favour of the gods for -the emigrants in their new abode. In the families which claimed to -spring from Atri and Agastya, from Bhrigu and Gautama, from Kaçyapa and -Vasishtha, one generation handed down by tradition to another the -prayers which they had preserved as effectual, and which had been -composed, or were thought to have been composed, by these celebrated -minstrels, the rites which were considered requisite for the efficacy of -the sacrifice, for winning the favour and help of heaven. It is obvious -that these families did not consist exclusively of the actual -descendants of the supposed tribal ancestor. In ancient times the family -is the only form, as yet known, of community and instruction. As the -prayers pleasing to the gods and the form of sacrifice could only be -learnt from a minstrel and priest, those who had this object in view -must seek for admittance into a priestly family, and must be adopted as -disciples by a priest in the place of sons.[153] Such admittance was -naturally most sought after in the case of that race which bore the most -famous name, which was supposed to spring from the most celebrated -sacrificer of early times, and claimed to possess his songs. Among the -"sons of Vasishtha," who, according to the hymn of the Veda (p. 67), -sacrificed for the Tritsus, in the race of the Kuçikas to which -Viçvamitra belonged, and the other priestly races mentioned in the Veda, -we must consider that we have just as much disciples claiming to be -descended, or being actually descended, from these supposed ancestors, -as relations connected by blood. The importance of these families who -preserved the ancient customs and prayers, and worshipped the ancient -gods, must have risen in the new territory in proportion to the length -of the period between the emigration from the Indus and the present. In -different districts the kings regarded the sacrifice and supplication of -different races as the most pleasing to the gods. Among the Koçalas, -according to the Ramayana and the Puranas, Vasishtha was the priest of -the kings; among the Bharatas, the Kuçikas; among the Videhas and Angas, -the Gautamas.[154] The amalgamation of the various tribes into larger -nations had the effect of bringing the priestly families into -combination and union, and thus they had the opportunity of exchanging -the knowledge of their possession of hymns and ritual. This union taught -them to regard themselves as a peculiar order. Princes and nations are -always inclined to recognise the merit of those who know how to win for -them the favour of the gods, good fortune and health by prayer and -sacrifice. - -The ancient population of the new states on the Ganges was not entirely -extirpated, expelled, or enslaved. Life and freedom were allowed to -those who submitted and conformed to the law of the conqueror; they -might pass their lives as servants on the farms of the Aryas.[155] But -though this remnant of the population was spared, the whole body of the -immigrants looked down on them with the pride of conquerors--of -superiority in arms, blood, and character--and in contrast to them they -called themselves Vaiçyas, _i.e._ tribesmen, comrades--in other words, -those who belong to the community or body of rulers.[156] Whether the -Vaiçya belonged to the order of the nobles, the minstrels and priests, -or peasants, was a matter of indifference; he regarded the old -inhabitants as an inferior species of mankind. In the land of the Ganges -down to the lower course of the river this class of inhabitants bears -the common name of Çudras, and as this word is unknown to Sanskrit we -must assume that it was the original name of the ancient population of -the Ganges, just as the tribes of the Vindhyas bear to this day the -common name of Gondas. In the new states on the Ganges, therefore, the -population was separated into two sharply-divided masses. How could the -conquerors mix with the conquered?--how could their pride stoop to any -union with the despised servants? And even if they had been willing to -unite, would not the language and character of the immigrants be lost -and destroyed in this mixture with tribes of rude customs and manners? -As the conquered territory became more extensive, and the old -inhabitants more numerous--for many were spared by the numerically -weaker immigrants and continued to live among them as slaves or free -out-door servants, while others hung upon the borders of the conquered -regions--the more pressing was the danger that the noble blood and -superior character of the immigrants, and the worship of the ancient -gods, might be lost in mingling with this mass of servants. This danger -co-operated with the natural pride of the conqueror, and his feeling of -superiority, to place a strongly-marked separation between the Çudras -and the Aryas. - -In every nation which has gone beyond the primitive stages of life, -wealth and occupation form the basis of a division into more or less -fixed forms, more or less close orders. The states on the Ganges were no -exception. Here, beside the Kshatriyas, beside the minstrels and -priests, or Brahmans, stood the bulk of the immigrant Aryas, whose land -required the personal labour of the owner, to whom the name Vaiçya, at -first common to all, gradually passed as a special name. Below these -three orders were the Çudras. The name given by the Indians to their -orders, _varna_, _i.e._ colour, proves that the difference between the -light skin of the immigrants and the dark colour of the native -population was of considerable influence, and if a doubt were raised -whether or not another population is concealed in the fourth order or -Çudras, it would be removed by the close union of the three orders -against the fourth, the uncompromising exclusion of the latter in all -matters of religion, and the fact that the law of East Iran (the Avesta) -as well as that of the Ganges, recognises warriors, priests, and -peasants, but no fourth order. The sharp distinction between the Aryas -and Çudras may subsequently have had an influence on the orders of the -Aryas, so as to mark the divisions more strongly; resting on such a -foundation, the division of orders might strike deeper roots on the -Ganges than elsewhere. - -The higher and more favoured strata of society will seldom be free from -the desire to bequeath to posterity the advantages they possess; and -this feeling makes itself felt with greater force in earlier stages of -civilisation than in later. As the possessions and occupation of the -father descend to the son who grows up in them, the favoured orders are -inclined to maintain this natural relation, and elevate it into a legal -rule; they believe that the qualification for their special calling -depends on birth in it, or better blood, and make it so to depend. In -the states on the Ganges these tendencies must have been the more -strongly marked, as in this case the Aryas saw beneath them, in the -Çudras, a class of men less capable and less cultivated than -themselves; to descend to this class and mingle with it, seemed to them -as disgraceful as it was dangerous to the maintenance of their empire -over these men. Here it was more natural than elsewhere to pursue this -analogy further--to regard even the classes of their own tribe, -according to their more or less honourable occupation, as separate -circles, as races having different characters and higher or lower gifts, -and to transform these distinctions of occupation and social position -into rigid castes. Thus the Kshatriyas, in the full consciousness of -their aristocratic life, proud of their brave deeds and noble feeling, -must have rendered difficult or impossible all approach to their -occupation and order; they regarded the minstrels and the priests, and -the Vaiçyas, as classes of inferior birth. When the minstrels had sung -the praises of the ancient heroic age in the poem of the marvels of the -heroes, in the Epos in its earliest form, and so arrived at more -peaceful times in which everything no longer depended on the sword, a -feeling of their importance and dignity must have grown up among the -priests. Without them, without the accurate knowledge of the old songs -and customs of sacrifice, as given by Manu and Pururavas,--without -precise acquaintance with the prayers in which efficacy rested, -efficient sacrifices could not be offered. We have already remarked that -the amalgamation of the emigrant tribes, and the formation of the new -kingdoms, brought the priests, who had hitherto belonged to the separate -tribes, into closer connection and combination, and made them into a -separate order. At the same time, their importance as preserving the old -rites and the old faith tended to increase. The community thus arising -between the priestly families led of necessity to an interchange of -forms of prayer and invocations, of songs, and poems, and customs of -sacrifice, the exclusive possession of which had hitherto belonged to -each of these families or schools. Thus in each of the new states the -priestly families attained a larger collection of songs, and a ritual -which was the natural product of the liturgies of the various families, -the observances regarded by one or other of these as traditional and -indispensable. The traditional prayers and songs of praise were regarded -as magical spells, of which even the gods could not escape the power. -This exchange and combination of spells and rubrics of sacrifice no -doubt made the ritual more complicated. The strictly-preserved and now -extended possession of these prayers, invocations, and customs, which -were known to the priests, separated that order from the Kshatriyas, and -the Vaiçyas; they stood in opposition to the other orders, as the -exclusive possessors of the knowledge of the customs of sacrifice, and -efficient invocations. It was only among the members of this order that -the correct observances and invocations were known; how could the -Kshatriya or the Vaiçya avoid errors in his offering or invocation, such -as would remove their efficacy and change them into their opposite? The -constant increase of the prayers and forms accompanying every step in -the sacrifice occupied more priests: the _Hotar_ offered the invitation -to the god to come down and receive the sacrifice; the _Udgatar_ -accompanied the preparation of the offering with the solemn forms and -prayers; the _Adhvaryu_ performed the actual rite. - -Thus an equality of knowledge, advantage, and interests united the -priests against the Kshatriyas, Vaiçyas, and Çudras. By the -consciousness that they were in possession of the means to win the -favour of the gods for the king, the nobles, and the people, the pious -feeling aroused among them was greatly assisted towards gaining the -recognition of the other orders. Like the Kshatriyas, they must have -scorned to descend to the occupations of the Vaiçyas; they must have -felt that only the priest born a priest could perform the priestly -service, or offer pleasing sacrifice to the gods. They must have -maintained that birth alone in the order could confer the capacity for -so important and lofty a calling as theirs. If nobles and priests -debarred the Vaiçyas from entrance into their order, their occupations, -and modes of life, they must have been no less careful to maintain the -advantages of their birth against the Çudras. - -If the separation of the orders was the result of a natural progress, if -the effort of the favoured classes to close their circles was -essentially promoted by the common contrast of the immigrants to the -remnant of the old population, the natural conditions in which the Aryas -were placed on the Ganges were not without an influence on the -maintenance of the separation when once introduced. In the land of the -Indus the Aryas had not learned to endure such a climate and such heat -as they found on the Ganges. The atmosphere began by degrees to -undermine the active and vigorous feeling of the Aryas, to lead them to -a life of greater calm and rest, which inclined them to retain the -conditions and circumstances once introduced. - -The orders attain complete exclusiveness and become castes when not only -the change from one to another is forbidden, but when even marriage -between the members of different orders is either impossible, or if -allowed entails the loss of order, and other disadvantages. We do not -exactly know to what extent the mutual exclusiveness of the Kshatriyas, -the Brahmans, and the Vaiçyas was carried; we only know that these -distinctions existed, and that marriages between the orders took place -at the time when the priests succeeded in wresting the first place on -the throne and in the state from the Kshatriyas, who had maintained it -for centuries. - -The priests would never have succeeded in raising themselves above the -Kshatriyas and repressing the ancient pre-eminence of the armed nobility -so closely connected with the kings, who belonged to their order, and -were their born chiefs, had they not succeeded in convincing the people -on the Ganges, that the effectual sacrifice was the most important and -all-decisive act; that the position in which men stood to the gods was a -matter far transcending all other relations. They must have transformed -the old religious conceptions by a new doctrine, and by means of this -transformation given to themselves a special position, with a peculiar -sanction from above. This rise of the priesthood, and their elevation to -the first order, is the decisive point in the development of the Arians -in India. It was a revolution of Indian life, of the Indian state, of -Indian history, of which the effects still continue. It has been -observed that the peculiar relations of the tribes on the Ganges, and -the nature of the land, tended to fix more strongly there than elsewhere -the separation between the orders. But that this division is the -sharpest known in history; that the orders became castes, sub-divided in -turn into a number of hereditary under-castes; that this unnatural -social system has continued in spite of the severest attacks and most -violent shocks, and still does continue in unbroken force--this is due -to a development of the religious views supplied by the priests, and to -the position of the priesthood which was founded on this -transformation. The victory over the Kshatriyas was the first step on -this path. It was won by means of a new conception of the idea of God, -and a scheme of the origin of the world, and the stages of created -beings established thereon. On this foundation it was that the priests -obtained the highest position. - -When the priestly families on the Ganges passed beyond the borders of -their several states in their contact with each other, they perceived -the extent of the whole treasure of sacrificial song and forms of -prayer, which the races had brought over in separate portions from the -Indus. The confusing multitude of deities and their attributes, which -now forced themselves upon the priests, led to the attempt to discover -some unity in the mass. The astonishing abundance of conceptions and the -number of the supreme deities in the old prayers were essentially due, -as has already been pointed out, to the fact that the Indians desired to -render to every god whom they invoked the proper and the highest honour. -With this object the number of attributes was increased, and the god in -question endowed to a greater or less degree with the power and -peculiarities of other deities; and in order to win the favour of the -deity to whom the sacrifice was offered, men were inclined to praise him -as the highest and mightiest of all gods. This inclination was supported -by the circumstance that the quick and lively fancy of the Indians never -fixed the outlines of their deities or separated them as individuals, -and further, by the blind impulse already noticed, to concentrate the -power of the gods in one highest god, and seize the unity of the divine -nature. Thus we saw that Indra and Agni, Mitra and Varuna, were in turns -extolled as the highest deity. The task now before the priests was to -understand the meaning of these old prayers, to grasp the point of -agreement in these various invocations, the unity in these wide -attributes, ascribed sometimes to one god and sometimes to another. This -gave a strong impulse to the reflective mind of the Brahmans, and no -sooner did the Indians begin to meditate than their fancy became -powerful. The form of Indra, and the conception lying at the base of his -divinity--the struggle against the black spirits of darkness--faded away -in the land of the Ganges. In that region tempests do not come on with -the same violence as in the Panjab; the hot season is followed by the -rainy season and the inundation without any convulsions of the -atmosphere. Again, as the life of war fell into the background, the -position of Indra as a god of war and victory became less prominent. -Least of all could the priests in a time of peace recognise the god of -their order in the god of war, and in any case the national, warlike, -heroic character of Indra could offer few points of contact with -priestly meditation. If in consequence of the new circumstances and -relations of life, Indra passed into the background--the old gods of -light, the common possession of the Aryas in Iran and India, Mitra, -Aryaman, Varuna, beside and above whom Indra had risen, were again -allowed to come into prominence. The effort to grasp the unity of the -divine power seemed to find a satisfactory basis in the form of Varuna, -who from his lofty watch-tower beholds all things, is present -everywhere, and sits throned in unapproachable light on the waters of -heaven, and in the ethical conceptions embodied in the nature of this -deity. The Brahmans struck out another path: they set aside altogether -Aditi, _i.e._ the imperishable, who in the old poems of the Veda is the -mother of the gods of light, _i.e._ of "the immortal" (p. 45, _n._ 2), -and in other poems is extolled as the heaven and the firmament, as -procreation and birth, as well as other attempts to conceive this unity. -The effort to grasp the unity of the divine Being, the attempt to -comprehend its nature, took quite another direction--highly significant -and important for the character and development of the Indians. - -The soma was offered most frequently to Indra, the Açvins, and the -Maruts, and by it they are strengthened and nourished. The drink which -gave strength to men and intoxicated them nourished and inspired the -gods also in the faith of the Indians; it gave them strength, and thus -won for men the blessing of the gods. To the Indians it appeared that a -potency so effectual must itself be divine--a deity. Hence the soma -itself is invoked as a god, and by consistently following out the -conception, the Indians see in it the nourisher and even the creator of -the gods. "The soma streams forth," we are told in some songs of the -Rigveda, "the creator of heaven and the creator of earth, of Agni and of -the sun, the creator of Indra and of thoughts." The soma-plants are now -the "udders of the sky;" the god is pressed for the gods, and he is -offered as drink, who in his liquor contains the universe.[157] The -sacrificial drink which nourishes the gods, or the spirit of it, is thus -exalted to be the most bountiful giver of blessings, the bravest -warrior, the conqueror of darkness, the slayer of Vritra, the lord of -created things, and even to be the supreme power over the gods, the -creator of the sun, the creator and father of Indra and the gods;[158] -and so the highest power could be ascribed with greater justice to the -correct invocations, the efficacious prayers which, according to the -ancient faith of the Indians, compelled the gods to come down to the -sacrificial meal, and hear the prayers of men. If man could induce or -compel the gods to obey the will of men, the means by which this -operation was attained must of itself be obviously of a divine and -supernatural character. Only a divine power can exercise force over the -mighty gods. We saw above how the spirit of fire, which carried the -offerings to the sky, was to the Indian the mediator between earth and -heaven. But the gifts were accompanied by prayers, and these, according -to the idealistic tendencies of the Indians and the opinion of their -priests, were the most efficacious part of the sacrifice; in them was -contained the elevation of the mind to heaven; and therefore to the -Indian the priest was one who offered prayer; and the songs of the Veda -lay the greatest weight on "the holy word," _i.e._ on the prayer, which -with them "was the chariot which leads to heaven." Thus a second spirit -was placed beside Agni, the bearer of gifts, and this spirit carried -prayer into heaven, and was the means by which the priests influenced -the gods, the power which compelled the gods to listen to them. This -spirit is the personification of the cultus, the power of meditation. It -lives in the acts of worship, in the prayers; it is the spirit which in -these prayers is the constraining power upon the gods. In the faith of -the Indians the gods grow by invocations and prayers; this spirit, -therefore, gives them vigour and strength, and as he is able to compel -the gods, he must himself be a mighty god. - -This spirit of prayer is a creation of the priestly families, a -reflected expression of that power and compulsion which from all -antiquity the Indians believed could be exercised upon spirits, and -which they attribute to the power of meditation. The name of this deity -no less than his abstract nature is a proof of his later origin. He is -called Brahmanaspati, _i.e._ lord of prayer. "Brahmanaspati," we are -told in the Vedas, "pronounces the potent form of prayer, where Indra, -Varuna, Mitra, and the gods have made their dwellings."[159] The lord of -prayer, the leader of songs, the creator of the songs by which the gods -grow, and who gives them power, the "bright, gold-coloured," has in -reality done the deeds of Indra. "He has cleft the clouds with his -lightning, opened the rich hollow of the mountains (the hidden streams), -driven the cows from the mountains, poured forth streams of water, -chased away the darkness with his rays, has brought into being the dawn, -the clear sky, and fire."[160] Thus did the priests transfer the -achievements of the old god of storm and battle to their new god, their -own especial protector, whom they now make the possessor of all divine -attributes, and the father of gods. As this spirit was concealed, and -lived in the acts of sacrifice, in the priests who offered it, in their -prayers and meditations, and, on the other hand, had a power over the -gods, guiding them and compelling them, Brahmanaspati, the spirit of the -cultus, the mysterious force, the magic power of the rite, became with -the priests the Holy, an impersonal essence, which at last was looked on -by the priests as "Brahman."[161] It was not with the lightning, but -with the Brahman, _i.e._ with the power of the Holy, that Indra burst -asunder the cave of Vritra.[162] - -In Brahmanaspati the priests found a special god for their order and -vocation; they were also at the same time carried beyond the circle of -the ancient gods, whose forms had sprung up on a basis of natural -powers; they had arrived at a transcendental deity emanating from the -mysterious secret of their worship. It was a step further on the same -path to resolve Brahmanaspati into Brahman, the Sacred Being. -Nevertheless, even in the latest poems of the Veda, Brahman still -coincides with Brahmanaspati, with the power of meditation and -prayer.[163] But by degrees, in the eager desire to detach the unity of -the divine power from the plurality of divine shapes, and find the one -in the other, Brahman is elevated far above this signification; it -becomes the ideal union of all that is sacred and divine, and is -elevated into the highest divine power. If the Holy nourishes, leads, -and constrains the gods, it is mightier than the gods, the mightiest -deity, and therefore the most divine. If the Holy constrains the gods, -and at the same time gives them power, in it alone the special power of -the gods can rest, in so far as it is in them: the greater the portion -they have in it, the mightier are they. The self-concentrated Holy is -the mightiest power, the essence of all gods, the deity itself. Thus the -oneness of nature in the gods, their unity and the connection between -them, was discovered. Yet, this Holy, or Brahman, was not in heaven -only, but also existed on earth; it lived in the holy acts and in those -who performed them; in the ritual and prayer, in meditation and -heaven-ward elevation of spirit, in the priests. Thus there stood upon -the earth a holy and an unholy world in opposition to each other; the -world of the priests and of the laity, the holy order of the priests and -the unholy orders of the Kshatriyas, Vaiçyas, and Çudras. - -It was the power of meditation and prayer, of the holy word, which with -the priests had shaped itself into the divine power, the essence of the -divine, and had thus driven out the more ancient gods. From another side -this change was aided by ideas which the nature of the land of the -Ganges forced upon the Aryas. It was not merely that the climate -compelled them to rest, and thus won, for the priests more especially, -leisure for contemplation, reflection, and minute investigation--all -tendencies natural to the Aryas. Little care for his maintenance was -required from the man who went into the forest to pursue his thoughts -and dreams. There, instead of the hot sun which ripened the sugar-cane -and shone on the fields of rice, was cool shade under the vast bananas -and fig-trees; in the fruits growing wild in the forest, he found -sufficient food. The gods invoked in the land of the Indus had been the -spirits of light, of the clear sky, of the winds, the helpful force of -fire, the rain-giving power of the storm-god. It was the bright, -friendly, beneficial phenomena and gifts of the heavens and nature which -were honoured in Indra and Mitra, in Varuna, Surya, and Agni. On the -Ganges the Aryas found themselves surrounded by a far more vigorous -natural life. They were in the midst of magnificent forms of landscape, -the loftiest mountains, the mightiest rivers; around them was a -vegetation unwearied in the luxuriance of its ceaseless growth, throwing -up gigantic leaves and stems, and creepers immeasurable. They saw on -every side a bright-coloured and marvellous animal world; glittering -birds, hissing serpents, the colossal shapes of the elephant and -rhinoceros. The multifarious forms of their gods had impelled them to -seek for a single source, a point of unity among them, and the same -impulse was roused by the wealth, variety, and bewildering abundance of -this natural life, which in quick alternation of blossom and decay, went -on creating without rest, under shapes the most various. The more -variegated the pictures formed by this rich nature in the lively fancy -of the Indians, the more confusing this change and multitude, the -stronger was the effort required of the mind in order to grasp the -unity, the single source, of all this mighty stream of life. To the old -gods the phenomena and operations of a wholly different region and -climate had been ascribed, but here life was far more varied and -luxuriant; here there was no contest of fruitful land with desert, of -the spirits of drought with the god of the storm. On the contrary, the -inundations of the Ganges displayed a fixed and regular revolution, and -in every kind of growth and decay there was a constant unalterable -order. Who, then, was the author and lord of these mighty pulses of -life, and this order, which seemed to exist of themselves? What was the -element of existence and continuance in this alternation of growth and -decay? When once men had come to regard the wonderful life of the Ganges -as a whole picture, as one, that life was naturally ascribed to some one -comprehensive form of deity, to one great god. The meditation of the -priests finally brought them to the result that the dust, earth, and -ashes, into which men, animals, and plants fell and disappeared could be -neither the cause and seat of their own life, nor of the general life. -Behind the material and the phenomenon, which could be grasped and seen -by the senses, must lie the dim and secret source of existence; behind -the external side must be another, inward, immaterial, and invisible. -Thus not man only, but all nature, fell into two parts, body and soul. -As behind the body of men, so also behind the perishable outward side of -nature, there seemed to live a great soul, penetrating through all -phenomena, the source and fountain of their being. The priests -discovered that behind all the changing phenomena there must exist a -single breath, a soul, Atman--it is also called Mahanatma, Paramatman, -_i.e._ "the great soul"[164]--and this must be the creative, sustaining, -divine power, the source and seat of the life which we behold at one -time rising in gladness, at another sinking in exhaustion. - -This world-soul was amalgamated with Brahman and denoted by that name. -In and behind the prayers and sacred acts an invisible spirit had been -discovered, which gave them their power and efficacy, and this holy -spirit ruled over the deities, inasmuch as it compelled them to listen -to the prayers of men. Behind, above, and in the gods, the nature of the -Holy was all-powerful; and it was the divine, the highest form of deity. -The same spirit must be sought for behind the great and various -phenomena of the life of nature. There must be the same spirit ruling in -both spheres, a spirit which existed at once in heaven and on earth, -which gave force to the prayers of the Brahmans, and summoned into life -the phenomena of nature, and caused the latter to move in definite -cycles, which was also the highest god and the lord of the gods. Thus -the sacred spirit ruling over the gods became extended into a -world-soul, penetrating through all the phenomena of nature, inspiring -and sustaining life. - -From prayer and meditation, which are mightier than the power of the -gods, from this inward concentration, which, according to the faith of -the Indians, reaches even unto heaven, the priests arrived at the idea -of a deity which no longer rested on any basis in the phenomena of -nature, but was ultimately regarded as the Holy in the general sense of -the word. To them this Holy was the soul of the world, and the creator -of it, or rather, not so much the creator as the cause and basis. From -it the world emanated as the stream from the spring. The Brahman, the -'That' (_tat_), does not stand to the world in the contrast of genus and -species; it has developed into the world. In the latest hymns of the -Veda we read: "Let us set forth the births of the gods in songs of -praise and thanksgiving. Brahmanaspati blew forth these births like a -smith. In the first age of the gods being sprang out of not-being. There -was neither being nor not-being, neither air nor heaven overhead, -neither death nor immortality, no division of day or night, darkness -existed, and this universe was indistinguishable waters. But the 'That' -(from which was nothing different, and nothing was above it), breathed -without respiration, but self-supported. Then rose desire (_kama_) in -it; this was the germ which by their wisdom the wise discovered in their -hearts as the link uniting not-being and being; this was the original -creative seed. Who knows, who can declare, whence has sprung this -creation?--the gods are subsequent to this, who then knows whence it -arose?"[165] We see how, in spite of consistency, Brahman is retained -beside the purely spiritual potency, the fructifying water of heaven -beside not-being, as the material in existence from the first. - -From the point of view which the priests gained by this conception of -Brahman, a new idea of the world lay open to them. Behind and above the -gods stood an invisible, pure, and holy spirit, which was at once the -germ and source of the whole world, the life of nature's life; in -Brahman the world and all that was in it had their origin; there was no -difference between the nature of Brahman and the world. Brahman was the -efficient and material cause of the world, but while Brahman streamed -forth into the world and became at every step further removed from -itself, its products became less clear and pure, less like the -perfection of its nature. Beginning from a spiritual being, -suprasensual, transcendental, and yet existing in the world, the Indians -ended in discovering a theory of creation, according to which all -creatures proceeded from this highest being in such a manner, that the -most spiritual forms were the nearest to him, while the most material, -sensual, and rude were the most remote. There was a graduated scale of -beings from Brahman down to the stones, and from these again to the holy -and pure, the only true and real, self-existent, eternal being of this -world-soul. In the first instance the gods had sprung from Brahman. From -Brahman the impersonal world-soul, the self-existent Holy, a personal -Brahman, first streamed forth, who was the highest deity. The personal -Brahman was followed by the origin of the old gods. After the gods the -spirits of the air are said to have flowed from Brahman, and after them -the holy and pure men, the castes in their order, according as they are -nearer to the sanctity of Brahman or more remote. Men were succeeded by -the beasts according to their various kinds, by trees, plants, herbs, -stones, and the lifeless matter. - -In this way all created things emanated from Brahman, and to each class -and kind a definite occupation was appointed, to perform which was the -duty of the class in the universal system. Thus the life of all -creatures was defined, and their vocation assigned to them in such a -manner that they must fulfil it even in subsequent births.[166] The -orders of priests, Kshatriyas, Vaiçyas, and Çudras, were a part in the -divine order of the world; the distinction between them, the nature and -relative position of each, emanated from Brahman. They are, therefore, -distinct steps in the development of Brahman, and, for this reason, -distinct occupations are apportioned to them. Thus there now stood, side -by side, among the Indians, four classes or varieties of men, separated -by God, and each provided by him with a different function. Henceforth -no change was possible for one class into another, no mixture of one -with another could be endured. The limits drawn by God were not to be -broken through. The Brahmans are nearest to Brahman; in them the essence -of Brahman, the holy spirit, the power of sanctification, lives in -greater force than in the rest; they emanated from Brahman before the -others; they are the first-born order. In one of the latest songs of the -Rigveda, the Purusha-suktas, we are told of the world-spirit: "The -Brahman was his mouth, the Rajnaya (Kshatriya) his arm, the Vaiçya his -thigh, the Çudra his foot." This is a parable: the Brahman was his -mouth, because the Brahmans are in possession of the prayers and holy -hymns; whether the arm or the mouth, strength or speech, was preferable, -is a question which remains unanswered. More distinctly and with special -insistance that the mouth of Brahman is the best part of him, the law -book of the priests tells us: Brahman first allowed the Brahmans to -proceed from his mouth; then the Kshatriyas from his arms; next the -Vaiçyas from his thigh; and lastly, the Çudras from his foot.[167] The -duties fixed by Brahman for the Brahmans were sacrifice, the study and -teaching of the Veda, to give justice and receive it. The duty of the -Kshatriyas is to protect the people; of the Vaiçyas to tend the herds, -till the fields, and carry on trade; the Çudras were only pledged to -serve the three other orders.[168] It is a duty for the Kshatriyas and -Vaiçyas to be reverent, submissive, and liberal to the Brahmans or -first-born caste. The vocation of man is to adapt himself to the -existing order of the world, to fulfil the particular mission assigned -to him at birth. Any rebellion against the order of the castes is a -rebellion against the divine order of the world. - -This new view of the world, at which, beginning from the conception of -the Holy and the world-soul, the meditation of the priests had arrived, -was at variance with the old faith. The new idea of God and the doctrine -of the world-soul, in its abstract and speculative form, could have but -little influence on the kings, the nobles, the peasants, and the people. -As a fact, it shattered almost too violently the belief of the Aryas in -the ancient gods. With the people Indra continued to be the highest god, -and still, as before, the spirits of light, of the wind, of fire were -invoked. But even without the new doctrine the forms of the ancient gods -were fainter in the minds of the nobles and people, partly in -consequence of the change in climate and country, and partly because the -old impulses which had given the first place in heaven to the gods of -battle no longer moved the heart so strongly, when the Aryas lived in -larger states and under more peaceful relations. The atmosphere of the -valley of the Ganges also required a more passive life, and the ideas of -the people, no less than the fancy of the priests, must have received -from the gigantic forms of the landscape, and the rich and marvellous -animal world of the new region, a direction and elevation quite -different from that felt in the land of the Indus. More especially, the -reasons noticed above--the contrast between the Aryas on the one hand -and the Çudras on the other--facilitated the reception of the doctrine -maintained by the priests of the division of castes. The pious feeling -which penetrated the Indians would, moreover, have found it difficult to -resist the conviction that the first place must invariably belong to the -relation to the gods. Hence ready credence was given to the priests when -they spoke of their order as the first-born and nearest to the gods. - -It was not in the sphere of religion or worship, but in ethics, that the -doctrine of the priests attained to a thorough practical influence on -the state and life of the Indians, and this complete victory was due to -the consequences which the priests derived from it for the life of the -soul after death. We are acquainted with the ancient ideas cherished by -the Aryas in the Panjab on the future of the soul after death; the -spirits of the brave and pious passed into the bright heaven of Yama, -where they lived in happiness and joy on soma, milk, and honey; those -who had done evil passed into thickest darkness. Yama allowed or refused -entrance into his heaven; his two hounds kept watch (p. 64). The -descendants duly sprinkled water for the spirits of their ancestors, and -their families brought libations at the new moon, when the souls of the -fathers came in troops and enjoyed food and drink. In the oldest -Brahmanas, Yama holds a formal judgment on the souls. The actions of the -dead were weighed in a balance; the good deeds allowed the scale to -rise; the evil deeds were threatened with definite punishments and -torments in the place of darkness. The body of light which the pious -souls are said to have received in heaven, required, according to this -new conception, a less amount of food, or no food at all. But the deeper -change rests in the fact that the heaven of Yama, the son of the deity -of light, can now no longer be the reward of those who have lived a -purer life, and approached to the sanctity and perfection of Brahman. -They had raised themselves in the scale of existence, and must therefore -return into the bosom of the pure being from which they had emanated. -The souls which have attained to complete purity pass after death into -Brahman. Thus the heaven of Yama was rendered unnecessary, and was, in -fact, set aside. The sinner who has not lived according to the vocation -which he received at birth, has neither offered sacrifice nor purified -himself, must be severely punished, and it is Yama--now transformed from -a judge of the dead into a prince of darkness, and having his abode in -hell--who imposes on sinners the torments which they must endure after -death for their guilt. The fancy of the Indians depicted, in great -detail, according to the various torments, the place of darkness, the -hell, situated deep below the earth. As among the Egyptians, and all -nations living in a hot climate, so in the hell of the Indians fierce -heat is the chief means of punishment. In one place is the region of -darkness, and the place of tears, the forest where the leaves are -swords. In another the souls are torn by owls and ravens; in another -their heads are struck every day by the guardians of hell with great -hammers. In another and yet worse hell they are broiled in pans; here -they have to eat hot coals; there they walk on burning sand and glowing -iron; in another place hot copper is poured into their necks.[169] For -the kings and warriors, on the other hand, the heaven of Indra takes the -place of the heaven of Yama; and into this the brave warriors enter. In -the Epos, Indra laments that "none of the beloved guests come, who -dedicate their lives to the battle, and find death without an averted -countenance." We have already seen how Indra meets Yudhishthira in order -to conduct him into the heaven of the heroes, the imperishable world, -where he will see his brothers and his wife, when they are freed from -the earthly impurity still clinging to them. - -The torments provided in hell for the sinners could not satisfy the -system which the priests had established in the doctrine of the -world-soul. In this the holy and pure being had allowed the world to -emanate from itself; the further this world was removed from its origin -and source, the more melancholy and gloomy it became. If the gods, the -holy and pious men in the past, and the heaven of light of Indra, were -nearest to the purity of Brahman, the pure nature of this being became -seriously adulterated in the lower stages of removal. In the present -world, purity and impurity, virtue and passion, wisdom and folly, were -at least in equipoise. The worlds of animals, plants, and dead matter -were obviously still further removed from the pure Brahman. If, -according to this view, the world was an adulterated, broken, impure -Brahman, it received, along with this corruption, the duty of regaining -its original purity. All beings had received their origin from Brahman, -and to him all must return. From this point of view, and the requirement -that every being must work out its way to perfection, in order to be -adapted to its perfect origin, the priests arrived at the idea that -every creature must go through all the gradations of being as they -emanated from Brahman, before it could attain to rest. The Çudra must -become a Vaiçya, the Vaiçya a Kshatriya, the Kshatriya a Brahman, and -the Brahman a wholly sinless and sacred man, a pure spirit, before he -can pass into Brahman. From the necessity that every one should work up -to Brahman, arose the monstrous doctrine of regenerations. The Çudra who -had lived a virtuous life, was, it was thought, by the power of this -virtue and the practice of it, changed in his nature, and born anew in -the higher existence of a Vaiçya; the Kshatriya became a Brahman, and so -on.[170] In this manner the pure and holy life, according as it was -freed from all sensuality and corporeality, from the whole material -world, succeeded in winning a return to supersensual and incorporeal -Brahman. Conversely, the impure, spotted, and sinful were born again in -a lower order, and in the worst shape according to the measure of the -offence--sometimes they did not even become men at all, but animals--in -order to struggle back again through unutterable torments, and -innumerable regenerations, to their former condition, and finally to -Brahman. Thus a wide field was opened to the fancy of the Indians, on -which it soon erected a complete system of regenerations; and into this -the theory of hell was adopted. The man who had committed grievous sins, -sinks after death into hell, and for long periods is tortured in the -various departments there, that thus, after expiation of his sins, he -may begin again the scale of migration from the lowest and worst form of -existence. One who was guilty of less serious offences was born again -according to their measure as a Çudra or an elephant, a lion or a tiger, -a bird or a dancer.[171] One who had committed acts of cruelty was -re-born as a beast of prey.[172] One who had attempted the murder of a -Brahman was punished in hell one hundred or a thousand years, according -to the progress of the attempt, and then saw the light of the world in -twenty-one births, each time proceeding from the body of some common -animal. He who had shed the blood of a Brahman, was torn in hell by -beasts of prey for so many years as the flowing blood had touched grains -of sand; and if any one had slain a Brahman his soul was born again in -the bodies of the animals held in greatest contempt on the Ganges, the -dog and the goat.[173] If any one had stolen a cow he was born again as -a crocodile, or a lizard; if corn, as a rat;[174] if fruits and roots, -as an ape.[175] He who defiled his father's bed was to be born a hundred -times as a herb, or a liana--the creepers embracing the trees;[176] the -Brahman who is guilty of a fault in the sacrifice is born again for a -hundred years as a crow or kite, and those who eat forbidden food will -again see light as worms. He who reproaches a free man with being the -son of a slave-woman, will himself be born five times from the body of -a slave.[177] In this manner, partly fanciful, partly pedantic, the -priests built up the system of regenerations. According to the law-book -of the priests, inorganic matter, worms, insects, frogs, rats, crows, -swine, dogs, and asses, were on the lowest stage in the scale of -creation; above them came first, elephants, horses, lions, boars, the -Çudras and the Mlechhas; _i.e._ the nations who did not speak Sanskrit. -Above these were rogues, players, demons (Raksheras), Piçachas, _i.e._ -blood-suckers, vampyres; above these wrestlers and boxers, dancers, -armour-smiths, drunkards, and Vaiçyas; above them the Kshatriyas and the -kings, the men eminent in battle and speech, the genii of heaven, the -Gandharvas and Apsarasas. Above these were the Brahmans, the pious -penitents, the gods, the great saints, and finally, Brahman. - -Thus the new system effaced the specific distinctions between plants and -beasts, men and gods. Everywhere it saw nothing but spirits, which have -to work their way in a similar manner from greater or less impurity to -purity, from incompleteness to completeness and the original source of -their existence. The souls, when they had once been created and had -emanated from Brahman, found no rest or end till they had returned once -more to this their starting-point; and this they were unable to do till -they had been raised to the purity and sanctity of Brahman. - -However indifferent the kings, nobles, and peasants may have been to -this doctrine of the world-soul and Brahman, these new, severe, and -terrible consequences, derived from it by the priests for the life -after death, could not be without a deep impression. They operated with -immense force on the spirit of the Indians. To endure the torments of -hell in continuous heat, while even on earth the warmth of the climate -was so hard to bear, was a terrible prospect. But even this appeared -only as the lesser evil. Along with and after the torments of hell those -who committed grievous sins had to expect a ceaseless regeneration in -the bodies of men and animals until they had worked their way up to -Brahman. At the same time the priests took care to impress upon the -hearts of the people the fate which awaited those who did not follow -their ordinances. They reminded them perpetually of "the casting of the -soul into hell and hell-torments." The sinner was to think, "what -migrations the soul would have to undergo owing to his sin; of the -regeneration through ten thousand millions of mothers."[178] These -endless terrors and torments now in prospect for the man who did not -fulfil the vocation assigned to him by the creator at birth, or the -prescripts of the priests, were only too well adapted to win respect for -their requirements. Who would venture to trespass on the divine -arrangement of the world, according to which the first place was secured -on earth to the Brahman in preference to the wealthy armed noble, the -peasant, and the miserable Çudra, who was only on a level with the -higher order of animals? Who would not look up with reverence to the -purer incarnation of the world-soul, the holier spirit, which dwelt in -the Brahmans? Even though the theory of the world-soul remained -unintelligible to the many, they understood that the Brahmans, who -busied themselves with sacrifice, prayers, and sacred things, stood -nearer to the deity than they did; they understood that if they -misconducted themselves towards the sacred race or disregarded the -vocation of birth, they must expect endless torments in hell, and -endless regenerations in the most loathsome worms and insects, or in the -despised class of the Çudras--"those animals in human form." - -The priesthood cannot have succeeded in making good their claims to -superiority over the Kshatriyas, their new doctrine and ethics, without -long-continued struggles and contests. If the two first centuries after -the foundation of the states--the period between 1400 and 1200 -B.C.--were occupied, as we assumed above, with the arrangement and -consolidation of the new kingdom, the establishment of the position of -the nobles, and the composition of songs of heroism and victory, we may -assign to the next two centuries--from 1200 to 1000 B.C.--the sharper -distinction of the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, the amalgamation of the -families of minstrels and priests into an order; the rise of this order -in the states on the Ganges as the preserver of the ancient faith and -ancient mode of worship; the combination of the customs, formulĉ, and -invocations hitherto handed down separately in the separate states. If -in the first period the immigrant Aryas separated themselves as a common -race from the Çudras, in the next the three orders of the Aryas became -distinguished. Only the man who was born a Kshatriya could partake in -the honour of this order; only one who sprung from a family of priests -could be allowed to assist in the holy acts of sacrifice; and he who was -born a Vaiçya must continue to till the field. - -At the beginning of the ensuing century--_i.e._ in the period from 1000 -B.C. downwards--the priests, now in possession of all the ancient -invocations and formulĉ, may have begun their meditations with the -comparison of the invocations, the attempt to find out the right meaning -of them, and to grasp the unity of the divine nature. The hymns of the -latest portion of the Vedas, which are obviously a product of these -meditations, may perhaps have arisen in the first half of this period. -From the mysterious secret of the worship, the spirit of prayer, and the -idea of the mighty, ever-recurring stream of birth and decay in the land -of the Ganges, the Brahmans arrived at the idea of Brahman, the -world-soul, and from this deduced its consequences. We may with -certainty presuppose a long and severe struggle of the nobles against -the dominion of the priests--a struggle which went on for several -generations. Even the Vaiçyas can hardly have submitted without -resistance to all the requirements of the Brahmans. The impassable gulf -between the orders, the exclusion of intermarriage, was only carried -out, as we can show, with difficulty; and even the ethics of the new -doctrine must have met with resistance. - -We have already referred to the circumstances which rendered victory -easier to the Brahmans, to the changed conditions of life, and the -nature of the land of the Ganges. Another fact in their favour was that -the new doctrines of the Brahmans did not attack the monarchy. This -continued to remain in the order of the Kshatriyas, and no essential -limitation of their powers was required by the new doctrine from the -princes on the Ganges. It is true that it demanded recognition of the -superiority of the Brahmans to the other orders, and acknowledgment of -the special sanctity of the order even from the kings; it required -reverence, respect, and liberality, towards the Brahmans; yet in all -other respects the new system was calculated to increase rather than -diminish the power of the kings. The rule of unconditional submission to -the existing order must have strengthened considerably the authority of -the kings, and assisted them in removing the limitations hitherto, -without doubt, imposed upon them by the importance of the Kshatriyas; -and we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the kingdom on the Ganges -was first raised by the new doctrine to absolute power; on this -foundation it became a despotism. - -We may feel confident in assuming that the victory of the Brahmans in -the land of the Ganges was completed about the time when the dynasty of -the Pradyotas ascended the throne of Magadha, _i.e._ about the year 800 -B.C.[179] The districts from the Sarasvati eastward as far as the upper -Ganges are after that time a sacred land to the Indians. The country -between the Sarasvati and the Drishadvati is called Brahmavarta, _i.e._ -Brahma-land. Kurukshetra (between the Drishadvati and the Yamuna), the -districts of the Bharatas and Panchalas, of the Matsyas and Çurasenas, -_i.e._ the entire doab of the Yamuna and the Ganges, are comprised under -the name Brahmarshideça, _i.e._ the land of the holy sages. Here were -situated the famous residences of the Kurus and Pandus, Hastinapura, -Indraprastha, Kauçambi, and on the confluence of the Yamuna and Ganges, -Pratishthana; here, finally, was the city of Krishna, Krishnapura, and -the sacred Mathura on the Yamuna; and elsewhere also in this district we -find consecrated places and shrines of pilgrimage. It is maintained that -the bravest Kshatriyas and the holiest priests are to be found in this -district; the customs and observances here are regarded as the best, and -as giving the rule to the remainder. The law-book of the priests -requires that every Arya shall learn the right walk in life from a -Brahman born in Brahmarshideça, and that, properly, all Aryas should -live there.[180] It cannot have been any reminiscence of the great war -which caused the priests to set such a value on these regions, and make -these demands, nor even the fact that these districts were the first -occupied by the emigrants from the Indus, so that here first in the new -country were consecrated places set up for the worship of the -immigrants, and the least intermixture took place with the ancient -population. It is due rather to the fact that in these regions the -civilisation and culture of the Indians were consolidated in an especial -degree; here the priestly reform of the religion, if it did not receive -the first impulse, yet acquired the victory and became supreme, owing -perhaps to the support of the princes of the dynasty of Pandu, who -reigned at Kauçambi. As these were the regions in which the priests -first regulated the ancient customs of worship, morals, and justice -according to the new doctrine, they could afterwards serve as a pattern -for all the rest. If the Brahmans, soon after they had succeeded in -carrying through their demands here, revised the Epos of the great war -in the light of their new system, they could claim the thanks of the -kings of the Bharatas for their support, they could show that the kings -who in ancient times had won the dominion in these lands, the ancestors -of the race then on the throne, had even in early times obediently -followed the commands of the priests, and they could set up the -conquerors in that struggle as patterns of the proper conduct of kings -to Brahmans (p. 101). - -Hence we may perhaps assume that it was in the districts on the upper -Yamuna and the upper Ganges that the priesthood first got the upper -hand, and the same change followed in the lands still further to the -east, after the great priestly families, with more or less difficulty, -delay and completeness, established themselves among the Kshatriyas of -these districts--the Vasishthas with the kings of the Koçalas, the -Gautamas with the kings of the Videhas, to whom no doubt they made very -clear the services their forefathers had rendered to the predecessors on -the throne. According as the previous circumstances offered more -resistance in one place, and less in another, the new system was -sometimes carried out more rapidly and thoroughly, and at others more -slowly and with less severity. - -No historical tradition has come down to us of the resistance made by -the nobles to the priestly order in defence of their possession, or by -the kings in questions affecting their power. It was the interest of the -Brahmans to establish and describe the position they had won by -conquest as occupied by them from the first. No nation has gone so far -as the Indians in their eagerness to forget the old condition of affairs -in every succeeding evolution, and to establish the new point of view as -one existing from the first. The liveliness and force of their fancy -must have unconsciously led them to regard the new and the present as -the old and the original after comparatively short intervals of time. - -In some episodes of the Epos and narratives of the Puranas we find -legends of kings and warriors who because they did not show the proper -respect for the Brahmans, or opposed them, were severely punished, and -of saintly heroes who slew the Kshatriyas. We cannot, however, assume, -that in the one or the other there is concealed any historic -reminiscence. They are merely intended to set up terrifying examples of -the lot which awaited kings and Kshatriyas who ventured to disregard the -Brahmans. The book of the law tells us that the wise king Vena became -infirm in mind owing to sensuality, and in this condition he brought -about the mixture of the orders.[181] King Nahusha, Sudas, the son of -Pijavana, and Nimi perished through want of humility, but Viçvamitra by -his humility was raised to the rank of a Brahman.[182] All these names -are taken from the legend as it existed previously to the great war. - -In the Rigveda, Vena is mentioned as the father of Prithu;[183] the -Ramayana enumerates Vena and his son Prithu among the first successors -of Ikshvaku, the progenitor of the kings of the Koçalas (p. 106). The -Vishnu-Purana, which assigns the same position to Vena, tells us that he -took upon himself to arrange the duties of men, and forbade the -Brahmans to sacrifice to the gods; no one might be worshipped but -himself. Then the holy Brahmans slew the sinner with swords of the -sacred sacrificial grass, which had been purified by invocations. And -when, on the death of the king, robbers sprung up on every side, the -Brahmans rubbed the right arm of the dead king, and from it sprung the -pious and wise Prithu, who shone like Agni; he ruled between the Yamuna -and Ganges, and subdued the earth, and by this noble son Vena's soul was -freed from hell. The Mahabharata tells us that Prithu inquired with -folded hands of the great saints about his duties, and that they bade -him maintain the Veda, abstain from punishing Brahmans, and protect -society from the intermixture of the castes.[184] - -King Nahusha belongs to the royal race of the Bharatas; he is mentioned -as the second successor of Pururavas (p. 82). The Mahabharata tells us -that he was a mighty king, but he laid tribute on the saints, and forced -them to carry him. Once he caused his palanquin to be carried by a -thousand great sages, and because they did not go fast enough, he struck -with his foot the holy Agastya who was among them. Then Agastya cursed -him and he was changed into a serpent.[185] - -Nimi, according to the Ramayana, is a son of Ikshvaku, the progenitor of -the Koçalas. He bade Vasishtha his priest offer a sacrifice for him, and -Vasishtha undertook to perform the second half of it. But the king -caused the sacrifice to be offered by another saint, by Gautama. When -Vasishtha heard this he pronounced a curse on Nimi that he should lose -his body, and Nimi forthwith died. He was not punished for rebellion -against a Brahman, but because he had not submitted himself with -absolute obedience to his own priest. - -Lastly Viçvamitra is said to have obtained the rank of a Brahman by -humility. Viçvamitra is known to us from the hymns of the seventh book -of the Rigveda as offering sacrifice for the Bharatas, while Vasishtha -or his race offer prayer and sacrifice for their opponent, Sudas, the -king of the Tritsus, who afterwards settle on the Sarayu and bear the -name of Koçalas (p. 66). But the Ramayana and the Puranas also place -Vasishtha at the side of the kings of the Koçalas, not at the time of -Nimi only, as we have seen, who is the son of the tribal ancestor -Ikshvaku, but at the side of Ikshvaku's descendants in the fifth -century, like Vena, and even in the twentieth and fiftieth generations. -The imagination of the Indians was not disturbed by such things in the -case of a great priest of the old time. Yet in other parts of the -Rigveda besides those quoted above, in the third book, we find prayers -offered by Viçvamitra for Sudas, and some obscure expressions may be -regarded as curses directed by Vasishtha against Viçvamitra. From the -circumstance that Viçvamitra at one time offers prayers for the king of -the Tritsus, and at another for the king of the Bharatas, we may draw -the conclusion, that the family of the Kuçikas to which Viçvamitra -belonged was driven out among the Tritsus by another family--that of -Vasishtha, and that afterwards the Kuçikas offered their services to the -kings of the Bharatas, and were allowed to perform them. Out of the -opposition of Viçvamitra and Vasishtha, indicated in the Rigveda, the -priestly literature of the Indians has invented a great contest between -Viçvamitra and the Kshatriyas, in order to bring to light the -superiority of the Brahmans. Even with the aid of his weapons, -Viçvamitra the Kshatriya cannot prevail against the Brahman Vasishtha. -At length he recognises the majesty of the Brahman, submits to Brahmanic -ordinances, and distinguishes himself by sanctity to such a degree "that -he became like a Brahman, and possessed all the qualifications of -one."[186] - -In the Vishnu-Purana Sudas is the fiftieth successor of Ikshvaku on the -throne of the Koçalas. His priest was Vasishtha; and Viçvamitra, the son -of a great Kshatriya, the king of Kanyakubja (Kanoja), wished to drive -him out. One day, while hunting, Sudas met a Brahman, who would not move -out of the way for him, and he struck him with his whip. The Brahman was -Çakti, the eldest of Vasishtha's hundred sons. Çakti pronounced on the -king the curse that he should become a cannibal, and the curse was -fulfilled. But by the help of an evil spirit Viçvamitra was able to -bring the consequences of the curse on the sons of Vasishtha; Çakti -himself and all his brothers were eaten by the king. In despair at the -death of his sons, Vasishtha sought to put an end to his own life, but -in vain. When at length he returned to his settlement, he found that the -widow of his eldest son was pregnant; and when she brought forth -Paraçara the hope of progeny revived in him. But Sudas desired to eat -Paraçara also. Then the holy Vasishtha blew on Sudas, sprinkled him with -holy water, and took the curse from him, and in return the king promised -never to despise Brahmans, to obey their commands, and show them all -honour. And when Paraçara grew up, and wished to avenge the death of his -father, Vasishtha told him that under the rule of Kritavirya (he is said -to have reigned over a tribe of the Yadavas) the Bhrigus, the priests -of the king, had become rich in corn and gold by his liberality. Arjuna, -the successor of Kritavirya, had fallen into distress, and sought aid -from the Bhrigus. Then some of them buried their possessions out of fear -of the Kshatriyas, and when by accident a Kshatriya discovered the -treasure hidden in the house of a Bhrigu they slew all the Bhrigus. But -their widows fled to the Himalayas, and there one of them brought forth -Aurva, who desired to avenge the death of the Bhrigus by the slaughter -of the Kshatriyas. But the spirits of the holy Bhrigus warned him to -give up his passion, and curb his anger; by concealment they had roused -the anger of the Kshatriyas, in order to arrive the sooner in heaven. In -like manner Paraçara abandoned the idea of avenging his father. - -No greater historical value is to be attached to a legend of the -destruction of the Kshatriyas by a Brahman. Gadhi, the father of -Viçvamitra, had given his daughter to wife to a saint, Richika, the son -of Aurva, of the race of the Bhrigus. She bore Jamadagni to Richika, who -lived as an eremite after the example of his father. One day Arjuna came -to the abode of Jamadagni, and though he received the king with honour, -Arjuna caused the calf of his cow to be carried away. Then Paraçurama, -_i.e._ Rama with the axe, the youngest son of Jamadagni, slew the king, -and the king's sons slew Jamadagni. To avenge the death of his father, -Paraçurama swore to destroy all the Kshatriyas from the earth. Thrice -seven times with his irresistible axe he cut down the Kshatriyas, and -appeased the manes of Jamadagni and the Bhrigus with the blood of the -slain. Then he offered a great sacrifice to Indra, and presented the -earth to the saint Kaçyapa. But Kaçyapa gave it to the Brahmans, and -went into the forest. Then the stronger oppressed the weaker, and the -Vaiçyas and Çudras behaved themselves wickedly towards the wives of the -Brahmans, and the earth besought Kaçyapa for a protector and a king; a -few Kshatriyas were still left among the women; and Paraçara had brought -up Sarvakarma, the son of Sudas. And Kaçyapa did as the earth entreated -him, and made the son of Sudas and the other Kshatriyas to be kings. -This was long before the great war.[187] In the Ramayana, Paraçurama -rebels when Rama has broken Çiva's great bow. All were in terror lest he -should again destroy the Kshatriyas. But Rama also strings Paraçurama's -great bow, shoots the arrow to the sky, not towards Paraçurama, "because -he was a Brahman," and Paraçurama returned to Mount Mahendra. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[151] Cunningham, "Survey," 1. 301 ff. - -[152] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 168 _n._ - -[153] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 168. - -[154] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 671, 951. - -[155] Manu, 1. 91. - -[156] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 966 _n._ - -[157] "Samaveda," 1, 6, 1, 4, 5, in Benfey's translation. - -[158] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 5, 266 ff. - -[159] "Rigveda," 1, 40, 5, in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 272 ff. - -[160] "Rigveda," 10, 68, 8 ff. Roth, "Z. D. M. G." 1. 75. - -[161] _Brahmán_, from the root _barh_, connected with the root _vardh_ -(to become, to grow), means to raise, to elevate. The masc. _brahmán_ -means "he who elevates, makes to increase;" the neuter _bráhman_ means -first, "growth," the "creative power," and then, "the elevating and -elevated mood," the prayer and sacred form of words, the creative, -reproducing power. A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 2, 303; 9, 305. - -[162] Roth, _loc. cit._ 1. 73. - -[163]Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 382. - -[164] So in Manu, _e.g._ 6. 65. _Atman_ means "_breathing_;" -_paramatman_ "the highest breathing." - -[165] "Rigveda," 10, 72, 1-3; 10, 129, 1-6, in Muir, _loc. cit._ 5, 48 -ff. 356. - -[166] Manu, 1, 28, 29. - -[167] "Rigveda," 10, 90; Manu, 1, 31 and in the Puranas; Muir, "Sanskrit -Texts," 5, 371. A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 9, 7. - -[168] Manu, 1, 88-91, and in many other places. - -[169] In Manu, 4, 88-90 (cf. 12, 75, 76) eight hells are mentioned and -described, in each of which the torments grow worse as the offences are -more serious. The Buddhists retain these eight hot hells, and add eight -cold; Burnouf, "Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme," p. 320, 366, -367, 201. The Singhalese have increased the number to 136, the Siamese -to 462. Koppen, "Relig. des Buddha," s. 244. Cf. A. Weber, in "Z. D. M. -G." 9, 237. - -[170] _e.g._ Manu, 9, 335. - -[171] Manu, 12, 43, 44. - -[172] Manu, 12, 59. - -[173] Manu, 12, 55. - -[174] Manu, 12, 62, 64. - -[175] Manu, 12, 67. - -[176] Manu, 12, 58. - -[177] Manu, 12, 59. Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 274. Bohlen has already -observed that many of these regenerations are merely fanciful, "Indien," -24. - -[178] Manu, 6, 61-63. - -[179] In the sixth century B.C. the Brahmanic arrangement of the state -was in full force in the cities on the Ganges, and carried out most -strictly. Hence it must have obtained the upper hand about 800 B.C. at -the latest. It was not only established by law about the year 600 B.C., -but the doctrine of the Brahmans had already created scholastic and -heterodox systems of philosophy. Before this system could become -current, the idea of Brahman must have been discovered; the strong -elements of resistance in the ancient life and faith must have been -overcome. This would occupy a space of about two centuries, and may -therefore have filled the period from 1000 to 800 B.C., as assumed in -the text. Buddhism required a space of three centuries in order to -become the recognised religion in the kingdom of Magadha. Before the -idea of the world-soul could be discovered, the hymns of the Veda must -have reached a certain point of combination and synopsis, and the -confusing multitude of divine forms must have been sufficiently felt to -call forth the opposite idea of unity. From the book of the law it is -clear that the three Vedas were in existence before it was drawn up. It -refers perpetually to the triple Veda. The evidence of the Sutras proves -that four Vedas existed at the time of the appearance of Buddha. If -these were in existence in the sixth century the three which are -acknowledged to be older must have existed as early as the seventh -century B.C. - -[180] Manu, 2, 6, 12, 18, 20. - -[181] Manu, 9, 67. - -[182] Manu, 7, 38-42, 8, 110. - -[183] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 1, 268, 305. - -[184] Muir, _loc. cit._ 1, 297 ff. - -[185] Muir, _loc. cit._ 1, 307 ff. - -[186] Muir, _loc. cit._ 1, 157. - -[187] Muir, _loc. cit._ 1, 151, 200. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE OLD AND THE NEW RELIGION. - - -In the land of the Ganges the Brahmans had gained a great victory and -carried out a great reform. A new god had thrown the old gods into the -background, and with the conception of this new god was connected a new -view of the world, at once abstract and fantastic. From this in turn -followed a new arrangement of the state, and of the orders, which were -now of divine origin, as direct products of creation, and thus became -irrevocably fixed. The monarchy itself was of humbler descent than the -Brahmans, the first of the earth; to them the warlike nobles were made -inferior, while the doctrines of hell and regeneration, which the -Brahmans put in the place of the old ideas of life after death, must -gradually have brought about the subjugation of the national mind and -heart to the new religion. - -When the Brahmans succeeded in establishing their claims in the land of -the Ganges about the year 800 B.C. (as we ventured to assume), the old -sacrificial songs and invocations, which they had imported with them -from the land of the Indus, were no doubt to a great extent already -written down. When the various families of minstrels and priests had -first exchanged with each other their special treasures of ancient -prayers; when the Brahmans, passing beyond the borders of the separate -states, had become amalgamated into one order, and had thus consolidated -the existing stock of traditional formulĉ and ritual--it must have been -felt necessary to preserve this valuable treasure in its greatest -possible extent, and, considering the belief of the Aryas in the magical -power of these forms, as securely as possible from any change. Whatever -might be the assistance which the compact form of these invocations lent -to the memory, the body of songs which had now passed from tradition and -the possession of the separate families into the general possession of -the orders, was too various and comprehensive,--minute and verbal -accuracy was too important,--for the resources of even the most careful -oral teaching, the strongest and most practised memory. But the process -of writing them down was not accomplished at once. In the first case, no -doubt, each family added to its own possessions the store of the family -most closely connected with it.[188] Beginning from different points, -after manifold delays, extensions, and enlargements from the invocations -first composed in the land of the Ganges, which allow us to trace the -change from the old views to the new system, the collection must at last -have comprised all that was essential in the forms and prayers used at -offerings and sacrifices. - -We do not know how far back the use of writing extends with the Indians. -According to the account of Nearchus, they wrote on cotton, beaten hard; -other Greeks speak of the bark of trees, while native evidence teaches -us that the leaves of the umbrella palm were used for the purpose. -Modern enquirers are of opinion that the Indian alphabet is not an -invention of the people, but borrowed from the Phenician.[189] As we -have shown, the Phenicians reached the mouth of the Indus in the tenth -century. But about this time, or perhaps before it, there existed a -marine trade between the Indians and Sabĉans, on the coasts of south -Arabia. Granting the origin of the Indian alphabet from the Phenician, -it is thus rendered more probable that it was taken from the south -Arabian alphabet, which in its turn rose out of the Aramaic alphabet, -than that it was borrowed directly from the Phenician. In the latter -case we should have to presuppose a trade between Babylonia and India by -means of the Persian Gulf (in Babylonia the Aramaic alphabet was in use -beside the cuneiform in the eighth century B.C. at the latest) as a more -probable means of communication than the voyages of the Phenicians to -Elath, which had already been given up. But from whatever branch of the -Semitic races the Indian letters may have been taken, the general use of -them cannot be put much earlier than 800 B.C. The oldest inscriptions of -the Indians which have come down to us, are those of Açoka, king of -Magadha, and belong to the middle of the third century B.C. They exhibit -a complete alphabetic use of writing, and the forms of the letters are -not very different from those employed at a later time.[190] - -Among the Indians the collection of their old songs and forms is known -as the Veda, _i.e._ knowledge: it forms the knowledge of the priest. We -possess these songs in three groups. The oldest, and no doubt the -original group, the Rigveda, _i.e._ the knowledge of thanksgiving, -comprises in ten books more than a thousand of the traditional poems and -sacrificial songs. For the most part they are arranged according to a -certain recurring order in the deities invoked; and, as we have seen, -some poems are included which could never have been sung at sacrifices -at all. Besides this collection there are two collections of the -liturgic prayers which ought to accompany the performance of sacrifice. -The Samaveda comprises the prayers sung at the offering of the soma; -they are verses taken from the Rigveda, and the collection is a book of -songs or hymns.[191] The Yajur-veda contains the formulĉ and ritual -which must be chanted at the dedication of the altar, the kindling of -the fire, and every act of every sacrifice. Thus the Samaveda supplied -the knowledge of the Udgatar, the prayers during the sacrifice of soma, -the Yajur-veda supplied the knowledge of the Adhvaryu, who had to -perform the material part of the sacrificial service, the ritual for the -separate acts of the ceremony. Compared with these two books the Rigveda -was the book of the Hotar, _i.e._ of the chief priest, who had to -conduct the sacrifice, and invoke the gods to come down to it.[192] If -in the parts of the hymns of praise and invitations, which are repeated -from the Rigveda in the Samaveda, the style and tone is often more -archaic than in the Rigveda, the explanation is that the prayer at the -sacrifice was no doubt preserved with more liturgic accuracy, than the -invitation to the god, which preceded the sacrifice. The Yajur-veda is -preserved in a double form; of which one, the black Yajus, is shown to -be the older by its want of systematic sequence; but even in this older -form we find, as in the tenth book of the Rigveda,[193] pieces of later -origin, the outcome of priestly meditation. - -The writing down of these invocations and the possession of the sacred -books formed a new bond to unite the Brahmans into an order distinct -from the others. The superior knowledge of the priestly families became -of still greater importance. By appealing to these writings, which in -the first instance were only accessible to the members of their order, -they were enabled to find a considerable support in asserting their -claims against the kings, Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, though their contents -told against rather than for the new doctrine. Strong though the impulse -might be, which the variety of these invocations had supplied to advance -the new conception of god, this body of ritual, with the exception of a -few later pieces, was strongly opposed to the new doctrine. It was -filled with praise of those very gods, which, in the view of the -Brahmans, had given way to their new god. The way in which the Brahmans -harmonised the songs of the Veda, where Varuna, Mitra, Agni, and Indra -are each praised in turn as the highest deity, with their new idea of -god, was a matter for their modes of interpretation and their schools. -For the nation the chief object was to remove or conceal the striking -discord between the doctrine of the new god and the old faith, a task -all the more difficult, as the nation clung more closely to the old -forms of the gods, though some, as has been remarked, were almost -obliterated by the natural characteristics of the land of the Ganges, -and the novel conditions of life in the new states. Small as the space -was which the battles of Indra could claim in the eyes of the Brahmans -beside their own Brahman, they could not resist the Veda, which -testified to his existence in every part of the work, nor the belief of -the nation, so far as to set aside either this deity or the rest. On the -other hand, it was easy to subordinate the old gods to Brahman on the -system of the emanation of everything in the world from Brahman. They -were degraded into a class of higher beings, which had emanated from -Brahman before men, _i.e._ immediately before the Brahmans. From Brahman -the Brahmans first allowed a personal Brahman to emanate, unless indeed -this personification had already proceeded from Brahmanaspati (p. 128), -and was in existence beside the sacred world-soul, the impersonal -Brahman. The personal Brahman was a deity like the old gods, but far -more full of life. To him neither shrines were dedicated nor sacrifices -offered,[194] yet before meals corns of rice were to be scattered for -him as for the rest of the gods, and spirits. The personal Brahman, like -the impersonal, was the result of theory and meditation; in both Brahman -was a product of reflection, without life and ethical force, without -participation in the fortunes of men and states, without love and anger, -without sympathy and pity: a colourless, abstract, super-personal and -therefore impersonal being, the strictest opposite of that mighty -personality into which the Jehovah of the Hebrews grew, owing to the -historical, practical, and ethical development of the conception. -Brahman was not so much above the natural world which he has created by -his command, as its lord and master. Brahman was within it and inwoven -in it, and yet at the same time outside it, the hollow form of a being, -at once self-originating and returning into itself; or as a personal -Brahman he was the president of a meaningless council of heavenly -spirits. The old deities, the beings who stood first in the scale of -emanations from Brahman, surrounded this personal Brahman as a court -surrounds a king. Like other beings, they also have their duties -assigned to them; some of the old deities are raised into prominence, -and to them is given the old mission of conflict against the evil -spirits. They are to defend the eight regions of the earth entrusted to -their care against the attacks of the Asuras, or evil spirits. At the -head of these eight protectors Indra is naturally placed. To his keeping -is assigned the most sacred district, the north-east, where beyond the -Himalayas is the divine mountain Meru, which illuminates the northern -region, and round which move the sun, moon, and constellations. On this -mountain, according to the oldest conceptions of the Aryas, Indra has -his abode with the spirits of light. Yama is now king of the south-east, -where in the old religion his heaven of light lay with the kingdom of -the blessed spirits. Varuna, who previously was throned in the height of -heaven on the great waters, and sent sickness and death on sinners, is -now the deity of the distant ocean. Of the old gods of light, Surya, the -sun-god, found a place among the eight protectors of the world, and at -his side was Chandra, the moon-god. The remaining regions belong to Vayu -the wind-god, and Kuvera, the god of the inundation. Attempts to -localise the highest deities, though first carried out in the law book -of the priests, are found in the Yajur-veda.[195] Another classification -of the gods mentions Indra in the first series, and afterwards the eight -Vasus, the "givers of good;" among whom are Agni and Soma, whose -apotheosis has been already mentioned--then Rudra, the father of the -winds, with the ten Maruts, and after them the spirits of light, the -Adityas (the sons of Aditi), of which in the older period seven or eight -are enumerated. The hymns of the Veda sometimes mention a total of -thirty-three gods, eleven in heaven, eleven in the clouds, and eleven on -earth,[196] a total found also among the Aryas in Iran, and afterwards -retained by the Buddhists.[197] But the Indians could not remain -contented with such a moderate number of gods; the more each deity was -deprived of honour, the higher became the total. Even in the Rigveda we -find: "Three hundred, three thousand, thirty and nine gods honoured -Agni." In the older commentaries this number of 3339 is regarded as the -total sum of gods; but in later writings it is raised to 33,000.[198] -The people troubled themselves little about Brahman or the positions -which the Brahmans assigned to the gods, their classes or their number. -They continued to invoke Indra and Agni, Surya and Aryaman, as their -helpers and protectors. - -The removal of sacrifice was less to be thought of by the Brahmans than -the removal of the ancient gods, even if they had maintained the -strictest consistency in their conception of Brahman. The Rigveda was -mainly a collection of sacrificial chants and ritual. Brahmans no less -then Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas were accustomed to invoke the spirits of -light in the early dawn, to offer gifts at morning, mid-day, and evening -to Agni; to lay wood on the fire, or throw milk and butter into it; -above all, to celebrate sacrifices at the changes of the moon or the -seasons. It was not these sacrifices only, or the offering of the -soma-juice, which the Brahmans retained, but the whole service of -sacrifice, for which instructions were found in the sentences of the -Veda. The idea that every sacrifice when offered correctly was -efficacious, that a magic power resided in it, that the assistance and -therefore a part of the divine power or nature was gained by the -sacrifice, could not fail to retain the service of sacrifice in full -force in the new doctrines. According to this the divine nature was -present, and existed in the world in different degrees of purity or -dimness, of power or weakness, and owing to the direction taken in the -development of the new idea of god, it was especially alive in the -sentences and acts of sacrifice; so that the efficacy of the correct -sacrifice must apply a portion of the divine nature to the person -sacrificing. Hence the invocation of the old gods was allowed to remain; -sacrifice to them was still meritorious, and necessary for this world as -well as the other. - -We know from the Rigveda the old sentences used at burial, which were -supposed to avert death from the living, the prayers that the soul of -the dead might be taken up into Yama's heaven of light (p. 62 ff.). We -saw with what reverence the living thought of the spirits of their -forefathers; how careful the Aryas were to offer gifts to them, so that -their food and clothing might never fail. It was customary to sprinkle -water for the spirits of the forefathers, and in the land of the Ganges -to scatter grains of rice; at the funeral feast of the dead, kept by the -families on each new moon, three furrows were made, in which every -member of the family placed three cakes, for the father, the -grandfather, and great-grandfather; the cakes were then covered with -locks of wool, and the ancestors invoked to clothe themselves with it. -On the death-day of any member of the family, or a certain time after, -the family assembled, in order to offer fruits and flesh to his spirit. -There was now no longer any light heaven of Yama; he was the prince of -the hot hell (p. 137), where souls are tormented after death, and then -born again to a new life in plants, animals, and men: the chief object -now was to attain the end of all life and regeneration by a return into -Brahman. So far as they could, the Brahmans reconciled the old and new -conceptions. The heaven of Indra (p. 138) was substituted for the old -heaven of Yama. It was not the pure heaven of Brahman, but a higher, -brighter world. The soul of the virtuous passes into this outer heaven; -the soul of the sinner sinks into hell. But the merit of good works is -consumed, as the guilt of sin is expiated, by the lapse of time, by a -shorter or longer participation in the joys of the heaven of Indra, a -shorter or longer torment in hell. Then begins for the souls who have -thus received only the first reward of their lives a series of -regenerations. The old chants of burial could only be rendered in the -sense of the new system by the most violent interpretations. The belief -in the spirits of the ancestors, and the pious worship of them, had -struck roots far too deep and ancient into the heart of the nation for -the Brahmans to think of removing these services, the libations to the -spirits, or the funeral feast of the families, at which they invoked -their ancestors to come down and enjoy themselves at the banquet with -their descendants. Libation and feast continued to exist without -molestation. The Brahmans contented themselves with ordaining that at -the sacrifice to the dead, the fire Dakshina, _i.e._ the fire to the -right, was indispensable. When Yama's abode had been removed to the hot -south, the sacrificial fires for his kingdom must burn to the right, -_i.e._ towards the south. The theory of the priests then declared these -sacrifices to the dead to be indispensable in order to liberate the -souls out of certain spaces in hell; they also laid down the rule that a -Brahman should always be present at the funeral feast. The book of the -law gives very definite warnings of the evil consequences resulting from -funeral feasts celebrated without Brahmans, _i.e._ in the old -traditional manner. The elder of the family is to conduct the requisite -three Brahmans to his abode; the first Brahman after the necessary -prayers throws rice for the dead into the sacrificial fire; he then -makes funeral cakes of rice and butter, of which each member of the -family sacrifices three for his father, grandfather, and -great-grandfather. Then food is set forth, of which the Brahmans first -eat, with uncovered heads and feet, and in silence, in order that the -spirits may participate in the meal; after the Brahmans the rest -partake. According to the book of the law, cows' milk, and food made -from it, if set forth at the funeral feast, liberated the spirits of the -ancestors for a whole year; the flesh of horses and tortoises for eleven -months; of buffaloes for ten; of rams for nine; of antelopes for eight; -of deer for seven; of goats for six; of the permitted birds for five; of -wethers for four; game for three; fish for two--while water, rice, -barley, sesame were efficacious for one month only.[199] Though the -Brahmans changed the funeral feasts into banquets for the members of -their own order, yet the fact that they were retained, and with them the -connection of the families, the maintenance of this old form of worship, -though in reality at variance with the new arrangement of these unions -of the families and forms of ancient life, brought other and very -important advantages to the new system. - -The old religion rested on the contrast between the friendly spirits who -gave light and water, and the demons of darkness and drought. From this -arose the conception that certain objects belonged to the gloomy spirits -and were pleasing to them; that by contact or defilement with them a man -gave the evil spirits power over him. Contact with corpses, dead hair, -skin, or bones, defilement with the impurities of the body, spittle, -urine, excrement, &c., gave the evil powers authority over the person -so defiled. This faith we find in full force and the widest extent among -the Arians of Iran; but it must have existed in a degree hardly less -among the Aryas on the Indus and the Ganges. According to the new views -of the Brahmans, the two sides of nature--the bright, pure, and clear -side belonging to good spirits, and the foul and dark side belonging to -evil spirits--existed no longer; all nature had become dark and defiled; -even the Brahmans, the best part of creation, participated, like the -other orders, though in a less degree, in this defilement and gloom. In -the new doctrine the world fell into two halves, a supersensual and a -sensual. The first was indeed supposed to be present in the second, but -only in a corrupt and adulterated form; the sensual side had, at bottom, -no right to exist; it must be utterly removed and elevated into Brahman. -As corrupted Brahman the whole sensual world was imperfect and -transitory, wavering between growth and destruction, and filled with -evil because through its own nature it was impure. The new system -required, therefore, in order to be consistent, that man should not only -keep himself removed from all impurity, but should also free himself -from all the vileness of nature which clung to him; that he should -liberate himself from nature herself, and the whole realm of sense. As -the whole existing world was more or less impure, consistency required -that all ancient customs of purification, all usages intended to remove -defilements when incurred, must be allowed to drop in order to proclaim -the elevation and destruction of sensual nature as the only duty of man. -Nevertheless the Brahmans allowed the old rites of purification to exist -beside the old sacrifice. As the latter is efficacious for salvation -and increase of power in the person sacrificing, so is the old -purification meritorious, not because it keeps the evil at a distance, -but because it removes the grossest defilement; and from this point of -view it is developed by the Brahmans to a far wider extent. He who could -not attain to the highest must be content with something less. The -performance of these duties of purification is, according to the -doctrine of the Brahmans, an act of merit for this world and the next, -and saving for the soul. Sacrifice and purity form the circle of the -good works, which, according to the measure of completeness, lead souls -for a longer or shorter time into the heaven of Indra, while disregard -of them brings men into hell for long periods and severe torments. - -All the objects which a man touches, even the earth, can be impure, -_i.e._ defiled by spittle, blood, skin, bones, &c.; everything must -therefore be purified before it is taken into use. The earth is purified -by allowing a cow to lie on it for the night, the floors of houses by -throwing cow-dung upon them, clothes and woven-stuffs by sprinkling them -with the urine of a cow. To the Indians the cow was so sacred and -highly-revered an animal, that the same things, which in men and beasts -were considered most unclean, were regarded as means of purification -when coming from a cow. We have already seen how highly cows were prized -by the Aryas in the Panjab. The cow, the "highest of all animals," as -she is styled in the Mahabharata, was to them not only an emblem of -fruitfulness and bounteous nourishment; they compared her to the -nourishing earth, which is often spoken of as a cow. Moreover, the cow -provided food even for the gods, inasmuch as milk and especially butter -were offered to them. The patient, quiet existence of the cow is also -the pattern of the obedient and patient life now recommended by the -Brahmans. - -Any contact with a corpse causes defilement. A death in a family makes -it unclean for ten days, during which the relatives of the dead must -sleep on the earth, each by himself, and eat uncooked rice only. The -Brahman then purifies himself by touching water; the Kshatriya, by -taking hold of his weapons, his horse, or elephant; the Vaiçya, by -seizing the reins of his oxen, &c. - -The old customs of purity were considerably extended by the ordinances -of food, the rules about clean eating, laid down by the Brahmans. -According to their belief the whole world of animals was peopled with -the souls of the dead. In every tiger, elephant, ox, antelope, locust, -and ant, might be living the soul of a man, perhaps the soul of a -friend, relation, or ancestor. It was with aversion that any one brought -himself to make an attack on any creature, or any living animal. From -this point of view the Brahmans had to forbid entirely the eating of -flesh, whether of wild or domestic animals. They repressed hunting as -strictly as they could: "The man who slew animals for his pleasure would -not increase his happiness in life or death. He who slew an animal had a -share in its death no less than the man who dismembered it, or sold it, -or ate it." Above all, a Brahman himself was not to slay any animal -except for the purpose of sacrifice; and the sacrifice of animals never -prevailed to any great extent among the Indians. The Brahman who -offended against this law would in his regenerations die by a violent -death as many times as there were hairs on the skin of the slain animal. -But the Brahmans could not carry out the prohibition either of hunting -or eating flesh. They contented themselves with laying stress on the -advantages of nourishment by milk and vegetables; they limited -themselves to insisting that no ox-flesh should be eaten; birds of prey, -some kinds of the fish and the animals already mentioned, could be used. -The flesh of the rhinoceros also and the crocodile was not forbidden. -But even the flesh of the permitted kinds could only be eaten after it -had been offered to the gods or the ancestors, and the man who ate no -flesh at all would acquire a merit equal to a hundred festival -sacrifices.[200] Here, again, we see that the book of the law seeks to -bring the new doctrine into force, without having the courage entirely -to remove the old ways of life. At a later time the prohibition of flesh -was more strict. Of vegetables, leeks, garlic, and onions were -forbidden, and also all plants which had grown up among impure matter. -Drink of any kind must be purified before use by being cleared with the -stalks of kuça grass. Food could only be eaten at morning and evening; -always in moderation and with complete repose of mind. The sight of food -must give pleasure, and man must regard it with veneration; then it will -give muscular power and manly energy. Before each meal grains of rice -are to be sprinkled by the Dvija before the door, with the words: "I -greet you, ye Maruts;" and other grains must be thrown into the water -with the words: "I greet you, ye water-gods." On the pestle and mortar -grains of rice must be strewn with the words: "I greet you, ye deities -of the great trees." Grains of rice are also to be thrown into the air -for all the gods; into the middle of the house for the protecting deity -of the house, and Brahman; on the top of the house or behind it for all -living creatures; and the remainder must be strewn for the ancestors -with the face turned to the south. Any one who omits these offerings -before eating is a sinner.[201] At sunrise and sunset the Dvija is to -pronounce the prayer Gayatri on pain of losing caste;[202] and every day -he must pour libations to the saints, the gods, the spirits, the -ancestors, and strangers. - -The forms of purification underwent further change and important -extension. The new system, unlike the old custom, was not contented to -remove defilement, when incurred, by the use of rules of purification, -in which, in certain cases, traditional prayers and formulĉ had to be -pronounced in order to obviate the evil consequences, or drive away the -bad spirits. In a large number of defilements the Brahmans saw something -more than mere impurity; they were sins which must be removed by -expiation. Their desire was not to expel the black spirits, but to -eradicated and quench the false and sinful feelings in men, which gave -rise to impurity. From the same point of view, and following the same -path, they required that a man who had committed an offence, should not -wait for the penalty of the court, but should punish himself, do penance -of his own will, and by this voluntary punishment and expiation remove -the consequences of his offence, not in this world only but in the next. -The forms of expiation instituted by the Brahmans for the removal of -impurity and offences consist of prayers, which at times have to be -repeated a thousand times daily, of fasts more or less severe, and -occupying more or less time, of corporal punishments, and in the case of -grievous offences, of voluntary death or suicide. Any one who by -misadventure has eaten forbidden food must perform the expiation of the -moon, or the Santapana. The expiation of the moon consists in eating -nothing but rice for a whole month; on the first day of the waning moon -fifteen mouthfuls are to be taken, and a mouthful less each day till the -sixteenth, when a total fast is to be kept; from this time for each day -of the increase of the moon a mouthful more is to be taken till the -fifteenth day.[203] The Santapana requires that the penitent should live -for a day on the urine and dung of cows mingled with milk, and drink -water boiled with kuça-grass; the day following he is to fast.[204] To -atone for the forbidden food eaten unintentionally by an Arya in the -course of a year, it was necessary to perform the penance of Prajapatya -for twelve days.[205] On the first three days he eats in the morning -only; on the next three, in the evening only; on the seventh, eighth, -and ninth day he eats only what strangers give him, without asking; on -the last three days he keeps a strict fast. Any one who intentionally -eats what is forbidden is expelled by the members of his family from the -family and caste. The Brahmans punished indulgence in intoxicating -drinks with severe penalties; we saw how much inclined the Aryas were to -excess in this respect. The excited and passionate state, induced by -such liquors, was diametrically opposed to the quiet, patient existence, -which was now the ideal of the Brahmans. Any one who wilfully became -intoxicated was to go on drinking boiling rice-water till his body was -entirely consumed; then only was he free from his sin. This offence -could also be expiated by drinking the boiling urine of a cow, or -boiling liquid of cow-dung, till death ensued. Drunkenness was not the -only sin on which the Brahmans imposed a penalty of voluntary death. Any -one who unintentionally killed a cow, was to shave his head, put on as -a garment the skin of the dead cow, repair to the pasture, salute the -cows and wait upon them, and then perform his ablutions with the urine -of cows instead of water. He must follow the cows step by step, swallow -the dust which they raise, bring them into shelter in bad weather and -guard them. If a cow is attacked by a beast of prey he must defend it -with his life. If he does not perish in the service, cow-keeping of this -nature continued for three months atones for his offence.[206] If a -Vaiçya or a Kshatriya unintentionally kills a Brahman, he must wander -over a hundred yodhanas, constantly reciting one of the three Vedas. If -a Kshatriya intentionally slays a Brahman, he must allow himself to be -shot down by arrows, or throw himself head-foremost three times into the -fire till death ensues. Any one who has defiled the bed of his father or -teacher must lie on a red-hot bed of iron, or expiate his offence by -self-mutilation, and death.[207] - -The purity and daily duties which the Brahmans imposed on themselves, -partly from custom, partly as a part of their new doctrine, were more -strict than those required from the other orders. The Brahman must rise -before the dawn, and repeat the Gayatri; _i.e._ the following words of -the Veda: "We have received the glorious splendour from the divine -Savitar (p. 46); may he strengthen our understanding;"[208] and purify -himself by a bath. Long prayers in the morning and the evening ensure -long life. He must never omit to perform the five daily duties--the -offering to the saints, the gods, the spirits, the ancestors, and the -strange guests. Each day he must bring gifts to Agni, the sun, -Prajapati, Dyaus, and Prithivi (the spirits of the heaven and the -earth), the fire of the good sacrifice, Indra, Yama, Varuna, and -Soma.[209] Each day he must repeat the mystical name of Brahman, _Om_ -(in the older form _am_, _i.e._ "yes," "certainly"), and the other three -sacred words, _Bhar_, _Bhuva_, and _Svar_, which, according to the -commentators, are to be regarded as the spirits of the earth, the air, -and the heaven.[210] Fire he must always consider as sacred. He may not -fan it with his breath, or step over it. He may not warm his feet at it, -or place it in a brazier under his bed or under his feet. He must not -throw any refuse into it. Offal, the remains of food, and water which -has been used for a bath or the feet, must be removed far away from the -fire. Nor was the Brahman allowed to throw refuse into water, or pour -blood or any drink into it, still less to vomit into it; he might not -look at the reflection of his body in water, or drink water in the -hollow of his hand. The clothes of a Brahman must be always clean and -white, and never worn by another. His hair, nails, beard, must be cut; -but he may not cut them himself (for so he would be defiled), nor gnaw -his nails with his teeth. In his ears he must wear very bright gold -rings. He must wear a wreath on his head, and in one hand carry a staff -of bamboo, in the other kuça-grass and a pitcher for his ablutions. He -may not play at dice, or dance or sing except at the sacrifice, when -required to do so by the ritual: he may not grind his teeth, or scratch -his head with his hands, or beat himself on the head, or take the wreath -from his head with his own hands. He must always so place himself that -on his right hand there may be an elevation of the earth, a cow, a jar -of butter, a crossroad, or a sacred tree. He may not tread on ashes, -hair, bones, cotton-stems, or sprouting corn. He may never step over a -rope to which a cow is tethered, or disturb a cow when drinking. At -morning, evening, and midday, he may not look at the sun. Before an -altar of Agni, in a fold of cows, when with Brahmans, or reading the -sacred scriptures, or eating, he must leave the right arm uncovered. He -may not wash his feet in a brazen vessel, or bathe naked, or sleep naked -on the earth, or run when it rains. - -If the use of flesh as food could not be entirely forbidden to the -Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, the Brahman must live on milk and vegetables. -But he might not drink the milk of a cow when in heat, or that has -lately calved, or of a cow which had lost her calf, the milk of a camel, -the red gum which exudes from trees, or anything from which oil has been -pressed, or with which sesame has been mixed, or anything that from -sweet has become sour. He might not eat anything kept over night, or any -food into which lice have fallen, or which a cow has smelt, or anything -touched by a dog. He might not take the food of a criminal, or prisoner, -or usurer, or rogue, or hunter, or dog-trainer, or Çudra, or dancer, or -washer-woman; or of a man who is submissive to his wife, or allows her -infidelity, or into whose house the wife's paramour comes. All such food -is unclean for the Brahman; and so also is food offered to him in anger, -and that touched by a madman. Any one eating such things feeds on -"bones, hair, and skin." - -With the same minute exactness, regulations are laid down for the -Brahman as to the mode and position in which he is to take the permitted -kinds of food; with what parts of the hand or finger he is to perform -his ablutions, how he is to demean himself on all the occasions of life, -when travelling, etc., in order to preserve his purity and sanctity. -With equal detail we are told how the Brahman is to perform the natural -requirements of the body, and the purifications thereby rendered -necessary.[211] The least neglect in the fulfilment of these endless -duties, which it was impossible to keep in view at once, and more -impossible still to bear in mind at every moment, even with the most -devoted attention, might bring on centuries of punishment and endless -regenerations, unless it was expiated. - -The prescripts of the Brahmans have been thoroughly carried out, and -even the other orders to this time fulfil their daily duties. The -Brahman utters his morning prayer, bathes in the stream, the fountain, -the pool, or in his house, performs the invocations to the gods, -spirits, and ancestors, and then with his wife and child, who also have -bathed, offers prayers and gifts to the protecting deities of the -house.[212] Among wealthy families of the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas the -morning prayers after the bath are performed under the guidance of the -priest of the house. No one eats the morning meal till the grains of -rice have been scattered for the Maruts, the gods of water and trees, -and the special deity of the house. No Hindoo proceeds to his work till -he has purified himself and performed his devotions. The Brahman does -not open his book, neither smith nor carpenter takes in hand his tool, -till he has uttered prayers. They neither stand up nor sit down, nor -leave the room, nor sneeze, nor vomit, without the prescribed formula. - -Thus the new doctrine of the Brahmans removed the old gods and -sacrifices, and gave to the old customs of purification a further -extension, and in part a new meaning, inasmuch as it developed them into -a wide system of expiation; but the change wrought in the sphere of -morals was far more radical. The moral law of the Brahmans is distinctly -in opposition to the requirements of the old time. War and heroism are -no longer the highest aim of life, but patience, obedience, -sanctification. As all animals have their origin from Brahman, and to -each, at creation, is allotted a special mission, as Brahman is this -order of the world, it is man's task to adapt himself obediently to this -arrangement of gods, and fulfil the duties laid upon him at birth. At -the same time, no one is to disturb another in the fulfilment of his -duties. He must injure neither man nor beast; he must spare even the -plants and trees. No one must go beyond the limits allotted to him, but -lead a quiet and peaceful life within them. Without ceasing, the Çudras -must serve the three higher orders; the Vaiçyas must till the field, and -tend the herds, and carry on trade, and bestow gifts; the Kshatriyas -must protect the people, give alms, and sacrifice; the Brahman must read -the Veda, and teach it, offer sacrifice for himself and others, and -receive gifts, if poor. It is the duty of each of the lower orders to -reverence the higher; the Vaiçyas and Kshatriyas must bow before the -Brahmans, and heap gifts upon them.[213] - -In opposition to the Çudras, who, as we saw, ranged with beasts (p. -142), Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaiçyas were united by community of -blood and common superiority of caste. The three upper orders are -distinguished from the Çudras as the "Dvijas," the twice-born, in the -phrase of the Brahmans. This second birth is performed by investiture -with the holy girdle. In old times this ceremony was no doubt the symbol -of the reception of boys and youths into the union of the family; at -present the girdle is not only the distinguishing sign of the three -upper orders, but from the Brahman point of view the pledge of higher -illumination. It is put on with solemn consecration, accompanied by the -most sacred prayer, and the second, higher birth consists in the -mystical operation of this ceremony. But the upper orders were not -merely united by origin, by superiority in rank, and this symbol of -superiority; the Dvijas alone had access to the worship, the sacrifice, -and the Veda. - -The care of the doctrine and worship belongs especially to the Brahmans. -They have not only to attend to a special, higher purity; they must -above all things acquire a knowledge of the positive basis of doctrine -and worship, of revelation. For in the teaching of the Brahmans the Veda -was revealed: the hymns and prayers in it are created and given by the -gods; they are the divine word.[214] The study of the Veda is the first -and foremost duty of the Brahman. He must never omit to read the book at -the appointed day, at the appointed hour. He is not old, we are told in -the book of the law, whose hair is gray, but he who when young has -studied the holy scriptures will be regarded by the gods as full of -years and honour. The Brahman who does not study the Veda is like an -elephant of wood, or a deer of leather. Hence among the Brahmans those -who are learned in the scriptures take the first rank. The book of the -law ordains that every young Brahman must be attached as a pupil to a -learned Brahman. This "spiritual father" he is to love and reverence -above all beside, above his natural father, "for the spiritual birth is -not for this world only but for the next." The strictest ceremonial of -reverence and respect for the teacher, the careful observance of these -duties, and the accurate knowledge of the Veda, is intended to train the -young Brahmans to become worthy representatives of their order. A -peculiar garb and special reserve are prescribed for the novice. He must -first learn the rules for purity, for keeping up the sacred fire, and -then the religious duties of morning, mid-day, and evening. After this -begin the readings in the Veda. Before each reading the pupil must -purify himself with water, rub his hands with kuça-grass, and then -perform obeisance to the holy text. Next he prostrates himself before -his tutor, and touches his feet with his hands. Clad in a pure garment, -with kuça-grass in his hands, he then sits down on kuça-grass with his -face to the east. Before beginning to read he draws in his breath three -times, and then pronounces the mysterious name of Brahman, Om. The -lesson then begins. Even the wife of his teacher must be saluted by the -pupil on his knees; and these customs are still to a great extent -preserved in the schools of the Brahmans.[215] The time of instruction -begins immediately after the ceremony of investing with the sacred -girdle; it must continue nine, eighteen, or thirty-six years, in each -case until the pupil knows the Veda by heart. Then he may take a wife, -and set up his house.[216] Not only the young Brahmans--though the main -object was to educate them as representatives and teachers of the new -doctrine--were expected to go through the period of instruction and the -school of the learned Brahmans; even the sons of the Kshatriyas and -Vaiçyas were instructed in the religious duties and the Veda: in fact -religious instruction was to include all the Dvijas. Every young Dvija -must become a pupil of a Brahman (Brahmacharin) after being invested -with the girdle. But the Brahmans alone enjoyed the privilege of -teaching and interpreting the Veda. Without this interpretation it was -probable that a result would be attained the opposite of that which this -general instruction and catechising of every Dvija was intended to -effect: the pupils would have quickly learnt other things from the hymns -of the Veda besides the tenets of the Brahmans. - -No doubt the pious performance of the daily customs, the offering of -sacrifice, the observance of the rules of purity, the voluntary -performance of expiations and penalties, the practice of duties imposed -on every caste and every being by the order of the universe, a respect -for the obligations and life of fellow-men, the peaceful conduct, the -regard for plants and animals, the eager study of the Veda,--the -"holiness of works" might lead a man into the heaven of Indra and the -gods, while the opposite conduct would plunge him into hell. But the -merit of works no less than the punishment of sins was exhausted in -time: it was no protection against new regenerations; it could indeed -shorten the process through which the soul must pass in order to attain -complete purity, but it did not cancel regeneration. That was only -excluded by attaining perfect purity and holiness, for then the process -of purification was complete, and with the return to Brahman, its divine -source, the existence of the soul ended. To bring about this return is -of all duties the highest; it is above the sanctity of works. Brahman -was an incorporeal, immaterial being. When changed into the world, -Brahman becomes ever more adulterated, dark, and impure, in these -successive emanations; it descends from the pure sanctity of itself, of -its undisturbed being. In this state of removal and alienation, the -world and mankind do not correspond to their origin, the nature of -Brahman, and in this condition man cannot return to Brahman. The better -side of men, the immaterial side closely akin to Brahman, the divine -elements, must become the ruling power; the impurity of matter, of the -sensual world, and the body must be done away. The rules of purification -only removed the grosser forms of defilement. The more that men -succeeded in doing away with the whole impurity of nature, the shorter -was the path of the soul after death to Brahman. It is, therefore, a -universal requirement of the Brahmanic system--a requirement laid upon -all, but more especially on the Brahmans--that the soul is not to be -over-grown, bound, and imprisoned by the body, the mind by the senses. -The sensual needs must be held in restraint; no great space must be -allowed to them. Men must be on their guard against the charms of sense; -sensual excesses are not to be indulged; to be lord of the senses is the -chief commandment. Even the affections and passions, which, in the -opinion of the Brahmans, sprang from the charm of the senses, must be -held in check. Every man must preserve a quiet calm, and dominion over -his passions, and the impressions which come from without and stir the -senses. But as it is the mission of every creature to return to his -divine origin, as no living being can find rest till it is purified for -this return, as Brahman is pure spirit--spirit, that is, and not -nature--it follows that no one can enter into Brahman who has not been -able entirely to free his soul from sensuality, to get rid utterly of -his body, and transform himself entirely into pure soul. From this point -of view all relations to the sensual world must appear as fetters of the -spirit, and the body as the prison of the soul. - -The Brahmans did not hesitate to draw these last conclusions from their -doctrine of Brahman. "This habitation of men," they said, "of which the -framework is the bones, the bands the muscles; this vessel filled with -flesh and blood, and covered with skin; this impure dwelling, which -contains its own defilement, and is subject to age, sickness, and -trouble, to sorrows of every kind, and passions; this habitation, -destined to decay, must be abandoned with joy by him who assumes it." -But the main point was not to await with calmness and yearning the -breaking of these fetters of the soul, it was the manner in which they -were broken in order that the soul might go forth free to Brahman, to -eternal rest, to union with the highest spirit. For this it was -necessary, when a man had learned to live obediently, and to govern his -senses and passions, to put aside the world altogether, and direct the -eye to heaven alone. This duty is completed when the Brahman, the Dvija, -leaves house and home, in order to become an eremite in the forest -(_Vanaprastha_). He clothes himself in a garment of bark, or in the skin -of the black gazelle; his bed must be the earth; he lives on fruits -which have fallen from the trees, or on the roots found in the forest, -and on water, which he previously pours through a woollen cloth, in -order to avoid killing the little insects which may happen to be in the -water. He performs the service of the sacred fire, and the five daily -offerings; bathes three times each day, reads the Veda, and devotes -himself to the contemplation of the highest being. By this means he will -purify his body, increase his knowledge, and bring his spirit nearer to -perfection. His hair, beard, and nails must be allowed to grow; he must -fast frequently, live aloof from all desires, and be complete master of -his sensual impulses; he must not allow himself to be disturbed in any -way by the world, or by any accident which overtakes him. From this -condition he will advance still further towards perfection, if he -proceeds to reduce his body by mortification. He should roll on the -ground; or stand all day long on his toes, or be continually getting up -and sitting down. By degrees the eremite ought to increase the severity -of these penances. In the cold season of the year he should always wear -a wet garment; in the rainy season he should expose himself naked to the -tempest of rain. In the warm season he must sit between four fires in -the hot rays of the sun.[217] By the eagerness and fervour of devotion -which leads the ascetic to these self-tortures, and enables him to -endure them, by these mortifications (_tapas_, _i.e._ heat) he must show -that the pain of the body cannot trouble the soul, that nothing which -befalls the one can influence the other, that he is liberated from his -body. - -When the eremite had reduced his body by mortifications gradually -increasing in severity, and attained complete mastery of the soul over -the flesh, he enters into the last stage, that of the _Sannyasin_, who -attempts by thought to be absorbed into the world-soul, to die while yet -alive in the body, by completing his return to Brahman. For this stage -the regulation is that the penitent is to wish for nothing, and expect -nothing, to observe silence, to live absolutely alone, in ceaseless -repose, in the society of his own soul. He must think of the misery of -the body, the migrations of the soul, which result from sin, and the -existence of the world-soul in the highest and lowest things; he must -suppress all qualities in himself which are opposed to the divine nature -of Brahman, and think of Brahman only. Brahman must be contemplated in -"the slumber of the most inward meditation, as being finer than an atom, -and more brilliant than gold!" By thus plunging in the deepest -reflection the penitent will succeed in carrying back his soul to its -original source: he will attain to union with Brahman, and will himself -become Brahman, from which he has emanated.[218] - -With such consistency did the Brahmans develop their system; such was -the ideal which they put before the Indians of the holy life, leading to -union with Brahman. When the Dvija had set up his house, and married -and begot a son, when he had fulfilled his duties as Grihastha (house -master), when he was old and saw "the posterity of his posterity," he -must go into the forest--so the law of the priests bade,--in order to -become a Vanaprastha and Sannyasin. Indeed the importance which the -system ascribed to the spiritual as opposed to the sensual, to -super-sensual holiness as opposed to the unholy world of sense, even led -them to declare marriage and the family as unnecessary, disturbing, and -unholy; and with strict consistency they gave command to repair to the -forest at once, and forswear the world from the first. Even in the -law-book of the priests this was permitted; but as an exception. The -Brahmacharin could, when he had finished his long period of instruction, -go at once into the forest as an eremite and penitent.[219] The large -majority neither could nor did observe such commands, but, so far as we -can see, the number of penitents was not inconsiderable soon after 600 -B.C.--and the ordinary people recognised the peculiar merit of those who -went into the forest. They looked on the penitents with respect. And -even to this day it is observed, that in the later years of life, when -the time approaches for receiving the reward or punishment of their -deeds, the Hindoos devote themselves with redoubled eagerness to their -religious duties. - -The Ramayana describes the abodes in the forest and the life of the -penitents. There are some who live constantly in the open air; others -who dwell on the tops of the mountains; others who sleep on the places -of sacrifice, or on the naked earth, or who do not sleep at all; some -only eat during one month in the year; others eat rice with the husks; -others feed only on uncooked nutriment, leaves, or water; others do not -eat at all, but live on the air and the beams of the sun and the moon. -Some constantly repeat the name of the same deity; others read the Vedas -without ceasing; the greater part wear clothes of bark; others wear wet -garments perpetually; other stand up to the neck in water; others have -fire on every side and the sun overhead; others stand perpetually on one -leg; others on the tips of their great toes; others on their heads; -others hang by their heels on the branches of trees.[220] When this -passage of the Ramayana was composed or altered, the practices of the -ascetics had already gone beyond the rules prescribed in the book of the -law. - -Beginning with the idea of a holy spirit, without admixture of anything -material, and forming the abstract opposite of nature, the Brahmans had -discovered that it is the duty of man to raise the spiritual above the -corporeal. The more excitable the nerves, the more receptive the senses, -the warmer the passions in that climate and nation, the more energetic -was the reaction of the spirit against the flesh, the more stringent the -command to become master of the senses and the body, to annihilate the -senses. It is true that the material world also had emanated from -Brahman; even matter had come from him. But this was an adulteration of -the pure Brahman; it was the non-sensual, not the material side of the -world which was the pure Brahman. Hence for the Brahmans these two -factors, the material and spiritual side, were again completely -separated. Hence the ethical problem was not to arrange the world of -sense for the objects of the spirit, to raise the soul to the mastery -over the body, and purify the sensual action by the spirit, but the -annihilation of the sensual elements by the soul, the removal and -destruction of the body--in a word, asceticism. Out of the absolute -annihilation of the material existence of man, his true intellectual -being--his real nature, _i.e._ Brahman--is to arise; it is only after -the complete destruction of the life of sense and the body that man can -plunge into the pure spirit. As this pure spirit could only be looked -upon as a negation of nature and the world, and was only regarded in -that light, and as it had no other quality but that of being -non-material, the command to think of Brahman and nothing but Brahman, -amounted to nothing less than this: on the one hand, every distinct -individual intuition was to be rejected and avoided; on the other, it -was a duty to develop the conception of an indefinite and indefinable -unity, in opposition to the multitudinous variety of the world and -nature. A conception of unity which altogether disregards the plurality -comprising it is nothing more than persistence in vacuity. Thus the -negation of the spiritual life was demanded beside that of the bodily -life; and this command was equivalent to bodily and spiritual -self-annihilation. - -The doctrine of Brahman, with the practical and ethical requirements -included in it, along with the command of obedience to the existing -order of the world, of subjugation of the senses and renouncement, of -severe treatment of self, and tender feeling for plants and cows, -finally of annihilation of the body by asceticism, were in sharp -contrast to the earlier motives which governed the life of the Indians -of the heroic age. Nothing was to be left of the old vigour in action, -the old warrior life, and heroic deeds; and as a fact, in spite of -earnest attempts in other directions, nothing did remain beyond the -courage for lingering suicide by mortification, the reckless asceticism -in which the Indians are not surpassed by any nation, and which -increased as the centuries went on, and ever assumed more fantastic -forms. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[188] The participation of all the Gotras of the Brahmans, who claim to -be derived from the Rishis, in the composition of the Rigveda, has been -acutely and convincingly proved by M. Müller. "Hist. of Sansk. Lit." p. -461 ff. - -[189] A. Weber, "Z. D. M. G." 10, 389 ff. - -[190] Strabo, p. 717. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1, 840; 2, 215-223. M. -Müller considers that the use of writing was known to the Indians before -600 B.C., but nevertheless is of opinion that the Veda was written down -later, and allows no written work to the Indians before 350 B.C., the -date at which he fixes Panini: "Hist. of Sansk. Lit." p. 311, p. 477 ff. -Since, however, the Brahmanas date from between 800 and 600 B.C., which -is M. Müller's opinion, it is hardly credible that controversies, and -discussions, and examples, such as we find largely in the Brahmanas, -could have received a fixed form if they merely referred to groups of -poems retained in the memory only, though of considerable extent. That -the Brahmanas existed in memory only seems to me to be quite impossible, -considering their form. How could Çaunaka, about the year 400 B.C. as M. -Müller supposes, write sutras to facilitate the understanding of the -Brahmanas, if the latter were not in existence in writing? A. Weber has -observed that in Panini the 60 pathas of the first nine books of the -Çatapatha-Brahmana are quoted, and the 30 and 40 Adhyayas of the -Aitareya and Kaushitaki-Brahmanas. In my opinion, the fact so acutely -and convincingly proved by M. Müller--that the Rigveda is allotted to -all the Gotras of the Brahmans, is strongly in favour of the composition -of the Vedas in a written form; the tradition of the Gotras and the -schools would never have given equal attention to all. If the Brahmanas, -which cite the Vedas accurately in their present arrangement, and speak -not only of syllables but of letters, arose between 800 and 600 B.C., it -appears to me an inevitable conclusion that the Vedas must have existed -in writing about the year 800 B.C. - -[191] Kaegi, "Rigveda," s. 3. - -[192] Madhusudana, in M. Müller, "Hist. of Sansk. Lit." p. 122; cf. p. -173, 467. - -[193] Roth, "Zur Literatur des Veda," s. 11. A. Weber, "Vorlesungen," s. -83, 84. Westergaard, "Aeltester Zeitraum der Ind. Gesch." s. 11. For the -legends of the Puranas on the origin of the black and white Yajus, which -allow the superior antiquity of the first, see M. Müller, _loc. cit._ p. -174, 349 ff. - -[194] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1, 776. - -[195] A. Weber, "Vajasaneya-Sanhitĉ specimen," p. 33. - -[196] "Rigveda," 1, 33, "Ye Açvins, come with the three and thirty -gods." - -[197] Burnouf, "Commentaire sur le Yaçna," p. 34 ff., and below. - -[198] "Rigveda," 3, 9, 9; A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 9, 265. Yajnavalkya -gives 33,000 gods; later we find 330 millions. - -[199] Manu, 3, 69-74, 141-148, 158, 187-238, 266-274, 282, 283. 4, 25, -26. 11, 7. Of. Roth in "Z. D. M. G." 8, 471 ff. - -[200] Manu, 5, 26-28; 54-56. - -[201] Manu, 3, 94-118. - -[202] Manu, 2, 101-103. - -[203] Manu, 11, 216. - -[204] Manu, 11, 212. - -[205] Manu, 11, 211. - -[206] Manu, 11, 108-116. Even to this day it is a custom in Bengal for a -man whose cow has died to wander from house to house with a rope round -his neck, to imitate the lowing of a cow, and without uttering a word go -on begging until he has collected enough to buy a substitute. - -[207] Oder sich selbst entmannen, und seine Scham in der Hand -südostwärts (d. h. dem Reiche Jama's zu) wandern, bis er todt hinstürzt. -[Cf. Manu, 11, 104, 105.] - -[208] "Rigveda," 3, 62. - -[209] Manu, 3, 84 ff. - -[210] Manu, 2, 76-78; A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 2, 188, 305. - -[211] Der, welcher im Angesicht des Feuers, der Sonne, des Mondes, einer -Cisterne, einer Kuh, eines Dvidscha, oder gegen den Wind urinirt, wird -seiner ganzen Schriftgelehrsamkeit beraubt werden. Der Brahmane darf -seinen Urin nicht lassen, und seine Excremente nicht niederlegen, weder -auf den Weg noch auf Asche, noch auf eine Kuhweide, noch auf einen -Ameisenhügel, noch auf den Gipfel eines Berges, noch in ein Loch, -welches lebende Wesen bewohnen können, weder gehend noch stehend. -Nachdem er die Erde mit Holz und Blättern und trockenen Kraütern bedeckt -hat, kann er seine Bedürfnisse schweigend, in sein Gewand gehüllt und -verhüllten Hauptes, verrichten. Bei Tage muss er dabei sein Gesicht nach -Norden wenden, bei Nacht gegen Süden. Lassen sich die Himmelsgegenden in -der Dunkelheit gar nicht unterscheiden, oder hat der Brahmane einen -Ueberfall durch Räuber oder wilde Thiere zu befürchten, so kann er sein -Angesicht dahin richten, wohin es ihm beliebt. Niemals aber darf er -Excremente ansehen, weder seine eigenen noch fremde. [Manu, 4, 45 ff.] - -[212] The daily duties which the Brahmans have now to perform, are given -in Belnos, "Daily Prayers of the Brahmins." - -[213] Manu, 1. 87-91; 2, 31, 32. - -[214] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 3, 149, 150. - -[215] Manu, 2, 69-76; 164-168; 173-181. On the reading of the Veda in -the schools cf. Roth, "Zur Literatur und Geschichte des Veda," s. 36. - -[216] Manu, 2, 66, 67; 3, 1. - -[217] Manu, 6, 1-8, 22, 23, 76, 77. - -[218] Manu, 6, 69, 79-85, 96. - -[219] Manu, 6, 38. - -[220] Talboys Wheeler, "Hist. of India," 2, 247. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE CONSTITUTION AND LAW OF THE INDIANS. - - -The requirements of the new doctrine extended throughout the whole -circle of life. The establishment of the arrangement into castes struck -deep into the sphere of the family, of civic society, and the state; the -old rules for purification were enlarged to suit the new system, and -changed into rubrics for expiation and penance, touching almost at every -step upon daily life. The ethical notions of the old time had to make -room for a new ideal of the life pleasing to God. How could the ancient -customs of the tribes, which hitherto had been the rule and standard of -family and inheritance, of _meum_ and _tuum_, resist such a sweeping -alteration of the social, religious, and moral basis of life? How could -the traditional punishments of transgressions and offences continue in -existence? Marriage and inheritance must be arranged so as to suit the -system of the castes; punishment must be dealt out according to the rank -of the castes, and the religious sin involved in each offence; the -administration of justice must take account of the new religious system -in which actions, hitherto regarded as permissible, were looked on as -offences. The monarchy had new duties to fulfil towards the Brahmans and -the new faith; the authority of the state, the power of inflicting -punishment, must side with the true faith, with the interests of the -priests, and the maintenance of the orders established by God. In the -circles of the Brahmans there must have been a lively desire to -establish the legal arrangement of the state on the basis of the divine -arrangement of the world; to regulate the state in all its departments -in a manner suitable to the nature of Brahman. The traditional -observances and legal customs, the usages of the families, races, and -districts, must be brought into harmony with the new doctrine; as an -almost inevitable consequence, a rule was set up for correct morals, -usages, and life, corresponding to the divine nature and will; a pattern -was drawn of the manner in which individual family and state might act -in every matter in accordance with the nature of Brahman. The commands -resulting from the system of the divine order of the world were combined -into one standard, set forth in a scheme universally accepted, and thus -elevated above all doubt and contradiction, and in this way the Brahmans -passed beyond the differences which could not but remain among them in -respect to this or that point, and did actually remain in the schools of -the priests, as the Brahmanas show. Moreover, unanimous prescripts, a -comprehensive and revered canon of law and morals, were naturally an -advantage to the position of the Brahmans; their status was thus -rendered more secure and distinctive; and success was more certain. - -The priesthoods of the various districts must have made a beginning by -influencing and modifying in the spirit of the new doctrine the customs -and usages of the land; they then proceeded to draw up the customs of -family law, of marriage and inheritance, the rights and duties of the -castes. In this compilation it was inevitable that the hereditary -customs should be revised in the spirit of the priesthood. Collections -of this kind serving as rules for certain departments of life have been -preserved in certain _Grihya-Sutras_, _i.e._ books of household customs, -and _Dharma-Sutras_, _i.e._ catalogues or tables of laws.[221] Out of -the oldest records of household customs and legal usages, altered and -systematised in the spirit of the priests, out of the collections and -revisions of the customs of law and morals made in various schools of -priests, a book of law at last grew up for the Brahmans, which comprised -both the civic and religious life, and in all relations set forth the -ideal scheme, according to which they should be arranged in the spirit -of the priesthood, _i.e._ in a manner suitable to the divine will. This -book of the law bears the name of Manu, the first man, the progenitor of -the race. - -It has been shown above that the victory of the Brahmans, the new faith -and code of morals, was first won in the regions between the Yamuna and -the Ganges, in the land of the Bharatas, Panchalas, Matsyas, and -Çurasenas. As it was there that the pre-eminence of the Brahmans was -first completely acknowledged, it was there that they were first able to -exercise an influence on the customs and ordinances of law; there also -that the need of a comprehensive regulation of life upon the Brahman -view was most strongly felt. "The land between the Sarasvati and the -Drishadvati was created by the gods (_devata_); and therefore the sages -give it the name of Brahmavarta"--so we are told in the book of the law. -The custom of Brahmavarta (_achara_), preserved unbroken in this land, -is for the book of the law the right custom, the correct law. Hence it -follows that the rules given in that book rest on the observances which -grew up in this region under the predominating influence of the -Brahmans. The book further tells us that on the borders of Brahmavarta -is Brahmarshideça, _i.e._ the land of the Brahmanic saints; this -includes the land of the Kurus (Kurukshetra) and that of the Panchalas, -Matsyas, and Çurasenas. From a Brahman born in this land all men are to -learn their right conduct upon earth. The "land of the middle" -(Madhyadeça), according to the book, extends from Vinaçana in the west -to Prayaga, _i.e._ to the confluence of the Yamuna and the Ganges; but -the law is to prevail from the Vindhyas to the Himalayas, from the -western to the eastern sea, over the whole of Aryavarta (_i.e._ the land -of the Aryas): "wherever the black gazelle is found, an efficacious -sacrifice can always be offered." In that land the Dvijas are to dwell; -"but the Çudra who cannot obtain sustenance there may dwell -elsewhere."[222] - -The book of the law naturally declares the revelation (_Çruti_), the -threefold Veda, to be the main source of law. The second source is -immemorial tradition or the custom (_Smriti_) of the good, which is -found in its typical form in Brahmavarta; in the third degree are the -utterances of the old priests and sages, who are in part quoted by name -and cited--Vasishtha, Atri, Gautama, Bhrigu, and Çaunaka.[223] But the -book of the law is also not inclined utterly to reject the ancient -observances and customs; on the contrary, all usages of families, races, -and districts remain in force, provided that they are not contradictory -to this code.[224] The Brahmans were wisely prepared to content -themselves with this looser form of unity; by thus sparing local life, -they might hope to gain the ascendant more easily and readily in the -points of chief importance. This regard for local law is counterbalanced -by the fact that the book includes in its sphere religious duties, -morals, and worship, and the entire arrangement of the state; in all -these departments it lays down the scheme on which they are to be -regulated in the spirit of the priesthood. The book is as copious on the -doctrine as on the practice; it contains the punishments of heaven as -well as those on earth; the arrangement of expiations and penalties as -well as of regulations for the trade of the market; the principles of a -vigorous management of the state, and the description of hell; the rules -for living the Brahman's life and conducting war successfully; the -decision of the judge on earth and beneath it. It is not content with -establishing rules of law, or commands of moral duty, it includes among -its ordinances moral maxims, a number of proverbs and rules of wisdom; -it not only shows how heaven is gained but also the proper demeanour in -society; a compendium of diplomacy follows the system of regenerations. -Hence this book gives striking evidence of the mixture characteristic of -the Indian nature, a mixture of superstitious fancy and keen -distinction, of vague cloudiness and punctilious systematising, of -soaring theory and subtle craft, of sound sense and over-refinement in -reflection. - -If from these indications about the customs of Brahmavarta and the -Brahmans of Brahmarshideça we can determine with tolerable certainty the -region in which the book of the law has grown up, it follows from the -introduction in which the holy Bhrigu recites the law as "Manu had -revealed it to him at his prayer," and from the close where we are again -told that this is "the law announced by Bhrigu,"[225] that the -collection of Brahmanic rules contained in this book have been preserved -in the form and revision received in the school derived from Bhrigu, and -connected with the old minstrel race of the Bhrigus.[226] It is more -difficult to find the date at which the germ of this collection of law -may have been brought to completion. Even if we set aside the -introduction and the close which are in no connection with the body of -the work, the book is still wanting in unity: it contains longer and -shorter rules on the same subject, is sometimes milder, sometimes more -severe; a fact in favour of the gradual origin of the book, which -indeed, as has been observed, is necessitated by the nature of the case. - -The Indians possess a series of books of law, which, like that called -after Manu, bear the name of a saint or seer of antiquity, or of a god. -One is named after Gautama, another after Vasishtha, a third after -Apastamba, a fourth after Yajnavalkya; others after Bandhayana and -Vishnu. According to the tradition of the Indians the law of Manu is the -oldest and most honourable, and this statement is confirmed by a -comparison of the contents and system of the rules contained in it with -those of the other books.[227] Not to mention the fact that a -considerable number of the rules in the book of Manu are repeated -verbally in the other collections, the legal doctrine of the Indians is -seen even in the older of these collections, in the book of Vishnu, -which belongs to the Brahman school of the Kathakas, in that of Gautama, -and finally in that of Yajnavalkya, which with the book of Gautama is -nearest in point of date to the book of Manu--in a far more developed -state, and with much more straw-splitting refinement. The book which is -named after Yajnavalkya of the race of Vajasani belongs to the eastern -regions of the Ganges, the kingdom of Mithila. It is based on a doctrine -which, unknown to Manu's law, came into existence in the fourth century -B.C.; the system of mixed castes and trade law is far more developed in -it than in Manu. We shall see below that this doctrine cannot be placed -much further back than the year 300 B.C.,[228] and it is assumed that -the laws of Yajnavalkya in their present form may date from the third -century of our era. If Manu's law is older than Yajnavalkya's, and the -latter rests on a doctrine, the rise of which we can fix about the year -300 B.C., while Manu's doctrine is older, there are other indications to -be gathered from Manu's work which enable us to fix the date more -clearly. Manu's law, as we have seen, limits the habitations of the -Aryas to the land north of the Vindhyas--from which we may conclude that -this view belongs to a period when the Aryas had not yet set a firm foot -on the coast of the Deccan. This extension of the Aryas to the south of -the Vindhyas began, as will be seen below, after the year 600 B.C. Soon -after this year we find the states on the Ganges completely arranged -according to the Brahmanic law, and the prescripts of the laws of Manu; -even in the first half of the sixth century we find a stricter practice -in regard to marriages outside the order, and a severer asceticism than -the law-book requires. The conclusion is therefore inevitable that the -decisive precepts, which we find in the collection, must have been put -together and written down about the year 600.[229] - -The introduction belongs undoubtedly to a later period. Manu is seated -in solitary meditation, and there come to him the ten great saints--the -book mentions Marichi, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Daksha, -Vasishtha, Bhrigu, Narada[230]--and say: "Thou alone, lord, knowest the -distinction of the pure and impure castes, the true meaning of this -universal order, which is self-existent; deign to explain it to us with -clearness and in order." Manu then first narrates to the saints the -story of creation. The highest being first created the water, and cast -into it procreative seed, which became an egg, bright as gold and -gleaming like the sun, and in this egg the highest being was born in the -shape of Brahman. Then Brahman caused the egg to divide and formed from -it the heaven and the earth and the great waters. He then divided -himself into a man and a woman, and the male half (Brahman Viraj) -produced him, Manu, who fashioned all things and created the ten Rishis, -and the seven Manus, who in turn created animals and plants. Then the -highest being caused him (Manu) to learn the book of the law by heart: -he imparted it to the great saints and taught it to Bhrigu, who would -recite it. Then Bhrigu takes up the word and says: "Learn from me the -law as Manu has revealed it at my prayer." Bhrigu then narrates how the -seven Manus had created various beings each in his age, and recites the -doctrine of the four great periods of the world (p. 70), of the origin -of the four castes and the majesty of the Brahmans.[231] - -It is no doubt a somewhat late form of Brahmanic cosmogony which is -recited in this introduction. We hear no more of the Manu of the -Rigveda, the progenitor of the Aryas; he is elevated in the priestly -system to be the first being beside Brahman, and made the creator of the -world. He is now called Manu Svayambhu, _i.e._ the self-existent Manu, -and creates from himself the ten Rishis, the seven other Manus, who in -their turn create living creatures and plants. The seven Manus are all -denoted by special epithets--the seventh is known as the ancient Manu; -he is called the son of Vivasvat, Vivasvata (p. 30). If Manu Svayambhu -had already imparted the law to the great saints, to whose number Bhrigu -belongs, and taught it especially to Bhrigu, it was unnecessary for the -great saints to ask it from Manu once more. This difficulty is as little -felt in the book as the still more striking contradiction that the -collection, though emanating from the first Manu or Brahman, is based -upon and even expressly appeals to the utterances of Vasishtha, Atri, -Gautama, Bhrigu. This is further explained by the fact that the -introduction is completely ignored in the text of the book. - -In the text we see the civic polity on the Ganges at an advanced stage. -The monarchy which rose up from the leadership of the immigrant hordes, -in conflict partly against the old inhabitants and partly against the -newly-founded states, has maintained this supreme position, and extended -it to absolute domination. It is in full possession of despotic power. -The Brahmanic theory, so far from destroying it, has, on the contrary, -extended and strengthened it. The Brahmans, it is true, demanded that -the king should regulate worship, law, and morals according to their -views and requirements; they imposed upon him duties in reference to -their own order, but, on the other hand, they were much in need of the -civic power to help them in carrying through their demands against the -other orders. This doctrine of submission to the fortune of birth, of -patient obedience, of a quiet and passive life, in connection with the -reference to the punishments after death, and the evils to come, were -highly calculated to elevate the power of the kings, and lull to sleep -energy, independence of feeling and attitude, boldness and enterprise, -in the castes of the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas. The interest in another -world and occupation with the future must thus have become more -prominent than the participation in this world or care for the present. -In such circumstances the world was gladly left to those who had once -taken in hand the government of it. When the nation had gradually become -unnerved by such doctrines and cares, the monarchy had an easy game to -play. Its rule might be as capricious as it chose. In weaker nations, -unaccustomed to action, the need of order and protection is so great -that not only acts of violence against individuals but even the -oppression felt by the whole is gladly endured for the sake of the -security enjoyed in other respects by the entire population. - -The book compares the kings with the gods. "He who by his beneficence -spreads abroad the blessings of prosperity, and by his anger gives -death, by his bravery decides the victory, without doubt unites in -himself the whole majesty of the protectors of the world."[232] Brahman -created the king, the book tells us, by taking portions from the -substance of the eight protectors of the world, and these the king now -unites in his person.[233] "As Indra is the bright firmament, so does -the king surpass in splendour all mortal beings; as Indra pours water -from heaven for four months (the Indians on the Ganges reckoned the -rainy season at four months), so must he heap benefits on his people. -Like Surya (the sun-god) the king beams into the eyes and hearts of all; -no one can look into his countenance. As Surya by his rays draws the -moisture out of the earth for eight months, so may the king draw the -legal taxes from his subjects. As Vayu flies round the earth and all -creatures and penetrates them, so should the power of the king penetrate -through all. Like Yama in the under world, the king is lord of justice; -as Yama when the time is come judges friends and enemies, those who -honour him and those who despise him, so shall the king hold captive the -transgressors. As Varuna fetters and binds the guilty, so must the king -imprison criminals. Like Agni, the king is the holy fire: with the flame -of his anger he must annihilate all transgressors, their families and -all that they have, their flocks, and herds, and he must be inexorable -towards his ministers. As men rejoice at the sight of the moon-god -(Chandra), so do they take pleasure in the sight of the good ruler; as -Kuvera spreads abundance, so does the gracious look of the king give -blessing and prosperity.[234] The sovereign is never to be despised, not -even when he is a child; for a great divinity dwells in this human -form."[235] The king also represents, according to Manu, the four ages -of the world. On his sleeping and waking and action depends the -condition of the land. "If the king does what is good, it is Kritayuga -(the age of perfection); if he acts with energy, it is Tritayaga (the -age of the sacrificial fires); if he is awake, it is Dvaparayuga (the -period of doubt); if he sleeps it is Kaliyuga (the period of sin)."[236] -We have already become acquainted with the deification of kings in a -still more pronounced form in the inscriptions on the temples and -palaces of Egypt. It will always be found where there is nothing to -oppose the authority of the king but the impotence of subjects who -possess no rights, when life and death depend on his nod, and above all -where a divine order supposed to be gathered from the commands of heaven -is realised on earth in the state, and there are no institutions to -carry it out, but only the person of the king as the single incarnation -of power. - -However high the Brahmans placed the sanctity and dignity of their own -order above that of the Kshatriyas, the book makes no attempt to bring -the monarchy into the hands of the Brahmans. It lays down the rule that -the kings must belong to the order of the Kshatriyas;[237] and leaves -the throne to them, without feeling the contradiction that by this means -a member of a subordinate caste receives dominion over the first-born of -Brahman. It was part of the conception of the Brahmans that each order -had a definite obligation. The Kshatriyas must protect the other orders; -and therefore the chief protector must belong to this caste. But the -book does not even aim at confining the royal power of the Kshatriyas in -narrower limits for the benefit of the Brahmans. The kings are merely -commanded to be obedient to the law of the priests; the order of -Brahmans is declared to be especially adapted for public offices, -without excluding the rest of the Dvija from them. The king is further -recommended to advise chiefly with Brahmans on affairs of state, and to -allow Brahmans to pronounce sentence in his place.[238] For the great -sacrifices he must have a Brahman to represent him (Purohita); and for -household devotion and daily ritual he must keep a chaplain (Ritvij). - -Agreeably to the Brahmanic conception of the world, the maintenance of -the established order is the especial duty of the king. He must take -care that all creatures do what is required of them and perform their -duties. He must also protect his subjects, their persons, property, and -rights. He must reward the good and punish the bad. Justice is the first -duty of the king. By justice the book understands chiefly the -maintenance of authority and order by terror, by sharp repression and -severe punishment. The power of inflicting punishment is regarded as the -best part of the kingly office; the king must especially occupy himself -with pronouncing judgment, and punish without respect of persons. The -terror spread by punishment, and the apportionment of it in particular -cases, are the principles of the law of penalties. The Brahmans had -gained recognition for their doctrine mainly by the fear of the -penalties of hell, and the regenerations; they thought that nothing but -fear governs the world, and by that means only could order be maintained -in the state. The more the Brahmanic doctrine drained the marrow out of -the bones and the force out of the souls of the people, the more -dependent and incapable of self-help the subjects were made by the -severe oppression and tutelage of the kings, the more necessary it -became, as no one could now defend or help himself, to have an effectual -protection for persons and property, and this the book finds only in the -power of punishment exercised by the king. - -We find a complete theory of the preservative power of punishment, -before which all distinctions of criminal and civil process disappear, -and it becomes a matter of indifference whether an offence has taken -place from a doubtful claim, from error, carelessness, or evil -intention. "A man who does good by nature," so we are told in the book, -"is rarely found. Even the gods, the Gandharvas, the giants, the -serpents perform their functions only from fear of punishment. It is -this which prevents all creatures from abandoning their duties, and puts -them in a position to enjoy what is properly their own. Punishment is -justice, as the sages say; punishment governs the world; it is a mighty -power, a strong king, a wise expounder of law. When all things sleep, -punishment is awake. If the king did not ceaselessly punish those who -deserve it, the stronger would eat up the weak; property would cease to -exist; the crow would pick up the rice of the sacrifice, and the dog -lick the clarified butter. Only when black punishment with red eyes -annihilates the transgressors, do men feel no anxiety." - -The services rendered by the king in the exercise of justice and the -maintenance of order and the system of caste thus attained, are -naturally rated very highly by the book of law, in accordance with its -general tendency. "By the suppression of the evil and protection of the -good, the king purifies himself like a Brahman by sacrifice." "Then his -kingdom flourishes like a tree that is watered continually;" through the -protection which the king secures for the good by punishment, he -acquires a portion of the merits of the good. The portion of these -merits thus allotted to the king is determined by arithmetical -calculations. "The king who collects the sixth part of the harvest and -protects his people by punishment, obtains a sixth part of the merit of -all pious actions, and the sixth part of all rewards allotted by the -heavenly beings to the nation for their sacrifices and gifts to the -gods, and for the reading of the holy scriptures. But the king who does -not protect his people, and yet takes the sixth, goes into hell; as does -also the king who punishes the innocent and not the transgressors. Even -if the king has not himself pronounced the unjust sentence, a part of -the guilt falls upon him. The fourth part of the injustice of the -sentence falls on him who began the suit, a fourth on the false -witnesses, a fourth on the judge, a fourth on the king. A pure prince, -who is truthful, who knows the holy scriptures, and does not disregard -the laws, which he has himself given, is regarded by the sages as -capable of regulating punishment, of imposing it evenly, and thus he -increases the virtue, the wealth, and prosperity of his subjects (the -three means of happiness)." "To the prince who decides a case -righteously, the people will flock like the rivers to the ocean, and -when he has thus obtained the good-will of the nation"--so the book -continues--"he must attempt to subjugate the lands which do not obey -him."[239] - -Accompanied by Brahmans and experienced councillors, the king is to -repair without magnificence to the court of justice. After invoking the -protectors of the world, he begins, standing or seated, with the right -hand raised, and his attention fixed, to examine the case according to -the rank of the castes. Like Yama, the judge of the under world, the -king must renounce all thoughts of what is pleasing to him; he must -follow the example of the judge of all men, suppress his anger, and put -a bridle on his senses. If right wounded by wrong enters the court and -the king does not draw out the arrow he is himself wounded. From the -attitude of the litigants, the colour of their faces, and the tone of -their voices, their appearance and gestures, the king must ascertain -their thoughts and attain to truth, as the hunter reaches the lair of -the wild beast which he has wounded by following up the traces of its -blood. Beside these indications, witnesses are required for proof; and -if these are not forthcoming, oaths or the "divine declaration." -Respectable men of all the orders are allowed as witnesses, especially -the fathers of families; if these are not to be obtained, the friends or -enemies of the accused, his servants, or such as are in need and -poverty, and are afflicted with sickness. In cases of necessity the -evidence of a woman, a child, and a slave can be taken.[240] - -The book repeatedly and with great urgency exhorts the witnesses to -speak the truth, and threatens false witnesses with hell and a terrible -series of regenerations. In the presence of the accuser and accused the -king calls on the witness to tell the truth: to the Brahman he says, -"speak;" to the Kshatriya, "tell the truth;" to the Vaiçya, he points -out that false witness is as great a crime as theft of corn, cattle, and -gold.[241] "The wicked think," says Manu, "no one sees us if we give -false witness. But the protectors of the world know the actions of all -living creatures, and the gods see all men. The soul also is its own -witness; a severe judge and unbending avenger dwells in thine heart. The -soul is a part of the highest spirit, the attentive and silent observer -of all that is good and evil." The false witness will not only come to -misfortune in his life, so that, deprived of his sight, with a potsherd -in his hand he will beg for morsels in the house of his enemy--for all -the good that a man has done in his life at once departs into dogs by -false witness--in a hundred migrations he will fall into the toils of -Varuna, and at last will be thrown head foremost into the darkest abyss -of hell. Even his family and kindred are brought into hell by the false -witness. For further elucidation the book provides a scale; by false -witness about oxen five, about cows ten, about horses a hundred, and -about men a thousand members of the family of the false witness are -thrown into hell.[242] - -If no witnesses are forthcoming the king must endeavour to find out the -truth by the oaths of the accuser or the accused, which in cases of -special importance he may test and confirm by the "divine declaration." -Even the Brahmans could not refuse the oath; for Vasishtha had sworn to -the son of Pijavana (Sudas). The Brahman swore by his truthfulness; the -Kshatriya by his weapons, his horses, and elephants; the Vaiçya by his -cows, his corn, his grass; the Çudra, when taking an oath, must invoke -all sins on his own head.[243] If the king desires the "divine -revelation" on the truth of the oath, the person taking it must lay his -hand, while swearing, on the head of his wife, or the heads of his -children; or after taking it, he must undergo the test of fire and water -or fire; i.e. he is thrown into water and he must touch fire with his -hand. If in the second case no immediate harm follows, if in the first -the witness sinks like any other person, if in the third he is not -injured by the fire, the oath is correct. Fire, so the book proceeds, is -to be the test of guilt or innocence for all men; the holy Vatsa once -demonstrated his innocence by walking through fire without a hair of -his head being consumed.[244] When we consider the inclination of the -Indians to the marvellous, and their belief in the perpetual -interference of the gods, it cannot surprise us that these regulations -about the divine declaration--which are all that are found in the book -of the law--became at a later time much more extended and complicated; -it is also possible that the book has omitted certain hereditary forms -of the divine sentence, such as the carrying of hot iron, though they -continue to exist.[245] - -When the king had thus come to a conclusion about the matter and its -position by means of indications, evidence, oaths, and "divine -declaration," when he had considered the extenuating or aggravating -circumstances, _e.g._ special qualities in the criminal, or repeated -convictions, and reflected on the prescriptions given by the law, he is -to cause punishment to be inflicted on the guilty. The book -acknowledges that the king alone is not sufficient for the burden of -pronouncing justice; it is open to him to name a representative, and the -necessary judges from the number of the twice-born; no exclusive right -in this respect is reserved for the Brahmans, but they are especially -recommended. "A court of law, assembled by the king, and consisting of a -very learned Brahman and three Brahmans acquainted with writing, is -called by the sages the court of Brahman with four faces." A Çudra can -never be named by the king as his representative in a court of law. If -such a thing were to happen, the kingdom would be in the unfortunate -position of a cow which had fallen into a morass.[246] - -The doctrine of the Brahmans that no living creature is to be killed is -little attended to in respect of human life either in their penal code -or in their asceticism. The punishment of death is perhaps less -frequently imposed than elsewhere in the East, but mutilations are only -the more common, and at times they are employed to aggravate the -sentence of death, which is inflicted by beheading and impalement.[247] -The legends of the Buddhists show that cruel mutilations were not -uncommon. Men of the despised classes, especially Chandalas, served as -executioners.[248] The Brahmans are to be free from all bodily -punishment; the other castes could be punished either by loss of life, -or of the sexual organs, or in the belly, the tongue, feet and hands, -eyes and nose, and were distinguished by different brands on the -forehead.[249] But the book of the law adds a rule of some importance -intended to win respect and legal value for the priestly arrangements -of penances: all criminals, who perform the religious expiations -prescribed for their offence, are not to be punished in the body, but -only condemned to pay a fine. Next to corporal punishments, fines are -the most frequent; but imprisonment is mentioned; this was carried out -in gaols, which were to be erected on the highways "to spread terror." - -The book allows the kings absolute power to punish with capricious -severity and with death any attempt and even "any hostile feeling" -against themselves. This is necessitated by the position of the despotic -ruler whose throne depends on keeping alive the sense of fear in his -subjects. "He who in the confusion of his mind betrays hatred against -his king must die; the king must at once occupy himself with the means -to bring about his destruction." Any one who has refused obedience to -the king or robbed the king's treasury must be put to death with -tortures.[250] He who forges royal orders, puts strife between the -ministers of the king, appropriates the royal property, has any -understanding with the enemies of the king, and inspires them with -courage, must die. So also must the man who has killed a Brahman, a -woman, or a child,[251] who has broken down a dyke, so that the water in -the reservoir is lost.[252] Adultery under certain circumstances is -punished with death. Robbery, arson, attacks with violence on persons or -property, are punished very severely, for such crimes "spread alarm -among all creatures."[253] The punishments prescribed by the law for the -protection of property are, comparatively, the most severe; it seems -that the Brahmanic view, which allots to each creature his sphere of -rights, regarded property, the extended circle of the person, as an -appurtenance deserving the strictest respect, and that the Brahmans -looked on the protection of property as an essential part of a good -arrangement of the state, which must secure his own to every man and -maintain him in the possession of it. The king is to suppress theft with -the greatest vigour. In order to discover the thief, no less than the -gambler and cheat, the law recommends him to avail himself of the -espionage of those who apparently pursue the same occupation. These -spies are to be taken from all orders, and must watch especially the -open places, wells, and houses of courtesans in the cities, and in the -country the sacred trees, the crossways, the public gardens, and parks -of the princes. The king must cause every one to be executed who is -caught on the spot with the property upon him, and the concealers of the -thief must be punished as severely as the thief himself.[254] Any one -who steals more than ten kumbhas worth of corn is to be punished with -death; theft of a less value is followed by loss of hand or foot. Petty -stealing, _e.g._ of flowers, or of as much corn as a man can carry, is -to be punished by fines, in which the Vaiçya has to pay twice as much as -the Çudra, the Kshatriya four times, the Brahman eight or a hundred -times. Burglary is a capital offence; the sentence is carried out by -impalement, after the hands of the victim have been cut off.[255] A -cut-purse loses two fingers; on a second offence a hand and a foot; if -the offence is repeated he must die.[256] In regard to property, Manu's -laws are so severe that they not only put the sale of another's goods, -but even the loosing of a tied ox, or the tying of one which is loose, -the use of the slave, horse, or carriage of another on the same level -as theft. On the other hand, it is permissible to take roots, and -fruits, and even wood for sacrifice out of any unfenced field; the -hungry traveller, if a Dvija, may break two sugarcanes, but not -more.[257] Gamblers are punished like thieves, and any one who keeps a -gambling house must undergo corporal punishment; drunkards are branded -in the forehead. The law of contract and debt, the breach of covenants, -the non-payment of wages when due, the annulling of a purchase or sale, -the law of deposits, the collection of outstanding accounts, gambling -debts and wages, are discussed at some length. - -The views and regulations in the book of law about the unlimited power -of the king and the exercise of the right of punishment might appear to -be of a later date than has been assumed, if the sutras of the Buddhists -and the accounts of the Greeks from the end of the fourth century B.C. -did not exhibit the monarchy of India in the full possession of -unlimited power; the latter also mention the careful regard paid by the -kings to the administration of justice. Hence we can hardly be wrong in -assuming that the Arians in India were not later than their kindred in -Iran in reaching this form of constitution. - -Along with the absolute power of punishment the law allows the kings a -very liberal right of imposing taxes. The taxes were regarded as the -recompense which the subjects have to pay for the protection which the -king extends to them. However high the quota of taxes may be which the -king has the right to raise, the law calls attention to the fact that it -is not good "to exhaust the realm by taxes." The impositions are to be -arranged in such a way that the subjects may confess that king and -nation find "the just reward of their labour." The king is never to cut -off his own roots by raising no taxes at all on a super-abundance of -possessions, nor may he from covetousness demand too heavy a tribute, -and so cut off the roots of his subjects. As the exhaustion of the body -destroys the life of the animated creature, so does the exhaustion of -the kingdom destroy the life of the king. As a rule, he may only demand -the twelfth part of the harvest, _i.e._ above eight per cent., and the -fiftieth, _i.e._ two per cent., of animals and incomes in gold and -silver.[258] Yet the eighth or sixth corn could be demanded according to -the quality of the soil and the amount of labour required upon it, and -the fifth part of the increase in cattle and in gold and silver. In -cases of necessity the fourth part of the harvest could be demanded, -"when the king is protecting his people with all his power." Of the gain -on fruit-trees, herbs, flowers, perfumes and honey the king can take the -sixth part. From the wares of the merchant which come to be sold, the -king may take the twentieth;[259] and those who live by retail trade may -be compelled to pay a moderate tax. Artisans, day-labourers, and Çudras -who earn too little to be able to pay taxes, the king compels to work -for him one day in each month.[260] - -From this it is clear how extensive was the circle from which taxes were -paid; all incomes, whether from the soil and under it, even to flowers -and honey, or from the breeding of cattle, all purchases and sales were -taxed, and the rates at which the taxes were levied were high. There -were besides presents in kind. If we add to these the exactions of the -tax-gatherer, which in the East have rarely been wanting, the burdens -prescribed and imposed by the laws must have been very considerable. It -would afford little protection to those who had to pay that Manu's laws -required that the taxes should be collected by men of good family whose -characters were free from avarice.[261] Yet these and other rules in the -book show that an attempt was made to introduce order, and, at any rate, -a certain moderation into the taxation. The good advice given in -conclusion to the king, that he should collect his yearly tribute in -small portions, even as the bee and the leech suck in their nourishment -gradually,[262] is rather evidence of Machiavellian policy than of good -feeling towards the taxpayers, while the open reference to the leech as -a pattern of moderation is equivalent to an acknowledgment of the -draining process of which we find evidence elsewhere. From the general -duty of paying taxes the "learned Brahman" is alone exempted; from him -the king is never to take tribute even though he were dying of -hunger;[263] the Brahmans, as we shall see, paid their sixth in -intercessions.[264] - -The rules given in the law for taxation are not of recent date. The -sixth part of the harvest is there prescribed as the rule. From the -accounts of the Greeks about the year 300 B.C. the fourth part of the -harvest was collected, and a tenth from trade.[265] According to the -sutras of the Buddhists the pressure of taxes in some states on the -Ganges became exhausting. Subsequently, the princes of the Mahrattas -took a fifth of the harvest, which seems to have become the rule in -later times, and occasionally a fourth, in corn or coin. The Sultan -Akhbar caused the whole land to be measured and the value of the produce -to be calculated on an average of the harvests of nineteen years, and -the size of the farm; then he took the third part of the produce thus -estimated in gold, with entire release from all other taxes. Lands in -the possession of the Brahmans partially enjoy even to this day the -traditional freedom from taxation. - -As it is difficult for one man to govern a great kingdom the book -advises the king to choose seven or eight ministers from men whose -fathers have already been in the service of the crown, persons of good -family, of knowledge of the law, bold and skilful in the use of -weapons.[266] He is to secure their fidelity by an oath. With them he is -to consider all affairs, first with each singly, then with all together; -after this he may do what seems to him best. On matters of great -importance the king must always ask the advice of one Brahman of -eminence, and consider the affair with him as his first minister.[267] -The sutras of the Buddhists as well as the epic poems show us the court -of the king arranged according to these rules; in the Ramayana, king -Daçaratha of Ayodhya has eight ministers together with his Parohita and -Ritvij.[268] - -The plan presented by the law for the management of the state is very -simple. The king is to place officers (_pati_, lords) over every -village, and again over every ten or twenty villages (_grama_), so that -these places with their acreage formed together a district. Five or ten -such districts form a canton, which contains a hundred communities, and -over this in turn the king places a higher magistrate. Ten of these -cantons form a region, which thus comprised a thousand villages, and -this is administered by a governor.[269] The overseers of districts are -to have divisions of soldiers at their disposal to maintain order in -their districts. Thefts and robbery which they are unable to prevent -with their own forces they must report to the overseers of cantons.[270] -Thus the states of India were governed by a complicated series of royal -magistrates subordinated to each other, which is of itself evidence of -an advanced stage of administration. Whether the kings of India adopted -this or some other plan for the management of their states, which in the -first instance were of no great extent, experience must have taught, -before Manu's laws received their present form, that these magistrates -did not always discharge their duties faithfully, but were guilty of -caprice and oppression. The subordination of the magistrates is intended -to supply a means of control; but the law also requires regular payment -of officers. "Those whom the king employs for the security of the land," -we are told, "are as a rule knaves, who gladly appropriate the property -of the subjects."[271] In order to prevent this as far as possible -regular payment is absolutely necessary. The fourth class (the overseers -of the villages) is to receive what the village has to contribute to the -king in rice, wood, and drink; the third class (the overseers of -districts) must receive as pay the produce of an estate, which requires -twelve steers to cultivate it; the second class must receive the produce -of a plot five times as large, &c.[272] Moreover, in every great city -the king must nominate a head overseer, and must from time to time cause -reports to be made by special commissaries of the manner in which the -magistrates perform their duties; and those who take money from the -people with whom they have to do, the king must drive out of the land -and confiscate their property.[273] - -The advice which the book imparts to the kings on the duties they have -to fulfil beside the protection of the subjects, the maintenance of -order, and the supervision of their magistrates; the art of government -sketched for them, the regulations for personal security put into their -hand, are the result of an unfettered reflection on all these relations -for which no limitations and principles are in existence, except the -interest of uncontrolled dominion, and the respect due to the Brahmans. - -The king is to take up his abode in a healthy and rich district, -inhabited by loyal people, who get their living easily, and surrounded -by peaceful neighbours. In such a district he is to choose a place -difficult of access owing to deserts or forest. If these are not to be -found the king must build his citadel on a mountain, or he must make it -inaccessible by specially strong walls of stone or brick, or by trenches -filled with water. As a man can do nothing to a wild animal when in its -hole, so the king has nothing to fear in an inaccessible place. In the -midst of such a fortress the king must build his palace with the -necessary spaces properly divided in such a manner that it can be -inhabited at any period of the year. The palace must be provided with -water and surrounded with trees, the entire dwelling must then be -enclosed by trenches and walls. The citadel, in which the palace lies, -must be well provided with arms, supplies, beasts of burden, fodder, -machines, and Brahmans. One archer behind the breast of the wall easily -holds a hundred enemies in check.[274] The guard in the interior of the -palace is to be trusted only to men of little spirit, for brave men, -seeing the king frequently alone or surrounded by women, could easily -slay him at the instigation of his enemies. It is best to pay regularly -the servants of the palace; the chief servants are to receive six panas -a day, six dronas of corn a month, and six suits of clothes in the year; -the lowest receive one pana a day, one drona of corn a month, and an -upper and under garment twice in the year.[275] - -The king, his council, his treasure, his metropolis, his land, army, and -confederates--these are, according to the book of the law, the seven -parts of the kingdom, which ought mutually to support each other. The -king is the most important part, "because through him all the other -parts are set in motion;" his destruction brings with it the ruin of the -rest. Hence the king must take thought for his preservation. For this -object the book advises him--besides securing the metropolis, the -citadel, and the people in it--to pay attention to a good arrangement of -the day. With early dawn he is to rise and purify himself, in deep -meditation to offer his sacrifice to Agni, and show his respect for the -Brahmans who know the three holy books.[276] Then he must go to the -magnificent hall of reception, and there delight his subjects by -gracious words and looks. After administering justice he is to consult -with his ministers in some secret place where he cannot be overheard, on -a lonely terrace or on the top of a mountain. In the middle of the day, -if he is free from disquiet and weariness (or in the middle of the -night), he must reflect on virtue, content, and riches, on war and -peace, on the prospect of success in his undertakings. Then he must -bathe, take such exercise as becomes a king, and then repair to the meal -in his inner chambers. There he must take food prepared for him by old, -faithful, and trustworthy servants, but previously tested with the help -of a partridge, whose eyes become red if there is poison in the dish. He -must consecrate the food by prayers, which will destroy the poison -contained in it. He must at all times carry precious stones with him, to -counteract the effect of poison, and must mix antidotes with his -food.[277] After dinner the women make their appearance to fan him, and -sprinkle him with water and perfumes, but not till their ornaments and -dress have been carefully searched to see that neither weapons nor -poison are hidden in them. When the king has passed the suitable time -with his wives, he occupies himself anew with public business. He puts -on his armour, and reviews his warriors, elephants, horses, chariots, -and arms.[278] In the evening, after sacrifice, he repairs in his armour -to a remote part of the palace, in order to receive the accounts of his -spies. Then he takes his evening meal in his innermost chambers, at -which his wives attend him. After a light repast and some music, he lies -down to rest at the proper time, and rises refreshed in the -morning.[279] - -The book advises the king to make conquests, and gives him counsel on -the conduct of war. This may be explained as a survival of the old -warlike feeling of the people, or as the result of the duty imposed on -the Kshatriyas, or from the encyclopĉdic nature of the book, which -includes all sides of civic life. The ideal of the Brahmans lay no doubt -in a quiet and peaceful life, but like other priesthoods they were -inclined to leave the state a free course in its desire for extension -of power so long as it satisfied the requirements they laid upon it. -Conquests, the book tells us, cannot be made till a treasure has been -collected and the troops carefully exercised.[280] Every neighbour is to -be regarded as an enemy, but the neighbour of a neighbour as a friend. -While the king must carefully conceal the weaknesses of his own kingdom, -he must spy out the weakness of the enemy; he must send spies into the -enemy's land, just as he uses them to detect gambling, theft, and -cheating in his own. The persons best suited for this purpose are -fictitious penitents, degraded eremites, broken merchants, starving -peasants, and finally young men of bold and acute spirit; these must -collect accurate information concerning the ministers, treasures, and -army of the hostile state.[281] The choice of the ambassador sent to the -enemy's coast is of the first importance both for knowing the country, -and ascertaining the views of the prince. He must be a man of high -birth, of acuteness and honesty, friendly in his manners. In -negotiations with the hostile prince, this envoy must be able to judge -of his intentions from his conduct, tone, attitude, and demeanour; he -must detect his plans by secretly bribing a covetous minister.[282] When -acquainted with the strength and designs of the enemy, the king must -attempt to weaken their power and strengthen his own. For this purpose -he must by all possible means create dissension in the enemy's country, -or foster a dissension already existing; he must gain over relatives of -the prince who prefer a claim to the throne, or discontented and -displaced ministers; and make presents to the subjects of the hostile -prince. Finally, he must conclude treaties with the ambitious -neighbours of the hostile state, and attempt to break off his alliances, -by creating personal dissensions between the princes.[283] - -The issue of all things in this world, the book says, depends on the -laws of fate, which are regulated according to the acts of men in their -former existence. These laws are concealed from us; we must therefore -hold to things which are accessible. It is enough if the king keeps -three things before him in these undertakings; himself, the object he -has in view, the means of attaining it. Starting from the experience of -the past and the present situation of affairs, he must attempt to -discover the probable issue. He who can foresee the use or harm of any -resolution, who decides quickly at a given moment, and can see the -consequences of any event, will never be overcome. A prince who is firm -in his views, liberal and grateful to all who serve him, bold, skilful, -and fearless, will, in the opinion of the sages, hardly be overcome. -Fortune attends the enterprising and enduring prince, and he who keeps -his counsels secret will extend his power over the whole earth.[284] - -If the king is attacked unexpectedly he must take refuge in -negotiations; in such a case he must also make up his mind to endure -some slight injury, and even sacrifice a part of his kingdom. But if he -has made all his preparations and concealed them, if he has drawn all -the parts of his kingdom into himself like a tortoise; if the fortresses -are armed and garrisoned, if the six divisions of the army--the -elephants, chariots, cavalry, foot-soldiers, generals, and baggage--are -ready, and he has made arrangements for his absence, he must consider -like a hawk the best mode of attack, the object of which must be the -metropolis of the enemy, and make it suddenly at a favourable time of -the year. If the strength of his army consists in chariots, elephants, -and cavalry, he must set out in November (Margaçirsha) or in February -(Phalguna) in order to find the autumn or spring harvest in the fields, -in case some special misfortune has befallen the enemy, or the victory -is for general reasons beyond a doubt. The march must be secured by -making roads, by spies, and good advanced troops who know the signals, -for which purpose daring men, of whom it is known that they will not -desert, must be sought out. - -Battles must be avoided as much as possible if the object can be -attained by other means, for the issue of a battle can never be -foreseen. But if it is found impossible to compel the enemy to make -peace by devastating his land, by taking up strong positions and an -entrenched camp, or by blockading him in his camp, and cutting him off -from supplies--water, and wood for firing, by provoking him by day, and -attacking him by night--if a battle is unavoidable, it is best in a -plain to fight with cavalry and chariots, in a well watered region with -elephants, in a woodland district with archers, on open ground with -sword and shield. The Kshatriyas of Brahmavarta and Brahmarshideça, from -the lands of the Matsyas, Panchalas, and Çurasenas were to be placed in -the front ranks, or if these were not forthcoming, tall and skilful men -of other regions. Poisoned arrows and fire arrows are not to be used. A -man on a chariot or a horse is not to attack a foot-soldier; an enemy is -not to be attacked who is already engaged with an opponent, or has lost -his arms, or is wounded. These rules, like the precept that the king is -never to turn his back when the army has been set in array, are results -of the old warlike and knightly feeling united with the view of the -Brahmans, that each order should fulfil its proper office. It is the -duty of the Kshatriyas not to fly, says the book, but much more of the -king; kings who fight with great courage in the battle, eager to -overcome each other, and do not turn aside their heads, go straight into -heaven when they fall. Those who pray for life with folded hands, the -severely wounded, and those who fly, are not to be slain.[285] According -to these regulations the regions of Brahmavarta and Brahmarshideça -produce not only the best Brahmans but the best Kshatriyas. The accounts -of the Greeks from the fourth century B.C. prove that at any rate the -princes of the land of the Indus knew how to fight bravely. Megasthenes -tells us that they rarely came to close conflict, but generally carried -on the contest with large bows at a distance. - -When victory has been won, the law advises the king, however weary he -may be, to follow it up quickly. According to the regulations of the -Veda, gold and silver found in the booty belong to the king, everything -else to the man who has taken it. If the enemy's land is conquered an -attempt must be made to secure the possession of it. The king must issue -a proclamation to relieve all the inhabitants from alarm; he must -worship the deities worshipped by the conquered land, and pay respect to -the virtuous Brahmans in it. Under certain circumstances it is good to -make distributions to the people; to carry off treasures arouses hatred, -to distribute them excites love; each is worthy of praise or blame -according to circumstances. Finally, the book utterly disregards the -possible result of the excellent advice given by laying down the rule -that the king may hand over the conquered district to a prince of the -royal blood, and prescribe certain conditions with which he is to rule -there as a vassal king. It is obvious that such relations must soon end -in revolts. The position of the vassal king is too strong for obedience, -and his strength is a temptation to acquire complete freedom and -independence. Manu's doctrines are intended for these vassal kings also; -they may apply them like the chief kings for their own benefit. - -No regulations are given in the book for the succession to the throne. -It only requires that a consecration shall take place on the accession -of a new king. If the king feels that his end is near, he must -distribute his treasures to the Brahmans; hand over the kingdom to his -son, and seek death in battle; if there is no war, the old king must end -his life by starvation. The precept that the king should seek death in -battle is again a remnant of the old feeling; he must live and die like -a Kshatriya. - -The Epos and legends of the Brahmans are in complete agreement with the -book of the law as to the necessity of monarchy, its objects and duties. -It has been mentioned already how the Brahmans created a new king out of -the body of the dead king Vena (p. 149), as a protection against the -robbers who rose up on all hands. A land without a king, we are told in -the Ramayana, is like a cow without a bull, a herd without a herdsman, a -night without a moon, a woman who has lost her husband. There is then no -property; men consume each other as one fish eats another. When there is -no king Indra does not water the plains, the fields are not sown, the -son does not obey the father, No rich man builds houses and lays out -parks; no priest skilled in sacrifice brings offerings to the gods. The -people do not dance at the festival, the minstrels are not surrounded -by an audience. No maiden adorned with gold walks in the evening in the -gardens, no elephant sixty years old stands in the ways with tusks -adorned with bells. The peasant and the herdman cannot sleep securely -with open doors; the traders are not safe in the streets. When there is -no king the ceaseless sound of archers practising for battle is never -heard.[286] In the Mahabharata we are told of Yudhishthira's reign at -Indraprastha that he ruled with great justice, protected his subjects as -his sons, and conquered his enemies round about, so that every one in -the land was without fear or distress, and could apply his whole mind to -the fulfilment of religious duties. The kingdom received an abundance of -rain at the proper time; all the inhabitants were rich, and testified to -the virtues of the king in the abundance of the harvests, in the -increase of the flocks, and in the great growth of trade. There was -neither drought nor inundation; the parrots did not eat the corn; there -were no swindlers, liars, or thieves in the land. - -In the Epos also we find the kings dwelling in fortified cities and -citadels. According to the Ramayana, Ayodhya is a city surrounded by -high walls, with broad and deep trenches and strong gates; the gateways -and the towers on the walls are occupied with archers; in the midst of -the city was the royal citadel surrounded by walls, so lofty that no -bird could fly over it, watched by a thousand warriors strong and -courageous as lions. In the three first of the five courts of this -citadel, young soldiers kept watch; in the two last, where the king and -his wives dwelt, were old men. In the Epos the kings when old lay aside -their crowns, as the book commands, and resign them to their sons. The -aged Dhritarashtra of Hastinapura resigns the throne to Yudhishthira; -Daçratba of Ayodhya wishes to give it up to Rama. Dhritarashtha and -Yudhishthira end their days in the wilderness as Vanaprasthas, or -penitents, in the manner prescribed in the book for every Dvija in his -old age (p. 184). The ceremonial of consecration required by the book is -described at great length in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Rice, -white flowers, clods of earth, pieces of silver and gold, and precious -stones are brought to Yudhishthira; he touches them in the traditional -manner. Then fire, milk, honey, curdled milk, purified butter, the holy -goblets, leaves and twigs of the sacred trees, and vessels with -consecrated water are placed before the king. When the sacrificial fire -has been kindled, Yudhishthira with Draupadi seats himself before it on -a tiger's skin; the consecrating Brahman pours the libations into the -sacrificial fire--cow's milk, sweet and curdled, and melted butter--and -in order to purify the king and queen he pours the urine of cows on -their heads and then lays cowdung upon them. Then the consecrated water -is poured over them, and after this the music begins to sound, and the -minstrels sing the praises of Yudhishthira and his ancestors. At the -consecration of Rama the golden throne is set up, the yellow parasol and -the two flappers of buffalo-tails, the tiger-skin, bow and sword are -brought forward. The four-yoked chariots, the elephants, the great white -buffalo, the lion with strong mane, the cows with golden ornaments on -their horns, the flowers and the jars filled with water from the Ganges -and the holy springs and pools, are made ready.[287] Rama and Sita place -themselves in beautiful garments in the portico of the palace, their -faces to the east, and the people cry aloud: Long live the Maharaja -(great-king) Rama; may his reign be prosperous and continue for ever! -Then the Rishis come with jars full of consecrated water, say the solemn -words, and pour the water upon the heads of Rama and Sita. Then the -Brahmans do the same, the Kshatriyas, Vaiçyas, and Çudras, and all the -remaining classes of the people. When Rama and Sita have changed their -garments they return to their place in the portico; the yellow parasol -is spread over Rama, and he is fanned with the two flappers. And the -Brahmans and the people of Ayodhya came to bless Rama, and scattered -rice in the husk and kuça-grass on his head, and Rama sent away the -Brahmans with rich gifts, and the minstrels and dancers and -dancing-girls were rewarded. The sutras of the Buddhists mention as the -symbols of monarchy the turban and tiara, the sword, the yellow parasol, -the flappers of buffalo-tails, and the parti-coloured shoes.[288] In the -Ramayana, Bharata, the younger brother, will not accept the throne in -the place of his elder brother Rama, though commanded to do so by his -father. Then Rama takes off the gilded shoes and hands them to Bharata, -a symbol of his renunciation of the throne, which was in use even among -the Germans.[289] The virtuous Bharata is now compelled to reign; but he -places the shoes on the throne, holds the yellow parasol over them, and -causes them to be fanned by the first ministers, and before these shoes -of his brother he takes counsel and administers justice. - -The lecture which Rama gives his brother on the art of government is in -complete harmony with the doctrines of the book of the law. He asks -Bharata whether he is protecting the city of Ayodhya and all the cantons -of his kingdom in a proper manner; whether he pays due respect to -householders and proprietors, whether his judges give them justice? Is -an accused chief set at liberty through bribery? Are the judges in any -matter of law between rich and poor raised above the desire of gain? O -Bharata, the tears shed by those who have been condemned unjustly, -destroy the children and the flocks of him who governs with partiality. -He asks further whether Bharata despises the Brahmans who are so given -up to the satisfaction of the senses and the enjoyment of the world that -they do not trouble themselves about the things of heaven--whether he -despises men eminent in useless knowledge, and those who profess to be -wise without having learned anything: whether he prefers one learned man -to a thousand of the unlearned; ten thousand of the ignorant multitude -will not be able to render him any service in his government. Does he -employ distinguished servants in great matters, men of lower degree in -smaller affairs, and the lowest in the least important? In affairs of -great moment he must employ only those who have served his father and -grandfather, who have not opened their hand to bribes; heroic and -learned men, who are masters of their senses, and able to untie a knot. -Dost thou despise the counsel of women, and conceal from them thy -secrets? Or do thine own counsellors contemn thee, and the people, -oppressed by excessive punishments? Dost thou honour those who are bold -and skilful? Do thy servants and troops receive pay at the proper time? -Are thy fortresses well provided with corn, water, weapons, and -archers? Is the forest, where the royal elephants are kept, well chosen? -Art thou well equipped with horses and female elephants? Hast thou store -of young milch-cows? Is thy expenditure less than thy income? Dost thou -bestow thy wealth on Brahmans, Kshatriyas, needy strangers? or lavish it -on thy friends? Dost thou wake at the right time? Canst thou overcome -sleep? Dost thou divide thy time properly between recreation, state -business, and religious duties? Dost thou think at the end of the night -on the way to become prosperous? Dost thou take counsel with thyself and -with others also? Are thy resolutions kept secret? Do other princes know -thy aims? Art thou acquainted with that which they would undertake? Are -the plans formed in the councils of other princes known to thee and thy -counsellors? The concealment of his counsels by his ministers is the -source of success for a prince. He who does not remove an ambitious and -covetous minister, who maligns others, will be himself removed. Is thine -envoy a well-instructed, active man, able to answer any question on the -moment? Is he a man of judgment who knows how to deliver a message in -the words in which it is given to him? Art thou certain that thy -officers are on thy side, if sent into foreign lands, and if none knows -the commission given to another? Dost thou think lightly of enemies who, -though weak and expelled from their country, may easily return? Dost -thou seek to obtain land and wealth by all honest means? Dost thou bow -down before thy spiritual leaders; before the aged, the penitent, the -gods, strangers; before the holy groves and all instructed Brahmans? -Dost thou sacrifice wealth to virtue, or virtue to wealth, or both to -favouritism, covetousness, and sensuality? The prince who rules a -kingdom with justice, when surrounded with difficulties, wins heaven -when he leaves this world. - -We can only fix in a very general way the date at which these prescripts -of the book on the art of government, and the doctrines of the Epos so -completely in agreement with them, came into existence. The sutras of -the Buddhists and the accounts of the Greeks from the end of the fourth -century B.C. exhibit to us the kingdom of India occupied with efforts -which correspond in some degree to the views of the book and the -descriptions of the Epos. If however we were to conclude from the -despotic power to which the monarchy attained in the states on the -Ganges, that the subject populations at that time or later were -disconnected and reduced, without independent movement in any sphere of -life--our conclusion would be completely wrong. As traditions, modes of -worship and customs of the ancient time maintained themselves beside and -in spite of the new doctrine of the Brahmans, so did remains of the old -communities, of the old social and political life, maintain themselves -against the omnipotence of the kings. These were the clans of the -minstrels, formed naturally or by the adoption of pupils--which brought -the old invocations from the Indus and preserved them--which on the -Ganges sang the heroic songs, the Epos in its earliest form, and -afterwards became combined into the priestly order, out of whose -meditations rose the new system. These clans continued in the new -states. The names represent in part different traditions of the -doctrine, various schools and views. But even the clans of the -Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, united by the common worship of ancestors, -existed on the Ganges. Only in them or in close local communities could -those customs of law grow up and perpetuate themselves, to which -reference is so frequently made in the book of the law. The spread of -the system of castes, the accompanying tendency to perpetuate what has -once come into existence, was not likely to injure the continuance of -these clans. They exercised a very important supervision over the -members; and by bringing the Brahmans to the funeral meals of the -families, as prescribed in the book (p. 163), this supervision became an -advantage to the new doctrine, and in any case assisted the Brahmans -essentially in carrying out their system, just as to this day it helps -in a higher degree to maintain that system. The book of the law lays -down detailed regulations who is to be invited to the funeral feasts and -the festivals for the souls of the departed, and who is to be excluded. -Those are to be excluded who are not true to the mission of their caste, -and neglect its obligations, who do not fulfil their religious duties, -who pursue forbidden and impure occupations, _e.g._ the burying of the -dead for hire, dancing as a trade, dog-breaking, buffalo-catching, etc.; -those who suffer from certain bodily infirmities, and finally those who -lead an immoral life; usurers, drunkards, gamblers, keepers of gambling -and drinking houses, adulterers and burglars, thieves and incendiaries, -every one of bad reputation and character.[290] In this way the clans -under the guidance of the Brahman assessors possessed the most complete -censorship over the lives of the members, and a power of punishment from -which there was no escape. The families could impose expiations and -fines on any member who transgressed or failed to fulfil his religious, -moral, or caste duties; if he refused to submit to these they could at a -certain time expel him for ever out of the community, by excluding him -from the funeral feast. The latter resolution of the family deprived the -person on whom it fell of his entire social position; in fact, of his -economical existence. It implied exclusion from the caste. No one could -have any dealings with a person so expelled, otherwise he became -infected by communion with him. He could not get his children married; -after his decease no sacrifice for the dead assuaged the punishments -which awaited him in the other world. Now as ever, the clans perform the -ceremony of adopting the young Dvija into the caste and family by -investiture with the sacred girdle; they still exercise this -jurisdiction, and as a penalty for breach of the arrangement of castes, -neglect of religious duties, drunkenness, slander, and other moral -errors, they impose exclusion from the family and caste by overturning -the water-jar and exclusion from the funeral feast. A sentence of social -extinction is thus pronounced upon the expelled person. He is civically -dead and despised. No one associates with him in any one relation; no -one holds any communion with him. The members of his own family will not -give him a draught of water after his expulsion; no member even of the -lowest order shelters him, for by doing so he would break the law of -caste. It is only by this self-government, this censorship of the clans, -that the system of caste has been able to strike such deep roots, to -resist every new doctrine, and the severest attacks of foreign tyranny; -that the religion, character, and civilisation of the Indians continue -to exist after centuries of oppression. - -The corporate form of the village communities were not of a much later -date than the authority of the clans over their members. Its early -stages must go back at least as far as the settlement of the Aryas in -the land of the Ganges, for we find it in the same form in the districts -which were not occupied by the Aryas till later, in Malava (Malva), -Surashtra (Guzerat), and to a considerable extent in the provinces of -the Deccan. The village community possesses a definite property (mark) -consisting of arable land, pasture, forest, and uncultivated soil. The -book of the law orders the overseers of districts to take care that the -boundaries of the properties are marked out by the planting of trees, by -wells and altars. If a contention arises between two villages about the -borders, they must be marked out afresh, according to the traces which -can be discovered, and the declaration of witnesses taken in the -presence of inhabitants of the village. These witnesses must take their -oaths in red garments, with crowns of red flowers on their heads. If -witnesses cannot be found in the contending neighbouring villages, the -people who dwell in the open land, or the forest, must be taken; the -cowherds, fishermen, hunters, bird-catchers, snake-hunters; and on their -declaration the borders must be fixed and set down in writing.[291] The -community has its overseers, and the office is hereditary. He divides -the quotas among the villagers, according to the measure and -productiveness of the land; he also divides the uncultivated land and -fixes the share in water allotted to each. He settles differences -between the villagers, and manages the police, having even the power of -imprisonment. As a reward for the labours of the office the overseer is -in possession of a larger share in land, and receives taxes from the -villagers, one or two handfuls, as a rule, from every measure of corn or -rice in the harvest. But the overseer does not govern the community by -his own power; he exercises all his functions surrounded by the -community, who assemble under the great tree, and provide him with -assessors, or deputies for settling quarrels. Beside the overseer the -community has its Brahman, who has to point out the proper time for -beginning every business--without such certainty the Hindu undertakes -nothing--who narrates stories to the peasants from the Epos and legends, -and in modern times at any rate is the school-master of the village. -There are also other officers, the smith, and guardian of the soil, and -even a dancing-girl, to whom, along with the overseer, land and taxes -are allotted.[292] In the sutras of the Buddhists we also hear of -resolutions of the communities in cities, and corporations of merchants, -who compel the members to pay respect to their rules by imposing -fines;[293] and Megasthenes tells us that the cities in the kingdom of -Magadha were governed by six independent colleges. From this we may -assume that the impulse to form associations and corporations was not -unknown to the cities on the Ganges: we are however without any -information as to the extent of these corporations, or the length of -time during which they were able to maintain themselves against the -power of the kings. The advice of the book that the king should place -chief overseers over the cities has been mentioned above (p. 215). On -the other hand, the village communities remain intact in their old form -till this day, and they with the clans form the principal entrenchment -behind which the old Indian character has maintained itself against -native and foreign despotism. The change of princes or government has -little influence on the village communities; they manage their own -affairs independently: the business rarely amounts to more than an -increase or diminution in taxes. The violence of the princes fell on the -surrounding districts, not on quiet humble villages; it was only the -tax-gatherer and the overseer of the districts that they had to fear. -But even if specially bad times came, if invasion reached and devastated -the village, and the inhabitants were slaughtered or driven out, all who -survived the sword and famine returned, or their children returned, to -the land they had left, rebuilt their huts, and began again to cultivate -the fields which their fathers had cultivated from immemorial antiquity. - -In spite of the violence and barbarity of native kings and foreign -conquerors, and the severe claims made upon them here and there, the -Indians in their clans and village communities possessed a considerable -share of freedom and self-government in the personal relations of life; -this was the case with the majority of the cultivators of the soil, and -the householders of all the upper castes. From the worship of the -ancestors, the combination of families, there grew up within the castes -of the Brahmans, the Kshatriyas, and the Vaiçyas a pre-eminence and -favoured position for those families which claimed to be not only of -purer, but also of older and nobler origin than the rest. In the circles -of the separate castes this aristocracy took the place of the ancient -aristocracy of the Kshatriyas. However little weight might be attributed -to it by the kings, the example and pattern of these families had great -influence on the lower members of the caste. In later centuries the -importance of this aristocratic element was strengthened by the fact, -that in the land of the Ganges the office became hereditary to which the -princes had to transfer the collection of land-taxes or taxes generally -in the various districts of the land. Thus the tax-gatherers were -enabled to perpetuate their functions in these families; they oppressed -the village communities, from which they took the taxes till they became -their serfs, and thus in course of time they reached an influential and -important position, which they were able to maintain with success, and -have maintained in all essentials to this day. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[221] Müller, "Hist. of anc. Sansk. Lit." 133 ff; 200 ff. Lassen, "Ind. -Alterth." 2, 80; Johaentgen, "Gesetzbuch des Manu," s. 108, 163. - -[222] Manu, 2, 17, 18, 21-23, 24. - -[223] Manu, 3, 16; 8, 140. If Vasishtha and Çaunaka, as lawgivers, did -not mean the old Rishis and, apparently, some traditional statements of -theirs, but the first name referred to the Vasishtha-dharma-çastra, and -thus to the teacher of Açvalayana, these quotations like many passages -would be interpolations; and those of Çaunaka would not be very late, -for M. Müller places this Çaunaka about 400 _B.C._ "Hist. of Sansk. -Lit." p. 242 ff. - -[224] Manu, 8, 41, 46. - -[225] Manu, 1, 119; 12, 126. - -[226] There was a school of Brahmans, the Manavas, belonging to the -Madhyandinas, whose text-book was the black Yajus. From the name Manava, -Johaentgen concludes that it is the redaction of the Manava-school in -which we have these laws, and that Manu's book is really the book of the -Manavas. According to the tradition of the Indians, there ought to be -three redactions of Manu, of which one numbers 4000 verses. The copies -known as yet, and accessible to us, have only 2285 verses. - -[227] Jolly, "Z. Vgl. Richtsw., Die Systematik des indischen Rechts." - -[228] Cf. Stenzler, "Indische Studien," 1, 236, 246. Lassen, _loc. cit._ -1^2, 999. - -[229] Buddha's active life falls, as we shall see, in the period from -585 to 543 B.C. According to the sutras of the Buddhists, the Brahmanic -law was then in full force; in fact in the districts mentioned in the -text stricter rules were in force than those of the laws of Manu. The -law is cited in the legends of the Buddhists, _e.g._ Burnouf, -"Introduct. à l'histoire du Boud." p. 133; cf. Manu, 2, 233. It is true -we possess the old sutras of the Buddhists in the form which they -received in the third century B.C.; but Buddha's appearance presupposes -the prevalence of the Brahmanic system, the supremacy of the doctrine -and practice of it. In opposition to Buddhism the system of castes has -not been softened by the Brahmans, but demonstrably strengthened. -Moreover, the description of the legal and social conditions given in -the sutras cannot be suspected to be mere inventions. The book of the -law knows three Vedas only (cf. Manu, 4, 124); the sutras always quote -four. In Manu the sentence of the Atharvan is mentioned once only (11, -33); hence the Atharva-veda seems to be later than Manu's law. In the -Buddhist sutras the worship of Çiva is mentioned very frequently as in -common use (Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 131); but the book of the law knows -neither the name nor the god. From the accounts of the Greeks it is -further clear that the worship of Vishnu was widely spread towards the -end of the fourth century. This name the book contains only once, in the -concluding part (12, 107-126), which has very little connection with the -body of the book; and even here the word is used in the same sense as in -the Rigveda (12, 121). While Ceylon was occupied by the Aryas about the -year 500 B.C. and the southern Mathura was founded even earlier, the -knowledge of places in Manu's law does not really go beyond the Vindhyas -towards the south: the Odras and Dravidas are merely mentioned in a -general enumeration of nations (10, 44), and the Andhras as an impure -caste (10, 36, 49). The kingdoms of Mathura and Kerala would certainly -have been mentioned if they had been in existence. The book of the law -mentions the Nyaya (logic), the system of Mimansa, though only in the -suspected conclusion (12, 109, 111), but not the Buddhists. It is true -expressions occur, like liars (Nastika, 2, 11), revilers of the Veda -(Vedanindaka), but we know that before Buddha the Sankhya doctrine -denied both the gods and the Veda. I can, therefore, concede to -Johaentgen (who places the book between 500 and 350 B.C.) that germs and -analogies from the Sankhya doctrine occur in it, especially in the -doctrine given in the introduction of the elements and properties (1, -74-78); this requires no alteration in the date. It ought to be observed -that in the book of the law the kings and heroes of the Epos are not -mentioned at all, but names of kings are found which occur in the Vedas: -Vena, Nahusha, Pijavana, Sumukha, Nimi, Prithu (Manu, 7, 41, 42; 9, 44, -66); hence we may conclude that the book was brought to a close before -the revision of the Epos from a priestly point of view was accomplished, -or at any rate became a common possession of all. M. Müller's position, -that the _anushtubh çlòka_ was first used in the last centuries B.C., -would affect only the form of the book, not the rules themselves; and -Goldstücker is of opinion that this metre is of a far older date. -However this may be, the metrical redaction of the Manava-dharma-çastra -is not its original form: it is based upon a non-metrical Dharma-sutram. -That the oldest Grihya-sutras and Çrauta-sutras are older than the first -Dharma-sutra is allowed; but this does not prove the modern origin of -the latter. A complete civilisation like that exhibited to us in the -philosophy and grammar of the Indians before Buddha, by the sutras of -the Buddhists and the accounts of the Greek, was certainly not without a -systematic canon to answer the questions in life for the Brahmans. They -required the power of the state, and could not leave it without a guide. -It would be inconceivable how the condition of India, which Buddha -finds, could have grown up without such a guide for princes and judges. -Müller himself maintains that the distinction of Çruti and Smriti -existed before Buddha; that it was the Çruti already containing Mantras -and Brahmanas, which gave the impulse to his reforms. "Hist. of Sansk. -Lit." p. 78 ff,; p. 86, 107, 135. If Çaunaka wrote, as Müller concludes, -about the year 400 _b.c._, his sutras for the elucidation of the -understanding of the Brahmanas, and Açvalayana wrote the sutras of -ritual about the year 350, and Panini his grammar, far more important -Dharma-sutras must have been written for the Brahmans before this time, -and thus the grounds given above and taken for the contents of the book -are in my judgment supported. From these contents, and these essential -precepts, two or three prohibitions might be made to count for a later -origin (Manu, 4, 102, 114; 8, 363), precepts aimed at Buddhism, but -which may also have had other heterodoxy in view. There is also the -mention of the name of Yavana. The Yavanas are mentioned among the -nations who have sunk owing to omission of the sacred customs, along -with the Odras, Dravidas, Kambojas, Duradas, Çakas and Pahlavas (10, -44). Supposing that this list came from an older time, the Yavanas Çakas -and Pahlavas may easily have been interpolated at a later period for the -sake of completeness. In any case it is clear that the laws of Manu are -the oldest book of law in India in their contents and theory of law, and -that the material in it is in part older than the material in the -Dharma-sutras which have come down to us; Jolly, _loc. cit._ It is only -in regard to the law of debt that Jolly seems to find older regulations -in the book of Gautama than in that of Manu. "Abh. M. A." 1877, s. 322. - -[230] Manu, 1, 35. - -[231] Manu, 1, 1-78, 119; 12, 126. The four periods of the world are -mentioned in Kaushitaki-Brahmana, in M. Müller, "Hist. of Sansk. Lit." -p. 412. - -[232] Manu, 7, 4-11. - -[233] Manu, 5, 96. - -[234] Manu, 9, 304-309. - -[235] Manu, 7, 8. - -[236] Manu, 9, 301, 302. - -[237] _e.g._ Manu, 7, 2. - -[238] Manu, 7, 82-86. - -[239] Manu, 7, 26, 27, 31; 8, 175; 9, 251. - -[240] Manu, 8, 1-3, 23-26; 61-70. - -[241] Manu, 8, 88. - -[242] Manu, 8, 75, 82, 89-99. - -[243] Manu, 8, 113. - -[244] Manu, 8, 110, 114-116. A. Weber, "Ind. Stud." 9, 44, 45. - -[245] In Yajnavalka, 2, 95, we find: "The balance, fire, water, poison, -and lustral water are the judgment of the gods for purification; these -are applied in great charges, if the accuser is prepared for a fine." -The later law knows nine divine judgments; it adds the corns of rice, -the hot piece of gold, the ploughshare, and the lot. Brahmans, women, -children, old men, sick persons, and the weak are to be tested by the -balance; the Kshatriya by the fire, the Vaiçya by water, the Çudra by -poison. In the test of the balance (Yama weighed the souls on scales, -_supr._ p. 137), the point was that the person to be tested should be -found lighter on the second weighing than on the first; in the test of -fire, a piece of red-hot iron, covered with leaves, must be carried -seven paces forward; each burn was a mark of guilt. The red-hot -ploughshare must be licked by the accused person; if his tongue was not -burnt he was acquitted; a piece of gold must be picked out of boiling -oil and the hand must show no marks. The taking of a particular poison -which ought to have no evil effects on the accused, and the drinking of -lustral water poured over the images of the gods, which was not to be -followed by any evil effects, and the piece of gold in the boiling oil -are later additions. According to an Upanishad to the Samaveda, guilt or -innocence is proved by the grasping a red-hot axe; a burn is a proof of -guilt. Stenzler, in "Z. D. M. G." 9, 662 ff. A. Weber, "Vorles." s. -79^2. - -[246] Manu, 8, 11, 21. - -[247] Manu, 9, 276. Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 413. - -[248] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 408. Yet Aryas are found also, Burnouf, -_loc. cit._ p. 365. - -[249] Manu, 9, 237, 239-242. - -[250] Manu, 9, 275. - -[251] Manu, 9, 232. - -[252] Manu, 9, 279. - -[253] Manu, 8, 344-347. - -[254] Manu, 9, 261-268, 278. - -[255] Manu, 9, 276. - -[256] Manu, 9, 277. - -[257] Manu, 8, 341, 342. - -[258] Manu, 7, 130. - -[259] Manu, 8, 398; 7, 131. - -[260] Manu, 7, 118, 138. - -[261] Manu, 7, 62. - -[262] Manu, 7, 129. - -[263] Manu, 7, 133. - -[264] Bohlen, "Indien," 2, 46. - -[265] Megasthenes, in Strabo, p. 708 and below. - -[266] Manu, 7, 54. - -[267] Manu, 7, 58, 59. - -[268] Ramayana, ed. Schlegel, 1, 7. - -[269] Manu, 7, 114. - -[270] Manu, 7, 116-118. - -[271] Manu, 7, 123. - -[272] Manu, 7, 118-120. - -[273] Manu, 7, 124. - -[274] Manu, 6, 69-75. - -[275] Manu, 7, 126. The Indians learned to coin money from the Greeks -after the year 300 B.C.; till that time their coinage consisted of -weighed pieces of copper, silver, and gold, with the mark of the weight -as a stamp. The _pana_ is a copper weight of this kind; to this day the -name denotes copper money in India. The _drona_ is a weight of about 30 -pounds. Cf. Lassen, 2, 574. - -[276] Manu, 7, 37. - -[277] Manu, 7, 218. - -[278] Manu, 7, 222. - -[279] Manu, 7, 224-226. - -[280] Manu, 7, 101-103. - -[281] Manu, 7, 154-158. - -[282] Manu, 7, 63-68. - -[283] Manu, 7, 107, 158-163, 198. - -[284] Manu, 7, 205, 210. - -[285] Manu, 7, 90-93. - -[286] Ramayana, 2, 52. - -[287] Ramayana, 2, 1-17. - -[288] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 166, 416, 417. The ritual for the -consecration of kings, according to the Aitareya-Brahmana, is given in -Colebrooke, "Asiatic Researches," 8, 408 ff. Cf. Schlegel, "Ind. -Bibliothek," 1, 431, and Lassen, "Alterth." 2, 246, 427. - -[289] Grimm, "Rechtsalterthümer," s. 156 ff. - -[290] Manu, 3, 150 ff. - -[291] Manu, 8, 229-260. - -[292] Mill, "History of British India," 2, 66. Montgom. Martin, -"Political Constitution of the Anglo-Eastern Empire," p. 271. - -[293] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 242, 245, 247. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE CASTES AND THE FAMILY. - - -The book of the law was the canon of pure conduct, and the holy order of -the state and society, which the Brahmans held up before the princes and -nations on the Ganges. They made no attempt to get the throne into their -own hands; they had no thought of giving an effective political -organisation to their caste; they did not seek to set up a hierarchy -which should take its place by the side of the state, or rise superior -to it, and thus secure such obedience for their demands among clergy and -laity as would ensure the carrying out of the commands of the book. For -this the Brahmans had not sufficient practical or political capacity; -they were too deeply plunged in their hair-splitting and fanciful -speculations, in their ceremonial and their penances. They were content -with demanding the place of assessor or president at the funeral feasts -in the families of the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, the influence of which -position went far beyond their expectations; with recommending members -of their order as ministers, judges, and magistrates to the king; with -requiring that he should protect the Brahmans as his sons, provide for -their support, be greatly liberal to them, abstain from imposing taxes -on learned Brahmans, and maintain their advantages and rights against -the other classes. If a Brahman had no heirs, the king must not take his -property, but present it to the members of the order, and give to a -Brahman any treasure which he may happen to find. In the epic poetry an -exaggerated attempt is made to bring this liberality plainly before the -mind: the Brahmans acquire hundreds of thousands of cows, treasures -without end, and the whole earth.[294] But all these commands are only -wishes; as a fact the Brahmans had no other status as against the kings -than the respect which their educational knowledge of the doctrine, -their acquaintance with the forms and ritual of sacrifice, gave them: -they had only the moral influence which their dogma and their -exhortations could exercise on the heart of the king, the power of the -faith which they could excite in their disciples. Their power, as we -have seen, they knew how to support by their views on the merit acquired -by the king in this and the next world by reason of his good works -towards the Brahmans, by the fear of the punishments in hell and the -regenerations, with which the book of the law so liberally threatens all -who despise Brahmans. But they had no external means for enforcing -obedience to their law, respect for their purifications, expiations, and -penances, in case it was not rendered willingly. They did not extend -their power beyond the limits of the conscience of the king and the -people. They were as absolutely the subjects of the king as the other -orders; no political limitations, no institutions, checked the authority -of the king in its operations on the Brahmans; and the knowledge of the -Veda and the law was accessible to him. The princes held up in the Epos -as patterns are praised for their knowledge of the holy Scriptures and -the law. The kings, not the Brahmans, offer the great sacrifices; but -they cannot offer them without the Brahmans, the Purohita (p. 202), and -other priests. This position of the Brahmans at the side of the king, -and that which they subsequently obtained by the side of the people in -the clans, enabled them by moral means, by conviction and faith, to -shape the life and politics of the Indians according to their system, -and establish a lasting dominion over them. - -If the Brahmans had no rights upward, they had at any rate forced the -Kshatriyas out of the first place; and they did not intend that the -aristocratic position which they had obtained over the other orders, -their privileges and advantages in regard to those beneath them, should -rest on moral authority merely. The book of the law is never weary of -impressing in every direction the pre-eminence of the Brahmans, the -subjection of the other orders. But as the wisdom of the Brahmans was -throughout unacquainted with the foundations and supports used by -aristocracies elsewhere to acquire and maintain their position--as they -were unable to create institutions of this kind--only one real and -effective means remained for legalising and securing their importance, -position, and privileges--and this was the exercise of penal -jurisdiction. In the division of penances and punishments, according to -the various orders, they attempted to bring the pre-eminence of their -own order into a position recognised and established by law. This fact -no doubt helped in causing the Brahmans to estimate the power of -punishment so highly. "Punishment alone," says the book, "guarantees the -fulfilment of duties according to the four castes; without punishment a -man out of the lower caste could take the place of the highest." But -here again there was a difficulty; it was not the Brahmans but the -kings who in the first instance had to dispense justice; the application -of the law depended on the princes. - -Though, in general, it is a supreme principle of law that it shall be -administered without respect of persons, that the same punishment for -the same offence shall overtake every offender, be his rank and position -what it may, the system of caste leads to an arrangement diametrically -opposite. Throughout, the book of the law measures out punishment -unequally, according to the rank of the castes, so that in an equal -offence the highest order has as a rule to undergo the least punishment. -This apportionment of punishment according to the castes is most -striking in the case of injuries and outrages inflicted by members of -the lower orders on the members of the higher. The Brahmans, and in a -less degree the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, are protected by threats of -barbarous punishments. The Çudra who has been guilty of injuring a Dvija -by dangerous language, is to have his tongue clipped; if he has spoken -disrespectfully of him, a hot iron is to be thrust into his mouth, and -boiling oil poured into his mouth and ears. If a Çudra ventures to sit -on a seat with a "twice-born," he is to be branded; if he lays hold of a -Brahman, both hands are to be amputated; if he spits at a Brahman, his -lips are cut off, etc. In actual injuries done to members of the higher -castes by the lower, the members of the latter are doomed in each case -to lose the offending member: he who has lifted up his hand, or a stick, -loses his hand; he who has lifted up his foot, loses the foot. For -slighter offences of language against a Brahman the Çudra is whipped, -the Vaiçya is fined 200 panas, the Kshatriya, 100. If, on the contrary, -a Brahman injures one of the lower castes he pays 50 panas to the -Kshatriya, 25 to the Vaiçya, and 12 to the Çudra. If members of the same -caste injure each other in word, small fines of 12 or at most 24 panas -are sufficient. More unfair still are other privileges secured by the -law to the Brahmans,--that in suits for debt they are never to be given -up as slaves to the creditors; that no crime or transgression on the -part of a Brahman is to be punished by confiscation of his property, or -by corporal punishment. He is never, even for the worst crime, to be -condemned to death; at the utmost he can only be banished.[295] On the -other hand, as has been remarked in the case of theft, the fine -increases according to the caste of the offender, so that here we have a -gradation in the opposite direction: the Brahman is fined eight-fold the -sum paid by the Çudra in a similar case; and in loans the Brahman is -allowed to receive only the lowest rate of interest--two per cent. In -courts of law the Brahman was addressed differently, and asked to give -his evidence differently, from the other orders; his oath is given in -different terms. With Brahmans, who naturally come to maturity sooner -than the other orders, the consecration by investiture takes place in -the eighth year, with the Kshatriyas in the eleventh, with the Vaiçyas -not till the twelfth. The holy girdle, the common symbol of the Dvija as -opposed to the Çudra, must consist with the Brahmans of three threads of -cotton, with the Kshatriyas of three threads of hemp, with the Vaiçyas -of three threads of sheep's wool. The Brahman wears a belt of -sugar-cane, and carries a bamboo staff; the Kshatriya has a belt of -bow-strings, and a staff of banana-wood; the Vaiçya a girdle of hemp, -and a staff of fig-wood. The staff of the Brahman reaches to his hair, -that of the Kshatriya to the brow, that of the Vaiçya to the tip of his -nose. This staff must be covered with the bark, must be straight, -pleasing to the eye, and have nothing terrifying about it. The Brahman -wears a shirt of fine hemp, and as a mantle the skin of the gazelle; the -Kshatriya a shirt of linen, and the skin of a deer as a cloak; the -Vaiçya a woollen shirt, and a goat-skin. Any one who is inclined to do a -civility, must, says the book, ask the Brahman whether he is advancing -in sanctity, the Kshatriya whether he suffers in his wounds, the Vaiçya -whether his property is thriving, the Çudra whether he is in -health.[296] - -We cannot exactly ascertain what position the old nobility, the -Kshatriyas, took up after the establishment of the new system. The -increased power of the kings, the elevation of the priesthood, the -change in the whole view of life, diminished their importance to a -considerable degree. If in some small tribes the warlike nobility on the -Ganges maintained its old position so far as to prevent the -establishment of the monarchy, or removed it altogether, this was an -exception.[297] In the Panjab, which did not completely follow the -development achieved in the regions on the Ganges, it was more generally -the case that the nobility overpowered the monarchy, and drove out the -old princes. This took place, no doubt, when the latter showed a desire -to take up a despotic position. In the fourth century we find among "the -free Indians," as the Greeks call them, numerous noble families in a -prominent position. The book of the law allows that the Brahmans cannot -exist without the Kshatriyas, but neither could the Kshatriyas without -the Brahmans; salvation is only to be obtained by a union of the two -orders: by this were Brahmans and Kshatriyas exalted in this world and -the next.[298] We have already remarked, that within their own caste the -old families of the Kshatriyas occupy a prominent place. - -According to the book, the members of all the castes, like every created -being, fulfil duties imposed upon them, _i.e._ carry on the occupations -allotted to them. The life of the Brahmans is to be devoted to the Holy -Scriptures, the sacred services, the teaching of the Veda and the law -(the latter could be taught by none but Brahmans), and, finally, to -contemplation and penance in the forest. But how was it possible to keep -the whole order of the Brahmans to the study of the Veda, to sacrifice -and worship, when it was also necessary for them to find support? How -could the whole order disregard the care of their maintenance, -especially when it was a duty to bring up a numerous family, or give up -every desire to amass property? True it is, that liberality to the -Brahmans was impressed on the kings and the other castes as a supreme -duty; the pupils of the Brahmans were bidden to support their teachers -by gifts; and the law permitted the Brahmans to live by gifts, to beg, -to gather corn or ears of rice. From the Buddhist sutras we know that -the kings followed the commands of the law, and that a multitude of -Brahmans lived at the royal courts. We also know from the Greeks that -every house was open to the wandering Brahman, and in the market they -were overburdened with presents of the necessaries of life. Greek and -Indian accounts inform us that troops of Brahmans wandered through the -land--a mode of life which in India is not the most unpleasant; and it -is certain that a considerable number lived as anchorites in the -forests. But these habits required that a man should give up all -thoughts of wife and child, house and home; and this all could not -undertake to do. On what, then, were the Brahman householders to live, -who possessed nothing, and were without land sufficient for their -support? There were only two means for keeping the whole order to the -study of the Veda and the performance of sacrifice; either they must be -provided with sufficient land, or they must be maintained at the cost of -the state. Among the Egyptians the priesthood lived on the land of the -temples; among the Phenicians and Hebrews, on the tithes of the harvest, -paid to the temples; in the middle ages our hierarchy lived on its own -land and people, on tithes and other taxes: but all these were political -institutions, and the Brahman lawgivers had neither the capacity to -discover them, nor had their states the power to establish and maintain -them. Still less could refuge be taken in a law forbidding to marry; all -Brahmans could not be allowed to live from youth up as anchorites in the -forest, if the Brahmans were to continue to exist as a caste by birth, -and it was on superiority of blood that their whole position rested. - -Practical life bid complete defiance to doctrine. The law must be -content to moderate in part, and in part to give up entirely the ideal -demands, the principles and results of system in favour of the necessity -for maintenance. It must allow that the Brahman householders, who -possessed no property, might lead the life of the Kshatriya. This -permission has been and is still used; at this time a great part of the -native Anglo-Indian army consists of born Brahmans. If a Brahman could -not earn a livelihood by service in war, he might lead the life of a -Vaiçya, and attempt to maintain himself by tilling the land and keeping -flocks. But if possible the Brahman must avoid tilling the field -himself; "the work of the field depends on the help of cattle; the -ploughshare cleaves the soil and kills the living creatures contained in -it." If the Brahman cannot live as a farmer, or a herdman, he may live -even by the "truth and falsehood of trade." But in regard to certain -articles of trade, the book is inexorable, and though it cannot threaten -trade in these with punishments from the state, it holds up the -melancholy consequences of such an occupation as a terror. Trade in -intoxicating drinks, juices of plants, perfumes, butter, honey, linen -and woollen cloths, turns the Brahman in seven nights into a Vaiçya: -trade in milk makes him a Çudra in three days. The Brahman who sells -sesame-seeds will be born again as a worm in the excrement of dogs; and -the punishment will even come upon his ancestors. The Brahman merchant, -like the Vaiçya, must never lend money on interest--in other places, as -has been mentioned, the law allows a low rate of interest (p. 240)--no -Brahman must attempt to gain a living by seductive arts, singing and -music, and he must never live by "the work of the slave--the life of the -dog."[299] The same exceptions are allowed by the law for the Kshatriya -as for the Brahman, if he possesses no property and cannot acquire -anything by the profession of arms. The Vaiçya, who cannot live by -agriculture, or trade, or handicraft, is allowed to live the life of a -Çudra. Hence there are the Brahmans of the Holy Scriptures and Brahmans -by birth,[300] and also Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas who belong to these -orders by birth only, not by occupation. Thus new distinctions arose -which must soon have become fixed and current. - -If the law is compelled to make these large concessions, so -contradictory to the system, it seeks in the opposite direction to -maintain the distinctions of the castes as strongly as possible; the -higher castes may descend to the lower, but no lower caste can ever -engage in the occupation of the higher. Such interference is punished -with confiscation of property and banishment. Still, even here, the law -allows an exception, and that in favour of the lowest caste, the Çudras, -whom the law rigidly keeps in the servitude imposed upon them by force -of arms. The Çudra is meant for a servant; he who is not born a slave is -to serve voluntarily for hire; he must first seek service with a -Brahman, then with Kshatriyas, then with Vaiçyas. Blind submission to -the command of his master is the duty of the Çudra. Yet if he cannot -find service anywhere, he may support himself by handicraft; but the law -adds, "it is not good for a Çudra to acquire wealth, for he will use it -in order to raise himself to an equality with the other orders." The -impure castes among the Çudras are not, for this very reason, to be -employed among the Dvijas for labour in the house and field. - -In the law the four castes are races divided from each other by -creation. As in all distinctions of orders, so in India, the separation -first applied to the men. The final point was not reached, the rigidity -of the order was not complete, the caste did not exist, till the women -also were included in the division, till the marriages between the -orders ceased and were forbidden, till the free circulation of blood -among the people was thus checked, and the classes stood towards each -other as distinct races and tribes of alien blood. In the book of Manu -we find two views on the connubium of the orders existing side by side, -one more strict than the other. From the nature of the case, and the -position which it occupies in the book of the law, the milder view is -the older, the more strict the later. According to the older view caste -is determined by descent from the father; a man belonging to the three -upper castes, _i.e._ a Dvija, may take a wife from the Brahmans, -Kshatriyas, or Vaiçyas, as he pleases; Çudra women only are excluded. In -this sense the law lays down that Çudra wives are not suitable for men -of the three upper classes, and wives of the three upper castes are not -suitable for Çudra husbands. In order to transform this, the current -custom, into a more severe practice, the law does not indeed forbid -marriage with women from any other of the three higher castes, but it -recommends that a maid of a man's own caste should be taken as his first -wife; and after this he may proceed according to the rank of the castes. -This recommendation met with more favour, it would seem, because a Çudra -woman could be taken as a second wife. It is obvious that only a wife of -equal birth could perform the sacrifices of the house with the -lord.[301] A Çudra woman could not be the first, _i.e._ the legitimate -wife; the Brahman who married a woman of that caste would be expelled -from his own.[302] The essential rule, by which the later and stricter -view seeks to remove the connubium existing among the three castes of -the Dvijas is this: in all orders, without exception, the children born -of women of that order remain participators in the order of the father. -When this rule was carried out, the castes were finally closed. The law -supported it by the doctrine that the children of mixed marriages, -according as the father or mother belonged to this or that order, formed -new divisions of the people. These divisions are impure because arising -out of a sinful union, and they perpetuate the stain of their -origin.[303] The law mentions by name a whole series of impure castes of -this kind, which must have been already in existence; it shows from what -combinations they have arisen, and sets them up as a warning example -against mixed marriages. - -These impure castes, which are said to have arisen from the mutual -connubium of the orders, were really, in part, tribes of the ancient -population, who did not submit, like the majority of the Çudras, to the -Aryas, and accept their law and mode of life, but either amalgamated -with them and lived on in poverty after the manner of their fathers, or -preserved a certain independence in inaccessible regions; in part they -were Aryan tribes, which did not follow the development on the Ganges, -and never adapted their mode of life to the Brahmanic system. These -tribes are commanded by the law to carry on occupations which did not -become the Dvijas,[304] for some it prescribes that they must only make -nets and catch fish; for others, that they must occupy themselves with -hunting;[305] from which it is clear that these were the original -occupations of such branches of the population. From the marriage of a -Brahman with a Vaiçya wife spring, according to the law, the -Ambashthas,[306] who in the Epos are spoken of as nations fighting in -the ancient manner with clubs.[307] From the marriage of a Brahman with -a Çudra woman spring the Nishadas, whose vocation, according to the law, -it is to catch fish.[308] From the marriage of a Kshatriya with Çudra -wives come the Ugras, who are to catch and kill animals living in -holes;[309] from the marriage of a Brahman with an Ambashtha, the -Abhiras, whom we have already mentioned as cowherds at the mouths of the -Indus;[310] from the marriage of a Çudra with a Brahman woman comes the -Chandala, "the most contemptible mortal." The Chandalas are a numerous -non-Aryan tribe on the Ganges. The book lays down the rule that they are -not to live in villages or cities, or to have any settled habitation at -all. A Brahman is polluted by meeting them; they are distinguished by -marks fixed for them by the king; and must not come into the towns -except in the daytime, in order that they may be avoided. They cannot -possess any but the most contemptible animals, dogs and asses, nor any -harness that is not broken; they can only marry with each other. No one -can have any dealings with them. If a Dvija wishes to give food to a -Chandala beggar, he may not do it with his own hand, but must send it by -a servant on a potsherd. Executions--which in the minds of the Aryans -and the Brahmans were impure actions--were to be carried out by -Chandalas, and the clothes of the persons executed are to be given to -them; these and the clothes of the dead are the only garments which they -may wear.[311] - -We can easily see that the rank, allotted by the law to the so-called -mixed castes, is taken from the degree of impurity assigned by the -Brahmans to the mode of life followed by them. By excluding them from -the other orders they compelled them to pursue these occupations for -ever, and so kept them in their despised condition. As they were all -branded with the stain of sinful intercourse between the castes, men -shrank from marriages outside their own caste, and if such connections -did take place, the children were thrust into the ranks of these -despised orders, they were compelled to adopt their modes of life and -occupations, and transmit them to their descendants. According to the -theory lying at the base of these regulations on the mixed castes, the -mixture is comparatively less impure in which men of higher castes are -connected with women of lower, and that mixture is the worst and most -impure in which women of the highest castes are united with men of the -lowest. The children of a Brahman by a wife of the Kshatriya caste stand -on the highest level, those of a Çudra by a Brahman on the lowest.[312] -The mixed castes, in their disposition and character, correspond to the -better or worse combination, just as in their duties the vocation of the -paternal caste is to be preserved in a descending line, and lower -degree, _e.g._ the Ugra--the son of a Kshatriya by a Çudra--is to live -by hunting, which is the vocation of a Kshatriya, but he is only to hunt -animals which live in holes, etc. The mixture of the impure castes with -the pure and other impure castes produces in turn new classes of men -with special duties and special dispositions, such as the Abhiras. The -system of mixed and consequently impure origin could not be very well -applied to nations which, though notoriously of Arian origin, or forming -independent states, led a life unsuited to the Brahmanic law; these the -law allows to be of a pure stock, but considers that they are corrupted -by neglect of their sacred duties. Among the degraded families of the -Kshatriyas the law-book reckons the Cambojas, the Daradas, and the -Khaças.[313] The Cambojas were settled in the west, the Daradas to the -north of Cashmere; the Khaças must be sought to the east of Cashmere in -the Himalayas.[314] - -With these views and fictions, with the actual and legal consequences -assigned to them, the system of castes was consistently developed and -extended over the whole population. All modes of life, classes, and -occupations were brought into its sphere; the remnant of the natives, -the refractory tribes of the Aryas, received their position in the -Brahman state; and the Çudras were followed by a long list of orders in -a yet more degraded position. - -From the contradictory views of the book on the connubium of the orders -it follows clearly that the castes were not completely closed at the -time when the book was finished; but they were closed, and, it would -seem, not long after. When the advantage of blood has been once brought -into such striking significance it must go on making further divisions; -new circles, distinguished by descent or vocation, must be marked off -from others as superior, and form an order; similar vocations, when the -occupation has once been connected with the caste, and the vocation with -descent, combine within the castes into new hereditary corporations. -This tendency to make new separations is supported by the law when it -arranges those tribes as new castes beside the four orders, and allots -to them on a certain system the descendants of mixed marriages, thus -creating a number of new castes by origin and descent. This was further -increased by a division of vocations within the chief orders. The -Brahmans, who also clung to the Veda and the worship, naturally regarded -themselves as in a better and higher position than those who descended -to the occupations of the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas, and kept themselves -apart. The opposition between the schools which inevitably grew up among -the priestly Brahmans in course of time, gradually caused the adherents -of one school to close their ranks against the adherents of another. -The Kshatriyas, who remained warriors, stood apart from those who became -husbandmen; among the Vaiçyas, the merchants, the handicraftsmen, and -the husbandmen formed separate classes. Hence the different professions -and schools of the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas: the merchants, smiths, -carpenters, weavers, potters, etc. separated themselves each from the -other as hereditary societies, and as they only married within the -society, they became in turn subordinate castes, in reference to each -other. And as in spite of all commands marriages took place outside the -castes, those who were rejected in consequence of such marriages, and -the children of them, could only rank with others in a similar position, -and must form a new caste. If the marriage took place outside the main -caste the descendants of the person thus excluded from his old caste -must join the impure castes, which were, or were supposed to be, of -similar origin. The hereditary professional societies within the four -castes remained members of them in so far as they carried on occupations -approved by the book of the law; but such members as pursued forbidden -and impure trades and transmitted them to their descendants, stood -outside and far below the main castes, like the castes arising out of -mixtures, partly real and partly fictitious. At present the Brahmans are -divided into twenty-five different societies, which do not intermarry, -and in part refuse to eat with each other; the Kshatriyas are divided -into thirty-six societies similarly closed; the pure and impure Vaiçyas, -the better and worse Çudras, are divided into some hundred groups.[315] -On a rough calculation it is assumed that now only about a tenth of the -Brahmanic population of India carries on the occupation assigned in the -law to the four great orders; the great majority in these castes has -descended to the permitted vocations, and the greater part of the whole -population belongs to the classes below the four chief orders. - -We have already stated how closely the clans held together. The weight -given by the caste system to pure blood did not suppress even among the -Brahmans the pride in ancient and distinguished family descent. In the -fourth century B.C. the Brahmans who continued to be occupied with the -Veda and the sacred worship fell into forty-nine clans, which claimed to -be derived from the saints of old time: Jamadagni, Gautama, Bharadvaja, -Viçvamitra, Vasishtha, Kaçyapa, Atri, and Agastya. They were arranged in -eight large tribes (_gotra_) named after these progenitors. At the -consecration of the sacrificial fire the members of these clans invoked -the series of their ancestors.[316] We may assume the same pride in -descent among the Kshatriyas. We shall see how definitely the book of -the law and the forms of ritual require that the ancestors should be -mentioned up to the great-great-grandfather in the suit for any maiden, -and at this day the wealthy families in all the castes are desirous to -conclude alliances with houses of ancient origin for their children. - -According to the law every man ought to marry; he must have a son who -may one day pour for him the libations for the dead. Without sacrifice -for the dead performed by a son, the soul of the father can never be -liberated from a certain place in hell--from _Put_. The law -distinguishes various kinds of marriage, and promises greater or less -blessings to the descendants according as the marriage celebrated is of -a more or less holy kind. The son born of the better kinds of marriage -can purify a larger number of the members of the family upwards and -downwards, _i.e._ of those already dead and those still to be born. If a -father gives his daughter, bathed and adorned, to a husband learned in -writing whom he has honourably invited and received into his house, the -marriage is a Brahman-marriage. The son born of such a wife purifies ten -members upwards and downwards both on the father's and the mother's -side. When the father gives his daughter to the priest at the sacrifice -it is a divine marriage; the son purifies seven members upwards and -downwards on either side. If the father gives the daughter to the -bridegroom with the words: "Fulfil ye all duties which devolve on you;" -it is a _prajapati_ marriage, and the son purifies six members upwards -and downwards. If the bridegroom has given a pair of cattle (a bull and -cow) for religious objects, the marriage of the Rishis is celebrated; -the son purifies three members upwards and downwards. These are the good -forms of marriage, the four which follow are bad. Marriage from mutual -inclination on either side is the marriage of the heavenly musicians, -the Gandharvas. If the father has sold his daughter or taken gifts for -her, it is the marriage of the Asuras, or evil spirits. Still worse is -the marriage by abduction--the marriage of the Rakshasas; and the worst -form of all is when the bride is previously intoxicated by drugs. This -is the marriage of the blood-suckers (Piçacha). These kinds of marriages -have no expiatory power for the ancestors or descendants; none but -cruel, lying, and Veda-despising sons can spring from them.[317] To -these rules on the form of marriage the law adds that the younger -sister is not to be married before the elder--nor can the younger -brother marry before the elder--and advises that a wife be not taken -from families too nearly related, such as those belonging to the same -tribe (_gotra_); or from those which neglect the sacred rites, or those -in which diseases prevail. A girl of eight years old is suitable for a -husband of twenty-four; a girl of twelve for a husband of thirty. The -later collections of laws repeat the rule that marriages are not to be -celebrated with families which invoke the same ancestors.[318] - -The views lying at the base of these regulations of the law about the -various forms of marriage were transparent. Here, as everywhere, the -Brahmans are, above all, to be favoured. The learned Brahman is to -receive the girl from her father "adorned," _i.e._, no doubt, well -equipped. The Brahman, who officiates at the sacrifice, receives her as -a gift; in this way the father and the daughter have the happy prospect -of obtaining a blessing for ten or seven members of the family upwards -and downwards. But other forms of marriage--by purchase, inclination, -abduction--the law wishes to prevent, from which we may conclude that -these forms of marriage were in existence, a fact sufficiently -established by other evidence. The time, it is true, was long gone by -when the Aryan brothers had only one wife; in the Epos only do we find -traces of this custom. Draupadi is the wife of the five sons of Pandu; -and in the Ramayana the brothers Rama and Lakshmana are attacked with -the reproach--fictitious, it is true--that they have only one wife -between them. The abduction of maidens and wives is more frequent in the -Epos. In the Mahabharata, Bhishma carries off the three daughters of -the king of the Kaçis and marries the two younger to his step-brother -Vijatravirya; Jayadaratha, the prince of the Indus, lifts Draupadi into -his chariot and drives away with her, though her guardian cries out to -him, that according to the custom of the Kshatriyas he cannot carry her -off till he has conquered her husband in battle. It is skill in arms and -strength which gains their wives for the heroes of the Epos. Arjuna wins -Draupadi because he can bend the bow of her father, the king of the -Panchalas (p. 87). Rama wins Sita by mastering the bow of Çiva. We also -see in the Epos that princes allow their daughters the free choice of a -husband, and the suitors appear on a definite day. Thus Kunti chooses -Pandu for her husband; Damayanti, in her father's hall, places the -garland of flowers on Nala's neck, and declares that he is her husband. -The Greeks tell us that among the Cathĉans, a tribe of the Panjab, young -men and maidens chose each other for marriage. The purchase of brides is -also mentioned in the Epos. Bhishma purchases the daughter of the prince -of the Madras for Pandu with gold and precious stones. In ancient times, -we can hardly doubt, purchase of the bride was the rule, except in the -case of princes, and those who carried off their wives or gained them in -battle.[319] The children, according to the conceptions peculiar to -primitive conditions, belong to the father; he must be recompensed for -the loss, and receive some return for the services which his daughter -can no longer render him. If the law declares that form of marriage to -be permissible in which a pair of cattle (a bull and a cow) are -given--it is true with the addition, "for religious objects"--we may -conclude that this was the customary price, and the law attempts to -embody the custom into its system by the additional proviso, that the -price is to be given "for religious objects." But the turn thus given in -the law to the purchase of the bride was slow in being carried out, and -was never carried out thoroughly. The Greeks at one time maintain that -among the Indians the bridegroom gave the father a yoke of oxen; at -another, that in contracting a marriage nothing was given or taken.[320] -The custom of giving a pair of oxen for the bride follows from the rites -of marriage still in existence,[321] and even now it is found in some -regions of India. Marriage from inclination is also not regarded with -favour in the law; such marriages might easily endanger the order of the -castes, and introduce mixed connections. Still as the law allows the -purchase of the bride under a very slight cover, so it allows the girl -the free choice of a husband in exceptional cases. It is a father's duty -to have his daughter married, for in the order of things she is intended -to be a mother. If in three years after the daughter is of age for -marriage the father makes no provision for giving her to a proper -husband, she may choose a husband for herself out of the men of her -caste; neither she nor the husband thus chosen are guilty in this -matter. But the ornaments which she has received from her father, -mother, and brothers she may not, in this case, carry into her new home; -in doing so she would commit a theft. On the other hand, the husband -whom she chooses has not to make any presents; the father has lost his -right over his daughter by keeping her back beyond the time at which she -could be a mother.[322] - -It was precisely in this sphere that the old customs and poetry, the -worship of the old gods, the old delight in life, were retained under -the law and the Brahmanic system, or even in spite of it. Not the least -proof of this is found in the prayers, formulas, and blessings in use at -marriages. These occur for the most part in the Atharvaveda. The -Grihya-sutras of Açvalayana from the middle of the fourth century B.C. -give the ritual which must be observed on these occasions.[323] The -playmates of a girl, who desire a husband for her, must, according to -the Atharvaveda, speak thus: "O Agni, may the suitor come to this maid -to our delight; may happiness come to her quickly by a husband; may -Savitar bring to you the man who answers to your wishes! There comes the -bridegroom, with hair-knot loosed in front. She was weary, O bridegroom, -of going to the marriage of other maidens."[324] According to the sutras -the man who desired a woman in marriage sent two of his friends to her -father to ask for her. Then the family assembles and sits down opposite -the two envoys, with their faces to the east. The envoys extol the -family of the suitor, enumerate his forefathers, and ask for the bride. -If the request is granted, "a bowl filled with fruits and gold is placed -on the head of the bride, and the envoys say: 'We honour Aryaman, the -kind friend, who brings the husband. I set thee (the bride) free from -this place (the house of her father) as the gourd from the stem, not -from thence.'" Then the bride is prepared for the arrival of the -bridegroom by consecration and the bath. Marriage ought to take place -in the autumn or the winter, but never when the moon is waning. At the -bathing of the bride, the water is drawn with blessings; after it she is -clad in the bridal garments with the following words: "May the -goddesses, who spun and wove it, stretched it and folded the ends round -about, clothe thee even to old age. Put on this garment, and long be thy -years. Whatever charm there is in dice or wine, whatever charm in oxen, -whatever charm in beauty--with this, ye Açvins, adorn her. So do we deck -this wife for her husband; Indra, Agni, Varuna, Bhaga, Soma, may they -enrich her with children." Then the bridegroom, accompanied by his -friends, comes to the house of the bride, where he is courteously -received by the father, and entertained with a draught of milk and -honey. The bridegroom hands over the bridal gift (at this day garments -and mantles are indispensable for this purpose), and when the family of -the bride have placed a dark-red neck-band adorned with three precious -stones on her, the Brahman unlooses two locks of hair and says: "I loose -thee now from the bands of Varuna, with which the sublime Savitar bound -thee. I loose thee from this place (the house of her father), not from -thence, that she may, O Indra, giver of blessings, be rich in sons and -prosperity." When the bands, which connect the bride with the house of -her father, have thus been loosed, the father with his face turned to -the north, with kuça-grass, water, and grain in his hand, hands over the -maid to the bridegroom with these words: "To thee, the son, grandson, -and great-grandson, of such and such a man, I give this maiden of this -family and this race," and then he places her hand on the right hand of -the bridegroom. The bridegroom has previously placed a stone on the -ground, not far from the sacrificial fire; when receiving the hand of -the bride he says: "For health and prosperity I take thy hand here. -Bhaga, Aryaman, Pushan, Savitar, the gods give thee to me to govern my -house." When the father has sprinkled the bride with melted butter, the -bridegroom leads her to the stone, causes her to place the tip of her -right foot on it, and says: "This sure and faithful stone I lay down for -thy children on the lap of the divine earth; step on it with joy and -looks of gladness. As Agni has taken the right hand of this earth, so -did I take thy right hand. Fail not, united with me, in prosperity and -progeny. Bhaga took thy right hand here, and Savitar. Thou art now my -lawful wife; I am thy lord. Rich in children, live with me as thy -husband for the space of a hundred autumns."[325] When the bride has -thrown corn into the fire, the marriage contract is sealed by the "seven -steps" which she makes, led by the bridegroom, towards the right, round -the fire. At each step he recites the proper sentence. With the seventh -the marriage is completed; and the Brahman sprinkles the youthful pair -with lustral water.[326] After a festival, at which young men and girls -dance and sing for three days, the husband conducts his wife to the car -yoked with a pair of oxen, which is to carry her to her new house.[327] -When ascending the chariot, the bride is thus addressed: "Ascend the -gay, well-furnished car, the place of delight, and make the journey a -glad one for thy husband. Viçvavasa (the spirit of virginity) depart -from hence, for she has now a husband; let the husband and wife unite. -May Pushan (p. 47) lead thee hence by the hand; may the Açvins conduct -thee with the chariot; go hence to the house, to be the lady therein. -Lift her up (upon the chariot); beat away the Rakshasas; let king Bhaga -advance. Whatever diseases follow after the glad bridal procession, may -the holy gods send them back whence they came; may the robbers who lie -in wait for the wedded pair fail to find them; may they go on a secure -path and escape danger. This wife is here beautifully adorned. Come all, -and look on her. Give her your blessing, and then disperse to your -homes."[328] In the house of the bridegroom his family awaited the -youthful pair, and then prayed: "Kind to the brother, the cattle, and -her husband, O Indra, bring her rich in sons to us here, O Savitar. Stay -not the maid on her way, O divinely-planted pair of pillars (the posts -of the door of the house). May this wife enter the house for good, for -the good of all two-footed and four-footed creatures. Look with no evil -eye, slay not the husband, be gracious, powerful, gentle with the people -of the house and propitious. Harm not thy relations by marriage, nor thy -husband. Be bright, and of cheerful spirit; bring forth sons that are -heroes; love the gods, and with friendly spirit tend the fire of this -house. Make her, Indra, rich in sons; place ten sons in her. May ye -never separate; enjoy your whole lives playing with sons and grandsons, -rejoicing in your house." When the young wife has entered the house, her -husband leads her to the dung-heap in the court, then round the fire of -the new hearth, which is either kindled by friction, or taken from a -fire which has last been used for sacrifice, and there causes her to -offer the first sacrifice, at which she receives the courteous greeting -of the assembled family of her husband. When ascending the marriage -bed, the bride is thus addressed: "Ascend the bridal bed with joy. Wise -and prudent as Indrani (Indra's wife) and careful, wake with the first -beams of morning." On the following morning the married pair give away -their bridal garments; the bridegroom's friend puts on a woollen -garment, saying: "Whatever evil deed, whatever thing requiring -expiation, has been done at this marriage, or on the journey, we cast it -on the robe of the bridegroom's friend." When dressing himself the young -husband says: "Freshly clad, I rise up to the beaming day; as the bird -leaves the egg, so I slip from all guilt of sin." Then both husband and -wife are thus addressed: "Waking up from happy union, rich in cows, -sons, and gear, may ye live through many beaming dawns." - -The law impresses on wives the greatest devotion and subjection to their -husbands. Never, we are told, is the woman independent. In her childhood -she depends on her father, then on her husband, and if he dies, on her -sons. The sister is in the tutelage and power of the brother. So long as -the husband lives, the wife is in a condition of subjection to him day -and night; neither in his life nor after his death must she do anything -displeasing to him, even though he is not irreproachable in his life, -and gives himself to other loves; she must be good-tempered, careful and -thrifty for house and home. She must honour her husband as a god; if she -honours him on earth, she will herself be honoured in heaven; if she has -kept her body, thoughts, and life pure, she receives one abode with him -in heaven. The Epos presents beautiful and touching pictures of Indian -wives, who follow their husbands into the wilderness, and when in the -power of the enemy keep their faith to their husbands, and without -doubt possess the qualities of devotion and self-sacrifice, which, -inherent in the disposition of the Aryas, were so greatly developed in -the Brahmanic system, and found in India their most beautiful -realisation in the character of women, to which indeed they chiefly -belong. Though in the law the husband is beyond question the master in -the house,--in case of resistance on the part of the wife, she may be -punished even with blows of the bamboo,--he is nevertheless bound on his -part to reverence and honour his wife; he must make her presents that -she may adorn herself; and he must not vex her, for where the wife is -vexed, the fire on the hearth soon goes out (it was quenched at the -death of the wife), and when the wife curses a house it will soon fall -to ruin.[329] - -Adultery is in some cases threatened with very heavy penalties by the -law. But here also the Brahman, when guilty, escapes with the least -punishment, and the severest threats are directed against the members of -the lower castes who have seduced a Brahman wife. If a Brahman commits -adultery of the kind, which in the members of other castes is punished -with death, he is to be shaven as a mark of disgrace, and the king must -banish him out of the land; but his property is not to be taken from -him; he may depart unharmed beyond the borders. But if Kshatriyas and -Vaiçyas commit adultery with a Brahman woman of good family, they are to -be burnt, and the woman is to be torn to pieces by dogs in a public -place. As in these rules for punishment two views are intermixed, we can -only ascertain that the later conception permits milder punishment in -the case of wives who are not watched. If a Brahman has a criminal -connection with a wife that is watched with her consent he must pay 500 -panas, if against her consent, 1000 panas. If a Kshatriya has a similar -connection with a Brahman woman who is watched, he is to be drenched -with the urine of asses and pay 1000 panas. A Vaiçya is to be imprisoned -for a year, and lose his whole property. If the wife was not watched, -the Kshatriya pays 1000 panas, the Vaiçya 500 panas.[330] The Çudra who -is guilty of adultery with the wife of a Dvija must die, if she was -watched; if not, he loses his sexual organs. - -Every approach to the wife of another man is looked on as equivalent to -an adulterous inclination. Secret conversations in pleasure-gardens or -in the forest, the sending of flowers and perfumes, and still more any -touching of a married woman, or suffering oneself to be touched by her, -or joking or playing with her, are proofs of adulterous love. Even the -man who speaks with the wife of another, if a beggar, minstrel, -sacrificer, cook, or artisan, is to be fined. The violation of a virgin, -and the attempt on the part of a man of lower caste to seduce a virgin -belonging to a higher caste are to be punished with death. - -It has been already remarked that the hymns of the Rigveda speak of more -than one wife among the princes of the Aryas. In one of these poems we -find that Svanaya, who reigned on the bank of the Indus (p. 34), gave -his ten daughters in marriage to the minstrel Kakshivat. But in the -hymns of burial we hear of one wife only. In the Epos, Daçaratha, king -of Ayodhya, has three wives, Pandu has two, and Vijitravirya has also -two. In Manu's law also, as the rules already quoted show (p. 245), -husbands are allowed to marry more than one wife. Still, not to mention -the fact that this was only possible for men of fortune, the book states -very distinctly that one only is the proper legitimate wife, that she -alone can offer the sacrifice of the house with her husband; more -plainly still does the law require that the king shall marry a wife from -his own caste; his other wives are merely concubines.[331] The ritual -observed at marriage recognises one wife only. If monogamy is not so -strictly insisted on in the law, the reason is that the attempted -removal of connubium between the three upper orders was made more -possible by allowing several wives; for in this way it became more -possible to insist that the first or legitimate wife, at any rate, -should be taken from a similar caste, even by those whose obedience -could not otherwise be gained. But the chief reason was that a son must -necessarily be born to the father to offer libations for the dead to -him. If the legitimate wife was barren, or brought forth daughters only, -the defect must be remedied by a second wife. Even now, Hindoo wives, in -a similar case, are urgent with their husbands to associate a second -wife with them, in order that they may not die without male issue. How -strongly the necessity was felt in ancient times is shown by an -indication of the Rigveda, where the childless widow summons her -brother-in-law to her bed,[332] and by the narrative in the Epos of the -widows of the king who died without a son, for whom children are raised -up by a relation, and these children pass for the issue of the dead king -(p. 85, 101). The law shows that such a custom did exist, and is not a -poetic invention. It permits a son to be begotten by the brother of the -husband, or the nearest of kin after him; in any case by a man of the -same race (_gotra_), even in the lifetime of the husband with his -consent. After the death of the husband this can be done by his younger -brother, but at all times it must be without carnal desire and only in -the sacred wish to raise up a male descendant for his relation. When a -son is born any further commerce is forbidden under pain of losing -caste. It is remarked, however, that learned Brahmans disapproved of -this custom. It might be omitted when there was a daughter's son in -existence, who could offer the funeral cakes for his maternal -grandfather; the younger son of another father could also be adopted, -but he must be entirely separated from his own family. At present the -old custom only exists among the Çudras and the classes below these; -among the Dvijas adoption takes place.[333] - -In the burial hymns in the Rigveda the marriage is declared to be at an -end, when the widow has accompanied the corpse of her dead husband to -the place of rest; after the funeral was over, the widow was required to -"elevate herself to the world of life." The law ordains that the widow -shall not marry again after the death of her husband, even though she -has had no children by him. If she does marry, she falls into contempt -in this world, and in the next will be excluded from the abode of her -husband. The widow is to remain alone, and not to utter the name of -another man. She is to starve herself, living only on flowers, roots, -and fruits; if in addition to this she avoids all sensual pleasure to -the end of her life, pardons every injustice, and performs pious works -and expiations, she ascends after death to heaven, even though she has -never borne a child.[334] These are the simple rules of the law -concerning widowhood. The Dvija, whose wife dies before him, is to bury -her, if she has lived virtuously according to rule, with sacred fire and -suitable sacrifice. When the funeral is over he is permitted by the law -to marry again and kindle the marriage fire.[335] - -On children the law impresses the greatest reverence towards parents; -and this respect is carried to a great extent in the Epos, where it -appears in that exaggerated and caricatured form into which the good -elements in the Indian character were driven by the victory of the -Brahmans. Rama, "who conquers his parents by obedience, and turns them -in the right way," greets his father and mother by falling down before -them, and kissing their feet; he then places himself with folded hands -at their side, in order to listen to what they have to say.[336] He -practises obedience with the utmost punctiliousness, as well as the -renunciation in which Brahmans saw the summit of all virtue. Even in the -law the pupil kneels before the Brahman and his wife; and the Buddhist -legends show us the sons lying at the feet of their fathers in order to -greet them. The younger brother must kneel before the elder if he would -give him a solemn salutation.[337] - -The old legal customs of the Aryas knew only of the family property as -undivided and in the possession of the father. Wife, sons, daughters, -and slaves have no property; they are in fact themselves pieces of -property.[338] If the father dies, his place is taken by the eldest son, -at the head of the house; and if the mother is alive, she is in his -tutelage. That the right of the person to share in the property was -already felt against this old custom is shown in the book of the law by -the regulation that the sons, after the death of the father, are not to -share during the lifetime of the mother. Even when both parents are dead -it is best for the sons not to divide the property, but to live together -under the eldest as the head of the family. The doctrines of the law in -favour of maintaining the old custom of a family property were not, as -it seems, without results. In the sutras of the Buddhists the fathers -urge their sons not to divide the property after their decease. That -when a division did take place, custom gave a pre-eminence to the eldest -son[339] is clear from the rule given in the law: the eldest son can -only demand the best piece when he is more learned and virtuous than the -rest; otherwise it must not be divided. Another view expressed in the -law, which militated against the connubium of the three orders, attempts -in this case also to bring in the division of castes: if the father has -several wives of different castes, the sons of those who belong to the -higher castes have the advantage. If, for instance, a Brahman has wives -from all the four castes the inheritance is to be divided into ten -parts: the son of the Brahman woman receives four parts, the son of the -Kshatriya three, the son of the Vaiçya two, of the Çudra only one.[340] -Landed property in India is inherited and always has been by males only; -but if there are no sons, a daughter may be put in as heir. In other -cases women have only a claim to maintenance out of the family -property. The distinction between inherited and acquired property is -first recognised in the later law of India, but even now the father has -only the right of disposal over the latter when he divides it in his own -lifetime among his children. At present the unmarried daughters, and -quite recently widows, have a right to a son's portion instead of -maintenance out of the family property.[341] - -In India, family life has in all essentials healthily developed and -maintained itself on the basis which we can detect in the sentences of -the marriage ceremony. The fortunate birth of a child, purification -after child-bed, and naming of the child--according to the law the name -of a boy ought to express among the Brahmans some helpful greeting, -among the Kshatriyas power, among the Vaiçyas wealth, among the Çudras -subjection[342]--the first cutting of the hair, the investiture of the -sons with the sacred girdle, the birthdays, betrothals, and marriages -are great festivals among the families, kept with considerable expense. -The Indians love their children; their maintenance and marriage form at -present the chief care of wealthy parents. The law allows a man to give -his daughter even to the poorest husband of his own caste; but now the -main effort of the family is not indeed to obtain the wealthiest husband -for a daughter, but to obtain one of at least equal wealth with their -own, and whenever possible of better descent. The claims of the priestly -Brahmans belonging to those eight tribes which carried back their origin -to the great saints, tribes existing in the fourth century B.C., are in -existence still;[343] but the number of the clans has increased. The -ceremonies at marriages are still essentially those of the old ritual. -Before walking round the fire the hands of the bride and bridegroom are -united with kuça-grass, and the points of their garments tied together. -It has long been a custom and a rule that the bride should be equipped -by her father, and the splendour with which marriages are celebrated -makes the wedding of a daughter a heavy burden on families that are not -wealthy. The Kshatriyas more especially suffer in this respect, since -they are peculiarly apt to seek after connections with ancient families. -In families of this caste it sometimes happens that daughters are -exposed or otherwise put out of the way in order to escape the cost of -their future equipment and marriage.[344] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[294] _e.g._ "Ramayana," 1, 13, 72, ed. Schlegel. - -[295] Manu, 8, 380, 381. - -[296] Manu, 2, 127. - -[297] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2, 80. - -[298] Manu, 9, 322. - -[299] Manu, 10, 80-117. - -[300] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 139. - -[301] Manu, 3, 12-15, 44; 9, 22-24, 85-87. - -[302] Manu, 3, 16-19; 10, 5, 6. - -[303] Manu, 10, 15. - -[304] Manu, 10, 46. - -[305] Manu, 10, 48. - -[306] Manu, 10, 8. - -[307] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1, 820, _n._ 2. - -[308] Manu, 10, 49. - -[309] Manu, 10, 48. - -[310] Manu, 10, 15; (above, p. 15). - -[311] Manu, 10, 51-56; (above, p. 168). - -[312] Manu, 10, 67. - -[313] Manu, 10, 43-45. - -[314] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1, 396, 439, 534. - -[315] Sherring, "Hindu Castes and Tribes," 7-9; 120, 247. - -[316] "Açvalayana Çrauta-Sutra," book 12, in M. Müller, "Hist. of -Sanskrit Lit." p. 381. - -[317] Manu, 3, 27-38, 160, 171; 9, 100, 127 ff. The analogous series in -the Açvalayana in A. Weber, "Indische Studien," 5, 284. - -[318] Açvalayana, Yajnavalkya, Apastamba in M. Müller, _loc. cit._ p. -378 ff. - -[319] A. Weber, "Indische Studien," 5, 343, 400, 407. - -[320] Strabo, p. 709. Arrian, "Ind." 17. - -[321] "Açvalayana," 1, 63, in A. Weber, _loc. cit._ - -[322] Manu, 9, 88-96. - -[323] Açvalayana says: "There are many different customs in different -districts and towns; we only give what is common." Haas and A. Weber in -the "Indische Studien," 5, 281. - -[324] Weber, _loc. cit._ 5, 219, 236. - -[325] A. Weber, _loc. cit._ 5, 201. - -[326] Haas, _loc. cit._ 5, 322, cp. however, p. 358. - -[327] A. Weber, _loc. cit._ 5, 214. - -[328] The first part of the sentence is from the latest part of the -Rigveda (10, 184), the second from the Atharvaveda, 2, 30; 5, 25. in A. -Weber, "Ind. Studien," 5, 218, 227, 234. - -[329] Manu, 9, 147-149; 3, 6-11; 55-62; 9, 2-7, 77-83. - -[330] Manu, 8, 371-376. - -[331] Manu, 7, 77, 78. - -[332] Rigveda, 10, 40 in Aurel Mayr, "Indisches Erbrecht," s. 79. - -[333] Manu, 9, 59-69, 144-146. Aurel Mayr, _loc. cit._ 3, 104. - -[334] Manu, 5, 157-162. - -[335] Manu, 5, 167-169. - -[336] _e.g._ "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 2, 3, 31. - -[337] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 238. - -[338] Aurel Mayr, "Indisches Erbrecht," s. 160 ff. - -[339] Aurel Mayr, _loc. cit._ s. 56. - -[340] Manu, 9, 104-220. Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 239. In the sutras -we are told of a division in a merchant's family, after the brothers -have united; in this the oldest retains the house and lands, the other -the shops, the third the stock, beside land. Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. -242. - -[341] Aurel Mayr, _loc. cit._ 3, 167, ff. - -[342] Manu, 2, 29-34. - -[343] Above, p. 252. M. Müller, "Hist. of Anc. Sanskrit Lit." p. 380, -ff. - -[344] Sherring, _loc. cit._ p. 122. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE BRAHMANS. - - -The unity in regard to law and morals, which the book of the law sought -to establish throughout all the regions of India, between the Vindhyas -and Himalayas, was never carried out to this extent. Indeed, the book -itself is wanting in unity owing to the gradual accumulation of -different strata in it, and the various rules which it contains for the -same circle of life. Nor did it even attempt to remove the usages of -Brahmavarta, or the customs of "the good" in general. In other points -its requirements were pitched much too high, and were too ideal for -princes and judges to feel bound by them, directly and immediately, or -to guide their conduct by such rules, though on the whole they regarded -the book as a standard. Even on the Ganges some districts resisted the -law of the Brahmans, and took their law from their old customs,[345] -while on the other hand, in the land of the Indus, only a few regions -followed the development attained in the life of the emigrants on the -Yamuna and the Ganges; in these the elevation of the priestly order, the -reform of religion, and the exclusiveness of the castes were very -fitfully carried out. They clung obstinately to the older forms of -Indian life, and submitted but partially to the reaction which the land -of the Ganges exercised on the ancient home of the race. - -In other nations and ages the priests have turned their attention to the -past history of their states, and have recorded their fortunes, but on -the Ganges the victory of the priests threw the past entirely aside, and -established the Brahmanic system as the religion existing from the -beginning. Why should the Brahmans trouble themselves with the deeds of -ancient kings and heroes? These could only attract their attention in so -far as the action of the gods was seen in them, or when they could be -asked to prove that the power of the Brahmans had been from the first -greater than the power of the kings and the Kshatriyas. Or need the -Brahmans write the history of their own order? From this point of view -that order had always been what it now was; it formed no organised -corporation, no centralised system; the only points that could come into -question were the acts of the great saints, the ancestors of the Brahman -class, or the claim and advantage of being descended from this or that -priest of the old time. Ought the Brahmans to inquire into the laws of -nature? In their view the life of nature was as little independent, as -little founded on laws of its own, as the life and actions of men. -Nature was absorbed into the world-soul; the efficacy of sacrifices and -penalties could, in the opinion of the Brahmans, remove the laws of -nature at any moment. Where the order of the moral and physical world is -broken and subdued at will by the supernatural, no account can be made -of the actions of men, or the facts of nature, of history or natural -science; theology and things divine are the only possible subjects of -study. - -The Brahmans occupied themselves very earnestly with the study of -revelation, with the Veda, and with meditation on the highest being. If -the first was the peculiar task of the schools of the Brahmans, the -second was the essential duty of the anchorites in the forest. Moreover, -it was advantageous for the teaching of the people to interpolate the -new religion into the old Epos, and there also to exalt the acts of the -great saints above the acts of the ancient heroes. We have already -referred to the contradiction existing between the new doctrine and the -Veda, on which it was founded, and which it set forth as a divine -revelation. The invocations and prayers of the Veda arose out of the -circle of different tribes, and from different dates; in their origin -and tradition they proceeded from distinct races of priests. They were -due to a conception wholly at variance with that of the Brahmans. How -could these contradictions be removed? The contradiction between old and -new was aggravated by numerous differences in the ritual. Along with the -Veda the Brahmans regarded the sayings and conduct of the holy men of -old, the great saints, as sufficient authorities. But the ritual was not -the same in all the races of the Brahmans; and even customs and -tradition had, as we have seen, a claim in the eyes of the Brahmans. -Every priestly school, or family, appealed in its ritual to the custom -or word of the supposed progenitor, or to some other great saint. In -order to fix the correct ceremonial of the sacrifice, the true ritual -for purification, expiation, and penance, amid such varieties of -practice, it was necessary to go back to the Veda. But in the Veda -nothing was found on the greater part of the questions at issue, and -only contradictory statements on others. Which was the true ritual, the -form pleasing to the gods and therefore efficacious? Which were the -decisive passages in the Veda, and what was their true explanation? To -the difficult task of bringing the Veda into harmony with the idea of -Brahman, and the system of castes, and finding a proof for both in the -Veda, in which castes and Brahman as the world-soul were unknown, was -added the further difficulty of establishing the ritual so securely, as -to leave no doubt about the practice of it, and to make it quite certain -what liturgy was to be applied in each case, at every act. Owing to the -Indian belief in the mystic power of the sacrifice and each single -operation in it, this question was of very great importance. The -sacrifice was invalid unless the ritual given by revelation or by the -great priests of ancient times was used in it. From these questions and -investigations rose commentaries on the Vedas;--the Brahmanas, which in -part are still preserved to our times, the first compositions of the -Indians in prose. They are reflections and rules of a liturgical and -theological nature, and proceed on a plan somewhat of the following -kind. After mentioning the rite and the sacrifice in question, the -meaning of the words in the Veda which are supposed to refer to it is -given, generally in a singular form; the various modes of performing the -sacrifice are then mentioned, the sayings of the ancient saints in -favour of this or that form are quoted; and then follows a regular -solution, supported by legends from the history of the saints. We see -from the rules of the Brahmanas that offerings, consecrations, and -sacrifices were not diminished but rather increased by the idea of -Brahman, and the number of the sacrificing priests was greater; a fourth -priest was added to the Hotar, Udgatar, and Adhvaryu of the older -period, whose duty it was to superintend the whole sacrifice, to guard -against mistakes, and remedy them when made; at the greater sacrifices -sixteen or seventeen priests officiated, besides those who were required -for the supplementary duties; and beside the three daily sacrifices at -morning, midday, and evening, the sacrifices of the new moon and full -moon, the sacrifices to the ancestors, to fire, and the Soma, there were -rites which lasted from two to eleven days, and others which occupied -fourteen to one hundred days.[346] The Brahmanas fix the object and -operation of every sacrifice; they show how the place of sacrifice is to -be prepared and measured; how the altar is to be erected; how the -vessels and instruments of sacrifice were to be prepared; what sort of -wood and water is required, and the length of the pieces of wood which -are to be placed on the fire. Then follow the invocations and the -sentences at the use of the instruments of sacrifice, the paces and -functions incumbent on the four classes of priests, what one has to say -and another to answer. Not only each word but even the tone and gesture -is given formally at great length. An incorrect word, a false intonation -may destroy the efficacy of the entire sacrifice. For this reason the -rules for the great sacrifice, especially for the sacrifice of horses, -fill up whole books of the Brahmanas. - -Like the Arians of Iran, and the Germans, the Arians on the Indus -sacrificed horses to the gods. "May Mitra, Aryaman, Indra and the -Maruts," so we read in the Rigveda, "not rebuke us because we shall -proclaim at the sacrifice the virtues of the swift horse, sprung from -the gods, when the spotted goat is led before the horse adorned with -ornaments of pure gold. If thrice at the proper seasons men lead around -the sacrificial horse, which goes to the gods,--the goat, Pushan's -share, goes first (p. 47). She goes along the path which Indra and -Pushan love, and announces the sacrifice to the gods. May ye, O Hotar, -Adhvaryu--the names of the remaining officiating priests follow--fill -the streams (round the altar) with a well-prepared and well-accomplished -sacrifice! They who cut the sacrificial post, and they who make the ring -for the post of the horse, may their work be with us. My prayer has been -well performed: the bright-backed horse goes to the regions of the gods, -where poets celebrate him, and we have won a good friend among the gods. -The halter of the swift one, the heel-ropes of the horse, the girdle, -the bridle, and even the grass that has been put into his mouth, may all -these which belong to thee be with the gods. The ordure that runs from -the belly, and the smallest particle of raw flesh, may the immolators -well prepare all this, and dress the sacrifice till it is well cooked. -The juice that flows from thy roasted limb on the spit after thou hast -been killed, may it not run on the earth or the grass; may it be given -to the gods who desire it. They who examine the horse when it is -roasted, they who say 'It smells well, take it away;' they who serve the -distribution of the meat, may their work also be with us. The ladle of -the pot where the meat is cooked, and the vessels for sprinkling the -juice, the covers of the vessels, the shears, and the knives, they adorn -the horse. Where he walks, where he stands, where he lies, what he -drinks, and what he eats, may all these which belong to thee, be with -the gods. May not the fire with smoky smell make thee hiss, may not the -glowing cauldron swell and burst. The gods accept the horse if it is -offered to them in due form. The cover which they stretch over the horse -and the golden ornaments, the head-ropes of the horse, and the -foot-ropes, all these which are dear to the gods, they offer to them. -If some one strike thee with the heel or the whip that thou mayest lie -down, and thou art shouting with all thy might, then I purify all this -with my prayer, as with a spoon of clarified butter at the sacrifices. -The axe approaches the thirty-four ribs of the quick horse, beloved of -the gods. Do you wisely keep the limbs whole; find out each joint and -ligament. One strikes the horse, two hold it; this is the custom. May -the axe not stick to thy body; may no greedy and unskilful immolator, -missing with the sword, throw thy mangled limbs together. May not thy -dear soul burn thee while thou art coming near. Indeed thou diest not, -thou sufferest not, thou goest to the gods on easy paths. May this horse -give us cattle and horses, men, progeny, and all-sustaining wealth. May -the horse of this sacrifice give us strength."[347] This was the -foundation on which the Brahmanas construct an endless ritual for the -sacrifice of horses, "the king of sacrifices," as the book of the law -calls it. At the sacrifice of the horse, so we are told in the -Çatapatha-Brahmana, the Adhvaryu on the first day calls on the players -on the flute to celebrate the king who offers the sacrifice, and with -him the virtuous princes of ancient days. The priest narrates the -history begun by Manu Vaivasvata. On the second day he narrates the -history begun by Yama Vaivasvata, and on the third day that begun by -Varuna Aditya (p. 124); on the fourth day he narrates that begun by Soma -Vaishnava, etc.; on the tenth day that begun by Dharma Indra, and sings -the Soma, _i.e._ the hymns of the Samaveda.[348] In the Mahabharata, -Yudhishthira, after ascending the throne of Hastinapura, offers a -sacrifice of horses, in order to assuage his grief at the loss of his -heroes, and to extend his dominion. The Brahman Vyasa tells the king -that this sacrifice is very difficult; that he must sleep the whole year -through on the ground, with his wife at his side, and a naked sword -between them; if he does not keep his desires in subjection during the -whole of this time, the entire efficacy of the sacrifice is lost. The -horse with the necessary marks is found and brought forward. According -to the poem it must be as white as the moon, with a yellow tail, and the -right ear must be black; the horse can also be entirely black. On a -certain day, determined by the moon, the horse is let loose. It bears a -gold plate on its forehead with the name of the king to whom it belongs, -and the announcement that an army is following it, and any one who -detains the horse, or leads it astray, will be compelled by force of -arms to set it at liberty, and after the end of the year to appear at -the sacrifice of the horse. Arjuna overcomes all the princes who would -retain the horse. Then the princes who have submitted or been conquered -assemble at Hastinapura; Yudhishthira and Draupadi take a bath for -purification; the king ploughs the place of sacrifice with a golden -plough; Draupadi sows it to the accompaniment of the prayers of the -Brahmans; then the midst of the space is covered with four hundred -golden tiles, and round about these are set up eight posts, eight -trenches for the preparation of the curdled milk, clarified butter, and -soma, and provided with eight great spoons, in order to bring the -sacrificial gifts into the fire. Yudhishthira takes his place on the -throne of gold and sandal-wood; twenty-four princes and rishis go to the -Ganges in order to bring water for the sacrifice in pitchers on their -heads. When the king has been purified by this water, the horse is -brought, and it also is purified by having the water poured upon it. -Then the priests pressed the ear of the horse, and as milk ran out from -it, it was proved that the horse was pure; so Bhima smote off the head -with his sword. Then the priest held the flesh in the spoon over the -fire, and made Homa out of it, and the flesh smelt of camphor, and he -cried, "Indra, receive this flesh which has become camphor." To each of -the Brahmans who had officiated at the sacrifice Yudhishthira gave a -chariot, an elephant, ten horses, one hundred milch-cows, and slaves and -gold and pearls, and had them entertained. In the Ramayana, king -Daçaratha of Ayodhya offers a sacrifice of horses to obtain a son. At -the appointed time the horse was set at liberty for a year; and a -Brahman accompanied it. All the preparatory sacrifices were offered; the -place was made ready on the northern banks of the Sarayu; twenty-one -sacrificial posts were set up, and decked with flowers and ornaments, -and twenty-one trenches were dug when the horse returned. The Brahmans -kindle the sacred fire, the horse is led round it, and slain with the -consecrated sword, while the Udgatar recites the sentences. The Hotar -and the Ritvij bring the pieces of the horse according to the custom to -the fire, and the Ritvij pronounces the sentences while placing the -flesh in the fire. Then the first and second wives of the king are -brought to the horse and pass the night near it.[349] Rama offers a -horse sacrifice for another reason; he wishes to make atonement for the -offence which he has committed by the slaughter of the great giant -Ravana of Lanka, who was a descendant of the holy Agastya, and -consequently a Brahman. According to the narratives of the -Vishnu-Purana, king Pushpamitra, who sat on the throne of Magadha in -the first half of the second century B.C., offered a horse sacrifice. -The horse when set at liberty was carried off on the right bank of the -Indus by an army of the Yavanas (Greeks), but was again liberated by the -attendants. As a fact the land of the Indus as well as the Panjab was at -that time under the dominion of the Greek princes of Bactria. From the -period of the dynasty of the Guptas, who acquired the throne of Magadha -about the year 140 B.C., a coin has been preserved to our time, relating -to the efficacy of the horse sacrifice; it depicts an unsaddled horse -before an altar.[350] - -Not long after the time when the commentaries on the Vedas, or -Brahmanas, arose in the schools of the Brahmans, a fourth Veda was added -to the three collections of sacred songs and prayers already in -existence. Ancient poems were preserved which had not been received into -the Rigveda. These were not songs of praise or thanksgiving, prayers or -sentences intended to accompany the sacrificial acts, but charms to -avert evil, danger, sickness, or death, formulĉ relating to life in the -house and family, bringing blessing or a curse. When the fourth -superintending priest was added to the three already officiating, and -the latter was charged with the office of avoiding the mistakes which -might be committed in it, and atoning for those which had been committed -by counter-charms and acts of expiation--a collection of the sentences -required, a book of prayers, seems to have been given to this priest -also, just as the Hotar had his Rigveda, the Udgatar his Samaveda, the -Adhvaryu his Yajurveda. Thus the sentences of this kind already living -in tradition may have been collected together, so as to form a fourth -Veda. That some of the exorcisms and incantations belonging to this -collection are also found in the Rigveda, that meditative hymns of later -date are received into the fourth Veda together with pieces of very -great antiquity, may count rather for than against this mode of origin. -The new collection was called the Atharvaveda after the ancient priest -Atharvan, who is said first to have enticed the fire from the pieces of -wood.[351] The Atharvaveda contains a number of ancient charms against -sickness and death. It is the healing powers of waters and plants which -are first invoked for assistance. In the Rigveda also all remedies are -found in waters and plants, both of which come from the sky.[352] "May -the waters of Himavat be blessed for thee," so we are told in the -Atharvaveda; "the waters of the springs, the waters of the rain, the -waters of the steppe, the waters of the cisterns, the waters of the -pitchers. We bless the best healers, the waters. The waters should heal -thee when pain overcomes thee; they should drive out thy sickness."[353] -Plants are not less efficacious. They pass into the limbs of the sick, -they expel the sickness victoriously from the body, they unite with -their king Soma in order to fight against the sickness; they obey the -voice of the priest, rescue the sick person from pain, and set free the -foot of man from the toils of Yama.[354] The Atharvaveda emphasises the -peculiar healing power of a plant against the Rakshasas (the evil -spirits); with this Kaçiapa, Kanva, Agastya, and the son of Atharvan had -defeated the Rakshasas. "Liberate," so the priest says to it, "liberate -this man from the spirits of the Rakshasas; lead him back into the -company of the living."[355] In other sentences of this Veda we are -told: "With this sacrificial butter I liberate thee, so that thou mayest -live; when the captor has seized him, do ye set him free, Indra and -Agni. If his life is failing I draw him back from the brink of -destruction unharmed for a hundred autumns" (p. 62). If the sickness is -a punishment from the gods, the offence must be wiped out by sacrifice, -prayer, and expiations; if it is the result of a charm, it must be -driven into another creature by a counter-charm. The Atharvaveda gives -us the following sentence against the demon Takman, who brings fever: -"May refusal meet Takman, who has glowing weapons. O Takman, go to the -Mujavant or further. Attack the Çudra woman, the teeming one; shake her, -O Takman. The Gandharas, the Angas, the Magadhas, we give over to Takman -as servants, or a treasure."[356] The ague is banished into the frog, -the jaundice into yellow birds. In the Rigveda the jaundice is put away -into parrots and thrushes; consumption is to fly away with the blue jay. -The custom of supporting the exorcism by laying down a leaf or a herb, -which is taught in the Atharvaveda, is not unknown to the Rigveda.[357] -The Atharva-veda also supplies charms against sprains, worms, and other -evils.[358] - -The Brahmanas of the various schools of priests were not merely rules -for ritual, but also exegetical and dogmatic commentaries on the -separate Vedas, each destined for one of the three classes of priests -who were allotted to the Rigveda, Samaveda, and Yajurveda. Of these -commentaries on the Rigveda, two, differing in their arrangement, -have been preserved to us; the Aitareya-Brahmana, and the -Kaushitaki-Brahmana, _i.e._ the commentaries of the schools of Aitareya -and Kaushitaka: for the Samaveda we have the Chandoga-Brahmana, and the -Tandya-Brahmana; for the Yajurveda the Taittiriya-Brahmana and the -Çatapatha-Brahmana, _i.e._ the commentaries of the schools of Tittiri -and Vajasaneya. In one or two of these Brahmanas we have additions at -the end of a speculative character. The compressed and difficult -language of these books, the abstruse dogmatism, the abundance of -examples and legends, made the Brahmanas so difficult to understand that -explanations of them were soon written in a more synoptical arrangement, -an easier style, and shorter form. These explanations were called -sutras, _i.e._ clues. If they were intended to explain the Veda, _i.e._ -revelation, they were known as Çrauta-sutras; if they collected in a -synoptical form the rules for the ritual given in the Brahmanas, they -were known as Kalpa-sutras. The oldest sutras of this kind, which have -come down to us, are supposed to have been written about the year 400 -B.C.[359] From the duty of properly intoning and pronouncing the -prescribed words of the Veda, marking the metre, correctly understanding -the ancient Vedic language which had subsequently taken the form of -Sanskrit, and gone through other changes in the mouth of the people, and -fixing the correct time for the sacrifice, there grew up among the -schools of the Brahmans the beginnings of metrical, grammatical, -etymological, and astronomical inquiries. As the people in the land of -the Ganges had ceased to understand Sanskrit in the sixth century -_B.C._, while the Brahmans were compelled to preserve it for the Vedas -and the Brahmanas, and as a learned and theological language, it became -necessary to learn it from teachers. The sutras of the Buddhists speak -of a grammar of Indra, which is also mentioned by the Chinese -Hiuan-Thsang as the earliest Indian grammar; from the fourth century -B.C. we have the grammatical rules of Panini remaining, which, based on -the previous Çrauta-sutras, present us with a complete grammatical -system, provided with an artificial terminology.[360] - -The desire to offer sacrifices to the gods at the correct and acceptable -time did not permit the Brahmans entirely to neglect the observation of -the heavens. Their attention was directed principally to the moon, to -the courses of the planets they paid no particular regard. According to -the advance of the moon in the heavens they distinguished twenty-seven, -and at a later period twenty-eight stations in the sky (_nakshatra_). -"The moon," we are told, "follows the course of the Nakshatras." The -year of the Indians was divided into twelve months of thirty days; the -month was divided into two halves of fifteen days each, and the day into -30 hours (_muhurta_). In order to bring this year of 360 days into -harmony with the natural time, the Brahmans established a quinquennial -cycle of 1860 lunar days. Three years had 12 months of 30 lunar days; -the third and fifth year of the cycle had thirteen months of the same -number of days. The Brahmans do not seem to have perceived that by this -arrangement the cycle contained almost four days in excess of the -astronomical time; and indeed they were not very skilful astronomers. -Twelve quinquennial cycles were united into a greater period (_yuga_) of -sixty years.[361] It was an old belief of the Indians that sacrifices -and important affairs in domestic and family life should only be engaged -in when the position of the sky was favourable--when the moon was -waxing, or the sun moving to the north. At a later time it was also -believed that the constellation, under which a child saw the light, was -of good or evil influence on his fortunes. Charms are preserved, which -are supposed to avert evil influences of this kind.[362] Some time after -the seventh century the Brahmans began to foretell the fortunes of -children from the position of the stars of their parents, to look for -the marks of good and bad fortune on the human body as well as in the -sky, and to question the stars about the favourable hours for the -transactions or festivals of the house, and the labours of the field, -voyages and travels. Though the book of the law declares astrology to be -a wicked occupation,[363] it was carried on to a considerable extent in -the fifth and fourth centuries. But this astrological superstition has -nevertheless remained without effect in advancing the astronomy of the -Brahmans; further advance was due to the foreign help gained by closer -contact with the kingdom of the Seleucids, and the influence of the -Grĉco-Bactrian kingdom, which extended its power to the east beyond the -Indus, and the Grĉco-Indian kingdom which succeeded it in the second -century.[364] The result of their grammatical and astronomical studies -were collected by the Brahmans as auxiliary sciences to the explanation -and interpretation of the Veda; and they termed them the members of the -Veda (Vedanga). They enumerated six of such members; the doctrine of -pronunciation and intonation, the doctrine of metres, grammar, -etymology, the ritual, and astronomy. The two first were declared to be -indispensable for the reading of the Veda, the third and fourth for -understanding the Veda, the fifth and sixth for the performance of -sacrifice.[365] - -From all antiquity, as has been already observed, the Indians were -greatly given to magic. It was the mysterious secret of the worship, the -power of the rightly-offered prayer, which exercised compulsion on the -gods. Out of this power grew their Brahmanaspati, and then Brahman. -Consequently, the Brahmans ascribed the greatest efficacy to the -severities of asceticism, the annihilation of the body. The sacrifice of -sensual enjoyment was more meritorious and powerful than all other -sacrifices. Was it not this devotion, this mortification, this -concentration, which annihilated the unholy part in men? Did not a man -by these means approach the holy nature of Brahman--did he not thus draw -into himself Brahman and its power? The Brahmans were convinced that -great penances and absorption into Brahman conferred a supernatural -power and a command over nature; and imparted to the penitent a -superhuman and even superdivine power, like that of Brahman. The Indians -invariably transferred the new point of view to the past. The past was -with them a mirror of the present, and therefore the ancient priests who -were supposed to have sung the hymns of the Veda, the mythical ancestors -of the leading priestly families, were not only patterns of Brahmanic -wisdom, but also great ascetics, examples of energetic penances. By such -penances these ancient saints, the Maharshis, _i.e._ the great sages as -they were now called, had obtained power over men and gods, and even -creative force. Hence in the order of beings the seven or ten great -saints received the place nearest to Brahman, above the gods--a change -which was rendered easier to the Brahmans because passages in the -Rigveda spoke of the "ancient-born sages" as illuminated, as seers and -friends of the gods.[366] With the Brahmans the force of asceticism was -so preponderant, and absorbed the divine nature to such a degree, that -it was soon regarded by them as the highest divine potency; in their -view the gods and Brahman itself exercised creative power only by virtue -of ascetic concentration on self, and severe penances. The theory of -creation was modified from this point of view. Creation was not any -longer the act of the ancient gods, though they are praised as creators -in the Veda; it no longer took place by the emanation of being out of -Brahman. According to the analogy of the asceticism of the Brahmans, the -gods and the personal Brahman who proceeded out of the impersonal -Brahman must have rendered themselves capable of creation by penance, -and gained their peculiar power in this way. In the black Yajurveda we -are told: "This world was at first water; in this moved the lord of -creation, who had become air. Then he formed the earth and created the -gods. The gods said: How can we form creatures? He replied: As I formed -you by the glow of my meditation (_tapas_), so do ye seek in deep -meditation the means of bringing forth creatures."[367] The introduction -to the book of the law goes further still in the theory of creation -given above. When Brahman had proceeded from the egg (p. 197), he -subjects himself to severe penance and so creates Manu. Then Manu begins -the most severe exercises, and by them creates the ten great sages, and -seven new Manus. The ten great saints, the lords of creatures, on their -part bring all created things into being. By the force of their penances -they create the gods and their different heavens, then the other saints -who possess unbounded power, the spirits of the earth (Yakshas), the -giants (Rakshasas), and the evil spirits (Asuras), the blood-suckers -(Piçachas), the serpent spirits (Nagas), the heavenly genii (the -Gandharvas and Apsarasas), and the spirits of the ancestors; after them -the thunder, the lightning, and the clouds, the wild animals, and last -of all the whole mass of creatures living and lifeless.[368] According -to this theory, Brahman has only given the impulse to creation; it is -completed by the penances of Manu and the other saints. The gods are -deposed, and the Brahmans, through their forefathers, the great saints, -become the authors of the gods and the world, the sovereign lords of -creation. The Brahman, learned or not, such is the teaching of the book -of the law, is always a mighty deity, just as fire, whether consecrated -or not, is always a mighty deity. Creation belongs to the Brahman, and -consequently all property is his; it is by his magnanimity that the rest -of the orders enjoy the goods of this world. Who would venture to injure -a Brahman, by whose sacrifice the gods live and the world exists? Any -one who harms a Brahman will be at once annihilated by the power of his -curse; even a king who ventures on such a thing will perish with his -army and their armour by the word of a Brahman.[369] - -The schools of the Brahmans sought to establish their ritual beyond the -power of doubt, to understand the Veda in its interpretation, as well as -in its etymology and grammar; they raised the centre of their ethics, -their asceticism, high above the gods of the Veda, and they also -attempted to embody their views and their whole system in the poems of -their Epos. The pre-eminence of their order must have been established -even in the ancient times; even then the Brahmans must have stood far -above the Kshatriyas; and the princes and heroes, of whom the Epos told -us, must have been patterns of reverence towards the Brahmans; they must -have walked in the paths which the theory of the Brahmans subsequently -prescribed. In this feeling the Brahmans proceeded to revise the Epos. -In contradiction to the ancient poem the princes of the Pandus were -placed in the best light, and, so far as was possible, were made eager -worshippers or obedient pupils of the Brahmans. - -We have already pointed out what an opposition the Brahmans had invented -between Vasishtha and Viçvamitra from a few hints given by the Rigveda; -how from this point of view, Viçvamitra is made into a Kshatriya, in -order to be able to point out from the example of his ruin as a -Kshatriya in opposition to Vasishtha the superiority of the Brahmans -over the Kshatriyas. But the Veda contains hymns by Viçvamitra; he -belonged, like Vasishtha, to the great saints; the one no less than the -other was the progenitor of an ancient and eminent branch of the -Brahmans. Hence the Kshatriya Viçvamitra must be changed again into a -Brahman, and this could only be done by penances of the most severe -kind. As the most powerful effects were attributed to these penances, -the Kuçikas and the other races derived from Viçvamitra were indemnified -for the previous defeat of Viçvamitra when he was still a Kshatriya. The -description of the feeble conflict of the Kshatriya against the Brahman, -of the prince against the Rishi, the marvellous exaltation of the -Kshatriya and the prince by submission to the Brahman law and severe -penances, are here set forth in the utmost detail and inserted in the -Epos. King Viçvamitra had ruled over the earth for several thousand -years. On one occasion he came with his warriors to the abode of -Vasishtha in the forest, who hospitably received and entertained him and -his army. Vasishtha possessed a marvellous cow--a wishing cow--which -brought forth whatever Vasishtha desired; she produced food and drink -for Viçvamitra and his army. This cow Viçvamitra wished to possess, and -offered 100,000 ordinary cows in exchange. It was a jewel, he said, and -the king has a right to all jewels found in his country; hence the cow -belonged of right to him, a deduction which is not contrary to certain -rules in the book of the law. Vasishtha refuses to part with the cow; -and Viçvamitra resolves to take her by force from the saint. The cow -urges her master to resist; wide and powerful as Viçvamitra's rule may -be, he is not more mighty than Vasishtha is; the wise praise not the -might of the warriors, the power of the Brahmans is greater. Instead of -the means of subsistence, with the production of which she has hitherto -been contented, she now brings forth different armies from the different -parts of her body; and when these are conquered by the warriors of -Viçvamitra, she goes on producing new armies till the host of the king -is destroyed. Then the hundred sons of Viçvamitra filled with rage rush -on Vasishtha; but the saint consumes them by the flame of meditation -which proceeds from his mouth. Viçvamitra acknowledges with shame the -superiority of the Brahman over the Kshatriya; he resolves to overcome -Vasishtha by penances. He goes into the forest, stands on his toes for -one hundred years, lives on air only, and in this way acquires the -possession of heavenly arms. With these he hastens to the settlement of -Vasishtha; sets it on fire by the heavenly arrows, and then hurls a -fiery weapon at the Brahman. Vasishtha cries aloud: "Vile Kshatriya, now -will I show thee what the strength of a warrior is!" and with his staff -easily wards off even the arms of the gods. With no better success -Viçvamitra throws the toils of Varuna, and even Brahman's dreadful -weapons against Vasishtha, who beats them away with his staff, "which -burned like a second sceptre of Yama." With sighs Viçvamitra -acknowledges that the might of kings and warriors is nothing, that only -the Brahmans possess true power, and now attempts by severe penances to -elevate himself to be a Brahman. He proceeds to the south, and undergoes -the severest mortifications. After a thousand years of penance Brahman -allows him the rank of a wise king. But he wishes to be a Brahman, and -therefore begins his penances over again. Triçanku, the son of Prithu, -the pious king of the Koçalas (p. 149), had bidden his priest Vasishtha -exalt him with his living body to heaven by a great sacrifice. Vasishtha -declares that this is impossible. Triçanku repairs to Viçvamitra, who -offers the sacrifice. But the gods do not descend to the sacrificial -meal. Then Viçvamitra in anger seizes the ladle, and says to Triçanku: -"By my own power I will exalt you to heaven. Receive the power of -sanctity which I have gained by my penances. I have certainly earned -some reward for them." Triçanku at once rose to heaven; but Indra -refused him admittance, and Triçanku began to sink again. In anger -Viçvamitra begins to found another heaven in the south, new gods and new -stars. Then the gods humbly entreat the saint to desist from conveying -Triçanku into heaven, but Viçvamitra had given his promise to Triçanku; -he must keep his word, and the gods must receive Triçanku. Then -Viçvamitra repairs to the west in order to begin further penances. After -a thousand years Brahman hails him as a sage. But Viçvamitra is resolved -to be a Brahman. He begins his penances once more, but is disturbed by -the sight of an Apsarasa, whom he sees bathing in the lake of Pushkara, -and for ten years he lies in her toils. Disgusted at his weakness -Viçvamitra repairs to the northern mountain, and there again undergoes -yet severer penances for a thousand years. Brahman now greets him as a -great sage; but Viçvamitra wishes to have the incomparable title of a -wise Brahman. This Brahman refuses because he has not yet fully mastered -his sensual desires. New penances begin; Viçvamitra raises his arms -aloft, stands on one leg, remains immovable as a post, feeds on nothing -but air, is surrounded in the hot season by four fires, and in the cold -by water, etc.--all which goes on for a thousand years. The gods are -alarmed at the power which Viçvamitra obtains by such penances, and -Indra sends the Apsarasa Rambha to seduce the penitent. Viçvamitra -resists, but allows himself to be transported with rage, and turns the -nymph into a stone. But anger also belongs to the sensual man, and must -be subdued. He leaves the Himalayas, repairs to the east, and there -resolves to perform the most severe penance; he will not speak a word, -and this penance he performs for a thousand years, standing on one leg -like a statue. The gods now beseech Brahman to make Viçvamitra a -Brahman, otherwise by the power of his penances he will bring the three -worlds to destruction; soon would the sun be quenched before the majesty -of the penitent. Brahman consents; all the gods go to Viçvamitra, pay -him homage and salute him: "Hail, wise Brahman!" Vasishtha hears of this -new dignity of Viçvamitra, and both now stand on the same footing. This -narrative teaches us not only that the power of the gods was nothing as -against the Brahmans, but also that it was easier to exercise compulsion -upon the gods, to create new gods and new stars, than for any one to -attain the rank of a Brahman who had been born as a Kshatriya.[370] - -Like Viçvamitra the heroes of antiquity were thought to have obtained -divine power by their penances. An episode, inserted by the Brahmans -into the Mahabharata, tells us how Arjuna, when the Pandus had been -banished into the forest after the second game of dice at Hastinapura, -practises severe penances on the Himavat, in order to obtain the weapons -of the gods for the conflict against the Kurus. Indra sends his chariot -in order to convey him to heaven, and there, in the heaven of Indra, -everything shines with a peculiar splendour. Here are the gods, the -heroes fallen in battle, sages and penitents by hundreds, who have -attained to the height of Indra, but not, as yet, to Brahman. Instead of -the blowing winds, his old companions in the fight, Indra is now -surrounded by troops of the Gandharvas, the heavenly musicians, and by -the Apsarasas. The gods and saints greet Arjuna to the sound of shells -and drums, and, as servants, wash his feet and mouth. Indra sits like -the king of the Indians under the yellow umbrella, with a golden staff -in his hands; he gives his bow to Arjuna; Yama, Varuna, and Kuvera (p. -160) also give him their weapons. Thus armed, Arjuna subdues in the -first place the Danavas, the sons of Danu (the evil spirits of darkness -and drought), whom Indra himself cannot overcome. For this object Indra -gives him his chariot, which is now yoked with ten thousand yellow -horses, and harness impenetrable as the air. Beyond the sea Arjuna comes -upon the hosts of the Danavas. They cover him with missiles, and then -contend with magic arts, with rain of stones and water and storms, and -shroud everything in darkness. Arjuna is victorious, though the Danavas, -at last changed into mountains, throw themselves upon him; and thus, as -is expressly said, he surpasses the achievements of Indra. Indra's -conflicts with the demons are transferred to Arjuna. We see to what an -extent the soaring fancy of the Brahmans has crushed and distorted by -these extravagances the simple and beautiful conception of Indra in -conflict with Vritra and Atri, the poetry of the ancient myth of Indra's -battle in the storm[371] (p. 48). - -It was a marvellous world which the imagination of the Brahmans had -created. The gay pictures, excited and nourished in the mind of the -Indians by the nature of the Ganges valley, became reflected in more -and more distorted and peculiar forms in the legends and wonders of the -great saints and heroes of the ancient time. The gods and spirits are -perpetually interfering in the life and actions of men. The saints -without intermission convulsed the sky, and played at will with the laws -of nature. The more the desire for the marvellous was satisfied, the -stronger it became. In order to go beyond what had been already achieved -brighter colours must be laid on; the power of the imagination must be -excited more vigorously, so as to enchain once more the over-excited and -wearied spirit. Thus, for the Indians, the boundaries of heaven and -earth gradually disappeared; the world of gods and that of men became -confounded in a formless chaos. The arrangement of the orders was of -divine origin; the gradations of being reached from the world-soul, -through the saints, the gods and spirits, down to plants and animals. -The earth was peopled with wandering souls; sacrifice, asceticism, and -meditation set man free not only from the impurity of sin, but also from -the laws of nature. They gave him powers transcending nature, which -raised him above the earth and the gods, secured divine power for him, -and carried him back to the origin and essence of all things. - -However fantastic this structure, the positive basis of it was supposed -to be revelation or the Veda. Extensive as the commentaries became owing -to the rivalry of the schools, vast as were the accumulations of ritual -and legends, of verbal explanations and sentences of the saints--the -main questions became only the more obscure. What saint was qualified to -decide? Which school taught the correct doctrine? By whom and in what -way was the Veda revealed? Were the words or the sense of the poems -decisive? How were the undeniable contradictions, the opposition -between various passages, to be removed? In order to obtain a firm -footing the Brahmans found themselves invariably driven back to the idea -of the world-soul. If in the interpretation of the words and the meaning -of the Veda, in the effort to smoothe down the contradictions between -them, and the necessity of finding a consistent mode of explanation and -proof, the Indian acuteness and delicate power of distinction grew into -a hair-splitting division of words and ideas, into the most minute and -complicated logic, the conception of the world-soul, the theories of the -creation, impelled them, on the other hand, to explain the whole life of -the world from one source, and to compass it with one measure. - -Forced as they were in these two directions, they were unavoidably -brought at last to attempt to establish the theory independently, to -construct Brahman and the world out of their nature and ideas. In all -advanced stages of rational thought, fancy, or its reverse-side, -abstraction, has seldom omitted to reflect the whole world as an -organised unity in the brain of man, and to bring the oppressive -multitude of things under some general conceptions and points of view. -In the schools of the Brahmans it was the formal side of these -philosophical efforts, the method of inquiry and investigation, in -connection with the sacred scriptures, religious traditions, and the -attempts to fix the interpretation of them, which was specially -developed. On the other hand, the anchorites in the forest opposed these -efforts from the opposite direction with the combined body of religious -conceptions, with their views of Brahman. The highest object of the -eremite was meditation, absorption in Brahman. The more uniform their -own lives, the stiller the life around them, the greater the ferment in -their minds. When these penitents were weary of the world of gods and -marvels which occupied their dreams, when the endless multitude of -bright pictures confounded their senses, they turned to the central -conception of the world-soul, and attempted to think of this more -deeply, acutely, comprehensively, to see the connection of Brahman and -the world more clearly, and explain it more distinctly. As the fancy, -and consequently the abstracting power of the Indians, was always -superior to the power of division, and remained the basis of their view -of the world, their constructive speculation, which was occupied with -the contents of their religious conceptions, surpasses their powers of -formal thought. The latter had indeed no other office than to arrange -and organise the pictures supplied by the former. - -The attempt to construct a world on general principles was neither -peculiarly bold nor peculiarly new. The way was prepared by the idea of -the world-soul as the origin and essence of the gods and the world, and -the path was opened for a constructive philosophy, developing the world -out of ideas and thoughts by this abstract single deity existing beside -and above the plurality of mythological forms, the exaltation of the -saints above the gods, and the consequent degradation of the latter, the -perpetual suspension of the natural order of things by the -transcendental and mystical world of the gods and saints, the removal of -the boundaries between heaven and earth, and the constant confusion of -the two worlds. After this, there was nothing remarkable in putting -abstract ideas in the place of the gods, and removing entirely the -distinction between the transcendental world and the world of sense. In -fact, the philosophy of the Indians is, in the first instance, nothing -but the dogmatism of the Brahmans translated into abstractions--nothing -but scholasticism, and their philosophical ethics no less than their -religious require the liberation from the body. - -Like all the productions of the Indian mind, with the exception of the -Veda, the philosophical systems of the Indians, which arose in the -seventh and sixth century B.C., are no longer before us in their -original shape. We only possess them in a pointed compendious form which -could not have been obtained without long labours, many revisions and -reconstructions--and which is in reality of quite recent date. We are -not in a position to ascertain the previous or intermediate stages -through which the Brahmans passed before they brought their system to a -close; here, as everywhere in India, the later forms have completely -absorbed their predecessors, the fathers are lost in the children. Hence -we can only guess at the original form of these philosophical systems. -Still the order of succession, and the essential contents, are fixed not -only on internal evidence--by the unalterable progress of development, -which cannot be passed over--but also by the fragments of genuine old -Indian philosophy contained in the system of Buddha, and in their turn -presupposing the existence of certain ideas and points of view.[372] - -The oldest system of the Indians contains much more theology than -philosophy. In part proceeding from the sacred scriptures and the -traditional side of religion, it is an explanation of the Veda; in part -it is an attempt to found a dogma on a basis of its own, on -philosophical construction. In this sense, regarded as exegetical -theology brought to a close by philosophical proof of dogma, this system -is denoted by the name Vedanta, _i.e._ end or object of the Veda. -Combined with the portion explanatory of the Veda, it is also -called Mimansa, _i.e._ inquiry; and the section which expounds -the ceremonial side of religion bears the name of the first or -work-investigation--Karma-mimansa; the speculative part is called -Uttara-mimansa (metaphysics), or Brahma-mimansa, _i.e._ investigation of -Brahman. The method of the first part, the investigation of works, is -obviously taken from the requirements of the situation at the moment, -and the process common in the schools of the Brahmans; the object was to -establish a definite kind of interpretation for explanation and -exegesis, and the development of dogma from the passages in the Veda. On -the consideration of a subject follows the doubt or the contradiction, -which has been or can be raised on the other side. The contradiction is -met by refutation on counter-grounds. This negative proof is followed by -positive proof, that the view of the opponents is in itself untenable -and worthless, and last comes the final proof of the thesis maintained -by demonstration that it agrees with the whole system. In this manner we -find philosophy treating first the authority of revealed scriptures, the -Veda, then the relation of tradition to it, the statements of the sages, -the commentary on the revelation. Then the variations and coincidences -of revelation and their inner connection are developed, and so the -system passes on to the explanation of the Veda. It is shown that all -passages in the Veda point directly or indirectly to the one Brahman. -At certain passages it is shown how a part of these plainly and another -part obscurely refer to Brahman, though even the latter refer to it as a -being worthy of divine reverence; another part of the passages in the -Veda point to Brahman as something beyond our knowledge. The -contradictions between the passages in the Veda are proved to be only -apparent. These explanations of the passages in the Veda are followed by -the doctrine of good works, as the means of salvation, which are either -external, like the observation of the ceremonial, the laws of -purification, or internal like the quieting and taming of the senses, -the hearing and understanding of revelation, and the acknowledgment of -Brahman.[373] - -The other part of the system, the Vedanta, leaves out of sight the -difficult task of proving the idea of Brahman from the Veda, and -bringing the two into harmony; it attempts to derive the existence and -nature of Brahman from the idea. Brahman--such is the line of argument -in the Vedanta--is the one eternal, self-existent essence, unalterable -and unchangeable. It developes into the world, and is thus creative and -created. As milk curdles, as water becomes snow and ice, Brahman -congeals into matter. It becomes first ether, then air, then fire, then -water, and then from water it becomes earth. From these elements arise -the finer and coarser bodies, with which the souls of the gods, spirits, -men and animals are clothed. These souls go forth from Brahman like -sparks from a crackling fire--a metaphor common in the book of the -law--they are of one essence with Brahman, and parts of the great -world-soul. This soul is in the world, but also outside and above it; to -it must everything return, for all that is not Brahman is impure, -without foundation, and perishable. - -In this view there lies a contradiction which could not escape the keen -penetration of a reflective spirit. Brahman is intended to be not only -the intellectual but also the material basis of the world. It is -regarded as absolutely non-material, eternal, and unchangeable, and yet -the material, changeable world is to rise out of it; the sensible out of -the non-sensible and the material out of the immaterial. In order to -remove this dualism and contradiction which the orthodox doctrine -introduced into Brahman, the speculation of the Brahmans seized upon a -means which if simple was certainly bold: they denied the whole sensible -world; they allowed matter to be lost in Brahman. There is only one -Being; this is the highest soul (_paramatman_, p. 131), and besides this -there is nothing: what seems to exist beyond this is mere illusion. The -world, _i.e._ matter, does not exist, but only seems to exist, and the -cause of this illusion is Maya or deception. Of this the sensible world -is a product, like the reflection of the moon in water, and the mirage -in the desert. Nature is nothing but the play of illusion, appearing in -splendour and then disappearing. It is deception and nothing else which -presents various forms to men, where there is only unity without -distinction. The movement and action of living beings is not caused by -the sparks of Brahman dwelling in them--for Brahman is consistently -regarded as single and at rest--but by the bodies and senses, which -being of themselves appearance and deception, adopt and reflect the -deception of Maya. By this appearance the soul of man is kept in -darkness, _i.e._ in the belief that the external world exists, and the -man is subject to the emotions of pain and joy. In his actions man is -determined by appearance and by the perception arising out of -appearance. In truth Brahman alone exists. It is only deception which -allows the soul to believe that it has a separate existence, or that the -perceptible world exists, or that there is an existent manifold world. -This deceptive appearance of the world, which seems to darken the pure -Brahman as the clouds darken the brightness of the sun, must be removed -by the investigation which teaches us the truth, that the only existing -being is the highest being, the world-soul. In this way the delusion of -a multiform world disappears. As the sunlight dispels mists, true -knowledge dispels ignorance, and destroys the glamour of Maya. This -knowledge is the way to liberation and the highest salvation. The -liberation of men from appearance, from the senses and the world of the -sense, from the emotions arising from these, is the knowledge that this -world of the senses does not exist, that the soul of a man is not -separated from the highest soul. Thus man finds the direct path from the -sensible world, the body and separate existence, to Brahman, by active -thought which penetrates deception. The sage declares: "It is not so, it -is not so;" he knows that the highest soul is all, and that he himself -is Brahman. Recognising himself as the eternal, changeless Brahman, he -passes into the world-soul; he who knows Brahman reposes in it beyond -reach of error. As the rivers flowing to the ocean disappear in it, -losing their names and form, so the man of knowledge liberated from his -name and his form passes into the highest eternal spirit. He who knows -this highest Brahman is freed from trouble and sin; from the bonds of -the body and the eye; he is lost in Brahman, and becomes himself -Brahman.[374] - -We cannot but acknowledge the capacity of the Indians for philosophic -speculations, and the vigour of thought which for the first time in -history maintained the thesis that our senses deceive us; that all which -surrounds us is appearance and deception--which denies the whole world -of things, and in opposition to the evidence of the tangible and actual -world, boldly sets up the inward capacity of knowledge, as a criterion -against which the evidence of the senses is not to be taken into -consideration. For a long time the actual world had been resolved into -the transcendental world of gods and saints; this is now contracted into -a simple substance, beyond and besides which nothing exists but -appearance. Instead of the appearance of the sensible world, in which -there is no being, there exists one real being, the one invisible -world-soul, which allows the corporeal world to arise into appearance -from it like airy bladders, and then again to sink back whence it came. -This universal deity is conceived as a being at rest; its activity and -development into a sensible world is only apparent. It is a Pantheism -which annihilates the world; matter and nature are completely absorbed -by the world-soul, are plunged and buried in it; the soul of a man is a -being only apparently separated from the world-soul. From these notions -the mission of a man becomes clear. He must turn from appearance; he -must unite with the world-soul by recognising the fact that all -perceptions and emotions come from the world of phenomena, and -therefore do not really exist; he must rise to the conception that only -Brahman exists, and that man is Brahman. If from an ancient period the -Indians were of opinion that they could draw down the gods to men by the -holy spirit ruling in their prayers and sacrifices--if the mortification -of the flesh in penances can give divine power and force to men--their -philosophy is no more than consistent, when by recognising the -worthlessness of sensible existence it allows Brahman to wake in the -human spirit, and thus re-establishes the unity of man with Brahman. - -The system of the Vedanta carried out the idea of Brahman so -consistently that the entire actual existence of the world is thus -annihilated. When once interest in speculation had been aroused, the -reaction against positions of this kind was inevitable. The reality of -actual things, the existence of matter, the certainty of the individual -existence, must be defended against such a doctrine. On these factors -was founded a new system, of which the founder in the tradition of the -Brahmans is called the Rishi Kapila. The name Sankhya given to this -system means "enumeration," "consideration." It maintains that reason -alone is in a position to lead man to a right view, to truth and -liberation.[375] It also exhibits the boldness arising from the fanciful -nature of the Indians; and as the Vedanta took up a position on the idea -of Brahman in order to wrest the world from its foundations, the Sankhya -system stands on the idea of the soul (_purusha_) and of nature or -matter (_prakriti, pradhana_). These two alone have existed from the -beginning, uncreated and eternal. Nature is uncreated and eternal, -creative and without cognition; the soul is also uncreated and eternal; -it is not creative but has cognition. All that exists is the effect of a -cause. The effect is limited in time and extension, subject to change, -and can be resolved into its origin, _i.e._ into its cause. As every -effect supposes a cause, every product supposes a producing force, every -limited an unlimited. If the limited or product is pursued from cause to -cause, there results the unlimited, eternal, creative, _i.e._ producing, -nature as the first cause of all that is produced and limited. But -beside nature there exists a second first cause. Nature is blind, _i.e._ -without cognition; "light cannot arise out of darkness," intelligence -cannot be the effect of nature. The cause of intelligence is the soul, -which though completely distinct from nature exists beside it. Nature is -eternal and one; the soul is also eternal, but manifold. Were the soul -one, it could not feel pain in one man at the same time that it feels -joy in another. The soul exists as the plurality of individual souls; -these existed from the beginning, and are eternal beside nature. But -they also entered into nature from the beginning. Their first case is -the primeval body (_linga_), which consists essentially of "I-making" -(_ahankara_), _i.e._ individualisation, and the primeval elements; the -second material body consists of the five coarse elements of ether, air, -light, water, earth. Neither the soul nor the primeval body dies, but -only the material body.[376] The primeval body accompanies the soul -through all its migrations; the material body is created anew at the -regenerations, _i.e._ the soul and the primeval body are constantly -clothed anew with new materials. The soul itself is uncreated, -unchangeable amidst all mutations, and eternal, but it does not carry -the consciousness of itself from one body to another. The soul is not -creative; it exercises no influence on nature; it is only perceptive, -observant, cognising, only a witness of nature. Nature is illumined by -the proximity of the soul, and the soul gives witness of nature; nature -takes its light from the soul, just as a white crystal appears red in -the proximity of a red substance.[377] - -The object of human life is to obtain liberation from the fetters of the -body which bind the soul. The office of true knowledge is to set the -soul free from the body, from nature. Man must grasp the difference of -the soul and the body; he must understand that beside the body and -nature, the soul is a completely self-existent being. The union of the -soul and the body is nothing but deception, error, appearance. "In -truth, the soul is neither bound nor free, nor a wanderer; nature alone -is bound or free or migratory."[378] The soul seems to be bound to -nature, but is not so. This appearance must be removed; the soul must -recognise that it is not nature. When the soul has once penetrated -nature it turns from it, and nature turns from the soul. The "unveiling -of the spirit" from the case of nature is the liberation of the soul; by -knowledge "release is brought about; by its opposite bondage."[379] By -conceiving the absolute independence of the soul, man sets himself free -from nature and his body; the idea of this independence is release. With -this idea the man of knowledge surrenders his body; he is no longer -affected or disturbed by it; even though his natural life continues, he -looks on the body only "as on the movement of the wheel by virtue of the -impulse once communicated to it."[380] - -In spite of the sharp contrast in which the doctrine of Kapila stands to -the system of the Vedanta, it works, in the last resort, with analogous -factors, only it applies them differently. The soul and nature were put -in the place of Brahman and Maya. Instead of the one intelligent -principle, which the Vedanta establishes in the world-soul, Kapila -maintains the plurality of individual spirits. In the Vedanta, it is -true, nature exists as an illusion only: still it is a factor, which -though it is also appearance, is nevertheless an existence, and in the -last resort exists in Brahman; it has ever to be overcome anew, and thus -in this system of unity, the basis is really a dualism. In the Sankhya -doctrine nature is actually and materially existent; but the intelligent -principle has to discover that this actually existent matter is, in -truth, not existent for it, and cannot fetter the soul. If in the -orthodox system the illusion of nature is to be annihilated by the free -passage of the individual into Brahman, the doctrine of Kapila requires -in the same way that man should rise to the idea that he is not nature, -that the body is not his being, that he is not matter; it requires that -man should be conscious of his freedom from nature, that he should -return to his independence, in the same way as the Vedanta requires the -absorption into Brahman. Then in the one case, as in the other, the -individual escapes the restless movement of the world. In both systems -the connection of the spirits and nature is only apparent, and the power -of this deception in the spirit is removed by knowledge. Both proceed -from the idea of an eternal being, self-contained, at rest, unmoved, -self-sufficient; this the Vedanta ascribes to Brahman, while the Sankhya -explains it as the nature of the soul. Nevertheless there is an -important difference. In the Sankhya the intellectual principle is not -the divine world-soul, which permits everything to emanate from itself -and return to itself; it is the individual self, and besides this and -material nature there is no real being, no real essence. If in the -Vedanta liberation is the identification with the world-soul or the -Godhead, liberation in the Sankhya is the retirement of the soul into -itself. According to the Vedanta the liberated man says, I am Brahman; -according to the Sankhya, I am not body nor nature.[381] - -In the certainty of conviction which the Sankhya doctrine opposed to the -orthodox system, in the clearness with which it drew out the -consequences of its point of view, in the boldness of scepticism -concerning the gods and revelation, in the courage with which it -protested against the regulations of the priests, and the whole -religious tradition of the people, lies its importance. By following the -rules of the Veda, so said the adherents of this philosophy, no peace -can be obtained; the means prescribed by the Veda are neither pure nor -of sufficient efficacy. How could it be a pure act to shed blood?--how -could sacrifices and ceremonies be of sufficient force? If they really -conferred the blessing of heaven, it could only be for a short time; the -blessing would merely last till the soul assumed a new body. Temporal -means could not give any eternal liberation from evil. The adherents of -Kapila explained the gods, including Brahman, to be souls, not much -distinguished from the souls of men; the more advanced denied their -existence altogether. There was no supreme soul, they said, and no god. -Even if there were a god, he must either be free from the world, or -connected with it. He cannot be free, for in that case nothing would -move him to creation, and if he were connected with the world he would -be limited by it, and could not be omniscient.[382] Thus not only were -the whole doctrine of Brahman and the whole system of gods overthrown, -but the authority of the Veda was annihilated on which the Brahmans -founded their belief no less than the worship by sacrifice, and with it -all revelation, all the positive basis of religious life. The doctrine -of Kapila found adherents. From orthodox scholasticism the Indian -philosophy very rapidly arrived at rationalism and scepticism, though -the latter, like the correct system, moved in scholastic forms and ended -with an unsolved dualism. - -While in this manner one constructive system superseded the other, the -formal side of knowledge did not remain without a keen and penetrating -examination. The objects and means of knowledge were tested; men -occupied themselves with fixing the categories of the idea, of doubt, of -contradiction, of fallacies, of false generalisation, and conversion; -and at last inquiries were made into the syllogism and the members of -it, and more especially into the categories of cause and effect. -Researches of this kind quickly grew into a system, the Nyaya or logic, -which chiefly used the results of the theory of knowledge to establish -the authority of the Veda, and overthrow the arguments brought against -the revelation of it.[383] In themselves, at any rate in the late form -in which we have them, the logical researches of the Indians are -scarcely behind the similar works of modern times in the acuteness and -subtilty of their categories. - -In the period between the years 800 and 600 B.C. the valley of the -Ganges must have been filled with the stir of intellectual life. No -doubt the times were long past when the ancient hymns of the Veda were -sung at the place of sacrifice, when the poems of victory and the heroic -deeds of men--the Epos in its original form--were recited at the courts -of princes or the banquets of the military nobility--the Kshatriyas. The -contest of the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas was also over; the Brahmans -had not only gained currency for their teaching in the sphere of -religion and the state, but had already developed it to its -consequences. They put before the princes and the people the canon of -correct life, of purity, of sins and penalties, of punishments beyond -the grave and regenerations, and held up the true law to the state. They -revised the Epos from their point of view; they established the ritual, -they justified every declaration and every ordinance in it from the -Veda, the sacred history; they explained the words and the sense of the -Veda; they went beyond the opposition of schools and authorities to -independent examination of the idea of Brahman, of the causes and -connection of the world, and to speculative philosophy. They have so -far succeeded that no nation has devoted its interest and power to -religion to the same degree as the Indians. The longer they lingered in -the magic world of gods and spirits, into which they were plunged by the -sacrifices, legends, and doctrines of the Brahmans, the more familiar -they became with these dreams, the more passive must they have grown to -the actual and prosaic connection of things, the more indifferent to the -processes going on in the world of reality. Hence in the end the Indians -knew more of the world of the gods than of the things of the earth; they -lived in the next world rather than in this. The world of fancy became -their fatherland, and heaven was their home. The more immutable the -limits of the castes, the heavier the taxation of the state, the greater -the caprice of the officers, the less the space left for the will or act -of the individual, the more uniform the life,--the more did the people -become accustomed to seek their fears and hopes in the kingdom of -fancies and dreams, in the world to come. Excluded from action in the -state, the Indians turned the more eagerly to the questions of worship -and dogma; for that was the only sphere in which movement found nothing -to check it, and the separation of the people into a number of tribes, -the mutual exclusiveness of the castes and local communities limited the -common feeling of the nation on the Ganges to the faith which they all -acknowledged. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[345] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2, 80. - -[346] M. Müller, "Hist. Anc. Skt. Lit." p. 469 ff. - -[347] "Rigveda," 1, 162, according to M. Müller's translation, _loc. -cit._ p. 553 ff. - -[348] "Çatapatha-Brahmana," 13, 3, 1, 1, in M. Müller, _loc. cit._ p. 37 -ff. - -[349] "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 1, 11 ff. A. Weber, "Vorles." s. 126^2. - -[350] "Vishnu-Purana," ed. Wilson, p. 470, 471. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." -2^2, 319, 346, 963, 1001. - -[351] M. Müller has placed the period of the origin of the Brahmanas in -the period from 800 to 600 B.C.--very successfully, so far as I can see. -The collection of the Atharvan will belong to the end of this period, -but not merely on the internal ground of the increase in the ceremonial -brought about with and through the Brahmanas. The book of the law -consistently cites the triple Veda; the sutras of the Buddhists and the -Epos as consistently cite four. That the magic formulas of Atharvan and -Angiras are quoted in Manu 11, 33, and not those of the Atharvaveda, -seems also to prove that the latter collection was not made when the -citations were written. Cp. A. Weber, "Vorl." s. 165^2. - -[352] "Rigveda," 10, 9, 5-7. - -[353] "Atharvaveda," 5, 19, 2, 1-5. - -[354] Darmesteter, "Haurvatat," p. 74. - -[355] "Atharvaveda," 2, 9. - -[356] "Atharvaveda," 1, 25, 2, 8, quoted by Grohmann in Weber's "Ind. -Stud." 9, 391, 403, 406 ff. If Takman is called Deva, this is due to the -connection in which he is placed with Varuna. Varuna sends diseases as -punishments, dropsy, as a water-god, but fever also, and thus Takman can -be called the son of Varuna. - -[357] "Rigveda," 1, 50, 11, 12; 10, 97. - -[358] Kuhn in his "Zeitschrift f. v. s." 13, 140 ff., where the -coincidence of the German language is pointed out. - -[359] M. Müller, "Hist. Anc. Skt. Lit." p. 230 ff.; 245 ff. A. Weber, -"Vorles." s. 48^2. - -[360] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 456. M. Müller, _loc. cit._ p. 305. -Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 474. - -[361] In the Brahmanas we only find traces of a quinquennial or -sexennial cycle. A. Weber, in "Z. D. M. G." 15, 132. The worship of the -Nakshatras, or houses of the moon, _i.e._ the division of the sky into -27 (later 28) parts by means of certain constellations as marks, is -first found in a developed form in Buddha's time, as is proved by -Burnouf and A. Weber ("Abh. d. Berl. Akad.," 1861, s. 320). Weber does -not believe in the Indian origin of these stations of the moon; he -regards them as Semitic, and borrowed from Babylonia, _loc. cit._ s. -363. The inquiry at what time these marks for the course of the moon -according to the position of the stars were made astronomical has led to -various results. Biot regards the year 2357 B.C. as the earliest point -(the original number of 24 stations was increased to 28 about the year -1100 B.C.). A. Weber thinks that the period between 1472 and 536 B.C. is -the space within which the observation of the Jyotisha was fixed -("Studien," 2, 240, 413, 414. "Abh. d. Berl. Akad." 1860, s. 284; 1861, -s. 354, 364), and shows that the use of these houses of the moon in -China, in the order usual there, cannot be proved before 250 B.C. The -Chinese order corresponds to the latest Indian arrangement of the -Nakshatras, cf. "Ind. Stud." 9, 424 ff., whereas the length given in the -Jyotisha for the longest and shortest day, suits the position of -Babylon, _loc. cit._ 1861, s. 361. The Veda knows the Nakshatras as -stars but not as stations of the moon, though they are known as the -latter in the Brahmanas. The Vedic names of several of the gods who -preside over the stations (Aryaman, Bhaga, etc.) prove a tolerably -ancient origin for the Nakshatras. The civic computation of time among -the Buddhists is founded on them. Hence we may assume that this division -of the sky was perhaps current among the Indians in the tenth century -B.C. - -[362] A. Weber, in "Abh. d. Berl. Akad." 1861, s. 291. - -[363] Manu, 3, 162; 6, 50. - -[364] A. Weber, "Vorl." s. 224 ff. The first traces of astrology in the -strict sense besides the mention in the book of the law are found in the -sutras of the Buddhists, _e.g._ in Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 140, 141, if -we do not prefer the accounts of the Greeks to those legends which were -written in Magadhi (Pali) the native language of Magadha, and the -central Ganges in general, and have come down in the form which they -received in the middle of the third century B.C., but also contain -fragments of far greater antiquity. In any case, preference must be -given to the simple sutras (Burn. _loc. cit._ p. 232), and these lay -great stress on the astrology and soothsaying of the Brahmans. After -this we meet with numerous traces of astrology in the Epos; but the -law-book of Yajnavalkya is the first to command the worship of planets. - -[365] M. Müller, _loc. cit._ p. 109 ff. - -[366] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 3, 245 ff. - -[367] A. Weber, "Indische Studien," 9, 2, 72, 74. - -[368] Manu, 1, 33-40, 61, ff. - -[369] Manu, 9, 31-34; 313-322. - -[370] "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 1, 51-65. In this extended form this -episode may, it is true, have first arisen at a much later time, as is -shown by the mention of Vishnu and Çiva, and the Yavanas (Greeks). If in -spite of these additions which are not important, I confidently place it -at this date, I do so because the importance of the penitent and his -power over the gods, the creation of beings by the penance of saints, -_i.e._ the degradation of the gods, must be placed before the appearance -of Buddha. This is the essential hypothesis for the religion which the -doctrine of Buddha found in existence. In the Mahabharata this legend is -told more briefly. Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 196 ff. - -[371] A. Weber, "Ind. Stud." 1, 414. - -[372] The Sankhya system, which Buddha found in existence, presupposes -the Vedanta system. The latter system must therefore have been in -existence before Buddha; Roer, "Lecture on the Sankhya Philosophy," -Calcutta, 1854, p. 19. The Vedanta is expressly mentioned in Manu, 2, -160, as belonging to the study of the Veda. The names Mimansa and Nyaya -are also mentioned in Manu, but only in the final part, which is very -loosely connected with the whole (12, 109, 111). - -[373] Colebrooke, "Miscellaneous Essays," 1, 325 ff. M. Müller, -"Beiträge zur Kenntniss der indischen Philosophie" in Z. D. M. G. 6, 6, -7. - -[374] Colebrooke, "Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society," II, 1. -Vans Kennedy, "Asiatic Journal," 1839, p. 441 ff. Köppen, "Religion des -Buddha," s. 57 ff. Wuttke, "Geschichte des Heidenthums," 2, 257, 281, -399 - -[375] It is in the later Upanishads that we first find the doctrine of -Kapila called by the name Sankhya, Weber, "Vorles." s. 212; "Ind. Stud." -9, 17. As with the Vedanta system, so also with the Sankhya: in the -Sankhya-Karika we have only a very late and compressed exposition in 72 -çlokas; but as Buddhism is founded on this system we are more certain -about the earlier form of it than in the case of the Vedanta. - -[376] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 511. - -[377] Roer, "Lecture," p. 15; Köppen, "Religion des Buddha," s. 65. - -[378] "Sankhya-Karika," çl. 63. - -[379] "Sankhya-Karika," çl. 44. Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 520, 522. - -[380] "Sankhya-Karika," çl. 67. By the side of this keen scepticism the -system of the Sankhya allows the gradation of creatures as fixed by the -Brahmans to remain, and the migration of souls with some slight -modifications. The lowest stage is formed by the minerals; above these -are the plants, reptiles, birds, wild animals, domestic animals. These -are followed by men in the order of the castes; and then come the -regenerations in the form of demons, Piçachas, Rakshasas, Yakshas and -Gandharvas; and last in the form of Indra, Soma, Prajapati, Brahman. -Barthelemy St. Hilaire, "sur le Sankhya," p. 286. - -[381] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 69. - -[382] Roer, "Lecture on the Sankhya Phil." p. 14; "Introduction to the -Çvetaçvatara-upanishad," p. 36; cf. "Sankhya-Karika," çl. 53-55. Muir, -"Sanskrit Texts," 3, 133 ff. - -[383] Muir, _loc. cit._ 3, 108 ff. - - - - -BOOK VI. - -BUDDHISTS AND BRAHMANS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE STATES ON THE GANGES IN THE SIXTH CENTURY B.C. - - -The list of the kings of Magadha, preserved not only among the Brahmans, -but from the seventh century B.C. downwards among the Buddhists who then -came forward to oppose them, allow us to assert with tolerable accuracy -that the dynasty of the Pradyotas, which ascended the throne of Magadha -in the year 803 B.C., was succeeded in 665 B.C. by another family, known -to the Brahmans as the Çaiçunagas.[384] The first two kings of this -house were Kshemadharman and Bhattya (the Kshatraujas of the Brahmans). -In 603 B.C. Bhattya was succeeded by his son Bimbisara. In the reign of -this king, according to the ancient sutras of the Buddhists, justice, -morals, and religion were regulated in Magadha and the neighbouring -states according to the wishes of the Brahmans. In these narratives we -find the rules of the law-book generally recognised and carried out in -all essential points, and in some respects they are even transcended. -The system of exclusive castes is complete. The stricter marriage law, -forbidding union with a woman of another caste, is victorious over the -more liberal view that the husband fixed the caste. "Brahmans marry -Brahmans only, nobles only nobles; a man takes a wife only from an equal -family."[385] Within the castes those of equal position are divided into -separate corporations. Among the Vaiçyas and Çudras, merchants, -artisans, barbers, form special castes, in which the occupation of the -father descends to the son; the son of a merchant is a merchant, and the -son of a butcher a butcher.[386] The laws on the order of the castes and -forbidden food were strictly observed. The lower and impure castes -thoroughly believe in their vocation. The Kshatriya, though sick to -death, refuses to take even as a remedy the forbidden onion (p. 169), -which the physician hands to him.[387] The Chandalas give notice of -their approach that the higher castes may not be rendered impure by -contact with them; they eat dog's flesh as the law requires, and carry -the dead out beyond the gates of the city.[388] Invested with the holy -girdle, the Brahmans, as the law directs (p. 173), bear continually in -their hands the staff of bamboo and the pitcher of water for -purification. The learned among them are occupied with the study of the -Veda; they recite the hymns, instruct pupils, and hold discussions on -theology and philosophy. Occasionally the princes take an interest in -these learned contests, and cause the disputations to go on at their -courts in their presence; one king favours this system, another that; -one protects this school, the other a different school. The penitent -Brahmans live as anchorites in the forest, in the mountains, on the holy -lakes Ravanahadra and Manasa, under Kailasa, the lofty peak of the -Himalayas. Some live in complete solitude, others dwell in such a manner -that a whole circle of settlements lie close together.[389] The -neighbours now and then combine for disputation, others give themselves -up in deep solitude to meditation and mortification. At that time -hundreds of these penitents are said to have lived on the holy lakes, -and the severity of their exercises appears already to have exceeded the -requirements of the book of the law. Some fast, others sit between four -fires, others perpetually hold their hands above their heads, others lie -on hot ashes, others on a wooden bed covered with sharp points.[390] -Other Brahmans, and it would appear a considerable number, wander as -mendicants through the land; others pursue the newly-discovered -avocations of astrology and sooth-saying;[391] others avail themselves -of the permission of the book of the law to drive the plough, and carry -on the business of a merchant.[392] Others think that they will find an -easier path to maintenance and money if they present the kings with -poems written in their praise, or give their daughters to be received -into the harem of princes. Not all Brahmans could read and write: many -confounded _Om_ and _Bhur_.[393] - -The life of the opulent classes, had become, it is said, easy and -luxurious. In such circles no one went without a servant to carry the -parasol and keep off the flies. The physician was sent for in every case -of sickness, and poor men entreated him not to order too costly -remedies. The lot of the beggar was considered miserable, because he -could not have a physician in sickness, or obtain medicine.[394] -Industry and trade flourished in spite of the hindrances thrown in the -way by the system of caste, or the taxation, which, as is shown by many -indications beside the directions in the book of the law, was severe. -That Magadha, even before the sixth century, was the seat of a lively -trade, we may conclude from the fact that the merchants are called -simply "Magadhas" in the book of the law. Caravans under the guidance of -a chief convey the wares from one city to another on camels, elephants, -oxen, and asses, or on the shoulders of bearers, till the sea-coast is -reached. Stuffs and woven cloths, especially silk of Varanasi, -sandal-wood, saffron and camphor, horses from the north, "noble Sindhu -horses," are mentioned as the commonest articles of traffic.[395] As the -most important the book of the law enumerates precious stones, pearls, -corals, iron, woven cloths, perfumes and spices, and advises the man who -wishes to amass money quickly to go to sea; "he who will obtain wealth -most quickly must not despise the dangers and misery of the great -ocean." According to the statements of the sutras the merchants go by -hundreds over the sea. The costly sandal-woods of the Malabar coasts are -embarked at Çurparaka (which must no doubt be looked for at the mouth of -the Krishna); from thence men sailed past Tamraparni (Ceylon) in order -to buy precious stones on a distant island.[396] In the larger cities -the merchants formed corporations, the chiefs of which treat with the -kings in the names of the whole;[397] some especially-favoured merchants -obtained the privilege of receiving their wares free of toll. The great -merchants in the cities did not find it necessary to pay at once for the -wares which came from a distance. They printed their seal on the bales -which they would buy, and paid a small deposit.[398] The members of the -family work at their occupation in common; while one brother stays at -home and attends to the sale, the others go with the caravans or are at -sea.[399] In these circles no one marries till he has amassed a certain -sum of money. The profits of the merchants appear to have been easy and -large, though their journeys were attended with danger. They were not -only threatened with the exactions of tax-gatherers and attacks of -robbers, but were exposed to great temptations in the cities. Mistresses -could be found there, "whose bodies were soft as the lotus flower, and -shone in gay attire." These, no doubt, gave themselves up to the young -travellers at no inconsiderable price.[400] - -The kings of Magadha resided at Rajagriha, _i.e._ the king's house, a -city which lay to the south of the Ganges and the east of the Çona. The -sutras mention Prasenajit, king of the Koçalas, who, as already -remarked, lay on the Sarayu, and Vatsa, the son of Çatanika, king of the -Bharatas, as contemporaries of Bimbisara, king of Magadha, and his son -Ajataçatru. Hence the reigns of Prasenajit and Vatsa may be placed in -the first half and about the middle of the sixth century B.C. Both -princes are mentioned in the tradition of the Brahmans. In the -Vishnu-Purana, Prasenajit is the twenty-third ruler of the Koçalas after -the great war. Vatsa is the twenty-fifth successor of Parikshit, who is -said to have ascended the throne of Hastinapura after the victory and -abdication of the sons of Pandu.[401] The kings of the Koçalas had -built a new city, Çravasti, to the north of their ancient capital -Ayodhya; the kings of the Bharatas resided at Kauçambi on the Ganges. To -the north of the kingdom of Magadha, on the other bank of the Ganges, -lay the commonwealth of the Vrijis on the Gogari, and the kingdom of -Mithila; to the east on both shores of the Ganges were the Angas, whose -capital appears to have been Champa (in the neighbourhood of the modern -Bhagalpur); to the west of Magadha on the Ganges were the Kaçis, whose -capital was Varanasi (Benares). The colonies of the Arians had advanced -and their territory had been extended to the south both on the east and -west. This is not merely proved by the mention of Çurparaka, for the -sutras of the Buddhists tell us of a great Arian kingdom on the northern -spur of the Vindhyas, the metropolis of which was Ujjayini (Ozene in -western writers) on the Sipra, and adjoining this on the coast was the -kingdom of Surashtra (Guzerat).[402] - -The life of the kings on the Ganges is described by our authorities in -glowing colours. Their palaces are spacious, provided with gardens and -terraces for promenading. Besides the women and servants, the bodyguard -and the executioners clothed in blue are domiciled in the royal -citadels. The princes eat off silver and gold, and are clothed in silk -of Varanasi. Friendly princes make handsome presents to each other, -_e.g._ suits of armour adorned with precious stones.[403] Their edicts -and commands are composed in writing and stamped with the seal of -ivory.[404] The labours of government are relieved by the pleasures of -the chase. In sickness the princes are served with the most select -remedies. When Bimbisari's son and successor fell down one day in a -swoon, he was placed in six tubs full of fresh butter, and afterwards -in a seventh filled with the most costly sandal-wood.[405] The harem of -the king was numerous, and the women had great influence; the children -which they bore were suckled by nurses, of whom one child had at times -eight.[406] Any one who ventured to cast a look upon one of the wives of -the king forfeited his life. When one of the wives of Prasenajit, king -of the Koçalas, was walking in the evening on the terrace of the palace -she saw the handsome brother of the king, and threw him a bouquet; when -this came to the ears of Prasenajit, he caused the feet and hands of his -brother to be cut off.[407] The same cruel and barbarous character marks -all the punishments inflicted by the king. On the order of a king whose -mildness and justice are commended, all the inhabitants of the city are -said to have been put to death on account of an error committed by one -of them.[408] If any one had to make a communication to the king, or lay -any matter before him, he first besought that he might not be punished -for his words. No one approached the king without a present; least of -all merchants. Happy events were announced by princes to their cities by -the sound of bells. Stones, gravel, and dirt were then removed from the -streets, which were sprinkled with sandal-water and strewed with flowers -and garlands, and silken stuffs were hung along them. At certain -distances jars filled with frankincense were placed; and if a guest of -distinction was to be received the ways were cleansed for a considerable -space before the gates, smoothed, and perfumed, and furnished with -standards, parasols, and resting-places of flowers.[409] - -We have already remarked how unfamiliar the abstract god which the -Brahmans had placed at the head of their theory remained to the people, -both in his impersonal and personal form. They had been more deeply -influenced by the degradation of the old gods, introduced by the -Brahmans in consequence of their religious system (p. 287). Yet it was -not so much these doctrines which caused the old gods to lose their -primitive power, and complete charm over the hearts of men, as the fact -that the motives which now governed the life of the Aryas were wholly -different from those which had filled them in old days on the Indus. -Indra, the hurler of the thunder-bolt, had fought with the tribes whose -offering of Soma he had drunk. The storm of the elements characteristic -of the Panjab was unknown on the Ganges; and in the civilised conditions -of a peaceful, obedient, quiet life the old slayer of the demons could -no longer excite the lively feelings of the people. The Brahmans might -recede ever further from nature; the people, the peasants and herdmen, -remained in constant contact with her, and with the phenomena of the sky -and the vegetative life of the earth; they felt themselves continually -surrounded by the mighty operations of nature. The feeling and faith of -the people required a more personal, present, living power, which -assured them of help and protection. While the Brahmans wearied -themselves with abstractions and philosophic systems, the needs of the -multitude, the poetical vein of the Indian nation, its realism as -opposed to the spiritualism of the priests and Brahmans, struck out new -paths. So it came about that as the supreme deities of the most ancient -and the early periods faded away more and more, as Mitra and Varuna, -Indra and Ushas passed into the background, forms hitherto little -regarded rose up out of the circle of these spirits, which were akin to -the present instincts and needs of the nation, the immediate modes of -feeling, and in closer relation to them. This movement was not confined -to the people; within the circles of the Brahmans, who were not wholly -given up to abstractions, the want of a living power, governing the -world, could not but be felt.[410] - -In the hymns of the Rigveda a god Vishnu is invoked, though but little -prominence is given to him. He is called a friend and comrade of Indra; -it said of him that he walks over the seven parts of the earth; that he -plants his foot in three places. The "far-stepping" Vishnu is invited -with Mitra, Varuna, and Aryaman to give salvation. He dwells in the -height; his exalted habitation, where honey flows, beams with clear -light. He sustains trebly the sky, the earth, and all worlds; he walks -with three steps through the wide firmament. He walks through the worlds -to secure long life for men. Not even the soaring winged birds could -reach up to his third step. He hastens on to ally himself with the -beneficent Indra; he favours and protects the Aryas. Fired by hymns of -praise Vishnu himself yokes the mighty mares, and dashes into the battle -in his youth and strength, accompanied by the Maruts. "Friend Vishnu," -said Indra, when planning the death of Vritra, "step out wide; thou -heaven, give room, that the thunder-club may descend; let us smite -Vritra and set the waters free. O strong god (Indra), in concert with -Vishnu thou hast smitten Vritra; thou hast smitten Ahi who held back the -waters." "Ye two heroes, who bring to nought the magic powers of the -hostile spirits, to you I bring songs of praise and sacrifice. Ye have -always conquered, ye have never been overcome. Come ye, Indra and -Vishnu, to the draught of Soma, bring treasures with you; may your -mares, which overpower the foe, sharing in your victories, bring you -hither; may our songs anoint you with the ointment of prayer. Rejoiced -by the draught of Soma, take ye your wide steps; make wide the -atmosphere and spread out the earth. Grant us rich sustenance in our -houses." "No mortal, O Vishnu, knows the uttermost limits of thy -greatness; thou hast surrounded the earth on both sides with beams of -light. Never does the man repent it, who serves the far-stepping Vishnu -with all his heart, and makes the mighty one favourable. Grant us, O -swift god, thy favour graciously, which includes all men; thy favouring -glance, that abundance, treasures, and horses may be ours. Thrice the -swift god stepped through the earth that he might make it to be a -dwelling for men."[411] - -Hence we must regard Vishnu, whose dwelling is in the height of heaven, -as a swift spirit of light. Invoked in the hymns of the Veda beside the -Adityas or spirits of light, he is not definitely named as such, though -we cannot refuse to him a close connection with the sun when we consider -the further development of the conception formed of him. As he supports -Indra in the battle against the demons, he must be regarded, like him, -as a protector against the evil ones, a giver of water and wealth. His -kindly feeling towards men, his beneficent acts are brought into -prominence. Hence from the early point of view he was a god bringing -blessing and help. The three steps are explained by the Mahabharata as -the earth, the air, and the heavens;[412] other explanations refer them -to the light of the sun at morning, noon, and evening. The Brahmanas -reckon Vishnu among their twelve Adityas (instead of the seven or eight -of the Rigveda), and give a myth of Vishnu. The Aitareya-Brahmana calls -him the gate-keeper, but also the highest deity, as Agni is the lowest; -the rest of the gods are between them. Leaning on his bow Vishnu stood, -as the Çatapatha-Brahmana relates, while the rest of the gods sacrificed -to Kurukshetra; the ants ate through the string, the bow sprung back and -tore off Vishnu's head, which now flew through heaven and earth. The -body was divided by the gods into three parts; Agni took the morning -sacrifice, Indra that at mid-day, and all the rest the third sacrifice. -But they received no blessing from their headless sacrifice, till the -Açvins, who were skilled in the art of healing, put back the head on the -sacrifice. Further, by sacrifice and penance Vishnu became the first of -the gods; in order to wrest this place from him the other gods caused -the ants to eat through the string and then divided Vishnu, the -sacrifice, into three parts.[413] Here the gods are found sacrificing a -god, but the self-sacrifice of the gods is common in the Brahmanas. -Mystical conceptions of this kind naturally remained outside the -national religion. The view of the Aitareya-Brahmana is nearer the -popular mind--that Vishnu took away from the Asuras the world of which -they had possessed themselves, and gave it back to the gods. This idea -is carried out in the Epos: Bali, a great Asura, had gained the dominion -over the earth, and conquered the gods; in order to help the gods out of -their distress Vishnu assumes the form of a dwarf, and entreats Bali to -allow him space for three steps of his dwarfish feet. Having obtained -his request he takes possession of earth, air, and heaven in three great -steps, hurls the Asura into hell, and thus, by the liberation of the -world and the gods, he became the younger brother of Indra.[414] - -This mighty god, the ruler of earth and heaven, this swift, bright, -friendly helper of gods and men, was invoked by the nation on the Ganges -as their best protecting deity. It was no doubt the helpful nature of -Vishnu, the characteristic celebrated in the songs of the Veda and in -the legends, which permitted this change. In the plains of the Ganges -fruit and increase naturally depended on the period of rain, on the -regular rise and overflow of the river, not on violent crises in the -sky, or the tempestuous storm in which Indra was still the ruling deity; -in this district the blessing of the land, the life-giving, fructifying -power of nature, could be ascribed to a deity who worked his beneficial -will in a ceaseless persistent course. In the book of the law Vishnu is -hardly mentioned; only once, in the addition at the close, is reference -made to his swift approach;[415] on the other hand, in the ancient -sutras of the Buddhists, Vishnu appears under the names Hari and -Janardana as a widely-honoured deity.[416] - -Rudra, the god of the storm, is repeatedly invoked in the Rigveda. -Derived from the tumult of the tempest, the name signifies "the roarer," -"the howler." He is the father of the Maruts, or winds, the god whom no -other surpasses in strength, terrible as a wild beast, as the boar of -the sky. Red or brown in colour, he wears his hair closely braided (an -idea no doubt taken from the clouds gathered together by the -storm-wind); the swift strong arrows from his mighty bow force their way -from heaven to earth; he is the lord of the heroes, the slayer of men. -"Bring to the venerable Rudra the draught of the Soma; I have praised -him with the heroes of the sky,"--so we are told in some prayers of the -Rigveda. "Submissively we call on the red boar of the sky; be gracious -to us, to our children and descendants! Smite neither the great nor the -small among us, neither father nor mother, neither our cattle nor our -horses. Listen to our prayers, father of the Maruts." "May Rudra's arrow -pass by us; may the spear which travels over the earth touch us not. May -the weapons which slay men and cows remain far from us! Grant us refuge -and protection; take thou our side. Remove from us sickness and want, -thou who art easily entreated. Thou bearest in thy hand a thousand -remedies; these I desire with the favour of Rudra. Be gracious to the -wandering sources of our nourishment; let our cows eat strengthening -plants, and drink abundant life-giving water. For our men and women, for -our horses, rams, sheep and cows, Rudra secures health and -prosperity".[417] It is the wild injurious force of the storm, the force -that carries off men and animals, which these prayers would avert, and -the beneficial consequences of this storm, the filling of springs and -streams, the refreshment of the meadows, the cooling and purification of -the air, are the blessings which these prayers would win from the double -nature of the easily entreated god. By the remedies which Rudra carries -in his hand along with the mighty bow the beneficial consequences of the -storm are no doubt to be understood. In the Atharvaveda, Rudra with -Bhava is invoked under the name of Çarva as a mighty, darkly-glancing -archer, with black hair, a thrower of the spear, who dashes on with a -thousand eyes, and slays the Andhakas. Here also he is entreated not to -be angry, not to smite men nor cattle, to hurl his heavenly weapons -against others and not against his suppliant.[418] He is more highly -exalted still in the Çatapatha-Brahmana, which unites in him the -attributes and functions of various gods, of Vayu, Chandra, Bhava, -Parjanya, _i.e._ the rain-god, and of Agni, represents the gods as -afraid of his power, and denotes him by the name Mahadeva (great god). A -long and extraordinary prayer which this Brahmana prescribes for -appeasing him, ascribes to him the most extensive power: it calls him -the inhabitant, the lord of the mountains, forests, and fields, of the -wild beasts, of the streets and hosts, who slays from before and from -behind, red in colour, with a blue neck. If the anger of the mighty -deity is appeased, he brings rain and blessing, and then he is the -gracious one, Çiva. The fruitfulness of this deity and the necessity of -propitiating him appear to have brought it about that this name, which -is found as an epithet of other gods, became his peculiar title. In the -old sutras of the Buddhists he is thus called, though he more frequently -bears the name Çankara, _i.e._ bringer of happiness. - -We see that the deity whose strong power drove up the rain-clouds to the -coast of Surashtra (Guzerat) and the heights of the Himalayas was -victorious over the ancient god of tempest. In this god there was a -destroying power, but his anger and rage were followed by the -fructifying showers of rain, causing vegetation to revive and the -springs to flow, cooling the air and refreshing man and beast. So the -nation looked up with thankful eyes to the god of storm who had now, in -reality, become a god of increase and prosperity, a healer of wounds and -sickness, as was already indicated in the poems of the Rigveda. Among -his retinue is a being of the name of Nandin, who appears later as a -bull, and is without doubt nothing more than an indication of the wild -force of the storm, and its fruitful operation.[419] As he is more -especially a lord of the mountains, and is said to be throned on -Kailasa, and the Ganges flows down over his head, as the Epos represents -the heroes as going to the Himalayas to worship Çiva, and the storm -rages fiercest in the hills, we may assume that it was the inhabitants -of the Western Himalayas who elevated Rudra-Çiva to be their protecting -deity, just as Vishnu became the god of the nations on the Ganges.[420] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[384] Cp. p. 76, 145, 321. - -[385] Burnouf, "Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme," p. 208, 209, -151. - -[386] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 152. - -[387] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 150. - -[388] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 138, 205, 208. - -[389] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 157, 172. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1, -581-585. - -[390] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 138, 415. - -[391] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 141, 149, 343. - -[392] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 141. - -[393] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 139, 140, 149. _Supra_, p. 173. - -[394] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 236, 420. - -[395] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 241, 244 ff. "Dhammapadam," translated by -A. Weber, 322. - -[396] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 223, 238. - -[397] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 247. - -[398] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 245, 246. - -[399] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 240. - -[400] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 146, 187. - -[401] Above, p. 95. Our chronology for the epochs of Indian history -depends essentially on fixing two points. The first is the accession of -Chandragupta in Magadha, already mentioned, from which the year 315 B.C. -is certain (cp. _infra_); the second point is the year of Buddha's -death. The Bhagavata-Purana puts Buddha's death 2000 years after the -beginning of the Kaliyuga (_supra_, p. 77); such a round number and so -general a date cannot lay claim to credibility. Besides this we have a -number of other Brahmanic statements about the date of Buddha's life, -varying more or less, but equally untrustworthy. More weight would -naturally be ascribed to the statements of the Buddhists; yet even these -differ widely from each other. The Thibetans have fourteen different -statements about the year of Buddha's death, which cover the interval -from 2422 to 546 or 544 B.C. The Chinese Buddhists as a rule assign -Buddha's death to the year 950 B.C., but Buddhism did not reach the -Chinese till after the birth of Christ. The most trustworthy statement -seems to be that of the Singhalese. Buddhism reached them soon after the -year 250 B.C.; from the year 161 B.C. their chronology agrees with -existing inscriptions: their chronological system and their era is based -on the year of Buddha's death, which they place in 543 B.C. If this date -is compared with the Brahmanic list of kings of Magadha we get the -following results: Before Chandragupta the dynasty of the Nandas reigned -for 88 years according to the Brahmanic accounts, and 22 according to -the Singhalese. On this point I agree with Lassen and Gutschmid in -preferring the statement of the Brahmans, because the error of the -Singhalese may very easily have arisen from the fact that the reign of -22 years, which they give to the sons of Kalaçoka, was incorrectly -repeated for the following dynasty. According to this the first Nanda -ascended the throne of Magadha in the year 403 (315+88). From this year -the items on the Singhalese list carry us up to the year 665 B.C. for -the accession of Kshemadharman (Çiçunaga), and the year 603 B.C. for the -commencement of the reign of Bimbisara (Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 79 -ff.), who is succeeded by Ajataçatru eight years before Buddha's Nirvana -("Mahavança," 2, 32, p. 10, ed. Turnour), which thus falls in the year -543 B.C. If we keep to the Singhalese date for the Nanda dynasty, we -arrive at the year 477 B.C. for Buddha's death. Bimbisara ascended the -throne 198 years according to the Matsya-Purana, and 193 years according -to the Vayu-Purana, before the first Nanda. If the year 403 B.C. marks -the accession of the Nandas, Bimbisara according to the Matsya-Purana -began to reign in 601 B.C., and according to the Vayu-Purana in 590 B.C. -Between Bimbisara's accession in 603 B.C. and the end of Açoka of -Magadha there intervene, according to the statements of the Buddhists, -375 years. If with this we compare the dates of the reigns in the list -of kings in the Vayu-Purana from Bimbisara to Açoka, we get 378 years -from the first year of Bimbisara to the last year of Açoka. There is -also another fact which agrees with the era 543 _B.C._ According to the -statements of the Singhalese the second synod of the Buddhists was held -100 or 110 years after Buddha's death, in the reign of Kalaçoka, _i.e._ -in 443 or 433 B.C. ("Mahavança," ed. Turnour, p. 15). Of these two -statements it is obvious that the more definite, 110 years, is more -deserving of credit. According to the detailed statements of the -Singhalese for the time of the separate reigns, Kalaçoka's reign begins -90 years after Buddha's death, _i.e._ 453; he reigns 28 years according -to the Singhalese, _i.e._ if we reckon up the single items from -Chandragupta (the Nandas 80, and Kalaçoka's sons 22 years) from 453 to -425 B.C. In this way the era of the Singhalese and the year of Buddha's -death are completely justified. Still the year is not wholly beyond a -doubt. According to the statement of the native Singhalese, Chandragupta -ascended the throne 162 years (and the various items agree with this -total) after Buddha's death, _i.e._ 162 years after the year 543 B.C., -and therefore in the year 381 B.C., but we know that his accession took -place in 315 B.C. Here we find an error of 66 years, which however we -have already removed by adopting the Brahmanic statement of 88 years for -the dynasty of the Nandas instead of the 22 years of the Singhalese. -Further, it does not agree with the era of 543 B.C., when we are told by -the Singhalese that the third Buddhist synod was held 118 years after -the second, _i.e._ 228 years after Buddha's death. We know from -inscriptions that this synod met in the seventeenth year of Açoka, -Chandragupta's second successor. Açoka reigned from 265 to 228, or from -263 to 226 B.C.: his seventeenth year reckoned from 265 would be 249 -B.C.; if we add to this 228 years we get 477 B.C. for the year of -Buddha's death; thus we have here again the same error of 66 years. -Lastly, it does not agree with the era of 543 B.C. when we are told that -the fourth Buddhist synod was held 400 years after the death of Buddha, -under Kanishka, king of Cashmere. Kanishka is a contemporary of Augustus -and Antonius (Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2, 412, 413); and according to -this statement, therefore, Buddha would have died about the year 400 -B.C. As the number of 400 years given for the fourth synod is -nevertheless designedly a round number, little weight is to be placed -upon it, and the year 543 can be kept as the year of Buddha's death. -Before the dynasty of the Nandas in Magadha (403-315 B.C.) the throne -was occupied by the Kshatrabandhus or Çaiçunagas for 262 years (665-403 -B.C.); before these came the Pradyotas with 138 years (803-665 B.C.), -who were again preceded (as is shown above, p. 77) by the Barhadrathas -with 615 years, _i.e._ from 1418 to 803 B.C. (Cf. Gutschmid in "Beiträge -zur Geschichte des alten Orients," s. 76, 87, and in "Zeitschrift d. D. -M. G." 18, 372 ff.) - -[402] As the Arian colonists go from Surashtra to Ceylon about the year -500 B.C., this kingdom must have been in existence in the sixth century -B.C. Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 166 ff. - -[403] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 427. - -[404] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 407. - -[405] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 245. - -[406] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 237, 432. - -[407] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 146, 514. - -[408] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 423. - -[409] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 175, 261, 380. - -[410] If I ascribe the rise of Vishnu and Çiva primarily to the people, -this is done because the need pointed out must have been felt most -deeply by them; two rival deities would never have been elevated to -supreme positions if the movement had not begun from beneath, and the -life in two different districts had not formed the starting-point. - -[411] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 4, 67 ff. - -[412] "Vanaparvan," 484 ff. in Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 136. - -[413] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 124 ff., 127. - -[414] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 131, 252 ff. The epithet of Vishnu, Upendra, -_i.e._ Beside-Indra, points to this position. - -[415] Manu, 12, 121. - -[416] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 137; A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 2, 20; -Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 918. - -[417] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 300-320. - -[418] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 184, 230, 269. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 922. -On the seats of the worship of Çiva on the coasts of the Deccan in the -Mahabharata, cp. Muir, _loc. cit._ 44, 28, 285. - -[419] _Nandin_ means having delight, delighted. - -[420] In the book of the law Vishnu is mentioned once only (12, 121), -and Çiva not at all. The old sutras of the Buddhists, on the other hand, -as has been stated, mentioned Çiva frequently under the name Çankara, -and Vishnu under the names Hari and Janardana. Lassen has rightly -perceived that the Narayana of the ancient sutras and of the law-book -was not yet Vishnu, but Brahman, and Narayana was not transferred to -Vishnu till later ("Alterth." 1^2, 918; 2^2, 464). The Mahavança (7, 47, -ed. Turnour) mentions Vishnu as the tutelary deity of the earliest -settlers in Ceylon. This settlement took place about 500 B.C., while -Çiva appears as the tutelary deity of the somewhat more ancient Mathura -in the south. The rise of the worship of Çiva and Vishnu according to -these indications must be placed between 600 and 500 B.C. Panini is -acquainted with Avataras of Vishnu (Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 921); in -the accounts of the Greeks Krishna is already identified with Vishnu, -and is widely worshipped both in the valley of the Ganges and in the -extreme south of India, while Çiva is worshipped in the mountains. The -development of this worship must therefore have taken place between 500 -and 300 B.C., and no doubt chiefly in the second part of this period. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -BUDDHA'S LIFE AND TEACHING. - - -So far as we can ascertain the conditions of the states on the Ganges in -the sixth century B.C. the population suffered under grievous -oppression. To the capricious nature of the sentences pronounced by the -kings and the cruelty of their punishments were added taxes and -exactions, which must have been severely felt over wide circles. The -sutras tell us that a king who required money received this answer from -his two first ministers: "It is with the land as with grains of sesame; -it produces no oil unless it is pressed, cut, burnt, or pounded."[421] -The arrangement of castes now stamped in all its completeness on the -population of the Ganges; the irrevocable mission apportioned to each -person at his birth; the regulations for expiation and penance, which -the Brahmans had introduced; the enormous amount of daily offerings and -duties; the laws of purification and food, the neglect or breach of -which involved the most serious consequences, unless averted by the most -painful expiations, were serious burdens in addition to the oppression -exercised by the state. If the expiation of offences often unavoidable -was difficult, the most carefully-regulated life, the most pious -fulfilment of all offerings and penances, did not protect men from evil -regenerations. For time consumed the merit of good works, and man was -born again to a new life, _i.e._ to new misery. Thus not even death -brought the end of sorrow; it was not enough to bring to a close a -laborious life; even if after this life a man were not tormented in hell -for unexpiated transgressions, he was born again to ever new sorrows and -pains. One way only was known to the Brahmans by which a man might -possibly escape this fate;--flight from the world; the voluntary -acceptance of the most severe unbroken torture imposed upon the body; -the annihilation of the body and finally of the soul by absorption -through meditation into Brahman. Did a man really arrive at the goal by -this rough way?--did he by inexorable persecution of himself to the -extremest limits become elevated above a new birth, and so above a new -torture of life? - -The conception of such endless torment must have pressed the more -heavily upon the people as the hot climate in which they lived naturally -awaked in them the desire for repose, a desire which increased with the -increasing oppression of the state and religious duties, and was -strengthened by the fact that these causes at the same time allowed the -resistance which every healthy and strong nation can make to such -oppressions and demands to slumber. But complaint was inadmissible. All -the misfortune which a man had to bear now and expect in the future was -not an unmerited disaster, but a just ordinance of the righteous -arrangement of the world, the verdict and expression of divine justice -itself. Whether any one was born as a man or an animal, his position and -caste, and the conditions of his birth, the fortune he experienced, were -consequences, the reward or punishment, of actions done in a previous -state of existence; they were the sentences of a justice which none -could escape, of the divine order of the world, to which a man must -submit without murmurs. The Brahmans were right, the world was full of -evils; life was a chain of miseries, and the earth a vale of misery. -Pity and grace were nowhere to be found, only justice and punishment, -only righteous retribution. In past days, indeed, the Aryas had cried to -Varuna to be gracious, to pardon and blot out the offences which men had -committed against the gods, intentionally or involuntarily, from an evil -heart or from weakness and seduction (p. 53). But the theory which the -Brahmans had subsequently elevated to be the highest duty was without -sympathy or pity; it could only allot to every man, in the alternation -of birth and decay, the fruits of his deeds. No doubt the people, -impelled by the necessity to have above them conceivable, -comprehensible, helpful spirits, elevated Vishnu and Çiva from among the -faded and dishonoured forms of the ancient deities to be the protecting -powers of their life in opposition to the god of the Brahmans; but -though these gave rain and increase to the pastures and the fields, -though they cherished kindly feelings towards men, they were powerless -against the punishments after death, against regenerations, or the -existing order of the world, against the merciless justice of the gods, -which recompensed every one inexorably according to his works, and -caused every one to be born again without end to new torments. The old -healthy pleasure in life which would live for a hundred autumns, and -then looked forward to an entrance into the heaven of Yama, and -participation in the joys of that heaven with the company of the -fathers, was past. While all other nations almost without exception -regarded death as the worst of evils, and painfully sought to secure -continuance after death, the Indians were now tortured by the -apprehension that they could not die, that they must live for ever, they -filled with terrors their conception of life after death, of the endless -series of regenerations to a perpetually new life. - -Was there really no mercy on earth or in heaven, no grace, no means of -release from these never-ending torments? Was the long series of -sacrifices with their endless prescripts for every step, the multitude -of rules of purification, the performance of penance for every stain, -absolutely indispensable if the Brahmans themselves allowed that this -whole sanctity of works merely bestowed merits of a second rank, and -that the treasure even of good works could be exhausted by time? Was -this arrangement of castes and the observance of their duties absolutely -irrevocable? The Brahmans required the study of the Veda not only from -their own order but also from the Kshatriyas and the Vaiçyas. Did not -the book of the law contain the requirement (p. 184) that every Dvija, -after satisfying the duties of his order, and of the father of a family -(Grihastha) should become an eremite (Vanaprastha) and penitent -(Sannyasin)? Had not the Sankhya, the doctrine of Kapila, called in -question the merit of the sacrifice and the customs of purification? -Asceticism, it is true, again removed the distinctions of the orders; -the power of penance, the mortification of the pleasures of sense and -the body, carried back the members of the three upper orders in a -similar way by sanctification, through a greater or less application of -penance, into Brahman; the legends and the Epos showed by the example of -Viçvamitra that a man could rise by the power of penance from a -Kshatriya to a Brahman. Hence all Dvijas, in strictly logical sequence, -could reach supreme salvation by mortification of the body; and it was -easy from these premisses to draw the conclusion that little or nothing -depended on descent; that the degree of asceticism and the depth of -meditation was everything. If this was the case with sanctification by -works; if birth in any one of the three higher orders did not prevent a -man from attaining the highest sanctification by asceticism, could the -castes be really different races, different emanations from Brahman, and -distinct forms of his being? Was the nucleus of the system, the doctrine -of the world-soul, so firmly established as the Brahmans maintained? Had -not the philosophy of the Brahmans already passed from scholasticism to -heterodoxy? Did it not deny, in the Sankhya doctrine, the authority of -the Veda, the existence of the gods, and the Brahmanic world-soul? As we -have seen, the teaching of Kapila left only two existences; nature and -the individual spirit. - -In the north-east of the land of the Koçalas, on the spurs of the -Himalayas, by the river Rohini, which falls into the Çaravati (Rapti), a -tributary of the Sarayu, in the neighbourhood of the modern Gorakhpur, -lay a small principality named Kapilavastu, after the metropolis.[422] -It was the kingdom of the race of the Çakyas, who are said to have -migrated from Potala in the delta of the Indus into the land of the -Koçalas. Like the kings of the Koçalas the race traced its descent to -Ikshvaku, the son of Manu. And just as great priests of the ancient -times were woven into the list of the ancestors of the kings of the -Bharatas, so the Çakyas of Kapilavastu are said to have reckoned -Gautama, one of the great saints (p. 28), among their forefathers; they -called themselves Gautamas after the family derived from this priest. -At the present time a Rajaputra family in the district, in which the -Çakyas reigned, call themselves Gautamiyas.[423] To the house of the -Çakyas belonged king Çuddhodana, who sat on the throne of Kapilavastu in -the second half of the seventh century B.C. - -Of the son born to this prince in 623 B.C. the legend tells us that he -received the name Sarvathasiddha (Siddhartha), _i.e._ perfect in all -things, and that Asita, a penitent from the Himalayas, announced to the -parents that a very high vocation lay before the boy. The young prince -was brought up to succeed to the throne; he was instructed in the use of -arms, and in all that it became one of his rank to know. After -overcoming all the youths of the family of the Çakyas in the contest in -his sixteenth year, his father chose Yaçodhara as his wife, and beside -her he had two other wives and a number of concubines, with whom he -lived in luxury and delight in his palaces. Thus he lived till his 29th -year, when he saw, while on a journey to a pleasure-garden, an old man -with bald head, bent body, and trembling limbs. On a second journey he -met one incurably diseased, covered with leprosy and sores, shattered by -fever, without any guide or assistance; on a third he saw by the wayside -a corpse eaten by worms and decaying. He asked himself what was the -value of pleasure, youth, and joy if they were subject to sickness, age, -and death? He fell into reflection on the evils which fill the world, -and resolved to abandon his palace, his wives, and the son who had just -been born to him, and retire into solitude, that he might inquire into -the cause of the evils which torment mankind, and meditate on their -alleviation. - -The legends tell us that Çuddhodana opposed this design; he would not -allow his son, the Kshatriya and successor to his throne, to depart, and -commanded festivals to be held to retain him. Siddhartha is surrounded -by song, dance, and play, which are to enliven and change his mood. But -in the night he mounted his horse and left the palace secretly, -accompanied by one servant. After riding all night towards the east, he -reached the land of the Mallas (on the spurs of the Himalayas, upon the -Hiranyavati); there, in the neighbourhood of Kuçinagara, the metropolis -of the Mallas (some 150 miles to the north-east of Patna), he gave in -the morning his attire to his servant and sent him back with the horses. -He retained only the yellow garment which he was wearing (yellow is the -royal colour in India), and cut his hair short, in order to live -henceforth as a mendicant. After concealing himself for seven days he -passed on, begging his way to Vaiçali (to the south of Kuçinagara) and -from Vaiçali down the Hiranyavati to the Ganges; beyond the Ganges he -turned his course to the metropolis of Magadha, Rajagriha, near which -were the settlements and schools of the most famous Brahmans.[424] Here -he quickly learned all that the chiefs of the schools, Arada Kalama, -Rudraka, and others could teach him, and understood their doctrines; but -they could not adequately explain to him the origin of the sorrows of -men, nor give him any assistance. - -Dissatisfied with their instruction and doctrines Siddhartha resolved to -retire wholly from the world, and live in the forest without fire, in -order to penetrate to the truth by the most severe penances, the most -profound meditations. He now called himself Çakyamuni, _i.e._ anchorite -of the family of the Çakyas, went to the southern Magadha, and there, -near the village of Uruvilva on the Nairanjana (an affluent of the -Phalgu) he devoted himself to the most severe exercises. Seated without -motion he endures heat and cold, storm and rain, hunger and thirst; he -eats each day no more than a grain of rice or sesame. For six years he -continues these mortifications, and still the ultimate truths refuse to -disclose themselves to his reflections; at length he seemed to himself -to observe that hunger weakened the power of his mind, and resolved to -take moderate nourishment, honey, milk, and rice, which were brought to -him by the maidens of Uruvilva.[425] Then he went to Gaya in the -neighbourhood of Uruvilva, and there sank under a fig-tree into the -deepest meditation. About the last watch in the night, when he had once -more in spirit overcome all the temptations of the world, fear, and -desire, when he had found that longing could never be laid to rest, only -increased with satisfaction, as thirst that is quenched by drinking salt -water--when he had called to mind his earlier births, and gathered up -the whole world in one survey, revelation and complete illumination were -vouchsafed to him. - -For forty-nine or fifty days, as the legends assure us, Siddartha -considered in his own mind whether he should publish this revelation, -since it was difficult to understand, and men were in the bonds of -ignorance and sin. At last he determined to proclaim to the world the -law of salvation. When he had explained it to two merchants, travelling -with their caravans through the forest of Gaya, he took his way first to -Varanasi (Benares) on the Ganges (588 B.C.). In the deer-park near this -city he preached for the first time, and though several of the hearers -were astonished and said, "The king's son has lost his reason," he won -over the first five disciples for his doctrine.[426] From this time the -'Enlightened' (Buddha), as the legends call him after the complete -revelation was vouchsafed to him,[427] wandered as a mendicant, with a -jar in his hand for collecting alms, through the districts of India, -from Ujjayini (Ozene) at the foot of the Western Vindhyas[428] as far as -Champa on the Ganges, the metropolis of the Angas, in order to proclaim -everywhere the truth and the law of salvation. "Many," so Buddha -preached, "impelled by distress, seek refuge in the mountains and -forests, in settlements and under sacred trees. This is not the refuge -which liberates from pain. He that comes to me for refuge will learn the -four highest truths: pain, the origin of pain, the annihilation of pain, -and the way that leads to the annihilation of pain. Whoever knows these -truths is in possession of the highest refuge."[429] - -Twelve years had elapsed since Buddha left his paternal city -Kapilavastu, when at his father's invitation he returned thither; and -his father, his kindred, the whole family of the Çakyas and many of his -countrymen became converts to his doctrine. Surrounded by the most eager -of his disciples, he proceeded onward, and was among them, as the -legends say, "like the bull among the cows, like the elephant among his -young ones, like the moon in the lunar houses, the physician among his -patients."[430] Varanasi in the land of the Kaçis, Mithila in the land -of the Videhas, Çravasti (to the north of Ayodhya) in the land of the -Koçalas, Mathura in the land of the Çurasenas, Kauçambi in the land of -the Bharatas, were the chief scenes of his activity. - -Buddha was deeply penetrated by the conviction that the earth was a vale -of misery, and the world nothing but a "mass of pain."[431] The sorrows -which torture mankind excited his deepest compassion; he would fain help -men in their distress. Above all he was oppressed with the thought that -sorrows do not end with this life; that man is ever born again to new -misery, driven without rest through an eternal alternation of birth and -death, in order to find new sorrows without end, but no repose. He was -tortured by this "restless revolution of the wheel of the world," by the -torments of resurrection from another womb to new and greater pains; -more eagerly than any other, Buddha sought repose, peace, and death -without any resurrection. With the utmost eagerness he plunged into the -Brahmanic theory and speculation; it did not satisfy him; in it, and by -it, he found no alleviation, no end of the evil; he submitted to the -severest asceticism of the Brahmans; it crushed his spirit without -giving him rest. He therefore turned from the orthodox systems to the -heterodox doctrine of Kapila. Even that failed to satisfy him; but he -followed still further the path which it pointed out, in order to -discover the liberation from evil which he sought so earnestly. At last -he believed himself to be possessed of the delivering truth. - -With the adherents of the Sankhya doctrine Buddha believed himself to -have ascertained that neither the gods nor a supreme all-pervading -world-soul exists. He also, in opposition to the orthodox doctrine, -makes the individual soul his starting-point, and the multitude of -individual spirits, which alone have true existence and reality. But if -the doctrine of Kapila found the liberation from nature and the body in -the fact that the soul attains the consciousness of her independent -existence in opposition to nature, discovers her own absolute position -as opposed to the body, and merely contemplates the latter, Buddha -struck out a far more radical way for the liberation from evil and the -freedom of the soul. - -Buddha first establishes the fact that evil exists; then he inquires why -it exists and must always exist; he attempts to prove that it can and -ought to be annihilated, and finally he occupies himself with the means -of this annihilation.[432] He who will ascertain truth and acquire -freedom from evil, has first to convince himself that evil exists. Evil -is birth, sickness, the weakness of age, the restlessness and torment of -our projects and efforts, the inability to attain what we strive for, -the separation from that which we love, the contact with that which we -do not love. In this world of existence all is vanity. Happiness is -followed by misfortune; even the happiness and power of kings flows away -more rapidly than running water.[433] Mutability is the last and worst -evil; it is the fire which consumes the three worlds.[434] Birth is -changeable and worthless, for it leads to death; youth, for it becomes -age; health, for it is subject to sickness. All that exists, passes -away. This ceaseless change is bound up with pain and sorrow. Childhood -suffers the pain of weakness; youth is impelled by desires which cannot -be fulfilled, and which cause pain if unfulfilled. Age suffers the pain -of decay and sickness, and of death; with death begins a new life -through regeneration to the same or even greater torments. To this evil -of mutability, and consequently to pain, all living creatures without -exception are subject. Evil and pain are universal; men are destined to -lose what is dearest to them; and animals are destined to be eaten by -each other. From the knowledge that evil exists, that all living -creatures are subject to evil, follows the truth that men must strive to -liberate themselves from evil. - -After setting forth his problem in this formal and minutely systematic -manner, Buddha goes still further. If man will free himself from pain, -pain must be annihilated. In order to attain this end the cause of it -must be discovered. This cause is desire (_trishna_). Desire is the -passion which man feels to attain content and satisfaction, the -ever-renewed impulse to have pleasant sensations and avoid the -unpleasant, which is sometimes satisfied, but more frequently the -reverse.[435] If pain is to be annihilated, desire must be annihilated. -The cause of desire is sensation, and if we inquire into sensation we -find on reflection that it is something transitory. When we have the -sensation of what is pleasant, the sensation of what is unpleasant does -not exist any longer, and _vice versâ_; sensation therefore is subject -to annihilation, and in consequence is not permanent, nor has it any -real existence. Sensation is, as the Buddhists say, "empty and without -substance."[436] It does not belong to the nature of the soul. As soon -as we can say of sensation or of any other object, "I am not this, this -is not my soul," we are free from it; and when we have attained this -knowledge, no sensation whatever, nor conception, nor perception, -exercises any charm over man.[437] If this knowledge is acquired, man is -in a position to "unbind" himself from sensation, and as soon as he has -unbound himself from sensation he has liberated himself from it; he -feels neither inclination nor disinclination; neither restlessness nor -pain, nor despair;[438] his heart no longer clings to the "causes of -content, which were at the same time the causes of discontent, more -closely than drops of rain to the leaf of the lotus."[439] If we go -further in this direction and instruct ourselves by meditation that even -the senses, eyes, ears, etc., are perishable,[440] that the body is -subject to birth and death, and consequently that it is something -transitory and without permanence, we are freed from the body and -henceforth merely contemplate it. From this point of view we perceive -that the body of a man is his executioner; and in the senses we -recognise desolated villages, in the things of the external world, the -enemies and plunderers which perpetually attack men, disquiet and ravage -them.[441] Whatever a man has hitherto felt of dependence and -inclination, of care and submissiveness to the body; whatever content -and satisfaction he has felt through the body in the body,--is now -annihilated by the knowledge that the body is nothing real, that it is -not the soul. When we have reached this point, pain is removed, because -the cause of it is removed; man is no longer dazzled by desire, and -therefore no longer distressed; he is now lord of his senses and lord of -himself. Freed from all bonds, from all inclinations to, and dependence -on, the world, he feels the happiness and joy of repose.[442] - -Thus far Buddha has agreed with the doctrine of Kapila that the soul -must be separated and set free from the body, in his results, if the -mode of development be different; he now proceeds in his speculations -far beyond the Sankhya system. He was not content to have discovered the -path of liberation from the torments of sensuality, of the body, and the -external world; he asked further, How can man be raised above the -necessity of perpetually renewing this process of the liberation of the -soul from the body after new regenerations? If the Sankhya doctrine -established nature and matter as an eternal potency beside the plurality -of individual souls, and derived all existence from the creative power -of matter, Buddha rather saw the creative power, the basis of all -existence, in the individual souls, in the "breathing beings," and from -this view arrived at a different, more thorough means of liberation. - -According to the legends the way to this liberation was revealed to -Buddha in the night under the fig-tree of Gaya, when in the deepest -meditation he represented to himself the web of regenerations, how many -and what dwellings he had inhabited previously, and how many had been -the dwellings of other creatures; how he and the rest of the world lived -through a hundred thousand millions of existences--when he called to -mind the periods of destruction and the periods of regeneration. -"There," he said, "was I, in that place; I bore this name; I was of this -tribe and that family, and this caste; I lived so many years; I -experienced this happiness and that misfortune.[443] After my death I -was born again; I lived through these fortunes, and here, at last, I -have again come to the light. Is there then no means of escaping this -world, which is born, changes, and dies, and again grows up? Are there -no limits to this accumulation of sorrows?" At last, attaining to -immobility in thought about the last watch, just before the break of -day, he once more collected his powers and asked himself:[444] What is -the cause of age, death, and all pain? Birth. What is the cause of -birth? Existence. What is the cause of existence? Attachment to -existence. What is the cause of this attachment? Desire. What is the -cause of desire? Sensation. Of sensation what is the cause? The contact -of a man with things excites in him this or that sensation, sensation -generally.[445] What is the cause of contact? The senses. What is the -cause of the senses? Name and shape, _i.e._ the individual existence. -What is the cause of this? Consciousness. And of consciousness, what? -The existing not-knowledge,[446] i.e. the intellectual capacity; this is -no other than the soul itself. In order to annihilate pain, birth must -be annihilated; the annihilation of birth requires the annihilation of -existence; this requires the destruction of attachment to existence; and -to accomplish this destruction desire and sensation must be annihilated; -and this again requires the annihilation of contact with the world. But -as contact with the world rests on the receptivity of the senses, which -in turn rests on the individual existence, this existence rests on -consciousness, and consciousness on the not-knowledge, _i.e._ on the -possibility of not-knowledge in the individual spirit, on the -intellectual state; not-knowledge must in the end be annihilated. This -takes place by the true knowledge, which shows that the sensations of -men are only of a transitory nature, illusions, not belonging to his -true being; thus it is that the individual is loosed from pain and the -body, or merely contemplates it as it contemplates all existence; and -thus dependence on existence and desire are softened or removed. The -same result is also attained by the annihilation of not-knowledge as the -basis of individual existence, by the quenching of the individual, by -Nirvana, _i.e._ the extinction, the "blowing away" by which the -individual "falls into the void," and cannot be born again. From the -annihilation of the basis of existence follows the annihilation of -existence; it cannot arise again when the basis is destroyed. - -Though this series of causes and effects may first have received the -form in which we have it in the schools of the adherents of Buddha, the -nucleus belongs beyond a doubt to the founder of the doctrine. It shows -sufficiently with what dialectical consistency--though proceeding like -all the products of the Indian mind from fantastic hypotheses, and -coloured with fantastic elements, so that sequence of time is often -taken for the relation of cause and effect--Buddha attempted to -penetrate to final causes and ultimate aims. Evil is existence -generally. If evil is to be removed, existence must be removed, and not -existence only but the roots of it. This proposition is the leading -motive in his reasoning. He keeps steadily to the logical formula that -all existence is the operation of a cause, and consequently existence -can only be destroyed when the cause of it is destroyed. The nucleus of -his argument is: Whence do men come? They arise out of their nature, -which is the existing not-knowing, or, as we should say, the substratum -of knowing, the intellectual capacity. Where do men go in death? This -intellectual basis is compelled by its own nature to assume ever new -forms, to put on a new robe from the material of nature or the elements. -How can the soul, the intellectual capacity, be checked in this? By -self-annihilation. - -Here Buddha found himself at the most difficult problem of Indian -speculation, which failed to find an internal transition from not-being -to being, from being to not-being, so that in it the principles always -remain the same, and cause and effect are equally eternal. Hence in -order to be consistent, he must seek the solution of his problem, the -cessation of the regenerations, in the annihilation of the cause of -these regenerations; and this cause was in his view the intellectual -capacity. As the soul is first set free from sensation, and then from -the body, so man must finally be set free from the soul, the self, the -_Ego_, by destroying the basis and possibility of this; while the -adherents of the Sankhya doctrine merely separated the soul from the -body, merely looked on at the revolution of the wheel of nature; and the -Brahmans would plunge the soul in Brahman. At a later time a great deal -of controversy arose as to what Buddha meant by Nirvana, and persons of -great eminence in the Buddhist church have had recourse to the -explanation that he alone knows what Nirvana is who finds himself in -that state. Yet from the process and tendency of Buddha's philosophy, as -well as from the most ancient definitions, it is sufficiently clear what -condition, what results, were meant to be attained by Nirvana. The most -ancient explanations term it, "the cessation of thought, when its causes -are suppressed:" they denote it as a condition, "in which nothing -remains of that which constitutes existence."[447] With the -impossibility of feeling impressions, of knowing anything, and therefore -of desiring anything, the being of the individual also ceases, -according to Buddha's view, and it was the extinction of this at which -he aimed. In Nirvana, according to the older legends, nothing remains -but "emptiness;" it is frequently compared with "the exhaustion of a -lamp when it goes out."[448] But how this condition is brought about we -are not told; we only know that all contact, external or internal, with -the world must be removed.[449] When every distinct conception, and even -everything that may give rise to such a conception, had been avoided; -when a man had put aside every thought, and every excitement of the -spirit, he ought to succeed in destroying the thinking principle within -him. The man of knowledge has discovered that all which is, is -worthless; that nothing exists really and essentially; he has broken -through the shells of deception and ignorance. He has diverted and -liberated his feeling from these frivolities, and now passes into the -condition in which he has nothing more to think of, nothing more to -feel, and consequently nothing more to desire; that is, he has attained -a state in which feeling and thoughts are extinguished, and continue -extinguished. If any feeling or conception remains in this condition, -the _Ego_ in Nirvana would feel peace and joy at the thought that -nothing any longer existed, that itself ceased to exist. Thus it becomes -clear what was the object sought in Nirvana, and we cannot have any -doubt that this attempt at annihilation, if made in earnest, must -practically lead to the same results as the absorption of the Brahmans -in Brahman--that it caused men to become dull, stupid, and -brutalised.[450] - -Buddha was of opinion that through this series of thoughts he had -discovered the final causes, the absolute truth as well as absolute -liberation. When he has arrived at the final ground of existence, the -man of meditation can say to himself, according to the legends: "The -dreadful night of error is taken from the soul, the sun of knowledge has -risen,[451] the gates of the false path which lead to existences filled -with misery are closed.[452] I am on the further shore; the pure way to -heaven is opened; I have entered upon the way of Nirvana.[453] On this -way are dried up the ocean of blood and of tears, the mountains of human -bones are broken through, and the army of death is annihilated, as an -elephant throws down a hut of reeds.[454] He who follows this path -without faltering, escapes from pain, from mutability, from the changes -of the world, and the wheel of revolution, the regenerations. He can -boast: 'I have done my duty; I have annihilated existence for myself. I -cannot be born again; I am free; I shall see no other existence after -this.'"[455] An old formula of faith, which is often found under -pictures of Buddha, runs thus: "The beings which proceed from a cause, -their cause he who pointed out the way (Tathagata) has explained, and -what prevents their operation the great Çramana has also -explained."[456] - -Had Buddha contented himself with the results of his speculation, the -only consequence of his doctrine would have been this; he would have -added one more to the philosophical systems of the Indians; he would -have founded a new philosophical system, a subdivision of the heterodox -Sankhya doctrine. The question was really the same, whether the soul was -destroyed when in the one case it was plunged in Brahman, and in the -other annihilated by Nirvana; whether those who sought after liberation -had to become masters of their senses like the Brahmans, or to release -themselves from sensation and the body and existence like Buddha. For -both methods the profoundest meditation was necessary as a means; the -final manipulations and results were mystical on both sides; the only -difference was that the logical consistency of Buddha was more simple -and acute, the dialectics of the orthodox system more varied and -fantastic; the penances of the Brahmans were severe and painful, while -Buddha contented himself with a moderate asceticism. From his disciples -who would attain the highest liberation he demanded nothing more than -that they should renounce the world, _i.e._ should devote themselves to -a life of chastity and poverty. Then like their master they must shave -head and chin, while the Brahman penitents wore a tail of hair, put on a -robe of yellow colour, such as Buddha wore,--a garment of sewn rags was -best--take a jar in their hands for the collection of alms, and go round -the country begging, after the example of Buddha, in order to point out -to people the way of salvation. Only the rainy season might be spent in -retirement, in common discussion on the highest truths, or in lonely -meditation on the way of Nirvana. - -This new mode of asceticism would not have gone beyond the limits of the -school, had not Buddha added a moral for the whole world to his -philosophy for the initiated. As we have in the Sankhya system a kind of -rationalistic reaction, after the Indian measure it is true, against the -flighty theorems of the Brahmans, so in the practice of Buddha the -prominent features are more simple, healthy, and sensible. The Sankhya -system places liberation essentially in the release of the spirit from -nature by the power of knowledge; according to Buddha's doctrine -liberation must be sought not only in the path of knowledge but also in -the will and temper. When the temper is rendered peaceful; when desire -ceases, and the withering of the soul comes to an end, then knowledge -can begin.[457] In this repose of the passions, which arise from egoism, -there is a very definite practical and moral feature, of great -importance for development and edification. Buddha allowed that every -one could not attain the highest liberation by the mode of asceticism -and meditation which he taught; but he did not therefore leave the -people to their fate, like those who preceded him in philosophy; he did -not, like these, point to the sacrifices, customs, purifications, and -penances. Even for those who were not in a position to liberate -themselves wholly from the misery of the earth and the torments of -regenerations, by entering into the way of illumination, were to have -their pains and sorrows alleviated as far as possible. The desire to do -away with the passions, and with selfishness, the lively sympathy, the -earnest effort to alleviate the sorrows of men, from which Buddha's -philosophy starts, are also the source of his ethics, which are to be -preached to the whole nation. As contact with the world is the chief -cause of desire, and therefore of the pain and distress which come upon -men, the main object is to come into contact with the world as little as -possible, to live as far as may be in peace and quietness. The -requirement of a still and quiet life is the first principle of the -ethics of Buddha. Even the layman must bring repose into his senses. He -must moderate his impulses and passions, his wishes and his desires, if -he cannot annihilate them. He must guard against the excitement of -passions, for these are the chief cause of the pains which torment -mankind. He must be chaste and continent within the limits of reason; he -must drink no intoxicating liquor; at the accustomed hours he must take -the necessary food (otherwise the belly causes a multitude of -sins[458]); he must clothe himself simply. He must not attempt to amass -much silver and gold, or waste the property which he has, in order to -procure enjoyment. In a word, "he must turn his back on pain, ambition, -and satisfaction."[459] The evils which are unavoidable in spite of a -simple, moderate, and passionless life, he must bear with patience, for -in this way they become most tolerable. Injustice coming from others -must also be received with patience; ill-treatment, even mutilation and -death, must be borne quietly, without hatred towards those who inflict -them: "mutilation liberates a man from members which are perishable, -execution from this filthy body, which dies." Those who treat us in this -manner are not to be hated, because all that comes upon a man is a -punishment or reward for actions done in this or a previous life.[460] - -Though Buddha adheres to the conception of the Brahmans, which had long -been the common property of the nation, that a man's lot in this world -is the consequence of actions done in an earlier existence, he could -nevertheless point to further alleviations of the evils of life than -those attained by moderation and patience. All men without regard to -caste, birth, and nation, form in Buddha's view a great society of -suffering in the earthly vale of misery; it is their duty not mutually -to add other sorrows to those already imposed upon them by their -existence; on the contrary, they ought mutually to alleviate the burden -of unavoidable misery. As every man ought to attempt to lessen the -pains of existence for himself, so it is also his duty to lessen those -of his fellows. In Buddha's doctrine not our own sorrows but the sorrows -of our fellow-men are a cause for distress.[461] From this principle -Buddha derived the commands of regard, assistance, sympathy, mercy, -love, brotherly kindness towards all men. If, according to the doctrine -of the Brahmans, and of Buddha also, there was no love, no grace, and no -pity in heaven, they are henceforth to exist on earth. The love which -Buddha preaches is essentially sympathy; it arises from another source -than the love of Christianity. It is not in Buddhism the highest -commandment for its own sake alone: it is not the liberating, active, -creative, ethical power, which not only removes selfishness from the -negative side, but also positively transforms the natural into the moral -man, and exalts the family, community, and state into moral communities. -In Buddhism love wishes above all things to lament with others, and by -helpful communion to make life more endurable; it is simply the means to -alleviate the sorrows of the world. Hence Buddha commands us to be -without selfishness towards all men, to spend nothing on ourselves that -is intended for another. To speak hard words to a fellow-man is a great -sin; no one is to be injured by scornful speeches.[462] What can be done -must be done for the amelioration of a fellow-man and the promotion of -his prosperity. A man must be liberal towards his relations and friends; -gentle towards his servants; he must give alms without any intermission, -and practise works of mercy;[463] he must provide nourishment for the -poor; and must take care of the sick and alleviate their sorrows. He -must plant wholesome herbs, trees, and groves, especially on the roads, -that the poor and the pilgrims may find nourishment and shade; he must -dig wells for them, receive travellers hospitably, for that is a sacred -duty, and erect inns for them.[464] If the Brahmans are cautioned -against the killing of animals, and the eating of flesh is restricted -among them as much as possible (p. 168), Buddha is still more strict in -this respect. Nothing that has life is to be put to death, neither man -nor animal; pain is not to be inflicted on any living creature; a man -must have sympathy with the sufferings even of animals, and tend such as -are old and weak. - -Consistent in his attempt to discover the alleviation of pain in the -heart and mind of man, Buddha remits even the sins of commission by -internal change and improvement of mind. If a man has committed a sin of -thought, word, or act,[465] he must repent and acknowledge it before his -co-religionists, and those who have attained a higher degree of -liberation. Repentance and confession diminish or blot out the sin, -according to the degree of their depth and sincerity, and not painful -penances and expiations, which only increase the torments of the body, -the thing which we desire to diminish.[466] No one is to make a parade -of good works; these he should conceal, and publish his failings.[467] - -Thus the ethics of Buddha are comprehended in the three principles of -chastity, patience, and mercy, _i.e._ of a moderate and passionless -life, of ready and willing submission to any annoyance or unavoidable -evil, and finally of sympathy and active assistance for our fellow-men. -An old formula tells us: "The eschewing of evil, the doing of good, the -taming of our own thoughts, this is the doctrine of Buddha."[468] - -The legends tell us of a great disputation held at Çravasti (the -metropolis of the Koçalas), in which Buddha was victorious over six holy -penitents of the Brahmans; the leading Brahman even took his own life in -disgust and disappointment. As the legends relate, the Brahmans were -afraid that Buddha's doctrine would diminish their honour and -importance, that they would receive fewer gifts and presents; they were -distressed that Buddha allowed even the lowest and impure castes to -enter the order of penitents. According to the statement of the sutras -the Brahmans caused the communities to inflict fines on such persons as -listened to Buddha's words, and from the kings of certain districts they -procured edicts forbidding his doctrine. Though the Brahmans may have -succeeded in prejudicing one or two princes against Buddha and his -doctrine, in other regions of India, not to mention his own home, he did -not miss the effectual protection of the secular arm. From the very -first year of the public appearance of Buddha, Bimbisara king of Magadha -is said to have given him his protection and support, and to have -assigned to his disciples the Bamboo-garden, near the metropolis -Rajagriha, for their residence. The king of the Koçalas also, -Prasenajit, supported Buddha, and his metropolis, Çravasti, became a -favourite residence of Buddha in the rainy season, a centre of the new -doctrine, to the north of the Ganges, as Rajagriha was on the south of -the river. Lastly, the legends speak of Vatsa, the king of the Bharatas, -who resided at Kauçambi, and Pradyota of Ujjayini, and Rudrayana of -Roruka, a region which apparently lay to the east of Magadha, among the -protectors of Buddha. Towards the princes Buddha's conduct was prudent -and circumspect; he did not impart to any of their magistrates or -servants the initiation of the beggar; he adopted none of them into the -community of the initiated without the express sanction of the -king.[469] - -On the people his appearance and disputations with the Brahmans could -hardly make any other impression than that he also was one of the -philosophising penitents who wandered through the lands of the Ganges, -teaching and begging, with or without disciples.[470] If the Brahmans -persecuted Buddha, they called out to them: What would ye have?--he is a -mendicant like yourselves! Buddha is said to have suffered the most -severe persecution, when past his seventieth year, from Devadatta, a -near relation. Even in youth the eager rival of Siddartha in martial -exercises, Devadatta is said to have been filled with cruel envy by the -success of Buddha's teaching. So he determined to appear as a teacher in -Buddha's place, and for this object he united himself with Ajataçatru, -the son of Bimbisara of Magadha. The latter was to murder his father, -the protector of Buddha; Devadatta desired to assassinate Buddha -himself, and then the two, by mutual support, would hold the first -place. Devadatta assembled 500 disciples; Ajataçatru, in the year 551 -B.C., dethroned his father, and according to the legends of the -Buddhists caused him to die of starvation in a dungeon. After the death -of his protector the Enlightened was to perish also. From the top of the -vulture mountain near Rajagriha, Devadatta hurls a stone on Buddha as he -passes by underneath; but he merely wounded him slightly on the toes; in -vain is an elephant maddened with palm wine let loose upon Buddha, the -raging animal kneels down before him. To escape these persecutions -Buddha leaves Magadha and turns to Çravasti. Devadatta pursues him, in -order to attack him afresh there, and destroy him by the poisoned nails -of his fingers; but when he approaches Buddha he sinks into hell, while -king Ajataçatru is converted, and from a persecutor of Buddha becomes a -zealous protector of his doctrine.[471] - -This legend is obviously told in order to glorify the victorious -sanctity of Buddha, nevertheless it contains a certain nucleus of -history. At a very early time there was a division among the adherents -of Buddha; the author and leader of this division was called Devadatta. -Even in the seventh century A.D. there were monasteries in India which -followed the doctrine and rules of Devadatta. Among the eight disciples -of Buddha, according to the legends, Çariputra and Maudgalyayana, young -Brahmans of the village of Nalanda near Rajagriha, took the first place. -After these the sutras mention Kaçyapa a Brahman, Upali a Çudra, who had -been a barber, _i.e._ who had carried on one of the lowest, most impure, -and contemptible occupations before he followed Buddha, and two nephews -of Buddha of the race of Çakya, Anuruddha and Ananda. Ananda is said to -have accompanied Buddha for twenty-five years without interruption; to -"have heard the most, and kept the best what he heard." After these, -Nanda, a step-brother of Buddha, and Buddha's own son, Rahula, are -mentioned in the first rank. - -It was not the favour or dislike of princes, nor the speculative power -of his doctrine, nor the devotion of his nearest scholars, which -procured a reception for Buddha's doctrine. On the contrary, the -success of Buddha rests precisely on the fact that his teaching is not -restricted to doctrine, nor to a school. He ventured to step out of the -circle of the Brahmans, and the learned in the Veda, beyond the lonely -life in the forest; he was bold enough to break through the limitations -imposed upon instruction by tradition and law. He did not, like the -Brahmanic teacher, hold sittings with his pupils, at which they alone -were present; he spoke in the open market place, and addressed his words -not only to the Dvijas, but to the Çudras and Chandalas also--an -unheard-of event: for this purpose he speaks the language of the people, -not Sanskrit, the language of the Brahmanas and the learned; he preached -in a popular style, while the doctrines of the Brahmans, set forth in -the formulas of the schools, must have remained unintelligible to the -people, even if repeated in their language. With the people Buddha dwelt -far more on his ethics than on his metaphysics, though he did not -exclude the latter, and his ethical lectures in each case developed the -principle in application to the particular instance.[472] In other -respects his method of teaching must have been the most effective which -could be applied in India, unless we are deceived by the legends. By -means of the complete illumination vouchsafed to Buddha, he saw through -the web of regenerations. For every man he deduced the circumstances of -his present life, his good or evil fortune, from the virtues and sins of -a previous existence. To a man whose eyes had been put out by the order -of a king he revealed the fact that in a previous existence he had torn -out the eyes of many gazelles; but as he had also done good deeds in -that life he had been born again in a good family, with a handsome -exterior.[473] He told another that in a previous existence he had -killed an anchorite, and for this he had already suffered punishment in -hell for several thousand years; he would also lose his head in this -life, and would suffer the same misfortune for four hundred successive -existences.[474] - -However effective Buddha's method may have been, it was the tendency of -his doctrine which could not fail sooner or later to open the hearts of -the people. The lower castes were subject to the ill treatment and -exactions of the state, to the haughty pride of the Brahmans; they were -pressed into the unalterable arrangement of the castes, and thus branded -by law and custom, they were exposed to the severest oppression. The -doctrine of morals was resolved into the observance of the duties of -caste, into the endless series of offerings and sacrifice, purifications -and expiations; thus it became degraded into an artificial and painful -sanctification by works, which no one could ever satisfy. Religion was -lost in a confused medley of gods and magic on the one hand, and of -obscure and unintelligible speculation on the other. In opposition to -these circumstances, requirements, and doctrines, Buddha declared that -no one, not even the lowest and most contemptible castes, were excluded -from hearing and finding the truth; that alleviation of pain and rest, -salvation and liberation, could be acquired by any one. Instead of the -observance of the duties of caste he required the brotherly love of all -men; in opposition to distorted ethics he restores its due rights to -natural feeling. The sacrifice and sanctification by works of the -Brahmans is replaced by the taming of the passions, and sympathy, by -the fulfilment of simple duties, painful penances by easy asceticism, -by the plain morality of patience and quietism; the Veda and gods of the -Brahmans by a theory at any rate more intelligible, accompanied by the -doctrine that even without this theory every one of his own heart and -will could enter upon the way of salvation, and by such conduct -alleviate his fortune in this and the following courses of life, while -the initiated could at once force their way to death without -regeneration. Any man could assume the yellow robe if he vowed to live -in poverty and chastity, and wander through the land as a mendicant, a -mode of obtaining a livelihood which is not difficult in India. - -If the doctrine of the Brahmans had banished mercy out of heaven, it had -reappeared on earth in the "Enlightened," the "pointer of the way," who -met the pride and haughtiness of the Brahmans with gentleness and -humility; who showed sympathetic pity for the lowest and poorest, for -all the weary and heavy-laden;[475] who in the midst of oppressed -nations taught how unavoidable evils could be borne most easily; how -they could be alleviated by mutual help; who called on all to ameliorate -their lot by their own power, and considered it the highest duty to -obtain this amelioration for ourselves and provide it for others. - -According to Buddha's view the castes must fall to the ground. There was -no world-soul from which all creatures emanated, and therefore the -distinctions which rested on the succession of these emanations did not -exist. In the first instance, however, he attacked the castes from the -point of view that the body can only have a subordinate value. "He who -looks closely at the body," he said, "will find no difference between -the body of the slave and the body of the prince. The best soul can -dwell in the worst body." "The body must be valued or despised in -respect of the spirit which is in it. The virtues do not inquire after -the castes."[476] But he also applied the distinction of castes to show -that in fact they give a higher or lower position to men; that the -arrangement brings external advantages or disadvantages. It was the -conception of the more or less favourable regenerations which caused him -to assume these distinctions and bring them into the series of -regenerations. He allowed that there was a gradation leading from the -Chandalas to the Brahmans, that birth in a higher or lower position was -a consequence of the virtues or failings of earlier existences; but the -distinctions were not of such a kind that they limited the spirit; that -they could in any way prevent even the least and lowest from hearing the -true doctrine and understanding it, and attaining salvation and -liberation. Hence while the castes do indeed form distinctions among -men, these distinctions are not essential, but in reality indifferent. - -If the Brahmans reproached Buddha that he preached to the impure, he -replied: "My law is a law of grace for all."[477] He received Çudras and -Chandalas, barbers and street-sweepers, slaves and remorseful criminals, -among his disciples and initiated.[478] Nor did he exclude women; even -to them he imparted the initiation of the mendicant.[479] On one -occasion Ananda, the scholar of Buddha, met a Chandala maiden drawing -water at a fountain, and asked to drink. She replied that she was a -Chandala and might not touch him. Ananda answered: "My sister, I do not -ask about your caste, nor about your family; I ask you for water if you -can give it me." Buddha is then said to have received the maiden among -his initiated.[480] - -For twenty-four years, we are told, Buddha wandered from one place to -another, to preach his doctrine, to strengthen his disciples in their -faith, to arrange their condition, and in the rainy season to show to -the initiated the way to the highest liberation, to death without -regeneration. According to the legends of the Northern Buddhists, he saw -towards the end of his days the overthrow of his ancestral city, and the -defeat of his adherents. The Çakyas of Kapilavastu are said to have -become odious to Virudhaka (Kshudraka in the Vishnu-Purana), the -successor of king Prasenajit on the throne of the Koçalas. He marched -against them with his army; obtained possession of the city of -Kapilavastu, and caused the inhabitants to be massacred. Buddha is said -to have heard the noise of the conquest, and the cry of the dying. When -the king of the Koçalas had marched away with his army, Buddha, we are -told, wandered in the night through the ruined corpse-strewn streets of -his home. In the pleasure-garden of his father's palace, where he had -played as a boy, lay maidens with hands and feet cut off, of whom some -were still alive; Buddha gave them his sympathy and comforted them. The -massacre of Kapilavastu, the slaughter of the Çakyas, if it took place -at all, cannot have been complete, for at a later time the race is -mentioned as existing and active. - -In the eightieth year of his life Buddha is said to have visited -Rajagriha and Nalanda in the land of Magadha; afterwards he crossed the -Ganges, and announced to his disciples in Vaiçali, the metropolis of -the tribe of the Vrijis (p. 338), that he should die in three months. He -exhorted them to redoubled zeal, begged them, when he was no more, to -collect his commands, and preach them to the world. Accompanied by his -pupils Ananda and Anuruddha he then set out to the north, to the land of -the Mallas, and Kuçinagara, where in former days he had laid aside the -royal dress and assumed the condition of a mendicant. Falling sick on -the way, he came exhausted into the neighbourhood of Kuçinagara, where -Ananda prepared a bed for him in a grove. Here he said farewell, sank -into meditation, and died with the words "Nothing continues," never to -be born again. At Ananda's suggestion the Mallas buried the dead -Enlightened with the burial of a king. After preparations lasting -through seven days the corpse was placed in a golden coffin, carried in -solemn procession before the eastern gate of Kuçinagara, and laid on a -wooden pyre. The ashes were placed in a golden urn, and for seven days -festivals were held in honour of the "compassionate Buddha, the man free -from stain" (543 B.C.).[481] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[421] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 146. - -[422] Köppen, "Religion des Buddha," s. 84. Kapilavastu means habitation -of Kapila. It was the philosophy of Kapila which lay at the base of the -teaching of Buddha. - -[423] The Gautamas were the most important priestly family among the -Videhas. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1, 557; 2, 67; Burnouf, "Introduction," -p. 155; A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 1, 180. - -[424] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 154. - -[425] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 77, 154, 157. - -[426] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 94. - -[427] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 70. - -[428] Köppen, on the ground that Ujjayini is not mentioned among the -southern Buddhists, limits the sphere of the activity of Buddha to the -triangle formed by Champa, Kanyakubja, and Çravasti. - -[429] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 186. Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 220. - -[430] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 167. - -[431] _e.g._ Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 487. - -[432] These are the four sublime truths (_aryani satyani_) of Buddhism; -pain, the creation of pain, the annihilation of pain, and the way which -leads to the annihilation of pain. - -[433] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 410, 430. - -[434] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 418, 428, 629. - -[435] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 498, 508. - -[436] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 459, 462. - -[437] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 509, 510. - -[438] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 460. - -[439] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 418. - -[440] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 405. - -[441] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 418, 420. - -[442] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 251, 327, 460. - -[443] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 389, 393, 486. - -[444] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 486 ff. - -[445] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 460. - -[446]3 Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 488-509. For further information about -the series of the causes of being (_nidana_), which is not very -intelligible, see Köppen, s. 609. My object is merely to indicate the -line of argument. - -[447] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 73, 83, 589 ff. - -[448] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 252. - -[449] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 326. - -[450] Schlagintweit, "Buddhism in Tibet," p. 91 ff. - -[451] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 369. - -[452] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 265. - -[453] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 271. - -[454] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 203, 342. - -[455] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 462, 510. - -[456] Köppen, s. 223. - -[457] Köppen, s. 125. - -[458] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 254. - -[459] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 327. - -[460] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 253, 410. - -[461] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 429. - -[462] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 274. - -[463] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 325. - -[464] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2, 258. - -[465] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 300. - -[466] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 299. - -[467] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 261. - -[468] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 126, 153. Köppen, s. 224. - -[469] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 163, 189, 145, 190, 211. - -[470] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 101. - -[471] Köppen, s. 111. - -[472] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 126. - -[473] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 414. - -[474] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 195, 274, 381, 382. - -[475] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 174, 183. - -[476] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 375, 376. - -[477] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 198. - -[478] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 162, 197, 205, 212, 277. - -[479] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 206. - -[480] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 205 ff. - -[481] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 351; Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2^2, 80. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE KINGDOM OF MAGADHA AND THE SETTLEMENTS IN THE SOUTH. - - -King Ajataçatru of Magadha, who is said to have dethroned his father -Bimbisara in the the year 551 B.C. and put him to death, to have -persecuted the "Enlightened," and then, from a persecutor to have -changed into a zealous follower, demanded, according to the legends of -the Buddhists, that the Mallas should give up to him the remains of -Buddha (the ashes and the bones of his corpse) for preservation. But the -Mallas refused to do this. The Çakyas also laid claim to them because -Buddha sprang from their family; the warrior families of the Vrijis of -Vaiçali because Buddha was a Kshatriya; and finally the Koçalas of -Ramagrama demanded them. Ajataçatru intended to possess himself of them -by force. Then a learned Brahman succeeded in preventing the decision by -an appeal to arms; the remains were divided into eight portions, and -distributed among the different claimants, of whom each erected a -memorial for his portion. Ajataçatru buried his portion under a stupa, -_i.e._ a tower with a cupola, near his metropolis Rajagriha.[482] - -Of the further deeds of Ajataçatru we only learn that he subjugated to -his dominion the Vrijis, who were governed by a council formed of the -elders of their families.[483] Of the immediate successors of Ajataçatru -in Magadha, Udayabhadra (519-503 B.C.), Anuruddhaka (503-495 B.C.), and -Nagadasaka (495-471 B.C.), nothing further is known than that each -murdered his father.[484] Nagadasaka, the great-grandson of Ajataçatru, -is said to have been dethroned by the people, who set up in his place -Çiçunaga a son of Ajataçatru, who seems to have previously ruled as a -vassal king in the city of the Vrijis, the conquered Vaiçali.[485] This -Çiçunaga, who ruled over Magadha from the year 471 to 453 B.C., was -succeeded on the throne by his son, Kalaçoka.[486] - -From this subjugation and conquest of the territory of the Vrijis, from -a statement of the legend of the Buddhists, according to which Kalaçoka -inflicts punishments in Mathura on the Yamuna,[487]--and further from -the fact that the lists of the Brahmans for the kingdoms of the Bharatas -and the Koçalas, and the territories of Varanasi and Mithila, end with -the third or fourth successor of the princes who reigned, according to -the legend of the Buddhists, at the time of the Enlightened--we may -assume that after the reign of Ajataçatru the power of the kings of -Magadha increased, and continued to extend till the neighbouring states -on the north and west of Magadha were gradually embodied in this -kingdom. Kalaçoka provided a new metropolis; he left Rajagriha and took -up his abode in a city of his own building, Pataliputra. The name means -son of the trumpet-flower. It lay to the north-west of Rajagriha on the -confluence of the Çona and the Ganges, on the bank of the great river, -a little above the modern Patna. Megasthenes, who spent some time in -this city a century and a half after it was built, tells us that -Palibothra (such is the form he gives to the name) was the greatest and -most famous city of India. In shape it was a long rectangle, with a -circuit of about 25 miles. The longer sides were 80, the shorter sides -15, stades in length. Sixty-four gates allowed entrance through the -wooden wall, pierced by windows for archers, and was surrounded by a -wonderful trench, 600 feet broad, and 30 cubits deep, which was filled -by the waters of the Ganges and the Çona; the wall was in addition -flanked by 570 towers. The royal palace in the city was splendid, and -the inhabitants very numerous.[488] We have already learnt from the -sutras the circuit, equipment, and wealth of the royal citadels. That -Palibothra, at the time when it was the metropolis not only of the whole -land of the Ganges but also of the valley of the Indus, was only -protected by a wooden wall, provided, it is true, with many towers, -_i.e._ by a palisade, is remarkable, for it is sufficiently proved that -the cities and citadels of the Panjab in the fourth century B.C. were -surrounded by walls of bricks or masonry. - -In the sutras of the Buddhists we have already seen that the Arian life -and civilisation extended in the first half of the sixth century from -the Panjab to the mouth of the Ganges, and also that the north-western -spurs of the Vindhyas, no less than the coast of Guzerat (Surashtra) -were occupied by Arian states. The ancient inhabitants of these regions, -the Bhillas and Kolas (Kulis), occupied here the same contemptible and -degraded position which the Chandalas occupied on the Ganges. In the -course of the sixth and in the fifth century B.C. the colonisation and -conquests of the Arian Indians made even more important advances. The -southern regions of the Deccan were appropriated, and the island of -Ceylon conquered. It has been observed that at an early time a trade -existed by sea between the land of the Indus and the Malabar coast; in -this way alone could the sandal-wood, which flourishes nowhere but this -coast, have reached the mouth of the Indus as early as 1000 B.C. (p. -15). The tradition of the Brahmans assigns the colonisation of the -Malabar coast, not of the northern part only, but even of Kerala, in the -south, to the twelfth century B.C. We shall be more secure if we assume -that the Arian settlements were not pushed further to the south till -Arian states arose on the coast of Surashtra. The first settlements on -the west coast are said to have been founded by Brahmans: an expedition -of Brahmans is said to have reached far to the south, and to have -founded settlements there; to have converted the inhabitants to -Brahmanism, and in this way to have founded the kingdom of Kerala (on -the sources of the Kaveri).[489] On the eastern shore of the Deccan the -Arian civilisation passed from the mouths of the Ganges to the south. We -do not know in what manner the Odras, who dwelt in the valley and on the -mouths of the Mahanadi, were gained over by the Brahmans. In the book of -the law they are reckoned among the degenerate warriors.[490] But in -this region the change to the Arian life must have been very complete; -there are no remains of an older language in the dialect of Orissa. The -language exhibits the stamp of Sanskrit, and the Brahmanic system was -afterwards carried out even more strictly here than in the valley of the -Ganges. Even on the Coromandel coast the southern parts are said to have -been colonised earlier than the centre. The first Arian settlers are -said to have landed on the island of Rameçvara, which lies off the mouth -of the Vaigaru, in the sixth century B.C., and then to have passed over -to the mainland, which was occupied by the tribes of the Tamilas, to -have eradicated the forests, and cultivated the land.[491] One of these -settlers, Pandya by name, is said to have obtained the dominion, and to -have given his name to the land, Sampanna-Pandya, _i.e._ the fortunate -Pandya; one of the successors of this Pandya built a palace further up -the Vaigaru, and called the new city Mathura. From this name we may -conclude that at least a part of the settlers who colonised the south -coast of the Deccan sprang from the banks of the Yamuna, and named the -new habitation after the sacred city of the ancient fatherland, just as -the name of the ruling family points to the Pandus, the ancient dynasty, -which for four generations after Buddha, _i.e._ down to the time of -Kalaçoka, ruled over the Bharatas between the Yamuna and the upper -Ganges. - -Hither also, to the distant south of the Deccan, the Arian settlers -brought the system of castes and the Brahmanic arrangements of the -state, which were carried out with greater strictness, as is invariably -the case when an arrangement already developed into a complete and close -system is authoritatively applied to new conditions. The immigrants were -Brahmans and Kshatriyas; they took possession of considerable portions -of land. The ancient inhabitants, who did not adapt themselves to the -Brahmanic law, occupied on the south of the Coromandel coast, where the -Tamil language is spoken, as the colonies spread, a position even worse -than the Chandalas on the Ganges; even to this day, under the name of -Pariahs, they are more utterly despised, more harshly oppressed, than -the Chandalas. Even now the Brahman is allowed without penalty to strike -down the Pariah who has the impudence to enter his house;[492] and -contact of a member of the higher castes with a Pariah involves the -expulsion of the person thus rendered impure. - -The books of the Singhalese, the oldest, and consequently the most -trustworthy, among all the historical sources of India, preserve the -following tradition about the arrival of the Arians on the island of -Ceylon. Vijaya was the son of the king of Sinhapura (lion city) in -Surashtra.[493] As the king was guilty of many violent actions, the -nation required him to put his son to death. The king instead placed him -on board a ship with seven hundred companions, and the ship was sent to -sea. These exiles called themselves Sinhalas, i.e. lions, after their -home, the lion city. The ship arrived at the island of Lanka. Vijaya -with his comrades overcame the original inhabitants, who are described -as strong beings (Yakshas); on the western coast of the island, at the -place where his ship touched the shore, he founded the city of -Tamraparni, and named the island, which now belonged to the victorious -lions of Surashtra, Sinhaladvipa, _i.e._ lion island. But Vijaya and his -companions had been banished from home without wives, and they would not -mingle their pure blood with the bad on the island. So he sent to the -opposite coast of the mainland, to Mathura on the Vaigaru, where Pandava -was king at that time, and besought his daughter in marriage, and -Pandava gave him his daughter with seven hundred other women for his -companions, and he in return sent to his father-in-law each year 200,000 -mussels and pearls. The marriage of Vijaya was childless, and when he -felt himself near his end, he sent to his brother Sumitra, who meanwhile -had succeeded his father on the throne of Sinhapura, to come to Lanka, -in order to govern the new kingdom. Sumitra preferred to keep his -ancestral throne, but sent his youngest son, Panduvançadeva, who reigned -over the island for 30 years, and founded the new metropolis of -Anuradhapura in the interior of the island. Pandukabhya, the second -successor of Panduvançadeva, arranged the constitution of the kingdom. -He set up a Brahman as high priest, and had the boundaries of the -villages measured. When enlarging the metropolis, he caused dwellings to -be erected for the Brahmans, before the city, as the law requires, and -made a place for corpses, and near it built a special village for the -impure persons who tend the dead. Settlements were also erected for the -penitents. The immigrants formed the castes of the Brahmans and the -Kshatriyas; the original inhabitants, who submitted to the Brahman law, -formed the castes of the Vaiçyas and Çudras; a special caste, the -Paravas, we find, at any rate at a later time, entrusted with the pearl -fisheries. But Pandukabhya is said not to have confined himself to the -Arians in conferring offices; tradition expressly informs us that chiefs -of the ancient inhabitants received prominent posts in the new -constitution.[494] - -We should deceive ourselves if we found in this tradition a credible and -certain narrative of the colonisation of Ceylon. The name of the -discoverer Vijaya, means victory and conquest; that of his successor, -Panduvançadeva, means god of the race of Pandu. In this tradition we can -only maintain the fact that the first settlers came from the west of -India, the coast of Guzerat; that a family from this region, which -claimed descent from the celebrated Pandu, acquired the dominion over -the island (the Greeks are acquainted with a kingdom of Pandus on the -peninsula of Guzerat, and the kingdom of Pandĉa on the southern apex of -India); that the settlers in Ceylon entered into combination with the -older colony on the south coast of the Deccan, and, in contrast to -these, their fellow-tribesmen, formed a friendly relation with the whole -of the ancient inhabitants. Nor can we repose absolute faith in the -tradition of the Singhalese, which places the arrival of the first -settlers in the year 543 B.C. This year, which is the year of Buddha's -death, is obviously chosen because Ceylon from the middle of the third -century B.C. was a chief seat of Buddhism, and continued to be so when -their doctrine had been repressed and annihilated by the Brahmans in the -land of the Ganges, and on the whole mainland of India. Down to the -period of the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon, and even for fully a -hundred years afterwards, the chronology of Singhalese authorities -abounds with impossibilities, contradictions, and demonstrable -mistakes.[495] We must therefore content ourselves with the assumption -that the first Arian immigrants landed in Ceylon about the year 500 B.C. - -Though the life, manners, and religion of the Indians became firmly -rooted on both coasts of the Deccan, and beyond it, the centre of the -peninsula remained for the time untouched by Arian colonisation. Here -the wild pathless ranges of the Vindhyas opposed insuperable obstacles -to the advance of the Arian colonisation from the north, running as they -do right across the middle of the land from sea to sea. Thus even to -this day the tribes of the black Gondas (p. 9) inhabit the almost -inaccessible valleys and gorges of the broad mountain region, in their -original barbarism, with their old language and old worship of the -earth-god, to whom the tribes bordering on Orissa offered human -sacrifice even in our times. Among other tribes on the Narmada, the -custom which Herodotus ascribes to certain Indian tribes (p. 19) is -still in use: they slay old and weak members of the family, and eat -them.[496] On the other hand, Brahmanic manners and civilisation -penetrated gradually from the Coromandel coast to the Godavari, the -Krishna, the Palaru, and the Kaveri. Supported by the arms and weight of -the increasing power of Magadha, the influence of the Arian nation -became powerful enough to subjugate the Kalingas, the Telingas, and the -Tamilas, to the religious doctrine and life of the Brahmans. Yet even -here the Telingas and the Tamilas, like the Karnatas, the Tuluvas, and -the Malabars on the western side, maintained their languages, though -transformed, it is true, and intermingled with Sanskrit. The southern -apex of the Deccan has remained entirely untouched by Arian -colonisation. The sunken plateau, running from the western Ghats to the -east coast, which fills up the entire peninsula of the Deccan, here ends -in a lofty group of mountains, the Niligiris (Neelgherries), _i.e._ the -blue mountains. Through a deep depression filled with marsh and jungle, -which is limited and intersected to the north, this mountain-range rises -far above the plateau to a height of 6-8000 feet. The proximity of the -equator, combined with the cooling influence of the surrounding ocean, -assures at such an elevation the clearest sky, an eternal spring, and a -completely European vegetation, in the midst of which a handsome and -vigorous race of men, the Tudas, still live and flourish in complete -isolation. - -The settlements on the coast of the Deccan and on the island of Ceylon -must have given a new impulse to the trade of India. The pearls, which -are found only on the north-west coast and in the straits of Ceylon, on -the numerous coral-banks of that region--the book of the law quotes -them, together with coral, among the most important articles of trade of -which the merchant ought to know the price--were not only an ordinary -ornament at the courts of Indian princes in the fourth century B.C., but -were even brought to the West about this period. The companions of -Alexander of Macedon tell us that the Persians and Medes weighed pearls -with gold, and valued pearl ornaments more than gold ornaments. -Onesicritus, the pilot of Alexander, tells us that the island of -Taprobane (Tamraparni) was 15,000 stades in the circuit; that there were -many elephants there, which were the bravest and strongest in India, and -amphibious animals, some like cows, others like horses. Taprobane was -twenty days' journey from the southern shore of India in the main sea; -but the ships of the Indians sailed badly, for they were ill built and -without decks.[497] Megasthenes tells us that Taprobane is richer in -gold and pearls even than India. The pearl oysters, which lay close -together, were brought up out of the sea with nets; the fleshy part was -thrown away, but the bones of the animals were the pearls, and the price -was three times as much as the price of gold.[498] - -The death of the Enlightened had not checked the adoption of his -doctrine in the land of the Ganges. The legend, mentioned above, of the -contest of princes, nations, and families on the middle Ganges for the -relics of Buddha, may have owed its origin to the worship of relics, -which became current among the Buddhists some considerable time after -their master's death. On the other hand, the further narrative, that -after Buddha's death, a number of his disciples met to establish the -main doctrines of their master, cannot be brought into doubt. As has -been already remarked, Buddha is said to have commanded his disciples to -collect his doctrines after his death. Obedient to this injunction, -Kaçyapa, to whom Buddha formerly gave up the half of his possessions and -whom he clothed with his mendicant's garb, caused five hundred believers -(_Sthavira_) in the Enlightened to be gathered together. Ajataçatru of -Magadha had caused a special hall to be built for their discussions at -Rajagriha, at the entrance of the Niagrodha cave. Here the assembly -charged Upali (p. 358) with the duty of drawing up the prescripts of the -discipline (_vinaya_), "the soul of the law," of which Buddha had -declared Upali to have the best knowledge. Ananda was to collect the law -(_dharma_). _i.e._ the words of the master; he knew them all by heart. -Kaçyapa was to undertake the philosophical system (_abhidharma_); and -each was to place his collection before the assembly for criticism and -approval. These works are said to have occupied seven months.[499] - -In the doctrine of Buddha a comparatively simple meaning prevailed, -which by its contrast to the fancifulness of the Brahmans must have -excited the desire to collect and retain what was in existence. -Moreover, the faith and conduct of the Buddhists had their -starting-points and centre so eminently in the life, example, and -doctrine of the master, that a meeting of disciples at the very moment -when their living centre was lost appears thoroughly probable. The need -of possessing the pure and entire doctrine of the master for support and -guidance, now that he was present in person no more, must have been very -deeply felt. But the tradition is obviously wrong in ascribing to the -earliest council the compilation of the entire canon of the Buddhist -scriptures as they were known at a later period, in the three divisions -of discipline, commands, and speculation. This assembly could do no more -than collect the speeches, doctrine, and rules of the master from -memory, and establish a correct copy of them by mutual control. It is -the words and commands, the sutras of Buddha, which were established and -collected at this meeting. Unfortunately we do not possess them in their -oldest and simplest form, since at a later time the occasion and -situation and place at which the master had spoken this or that -sentence, had uttered this or that doctrine, were added to the words of -Buddha. But in part at least it is possible to distinguish the old -simple nucleus from these additions.[500] - -Buddha had imparted to all who wished to tread the path of liberation, -who undertook vows of poverty and chastity, the initiation of the -Bhikshu, _i.e._ of the mendicant, of the Çramana, _i.e._ the ascetic, -the priest of his new religion. These Çramanas he had recommended to -withdraw themselves from the world, and live after his own example in -solitary meditation on the four truths: pain, the origin of pain, the -annihilation of pain, and the way which leads to this. But his eremites -were not to live the life of the eremite continuously any more than -himself. Even the mere fact that they had to make a livelihood by -begging excluded any long-continued isolation and settled residence; and -along with renunciation Buddha's doctrine taught sympathy and help to -all creatures. This sympathy the Bhikshus were to carry out in act; more -especially they were bound to impart to the brethren who received -initiation and to the people the healing truths, which had disclosed -themselves to their meditation, in the same way as Buddha had done. -According to the command of the master, they might not, like the Brahman -penitents, spend the rainy season in the forest; they must pass it -together in protected places, in caves, villages or cities, at friendly -houses: in this season they must mutually instruct each other and -confess their sins. Complete isolation of the initiated would have been -opposed to the whole tendency of the doctrine and the pattern of the -master. The Bhikshus, who came from various circles of life, and -different castes, and had abandoned the hereditary and customary law of -the castes, could not but feel the need of assuring themselves mutually -of the new law now governing their life, of observing and developing it -in common. The adherents, and above all the representatives, of any new -doctrine always feel it incumbent on them to keep alive and nourish the -sense of their fellowship and mutual support as against existing -authority. These motives early led to a monastic life among the -adherents of Buddha who had received the initiation of the mendicant, -and wished to advance to complete liberation from regeneration. The -places of refuge and shelter in which they passed the rainy season were -regularly visited. There they resided; but in the finer season of the -year they left them in order to beg in the country and to preach, or to -meditate in the forest; and at the beginning of the rains (which in the -Buddhist calendar extended from the full moon of July to the full moon -of November) they again returned to the accustomed shelter. These -retreats were partly rocky caves, partly detached buildings, of which a -hall of assembly (_vihara_) must form part. - -At the time when king Kalaçoka sat on the throne of Magadha (453 -B.C.-425 B.C.) the initiated in a monastery in the city of Vaiçali are -said not to have strictly kept the rules and commands of the -Enlightened, and to have abandoned the correct mode of conduct. They -permitted themselves to sit on carpets, to drink intoxicating liquors, -and to receive gold and precious things as alms. Relying on the -protection of king Kalaçoka, they disregarded the exhortations of pious -men. To put an end to this scandal, Revata, who surpassed all the -Buddhists in the depth of his knowledge and the purity of his conduct, -warned, as it is said, by a dream, declared himself against these -deviations, and summoned a great council of Bhikshus to Vaiçali. With -the usual exaggeration of the Indians the legends maintain that more -than a million of the initiated met together. Revata chose four of the -wisest Sthaviras of the west and four of the east, and with these he -retired into the Balukarama-Vihara, a sequestered monastery at Vaiçali, -in order to ascertain whether the conduct of the monastery could be -maintained in the face of the teaching of Buddha or not. The result of -the investigation was, that the teaching of Buddha did not permit such -proceedings, and that the monastery must be expelled from the community -of the faithful. In order to establish this decision, to revise the -discipline, and "maintain the good law," seven hundred initiated were -selected from the great assembly and met in the Vihara under the -presidency of Sarvakami. This more limited council is said to have -ordered the exclusion of 10,000 ecclesiastics of Vaiçali as heterodox -and sinners from the community of the believers in Buddha, and to have -established the general rule that everything which agreed with the -prescripts of the ethics and spirit of the doctrine of Buddha, must be -recognised as legal, whether it dates from an ancient period or comes -into existence in the future; all that contradicts this, even though -already in existence, is to be rejected. - -Whatever be the case with the separate facts in this tradition, we may -regard it as certain that when the first assembly of Sthaviras after -Buddha's death had collected his sayings, this second council undertook -the first statement in detail of the rules of discipline (_vinaya_). The -council was held one hundred and ten years after the death of the -Enlightened, in the year 433 B.C., in Vaiçali, _i.e._ in the territory -of Magadha, and consequently under the protection of king Kalaçoka; -their labours are said to have lasted eight months.[501] Owing to the -protection which Kalaçoka extended to Buddhism he is called among the -Brahmans, Kakavarna, _i.e._ Raven-black.[502] - -Kalaçoka was succeeded on the throne of Magadha by his sons Bhadrasena, -Nandivardhana, and Pinjamakha.[503] Pinjamakha, according to the -statements of the Buddhists, was deposed by a robber of the name of -Nanda. The band to which Nanda belonged is said to have attacked and -plundered villages after Kalaçoka's time. When the chief was killed in -an attack, Nanda became the leader, and set before his companions a -higher aim in the acquisition of the throne. Strengthened by -reinforcements, he formed an army, conquered a city, and there caused -himself to be proclaimed king. Advancing further, and favoured by -success, he finally took Palibothra, and with the city he gained the -kingdom. This Nanda, who ascended the throne of Magadha in the year 403 -B.C., is called by the Brahmans Ugrasena, _i.e._ leader of the terrible -army, or Mahapadmapati, _i.e._ lord of the innumerable army, and they -maintain that he was the son of the last king of Kalaçoka's tribe, who -had begotten him with a Çudra woman.[504] This statement and the -epithets quoted at any rate confirm the usurpation and the fact that it -was accomplished by force. - -Nanda's successors did not maintain themselves on the throne of Magadha -beyond the middle of the fourth century. We are without definite -information about their achievements, and can only conclude from the -renown of the kingdom at this time, that the supreme power which Magadha -had acquired in the land of the Ganges, under Ajataçatru and Kalaçoka, -was not lost under their dominion; and from the confusion in the -statements of the Buddhists about this dynasty we may gather that they -favoured the Brahmans. The last genuine Nanda was Daçasiddhika. He was -deposed and murdered by the paramour of his wife, Sunanda, a barber, who -is sometimes called Indradatta, and sometimes Kaivarta after his -despised caste. Indradatta bequeathed the crown thus obtained to his -son, whom the Buddhists called Dhanananda, _i.e._ the rich Nanda, or -Dhanapala, _i.e._ the rich ruler, and the Brahmans Hiranyagupta, _i.e._ -the man protected by gold. His reign lasted from the year 340 B.C. to -315 B.C., and he is said to have amassed great treasures. Western -writers called this king Xandrames or Agrames, and his kingdom the -kingdom of the Prasians, _i.e._ of the Prachyas (the Easterns) or the -Gangarides. They tell that Xandrames was of such a low and contemptible -origin that he was said to be the son of a barber. But his father had -been a man of extraordinary beauty, and by this means had won the heart -of the queen, who by craft killed her husband, the king. In this way the -father of Xandrames acquired the throne of the Prasians, and he -bequeathed it to his son, who nevertheless was detested and despised for -his low origin and his wickedness. At the same time the Greeks tell us -that Xandrames could put into the field an army of 200,000 foot -soldiers, 20,000 horses, 4000 elephants, and more than 2000 chariots of -war; others raise the number of the horse to 80,000, of the elephants to -6000, and put the chariots at 8000.[505] From these statements of the -Greeks and what they tell us elsewhere of the kingdom of the Prasians or -Gangarides, the western border of which is the Yamuna, it follows that -neither the change in the dynasty owing to the accession of the first -Nanda, nor the usurpation of Indradatta, interrupted the rise of the -power of Magadha, which had begun under Ajataçatru, and attained greater -dimensions under Kalaçoka. Not the army only but the gold of -Dhanapala-Xandrames, the son of Indradatta, is evidence of the splendour -and extent of the kingdom, which must have comprised the whole valley of -the Ganges to the east of the Yamuna. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[482] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 351, 372. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2, -80 ff. Köppen, "Rel. d. Buddha," s. 117. - -[483] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 86 ff. - -[484] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 89. - -[485] Von Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 81. - -[486] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 91. _n._ 1. - -[487] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 147, 435. - -[488] Diod. 2, 39. Strabo, p. 702. Arrian, "Ind." 10, 6, 7. - -[489] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 649, 650. - -[490] Manu, 10, 45. - -[491] The date follows from the fact that the settlers who are said to -have landed in Ceylon in 543 B.C. according to the era of the -Singhalese, find the kingdom of the Pandus and the city of Mathura in -existence. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 23 ff; 99 ff; cp. _infr._ p. 372. - -[492] Benfey, "Indien," s. 221. Neither the book of the law nor the -sutras of the Buddhists mention the Pariahs, often as they speak of the -Chandalas. - -[493] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2^2, 99 ff., 108 ff. - -[494] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 137, _n._4, 2^2, 99 ff. The island then -received from the city of Tamraparni the name which is still in use -among the natives; Tamraparni is in Pali, Tambapanni; and from this is -formed the Taprobane of the Greeks. Lanka is no doubt the older name, -but like Sinhala it is still in use. - -[495] Westergaard, "Ueber Buddha's Todesjahr," s. 100 ff. Lassen, _loc. -cit._ 2^2, 100 ff. - -[496] Ritter, "Geographie," 4, 2, 519-542. Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1. -377. These are, no doubt, the Padĉans and Calatians of Herodotus (3, 98, -ff.). Lassen explains this name by _padya_, bad, and _kala_, black. - -[497] Strabo, p. 72, 690. - -[498] Arrian, "Ind." 8; Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 24. - -[499] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 351, 372. Köppen, "Religion des -Buddha," s. 117. On the forms of the Sanskrit in which the old sutras -were written, Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 106 ff. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, -493. - -[500] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 217, 232. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2, 79, 80. -Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 143. - -[501] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 93. Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 149. - -[502] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 90. - -[503] According to the Mahavança, Kalaçoka is succeeded by his ten sons, -who are followed by the nine Nandas. But as the commentary only allows -twelve rulers between Kalaçoka and Açoka it will suffice to mention the -eldest son, and the two last in the list of the brothers, whose names -are given by the scholia of the Mahavança, as these correspond to -Nandivardhana and Mahanandi among the Brahmans. "Vishnu-Purana," ed. -Wilson, p. 466; cf. Von Gutschmid, "Beiträge," s. 71, 77 ff. - -[504] Lassen, "Ind, Alterth." 2^2, 97. Von Gutschmid, _loc. cit._ - -[505] Diod. 17, 93. Plut. "Alex." 62. Curt. 9, 2. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE NATIONS AND PRINCES OF THE LAND OF THE INDUS. - - -The examination of the accounts of exploits said to have been performed -by Cyrus (Kuru), the founder of the Persian kingdom, in the region of -the Indus, showed us above (p. 16) that it was the Gandarians, the -neighbours of the Arachoti, whom Cyrus subjugated. Hence the spies of -Darius could travel from Caspapyrus, _i.e._ from the city of Cabul -(Kabura) down the Cabul and the Indus; from the mouth of the latter they -sailed round Arabia and returned home by the Arabian Gulf. Not quite -thirty years after the death of the Enlightened, towards the year 515 -B.C., Darius subjugated the tribes dwelling to the north of Cabul on the -right bank of the Indus, the "northern Indians," as Herodotus calls -them, as far as the upper course of the Indus. His inscriptions at -Persepolis add the "Idhus" to the Gandarians and Arachoti, who are -mentioned in previous inscriptions as subjugated.[506] The Gandarians -were united with the Arachoti and Sattagydĉ into a satrapy of the -Persian kingdom; the Açvakas, who dwell on the left bank of the Cabul, -formed with the tribes who dwell further north up the course of the -Indus a separate satrapy, the satrapy of the Indians. By the successor -of Darius the soldiers in both satrapies were summoned to take part in -the campaign against Hellas. Herodotus, who wrote at the time when -Kalaçoka sat on the throne of Magadha, tells us that the Gandarians, who -were commanded by Artyphius, the son of Artabanes, were armed like the -Bactrians; the Indians, led by Pharnazathres, were clothed in garments -of cotton or bark, and armed with bows of reed, and arrows of reed -tipped with iron points. The horsemen among the Indians were clothed and -armed like the foot-soldiers, their chariots of war were equipped partly -by horses and partly by wild asses.[507] They marched over the bridges -of the Hellespont, and sixty years after the death of the Enlightened -they trod the soil of Hellas. They saw the temple of Athens in flames; -the infantry, horse, and chariots of the Indians wintered in Thessaly, -and were then defeated on the Asopus.[508] - -According to Herodotus the satrapy of the Indians paid the highest -tribute in the whole Persian kingdom; each year it had to deliver 360 -talents of gold to the king. The gold for this payment was obtained, as -Herodotus tells us, from a great desert, which lay to the east beyond -the Indus. Of that region no one could give any account. Where the -desert began there were ants, smaller than dogs and larger than foxes, -which dug up gold sand, when after the manner of ants they excavated -their nests in the ground. This sand the Indians took, put in sacks, and -carried it off as quickly as possible on the swiftest camels; for -should the ants overtake them, neither man nor beast could escape; -occasionally ants of the kind were captured and brought to the Persian -king.[509] This marvellous story is repeated by Megasthenes with even -more definite statements; the Indians who dwelt in the mountains of that -region are called Derdĉ; the mountain plain, in which the ants are -found, is three thousand stades (about 400 miles) in circuit; the sand -thrown up by these animals requires but little smelting; and Nearchus -assures us that the skins of the ants are like those of panthers.[510] -That the Greeks are not relating a fable of their own invention is -proved by the Mahabharata, according to which the tribes which dwell in -the mountains of the north bring "ant gold" to Yudhishthira as a -tribute.[511] The Derdĉ of Megasthenes must be the Daradas, whom the -book of the law counts among the degenerate races of warriors.[512] Even -at this day the Dardus dwell on the upper course of the Indus to the -north of Cashmere, in the valley of the Nagar, which flows into the -Indus from the north, to the east of the highest summits as far as -Iskardu, on the Darda-Himalayas (so called after the tribe), and speak a -dialect of Sanskrit.[513] Adjacent to this almost inaccessible -mountain-land are table-lands, where the sandy soil contains gold-dust. -Numerous marmot-like animals with spotted skins, of which the largest -are about two feet long,[514] burrow in this soil. The traveller who -first penetrated this region in our times informs us: "The red soil was -pierced by these animals, which sat on their hind legs before their -holes, and seemed to protect them."[515] We may assume that the Daradas -carried away the loose sand which these animals threw up in making their -winter holes, in order to extract the gold from it; and the Aryas on the -lower Indus and the Ganges, who did not know the marmot, compared them -with the ants, which, among them, built and dug holes in the earth, and -assuming that they were a large species of ant, called the gold of the -north after them (_pipilika_). What the Greeks tell us of the swiftness -and dangerous nature of these animals is fabulous. - -What effect the subjugation of the Aryas on the right bank of the Indus, -and their dependence on the Persian kingdom, exercised upon them, we -cannot ascertain. That they were not greatly alienated from the -community of their own nation may be concluded from the fact that in the -Aitareya-Brahmana and in the Mahabharata, a king of the Gandharas is -mentioned, Nagnajit by name;[516] that in the Epos the daughter of the -king of the Gandharas is married to the king of the Bharatas, and -Krishna relates that he has overcome all the sons of Nagnajit,[517] the -king of the Gandharas. A Rishi and Brahmans of the Gandharas are also -mentioned, the latter with the addition that they are the lowest of all -the Brahmans.[518] Of the tribes to the north of the Cabul, the Açvakas, -the Assacanes of the Greeks, are merely alluded to by name. Whether the -Persian kings maintained their dominion on the western bank of the Indus -down to the fall of the kingdom, is not certain. The products and -animals of India which Ctesias saw at the Persian court are described -as gifts of the king of the Indians. According to Arrian, the Indians -"from this side of the Indus" fought with some fifteen elephants in the -army of the last Persian king at Arbela; according to Megasthenes these -were the Oxydrakes (Kshudrakas), soldiers raised on the other side of -the stream.[519] - -From the time that the hymns of the Veda were sung in the land of the -Panjab we are without any information about the life in these regions. -From the Brahmans of the land of the Ganges and the writings of the -Buddhists we hardly learn more about the nations of the Panjab and their -fortunes than about the Aryas of the right bank of the Indus. The -Çatapatha-Brahmana and the Ramayana mention the nation of the Kaikeyas, -whose abodes are to be sought on the upper course of the Iravati and the -Vipaça. Both authorities denote the king of the Kaikeyas by the title -Açvapati, _i.e._ lord of horses.[520] The horses of the land of the -Indus were considered the best in India (p. 318). The metropolis of the -Kaikeyas is called in the Ramayana Girivraja, and the daughter of -Açvapati is given to wife to king Daçaratha of Ayodhya. The distance -from Girivraja to Ayodhya is fixed in the poem at seven days' journey in -a chariot on a paved road.[521] The sutras of the Buddhists mention a -region lying still further to the west. Not very far from the left bank -of the Indus was the city of Takshaçila. In this, according to the -sutras, the law of the Brahmans was current; Chandalas are said to have -performed the duties of executioners and buriers of the dead. According -to the Mahavança, Brahmans march in the fourth century B.C. from -Palibothra to Takshaçila, and from thence to Palibothra.[522] The -chronicle in this work, which it is true was not completed till the -twelfth century A.D., tells us that king Gopaditya, who must be placed -in the fourth century B.C., presented Brahmans from Aryadeça with lands, -that he observed the castes, and introduced the worship of Çiva.[523] - -The Brahmans of the Ganges looked down with scorn on the ancient home, -and the region of the seven streams, where the arrangement of the castes -and the Brahmanic law had not been brought into full recognition and -currency, where there were tribes and even whole nations, who lived not -only without Brahmans, but even without kings. We know the views of the -Brahmans concerning the necessity of the power of punishment, the royal -power, "since it is only from fear that all creatures fulfil their -duties." In regard to the fact that the Brahmanic arrangement, which -with them is the original arrangement given by God, was not entirely -observed in the Panjab, the inhabitants of the land are for the most -part called Vratyas, _i.e._ heretics; Bahikas, _i.e._ excluded; and the -tribes without kings Arattas, _i.e._ kingless. Of the Vratyas the -Tandya-Brahmana tells us: "They come on in uncovered chariots of war, -armed with bows and lances; they wear turbans and garments with a red -hem, fluttering points, and double sheepskins. Their leaders are -distinguished by a brown robe and silver ornaments for the neck. They -neither till the field nor carry on trade. In regard to law, they live -in perpetual confusion; they do indeed speak the same language with the -Brahmanic initiated; but what is easily spoken they call hard to be -spoken."[524] According to the evidence of Panini, the Bahikas dwelt in -villages, were without kings and Brahmans, and lived by war; the -Kshudrakas and Malavas were the mightiest among those who had no -king.[525] In the Mahabharata we are told that they are excluded from -the Himavat, the Yamuna and the Sarasvati; impure in manners and -character, they must be avoided. Their sacred fig-tree is called -cow-slaughter, and their market-place is full of drinking-vessels. The -wicked drink the intoxicating liquor of rice and sugar; they eat the -flesh of oxen with garlic, and other flesh with forbidden herbs. The -women wander through the streets and fields adorned with garlands, -intoxicated and without garments. With cries like the noise of horses -and asses they run to the bathing-places. They shout and curse, -intoxicated with wine. What is taught by those acquainted with the -sacred books passes elsewhere for law, but here, he who is born a -Brahman passes into the rank of the Kshatriya or Vaiçya and Çudra, and -the priest may become a barber, the barber a Kshatriya. Nowhere can the -priest live according to his pleasure; only among the Gandharas, -Kshudrakas and Bahikas is this reversal of everything a custom.[526] - -The path of their development had carried the Brahmans on the Ganges so -far from the original basis and motives of the old Arian life, that now -they hardly could or would find any common link between themselves and -these tribes. But even from their own point of view their attacks are -exaggerated. The accounts of western writers from the last third of the -fourth century B.C. show us that in the larger states and monarchies on -the Indus and in the Panjab the doctrines of the Brahmans were known -and practised. They were honoured and influential, though their rules -were not entirely observed, least of all, it would seem, in the -arrangement and closeness of the castes. From the same accounts we -perceive what form of life and civilisation had been attained in the -region of the Panjab since the time when the hymns of the Veda were sung -there. A considerable number of smaller and larger principalities had -arisen on the upper and lower Indus, and on the heights in the Panjab. -Between these, on the spurs of the Himalayas, on the middle and lower -course of the five streams, lay nations governed by overseers of -cantons, chiefs of cities and districts, among which, with the exception -of some pastoral tribes, the noble families were numerous and warlike. -The territory of the princes no less than that of the free nations was -thickly inhabited; even the latter possessed a considerable number of -fortified towns. Not only the great principalities but even the free -nations could put in the field armies of 50,000 men; and there were -cities among them where 70,000 men could be made captive. In the -monarchies between the Indus and the Vitasta Brahmans are found busied -with penitential exercises, and they are of influence in the councils of -the princes on the lower Indus. But even in one of the free nations a -city of Brahmans is mentioned. The princes kept without exception a -number of elephants for use in war; the ancient chariots were employed -in their armies. The free nations were without elephants, but had -hundreds and even thousands of chariots, in which, we cannot doubt, the -noble families went to battle. There was no lack of martial vigour and -spirit in the region of the Indus. With the exception of some minor -princes and tribes and one or two larger states who asked for favour -and help, the nations knew how to defend themselves with the utmost -stubbornness. When defeated in the field, they maintained their cities, -which were surrounded by walls and towers, chiefly, it appears, built of -bricks, but also of masonry, and containing no doubt a citadel within -them. Yet the walls of the cities cannot have been very strong, nor the -citadels very high; if they forced the enemy to a regular siege, the -walls did not long withstand the missiles and powerful besieging -engines, and when the walls were surmounted it was possible to leap down -without injury from the rampart to the ground. - -The dominion of the Persians cannot have exercised any deep influence on -the life of the Aryas on the right bank of the Indus, and still less on -the nations beyond the river. A new enemy, a dangerous neighbour, came -upon the Indians from the distant west, who brought upon their states -the first serious disaster from without. The extensive Persian kingdom -was broken before the mighty arm of Alexander of Macedon. His expedition -came from a greater distance than the armies of the kings of Asshur, of -Cyrus, and Darius; it penetrated further to the east than the Assyrians -and Persians had ever done, and brought with it important consequences, -which extended over the whole land of the Indus. - -What essentially tended to make the attack of these enemies easier was -the discord among the states and tribes of the land of the Indus. The -mightiest kingdom on this side of the Indus was the kingdom of Cashmere, -whose princes had extended their territory over the mountains in the -south, and the land of Abhisara. They were in excellent relations with -the princely race of the Pauravas, which reigned between the upper -course of the Vitasta and the Asikni. In common both states had sought -to subjugate the free nations between their territories and on the -borders of the Pauravas. They marched out with a great army, but they -were unable to accomplish anything.[527] In the land of the Panjab the -Pauravas possessed the most important warlike power; a neighbouring -family of the same name ruled between the upper Asikni and the Iravati. -Such a power was dangerous to the kingdom of Takshaçila, which lay to -the west between the upper Iravati and the Indus; the princes of this -state had long been at enmity with their neighbours, the Pauravas. A -similar feud on the lower Indus separated the princes of the Mushikas -and those of the region of Sindimana, which lay opposite, on the right -bank of the Indus. Of the free nations the Kshudrakas and Malavas could -together put 100,000 warriors in the field, but they were in a state of -feud and hostility. - -Alexander assembled his army for the march against the Indians at -Bactra, whither, according to the Epos of the Persians, Semiramis had -once summoned her troops against the Indian king Stabrobates. In the -spring of the year 327 B.C. he crossed the Hindu Kush with 120,000 foot -soldiers and 15,000 horse,[528] and when he arrived at Cabul he began -the reduction of the Aryas, who dwelt on the right bank of the -Indus.[529] At the confluence of the Cabul and the Indus lay the city of -Pushkala, of which the territory was called among the Greeks Penkelaotis -(Pushkalavati), and the prince Astes.[530] This city could not be -reduced without a siege of 30 days. To the north of the Cabul the -Açvakas, to the south the Gandarians had to be overpowered. Of the war -against the Gandarians we know very little; the Açvakas made such a -stubborn resistance that they were not completely subjugated till the -winter. The Greeks call the Açvakas Assacanes, Aspasians, and -Hippasians. They were under a king, who resided in the city of Maçaka -(Massaga) on the Maçakavati,[531] no doubt an affluent of the Suvastu; -lived in fruitful valleys, and kept horses and numerous herds of cattle -on the high mountain pastures.[532] Beside the metropolis there were -other walled cities and rocky citadels in the land of the Açvakas. At -the approach of Alexander they fled to the mountains and to their -fortified cities. When the Macedonians had taken the outer walls of the -first city which they attacked, and the assault on the second seemed -likely to succeed, the besieged sallied forth from the gates, and the -majority escaped to the nearest mountains. Retiring with his army to the -mountains from the open field before the Macedonians, the king of the -Açvakas (western writers call him like his people Assacanus) fell in -single combat; his people made the most violent efforts to recover his -corpse from the enemies, but in vain.[533] Then, by means of a surprise -at night, Alexander succeeded after a severe battle in dispersing the -army of the Açvakas; forty thousand Indians are said to have been made -prisoners, and above 230,000 cattle were taken as booty.[534] Before -Maçaka, where the mother of the fallen king (the Greeks call her -Cleophis) had assumed the conduct of affairs,[535] Alexander found an -army of 30,000 foot soldiers, 2000 horse, 30 elephants, and 7000 men -raised in the further part of India. By pretending to retire Alexander -induced the Açvakas to advance further from the walls of the city, but -though he made the movement he had prepared with all speed, he did not -succeed in slaying more then 200 men. The walls of the city, it is true, -gave way before his battering-rams on the very first day, yet he could -not take the place, though the assault was carried on with the utmost -vigour for four successive days. Then a shot from an engine killed the -commander of the besieged; and they began to negociate. Alexander merely -required that the mercenaries from the interior of India should leave -the city and take service with him. The condition was accepted; the -mercenaries marched out of the city and encamped on a hill opposite the -Macedonian camp. Then, according to the Greek account, they intended to -return to their homes in the night, to avoid bearing arms against their -own nation. This intention was made known to Alexander, who caused the -hill to be surrounded by his whole army, cut down the Indians to the -last man, and then took the city by storm; the mother and daughter of -Assacanus were captured. Whatever may have been the case with the -supposed intention of the Indian mercenaries, and the intelligence which -Alexander is said to have received of this intention--the city had -fulfilled the condition imposed upon it, and had given up the -mercenaries, why then was it attacked in this unexpected and unmerited -manner against the terms of the capitulation? Alexander hoped that the -fall of the metropolis would terrify the remaining cities into -submission. But Ora had in turn to be regularly invested, and when this -had been done Alexander in person took the city by storm. Lines were -constructed against Bazira during the siege of Ora in order to cut off -the supplies of the inhabitants. But on receiving the intelligence that -Ora had fallen the inhabitants of Bazira left their city, and with many -of their people sought refuge in the citadel of Aornus (no doubt -_avarana_, protection), which is said to have been situated close to the -Indus not far from its confluence with the Cabul, on an isolated hill, -above 5000 feet in height, and above twenty miles in circuit at the -foot. What is meant is apparently the steep height on the Indus, on -which the citadel of Ranigat now lies.[536] Though Indians were found to -point out to the Macedonians a hidden path to the summit of the hill, -and select Macedonian troops thus reached a rock opposite the citadel, -concealed themselves there during the night by a barricade of trees, and -occupied the defenders by their unexpected attack, Alexander on the -other side of the mountain could not force his way up. When the Indians -had driven him back, they attempted to overpower the troops on the rock. -To save these, Alexander had to take the same path which they had taken; -after a severe struggle, which lasted from early dawn to night, he -succeeded in joining his troops on this side. Then he caused his army to -labour incessantly for four days in constructing a dam of wood-work and -stones across the gorge which separated the ridge of rock from the -citadel. As the work rapidly extended to a second eminence, which the -Macedonians could now occupy, close to the citadel, the Indians -abandoned the latter. But even so the war against the Açvakas was not -ended. The brother of the fallen king (Diodorus calls him Aphricus, and -Curtius Eryx) had taken the government into his hands, and got together -a new force of 20,000 men and 15 elephants in the north of the land. -Alexander marched against it to Dyrta. He found the city abandoned; even -the population of the surrounding country had fled. Prisoners declared -that the king, and the whole nation with him, had sought refuge beyond -the Indus with Abhisares, _i.e._ in the region of Cashmere.[537] -Alexander was pursuing him, when the king's head and armour were brought -in by some of his people. When a few of his elephants had been captured, -Alexander returned in sixteen marches to Pushkala on the bank of the -Indus, and his army wintered in the land of the Açvakas.[538] - -Early in the year 326 B.C. Alexander prepared to cross the Indus in -order finally to measure himself against the fellow-tribesmen of the -nations who had so long detained his arms on the right bank of the -river. Even when he was in Sogdiana, Mophis the son of the prince of the -Indians, who ruled between the Indus and the Vitasta (the Greeks call -his territory the kingdom of Taxiles after the metropolis Takshaçila), -sent envoys requesting that he would take his part and receive him as a -vassal.[539] Mophis was moved to this step by the ancient feud between -the kingdom of Takshaçila and the greater empire of the Pauravas -between the Vitasta and the Asikni (the Greeks call this the empire of -Porus). In the meantime the father of Mophis had died, and Alexander now -received as the sign of submission on the part of the new prince, 3000 -bulls, 10,000 sheep, 25 elephants, and about 200 talents of silver. He -directed his march against the city of Takshaçila which lay half way -between the Indus and Vitasta.[540] Mophis came to meet him with his -warriors and elephants, and led him into his metropolis.[541] This city, -the Greeks tell us, was large (the largest between the Indus and the -Vitasta) and flourishing, and its constitution well arranged. The land, -which sank gradually to the plain, was cultivated and very -fruitful.[542] The king of Cashmere had sent his brother to Takshaçila -to announce his submission; some smaller princes, neighbours of the -territory of Takshaçila, came in person to pay homage to Alexander. - -At Takshaçila the Greeks found "wise men" of the Indians. Aristobulus -tells that he had there seen two Brahmans, one older and shaven, the -other younger and wearing his hair. Both had been accompanied by their -pupils. In the market-place they could take what pleased them, so that -they had abundant food of honey and sesame without any cost, and -everyone whom they approached drenched them so plentifully with sesame -oil that it ran down into their eyes. Not far from the city they had -given an example of endurance; the older, lying on the earth, exposed -himself to the heat of the sun and then to torrents of rain; the younger -went even further, for he stood on one leg and with both hands -supported a log of wood three cubits in length, and when one limb was -tired, he stood on the other, and continued standing the whole day long. -Alexander desired to have one of these sages, who were in the greatest -repute there,[543] about him, that he might learn their doctrine.[544] -The younger one accompanied him a short time, but soon returned to his -home; the older one remained with Alexander, and changed his clothing -and mode of life; to those who reproached him on this account he replied -that the forty years for which he had vowed asceticism (p. 179) were -past.[545] Onesicritus relates that he had found fifteen of these sages -to the south of the city, each in a different position, one sitting, -another standing, a third naked and lying immovable on the ground till -evening. The severest trial was the endurance of the heat, which at -midday was so great that no one else could touch the ground with the -naked foot. Among these sages, lying on stones, was the Calanus who -afterwards followed Alexander, and subsequently ended his life in -Persia. But Mandanis,[546] who was the first among them in age and -wisdom, had said: That doctrine was the best which removed pleasure and -pain from the soul; pain and effort were different things; effort was -the friend, pain the enemy of the soul; they exercised the body by toil -and nakedness and scanty nourishment, in order to stablish the spirit, -that so the division between them might be ended, and they might give -the best counsel to everyone. That house was the best which required the -least furniture.[547] Megasthenes assures us that the sages of the -Indians reproached Calanus because he renounced the blessedness which he -might have enjoyed among them, in order to serve another master than -God.[548] These accounts of the Greeks fully confirm the statements of -the Buddhists given above (p. 387), that the law and order of the -Brahmans were current in Takshaçila. - -Beyond the Vitasta (Hydaspes) was the kingdom of Porus, as the Greeks -called the ruler of it. He derived his race, as Plutarch says, from -Gegasius, by whom may be meant the Yayati of the Rigveda and the -Mahabharata (p. 82). The name Porus has been taken by the Greeks from -the dynasty; the Mahabharata speaks of a kingdom of the Pauravas or -Pauras, in the neighbourhood of Cashmere.[549] The territory of Porus -extended to the east as far as the Asikni. Spittakes the nephew of Porus -ruled over a small region on the west bank of the Vitasta; his cousin -reigned in the east between the Asikni and Iravati. In the north the -territory of Porus was separated from that of the king of Cashmere by a -few small tribes. According to the Greeks the kingdom of Porus was -superior to that of Cashmere; three hundred cities are enumerated in it. -Porus could bring into the field 200 elephants, 400 chariots of war, -4000 horse, and about 50,000 foot soldiers. - -Alexander encamped opposite the army of Porus, who held the left bank of -the Vitasta; though far superior in numbers--his army was twice as -strong and had been yet further increased by 5000 Indians from Mophis -and some smaller princes--Alexander for a long time hesitated to cross -the river in the face of Porus. At last he was decided by the -information that the king of Cashmere, notwithstanding his embassy, was -marching to join Porus, with an army not much weaker than his own, and -was only 50 miles distant. Alexander divided his troops, left half -opposite the camp of Porus, and with the other half hastened to cross -the river higher up in order to defeat Porus before the army of Cashmere -arrived. The crossing was accomplished in the neighbourhood of the -modern Jalam.[550] Porus also divided his army; with all his elephants, -chariots, and cavalry, and the greater part of his infantry, he marched -against Alexander. Two hundred elephants in a long row with intervals of -a hundred feet, as Arrian states, formed his first rank; the infantry -formed the second rank, the cavalry and chariots were on the wings. -After a fluctuating and desperate conflict the Macedonians were -victorious. Porus, wounded in the right shoulder, was among the last to -retire on his elephant. When his old enemy the prince of Takshaçila -called on him to desist from the battle,[551] he answered by raising his -javelin. The other retired hastily on his horse. Requested a second time -by an Indian, a friend of old days, and afterwards at the command of -Alexander, to lay down his weapons, he checked his elephants, quenched -his thirst, and then allowed himself to be brought before Alexander, -from whom his indomitable bearing and lofty form won respect. To -Alexander's question how he wished to be treated, he replied: Like a -king. His two sons and his nephew Spittakes had fallen; of his army, -according to the Greeks, 12,000 in some accounts and 20,000 in others -were slain (end of April or beginning of May, 326 B.C.).[552] - -The defeat of Porus terrified the king of Cashmere. He did not venture -to oppose Alexander unaided; at any rate he sought to avert the -threatening storm for the moment; he sent his brother with forty -elephants and other presents to appease Alexander by these tokens of -submission. Alexander required that he should pay homage in person; -otherwise he would visit him in his own land. He kept his word. The -cousin of Porus, whose territory lay between the upper course of the -Asikni and the Iravati--he had rendered no assistance to his kinsman -against Alexander--fled out of his land with a part of his army at -Alexander's approach,[553] and the Glaukas (Glausai, Glaukanikai among -the Greeks,) who inhabited thirty-seven considerable towns and many -villages on the heights to the north of the kingdom of the conquered -Porus, submitted. Beyond the Indus the Açvakas were again in open -revolt, and after crossing the Asikni, marching through the land of the -fugitive prince, and advancing beyond the Iravati, Alexander found the -most stubborn resistance among the Khattias (the Kathaioi of the -Greeks),[554] who dwelt to the south of the Kaikeyas between the Iravati -and Vipaça, and like the Glaukas obeyed no king. The Kshudrakas and -Malavas, dwelling in the lower land on the Asikni and the Çatadru, had -sent assistance to them. Hence the Khattias awaited the attack of the -foreigners at their chief city Çakala (Sangala), the modern Amritsir. -Near this spacious city, which abutted on a lake and was surrounded by a -wall of bricks, they were encamped on a gentle eminence behind a triple -row of packed waggons. After a bloody battle they were driven into the -city, and Alexander then began the regular investment of the city by -throwing up a double trench round it so far as the lake did not prevent -him. An attempt on the part of the besieged to break through, of which -Alexander received timely information by deserters, was abandoned after -a loss of 500 men. The engines were set up, the battering-rams and -wooden towers were prepared, when breaches appeared in the wall, which -had been already undermined. The army of Alexander made the assault, the -ladders were placed, the city taken. At this capture 17,000 Indians are -said to have been slain; the remainder of the army and the entire -population of the city, amounting together to 70,000 men, were made -prisoners. Among the captive soldiers were 500 horsemen; and 300 -chariots were taken. The city was levelled to the ground. This siege is -said to have cost the Macedonians 100 slain and 12,000 wounded.[555] As -the fate of Çakala did not terrify the remaining cities of the Khattias -into submission, Alexander caused the inhabitants of two other cities, -who fled at his approach, to be vigorously pursued; some hundreds who -failed to escape were overtaken and cut down. The remaining places then -submitted without opposition. - -Alexander had not merely restored Porus to his throne after the battle -on the Vitasta, but had even increased his power; he assigned to him the -territory of the Glaukas, and of his fugitive cousin, together with the -recently-conquered land of the Khattias, so that Porus, according to the -Greeks, now reigned over seven nations, and more than two thousand -considerable towns beside many villages.[556] The northern neighbours of -the Khattias were the Kaikeyas, whose prince--the Açvapati of the time -(p. 387), but the Greeks call him Sopeithes--welcomed Alexander, and -thus as well as by presents gave evidence of his submission. The Greeks -extol the good laws of this nation, and their vigorous dogs, a cross -breed between tigers and dogs, as some thought. The Ramayana mentions -among the Kaikeyas, "the dogs bred in the palace, gifted with the -strength of the tiger, and of huge body." Alexander received 150 of -these animals as a present from Açvapati.[557] - -From the land of the Kaikeyas the Macedonians reached the eastern stream -of the Panjab, which the Greeks call Hyphasis (it is the Vipaça of the -Indians), above the confluence with the Çatadru. When Alexander had -received here a further embassy from the king of Cashmere, which was -accompanied by a fresh present of 50 elephants, and the homage of the -prince of Uraça, whose territory lay to the west of Cashmere on the -Himalayas,[558] he returned in the autumn of the year 326 B.C. to the -Vitasta (Hydaspes); from hence he descended, sending part of his army on -board ship down the river, and taking the remainder along the banks, in -order to come to and along the Asikni, and from this to the Indus. -Before he reached the Asikni his army, on the right bank of the lower -Vitasta, came upon the nation of the Çibis; east of these, on the -confluence of the Vitasta and the Asikni, were the Kshudrakas (the -Greeks call them Oxydrakes), and still further to the east between the -Asikni and the Iravati the Agalassians, while beyond the Iravati as far -as the Çatadru were the Malavas, who like the Kshudrakas had already -sent help to the Khattias against Alexander. The Çibis, a pastoral -people, who carried the skins of animals and used clubs as weapons, were -overcome with little resistance, or submitted without a struggle.[559] -the Agalassians, who had put in the field some thousands of infantry and -3000 horse, were severely defeated by Alexander, and their cities -conquered. The Kshudrakas and Malavas forgetting their ancient hostility -had now combined against the foe, and together could bring into the -field 80,000 foot soldiers, 10,000 cavalry, and 7000 chariots of -war.[560] But the leaders whom the Kshudrakas put at the head of their -forces were not true to the Malavas; they retired into their cities. -These, unexpectedly attacked by Alexander, were taken one after the -other; one of them is mentioned expressly as a Brahman city.[561] The -largest city was found to be deserted; but on the banks of the Iravati -50,000 Malavas, it is said, had collected. They were put to flight, and -sought protection in a neighbouring fortified place on the western bank -of the Iravati. Alexander followed them. The attack on the city began. -The Indians retired into the citadel from the walls of the city; this -also Alexander at once attacked, and with his own hands seized on a -scaling-ladder and ascended; Peukestes the shield-bearer of the king, -Abreas and Leonnatus follow him; he gains the parapet and stands on the -gangway when the ladder breaks. As in that position he was too prominent -a mark, owing to the splendour of his armour, for the shots of the -Indians, especially from the two nearest towers, he leaps from the -gangway down into the citadel. The Indians press upon him; he beats down -some of the assailants. Peukestes, Abreas and Leonnatus follow his -example, and fight at his side, when an arrow pierces Alexander's mail -and penetrates his breast. The king falls; Abreas falls also, struck in -the face. With extreme effort Peukestes covers Alexander with the -shield of Athene of Ilium, Leonnatus assisting on the other side, till -at length the Macedonians force their way in, and put to death every -living creature in the citadel, men, women, and children.[562] Then -envoys came from the Malavas and promised the submission of the whole -people. They were followed by the overseers of the cities and cantons of -the Kshudrakas, accompanied by 150 chiefs of note, who pledged absolute -obedience. Alexander required 1000 nobles as hostages. They were sent -with 500 yoked and manned chariots of war, which the Kshudrakas added. -The chariots Alexander retained in his army, the hostages he sent back. - -These contests against the free Indians had occupied the autumn and -winter. Not till the second month in the year 325 B.C.[563] did -Alexander set out from his camp at the mouth of the Iravati to the -Asikni, and sail up the latter to the Indus. The tribes on the Panjab -and the Indus, the Abastanes, the Vasatyas, who lived according to -Brahmanic laws (the Greeks call them the Ossadians[564]), and the -Kshatris were easily reduced or submitted without a struggle. Arrived in -the valley of the lower Indus the Macedonians again came upon -principalities. There the nearest inhabitants on both sides of the river -were the Çudras, whom the Greeks call the Sodroi or Sogdoi, governed by -a king; then on the western shore followed the kingdom of Sambus, who at -first submitted, and then at the instigation of the Brahmans seized his -weapons, but soon fled over the Indus with 30 elephants. His metropolis, -Sindimana, opened its gates; the other cities had to be taken by storm. -In one of these Brahmans were captured, and those of them who had -advised the king to revolt were executed. The whole land was laid waste; -above 80,000 men are said to have been slain, and the rest sold as -slaves.[565] Opposite the principality of Sambus, on the eastern bank, -dwelt the Mushikas, whose king the Greeks call Musikanos, after his -people; he abandoned every thought of resistance, as the Macedonians -appeared on his borders earlier than he expected. When he had submitted, -he also, on the instigation of the Brahmans, attempted to liberate -himself by arms. He was defeated and crucified along with his Brahmans. -To the south of the Mushikas lay the Prasthas,[566] on the eastern bank. -The city, into which the prince had retired, was taken on the third day; -the walls of the citadel soon collapsed, the prince fell in battle, the -city was sacked. At the point where the Indus divides into two great -arms on its course towards the sea, lay the great city of Potala, _i.e._ -ship-station, the Pattala of the Greeks.[567] At Alexander's approach -the prince of this region fled, the city was abandoned by the -inhabitants, the surrounding country by the husbandmen. - -It was Alexander's intention to maintain his conquests in India. On the -Vitasta he had built Bucephala and Nicĉa, on the Asikni a third fortress -of the name of Alexandria, on the confluence of the Panjab and the Indus -a fourth of the same name. Pattala was transformed into a well-fortified -harbour; he ordered a citadel to be erected there, a harbour and docks. -As satrap of the district of the Panjab he appointed Philippus; as -satrap of the region on the lower course of the Indus Peithon, the son -of Agenor. Garrisons were placed in the most important cities. Alexander -moreover counted on the fidelity and the interest of the princes, Mophis -and Porus, whose territories he had enlarged. When he had navigated the -two mighty arms of the Indus, and examined their outlets, he set out -towards the end of August, 325 B.C.[568], with the greater part of his -army, 80,000 men strong, to march through Gedrosia to Persia. In -September Nearchus left the Indus with the fleet, carrying the rest of -the army, in order to explore the unknown sea and return to the Persian -Gulf. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[506] The inscription of Behistun speaks of Harauvatis and Gandara as -subjugated; the inscription of Persepolis of Harauvatis, Idhus, and -Gandara. Hence Harauvatis and Gandhara belong to the hereditary part of -the kingdom; Idhus (Indun in the Balylonian form) was an addition. As -Herodotus speaks of Caspapyrus along with Pactyike, and Hecatĉus gives -Caspapyrus to the Gandarians, the place may be identified with Cabul. - -[507] Herod. 7, 65, 66, 86. - -[508] Herod. 8, 113. - -[509] Herod. 4, 40; 3, 102. - -[510] Strabo, p. 705, 706. Cf. Arrian, "Anab." 5, 4; Plin. "Hist. Nat." -6, 22; 11, 36. - -[511] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 1^2, 1020. - -[512] Above, p. 249. Manu, 10, 43-45. - -[513] Ritter, "Asien," 2, 653. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 499, 500. - -[514] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 1022. - -[515] Moorcroft, "Asiatic Researches," 12, 435 ff. - -[516] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 769; 2^2, 151, n. 5. - -[517] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 4, 249. - -[518] Muir, _loc. cit._ 3, 350. "Mahavança," p. 47. - -[519] "Anab." 3, 8. Strabo, p. 678. - -[520] A. Weber, "Vorles." s. 147^2. - -[521] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2, 522 ff. - -[522] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 408. "Mahavança," ed. Turnour, p. 39 -ff. - -[523] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 861; cf. 2^2, 163. - -[524] A. Weber, "Vorlesungen," 74^2, 85^2. - -[525] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 794; 2^2, 181. - -[526] Lassen, "De Pentapotamia Indica," p. 22, 63: "Alterthumskunde," 1, -822. - -[527] Arrian, "Anab." 5, 22; Curt. 8, 12, 13. - -[528] Droysen, "Alexander," s. 302. - -[529] The Kophaios of the Greeks is obviously the prince who reigns at -Kophen, _i.e._ at Cabul. - -[530] Droysen explains this name, no doubt correctly, from the name of -the river Astacenus; _loc. cit._ s. 374. - -[531] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 502. - -[532] Aristobulus in Strabo, p. 691, tells us that the army wintered in -the mountain land of the Hippasians and the Assacanus (so we must read -here for [Greek: Mousikanos]). The Gurĉans must be considered a tribe of -the Açvakas. - -[533] Arrian, "Anab." 4, 24. - -[534] Arrian, "Anab." 4, 25. - -[535] Curt. 8, 10; Justin, 12, 7; Arrian, "Anab." 4, 27. - -[536] Cunningham, "Survey," 2, 103 ff. The accompanying sketch gives a -clear idea of the gorge over which Alexander laid the dam, in order to -reach the walls of the citadel. - -[537] The Abissareans of Arrian ("Ind." 4, 12), from whose mountains the -Soanas flows into the Indus, can only be the inhabitants of the district -called Abhisara, which comprises the ranges of the Himalayas in the -region of the sources of the Vitasta; Ritter, "Erdkunde," 3, 1085 ff. -According to Droysen ("Alexander," s. 373), Lassen ("Alterth." 2^2, -163), and the statements of Onesicritus (in Strabo, p. 598) on the -serpents of Abisares, we must assume that Abhisara belonged to Cashmere, -and was at that time the seat of the king of Cashmere, and the Greeks -took the name of the prince from the name of the land. - -[538] Arrian, "Anab." 4, 22, 30. Strabo, p. 691, 698. - -[539] Diod. 17, 86. - -[540] Cunningham, "Geogr." p. 111, considers the ruins near the modern -Shahderi to mark the site of the ancient Takshaçila. - -[541] Diod. 17, 86. - -[542] Arrian. "Anab." 5, 8. Strabo, p. 698. - -[543] Onesicritus in Strabo, p. 715 - -[544] Arrian, "Anab." 7, 2. - -[545] Aristobulus in Strabo, p. 714. - -[546] In Arrian ("Anab." 7, 2) and Plutarch ("Alex." 65) Dandamis. - -[547] Onesicritus in Strabo, p. 715. - -[548] Arrian, "Anab." 7, 2. - -[549] Plutarch, "De Fluviis," 1. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 721; 2^2, 154. - -[550] Droysen, _loc. cit._ s. 388. - -[551] Arrian, "Anab." 5, 18. - -[552] Droysen, _loc. cit._ s. 400. - -[553] Arrian, "Anab." 5, 21 - -[554] Lassen, 1^2, 127; 782, 2^2, 167. - -[555] Arrian, "Anab." 5, 21. - -[556] Arrian, "Anab." 6, 2. According to Plutarch ("Alex." 60) there -were 15 nations and 5000 cities. - -[557] Diod. 17, 92. "Ramayana," 2, 70, 21. - -[558] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 175. - -[559] Arrian, "Ind." 5, 12. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 792. - -[560] Diod. 17, 98. Curt. 9, 4. - -[561] Arrian, "Anab." 6, 7. - -[562] Arrian, "Anab." 6, 9, 10; Droysen, _loc. cit._ s. 438 ff. - -[563] Droysen, _loc. cit._ s. 445. - -[564] "Brahma-Vasatya" in the Mahabharata; Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 973. - -[565] Diod. 17, 102. - -[566] Praesti; Curt. 9, 8. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 187. - -[567] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 125. - -[568] Droysen, _loc. cit._ 464, 469. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LIFE OF THE INDIANS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY B.C. - - -The Arians on the Indus and in the Panjab had remained more true to the -old tendencies of life than their tribesmen who had turned towards the -east. In the variety of the forms of their political life and their -stimulating influence on each other, in healthy simple feeling, in -warlike energy and martial spirit they were in advance of the land of -the Ganges. Great as was the number of the tribes and states which -filled the region of the Indus, and thickly as the land was populated, -wide and many-sided as was the civilisation, in the development of -religious and intellectual life, in industrial and mercantile activity, -in civilisation of external life, in comfort and wealth, the land of the -Ganges was undoubtedly in advance of the Indus. - -After Alexander's army trod the soil of the Panjab, the eastern district -also became better known to the Greeks. Megasthenes tells us that India -was inhabited by 118 nations; the cities were so numerous that it was -impossible to know and enumerate them.[569] Beyond the desert which -extends from the Vipaça and Çatadru to the lands of the east,--the -breadth is put by the Greeks at twelve days' journey--on the navigable -Yamuna (Yomanes) dwelt the Çurasenas, whose cities were Mathura and -Krishnapura;[570] further to the east were the Panchalas. At the head of -this tribe, as we have seen, the Pandus once deposed the Kurus, the -dominant family of the Bharatas, and took their place. Hence the name -Panchalas was used instead of the name Bharatas for the tribes governed -by the Pandus, first from Hastinapura and then from Kauçambi, as we -assumed from native accounts (p. 96).[571] It has been remarked above -(p. 366) that the dynasty of the Pandus came to an end about the middle -of the fifth century, and the Çurasenas and Panchalas became subject to -the kings of Magadha. In the south-west, on the hill and mountain -territory, which gradually rises to the spurs of the Vindhyas, lay the -Mavellas, according to the account of the Greeks, whose prince possessed -five hundred elephants;[572] on the gulf of Cambay reigned kings, who -resided in the city of Automela, which must have been a considerable -place of trade. Lastly, in the peninsula of Surashtra (Guzerat) was a -kingdom where the ruling family according to the Greeks bore the name of -Pandus, and who therefore were connected by their lineage with Pandu, -the father of Yudhishthira and Arjuna. The Pandus of Surashtra are said -to have reigned over 300 cities and to have possessed 500 elephants of -war.[573] If a branch of the house of Pandu, which ruled over the -Panchalas and Bharatas, had founded the second Mathura on the south side -of the Deccan, it was colonists from Surashtra who made Ceylon subject -to the Brahmanic law (p. 369, 370). We have already stated what was -known to Alexander and his companions of the inhabitants of the Ganges, -the kingdom of the Gangarides, the Prasians (Prachyas), _i.e._ the men -of the east, as they call themselves, obviously after the name common in -the land of the Indus. The ample resources and powerful army which were -ascribed in the land of the Indus to the ruler of this kingdom, the -well-known Magadha, may have contributed in no small measure to the fact -that Alexander's campaign came to an end on the Vipaça. In any case the -accounts which the Greeks received in the land of the Indus about -Magadha, confirm the predominant position which our inferences from -native authorities compel us to ascribe to this kingdom after the time -of king Kalaçoka, in the land of the Ganges. However exaggerated the -statement of the Greeks about the power of the king of the Prasians may -be, they give us the further proof that the consequence and power of -Magadha under the Nandas in the first half of the fourth century B.C. -had rather increased than diminished; they show us, finally, that even -the usurper who overthrew the Nandas, and the Dhanapala who sat on the -throne of Magadha at the time when Alexander marched through the -Indus--the Greeks call him Xandrames--maintained the ruling position of -Magadha on the Ganges. - -Of the nations which lay to the west of the Gangarides, _i.e._ to the -east of Magadha, the Greeks can mention few. First come the Kalingas who -dwelt on "the other sea," below the mouths of the Ganges. The kings of -this nation were masters of 60,000 foot soldiers and 700 elephants. Next -to them dwelt the Andhras in numerous villages and thirty cities with -walls and towers; these were followed by the most southern realm in -India, the land of Pandĉa[574]--the kingdom of the southern Mathura, the -southern Pandus (p. 369) is meant--and the great island of Taprobane, -which lay off the southern shore of India. The mention of the Kalingas -and Andhras shows that the Arian colonisation must have made -considerable advances in the course of the fourth century in the region -between Orissa (p. 368) and the southern Mathura. - -To grasp clearly the picture which the contemporaries of Alexander -received of the life and pursuits of the Indians in its essential lines, -in order to compare it with the native traditions and to supplement -them, is of great importance owing to the peculiar nature of the latter. -The splendour of the Indian princes is described by the Greeks in -glowing colours. Gold and silver, elephants, herds of cattle and flocks -of sheep were possessed by them in abundance. Their robes were adorned -with gold and purple, even the soles of their shoes glittered with -precious stones.[575] In their ears they carried precious stones of -peculiar size and brilliance; the upper and lower arm no less than the -neck were surrounded by pearls, and a golden staff was the symbol of -their rank.[576] Every one showed them the greatest reverence; men not -only prostrated themselves before them but even prayed to them.[577] -Nevertheless conspiracies against them were common. For this reason the -kings were waited upon by women only, who had been purchased from their -parents. These had to prepare the food, bring the wine, and accompany -them to the bed-chamber, which for the sake of security was frequently -changed. In the daytime the kings of the Indians did not venture to -sleep.[578] Even when hunting the king was accompanied by his wives, who -were in turn surrounded by his bodyguards. Any one who ventured to -advance as far as the women lost his life. If the king hunted in a park, -he shot from a framework, on which stood also two or three women, -equipped for hunting; if in the open, he was still followed by the -women, partly in chariots, partly like the king himself on elephants. In -the same way women accompanied the Indian kings to war.[579] Except for -hunting and war the kings only left the palace to offer sacrifice. Then -they appeared in a beautifully-flowered robe.[580] Drum-beaters and -bell-players preceded them; then came elephants adorned with gold and -silver, four-yoked chariots, and others yoked with pairs of oxen. The -soldiers marched out in the best armour; gold utensils, great kettles -and dishes quite a fathom in diameter--tables, seats, and water-basins -of Indian copper, set with precious stones, emeralds, beryls, and -carbuncles, and gay robes adorned with gold were carried in procession. -After these wild animals were brought out--buffaloes, panthers, and -bound lions and tigers.[581] On waggons of four wheels stood trees with -large leaves, on which were various kinds of tame birds, some -distinguished by their gorgeous plumage, others by their fine -voices.[582] - -The splendour of the princes, the hundreds of "lotus-eyed" women who -surrounded and waited on them, no less than their anxious cares for -their own safety are well-known to us from the native authorities; and -the change in the succession, which we have so frequently met with, -proves that these precautions were not superfluous.[583] The sutras -describe how the kings at festivals march out on elephants to the sound -of all kinds of instruments, amid the scent of perfumes and clouds of -frankincense, accompanied by their ministers and multitudes of people. -An inscription of Açoka of Magadha ordains processions of elephants and -festal chariots, "announced by trumpets;"[584] and the Epos goes to -great length in the description of the processions of the princes for -the consecration of the king (p. 225), and on other occasions of a -similar kind. - -According to the Greeks the kings of the Indians gave great attention to -justice; they occupied themselves with it almost the whole day. The -other judges were also conscientious, and the guilty were severely -punished.[585] We remember how urgently the book of the law impressed on -the princes the duty of dispensing justice, the protection of persons -and property, the awarding of punishment (p. 203). The Indians were, the -Greeks assure us, honest in trade, and had few lawsuits. Personal -assaults were forbidden; no one might offer or receive them; and so the -Indians were accustomed to bring charges merely for wounding and murder. -Theft was rare, though little was locked up in the houses. Any one who -mutilated another was mutilated in the same manner and lost a hand in -addition; but any one who deprived an artisan of a hand or an eye must -be put to death. False witness was punished with loss of the hand or -foot; the worst criminals were punished at the king's order by -flaying.[586] - -The Indian nation was divided, we are told, into seven tribes. The -first was formed by the sages; in numbers it was the weakest, but in -importance and honour the most considerable. The second by the -magistrates, who "distinguished themselves by wisdom and justice." Out -of this order the kings, no less than the free nations of India, took -their supreme council; from them the kings also selected the overseers -of the cantons, the judges and leaders in war. The third was the order -of spies, whose business it was to find out everything that took place -in the cities and in the country; the kings maintained them for their -own safety, and the spies were assisted by the public women, both those -in the cities and those who in time of war went out in the camps. The -fourth order, that of the warriors, was numerous. It enjoyed great -liberty, and was the most prosperous, inasmuch as it had no other duty -but to practise the use of arms. The warriors were paid out of the -treasury of the king, and so liberally that they could even support -others on their pay. The armour, horses and elephants which they -required they received from the king, together with the necessary -servants, so that others forged their weapons for them, tended and led -their horses, adorned and drove their chariots and guided their -elephants. In time of war the soldiers fought; in time of peace they -lived in idleness and enjoyment, in pleasure and festivity. Those also -who practised arts and handicraft, or carried on trade, formed in India -a separate order (the fifth). Of these some made what the husbandmen -required, others were makers of armour and builders of ships. Most of -them were subject to taxes and had to give service beside; only the -artisans who manufactured implements of war, and the carpenters who -built ships were free not only from service and taxes but even received -maintenance from the king, for whom alone they were permitted to -work.[587] The most numerous order by far was that of the husbandmen -(the sixth). These never went to war, nor possessed weapons, nor were -employed in other public services; they even withdrew from dealings with -the cities. The Indian peasant lived undisturbed with his wife and -children on his farm, occupied only with the tillage of the field. Even -the outbreak of a war did not disturb his employment; under the -protection of the kings he carried on his labours quietly.[588] Some -accounts of the Greeks go so far as to assure us that the farms were -sacred and inviolable; that even the soldiers of the enemy were not -permitted to lay them waste, to burn trees and houses and lay hand on -the people, so that the peasants fearlessly followed the plough amid the -arrangements of battle and warfare, got in their harvest, and gathered -the fruits of the field.[589] The seventh and last class of the Indians -consisted of the hunters and herdmen. The herdmen led a wandering life -in the mountain regions and lived on their cattle, from which they had -to pay tribute to the king; the hunters were bound to cleanse the land -of wild animals, and protect the crops of the husbandmen against -them.[590] These seven orders of the Indians might not contract marriage -with each other, nor was it permitted to pass from one order into -another, or to carry on the occupation of two orders at once. Only those -who belonged to the first order could carry on the occupation of any -other, just as any one in any order could enter the order of the sages. - -This conception of the Indian castes is idealized in some points, and in -others falls into errors, of which the causes are easily detected and -pardonable. The happy, careless, and free life of the Kshatriyas is -obviously exaggerated for all the states in which they had not -maintained the position of a landed warlike nobility, as they did in the -free nations,[591] unless indeed among the monarchies a king sat on the -throne who especially favoured the Kshatriyas, and was in a position to -treat handsomely the soldiers in service, or registered for service. It -has already been mentioned that all Kshatriyas did not serve (p. 244); -and it would not occur to any prince to pay men who were not in service. -Still less do the idyllic descriptions of the honoured and inviolable -life of the husbandmen agree with the taxes and exactions and miserable -position of the villagers, to which we find such frequent references in -the native authorities. It is true that the Brahmanic law laid emphasis -on settled life, and gave the preference to agriculture over trade and -handicraft (p. 244), but of such a respect for husbandry as the Greeks -describe we often find the opposite. These and similar traits in the -Greek accounts owe in part their origin to the exaggerated picture of -this distant land, which the fame of Indian marvels, of the wisdom and -justice of the Indian nation, had produced among the Greeks. Yet we must -not overlook the fact that agriculture _was_ carried on with industry -and care, that these accounts are essentially based on the impression -which Megasthenes received of the condition of India circumstances in -the period soon after Alexander, when a great prince on the throne of -Magadha maintained peace and order in his wide dominions with a powerful -hand. Even the sutras of the Buddhists dwell on the flourishing -condition of agriculture at this period. - -If the Greeks give seven orders instead of four, if they speak of the -magistrates, spies, handicraftsmen, and finally of the hunters and -herdmen, as separate tribes beside the priests, warriors, and -husbandmen, the error is founded in the fact that they had a tendency to -find the distinction of castes everywhere. Beside the chief castes were -the castes of mixed origin, and it has been observed above how strong -was the tendency of persons engaged in similar occupations to form into -separate bodies within the castes. It was natural for an observant -foreigner to think that the retired life of the sages was separated from -the busy occupation of the magistrates by a sharper line, and to make -the special calling of the magistrates into a caste, though on the other -hand it did not escape the Greeks that the sages also were counsellors -of the kings. Manu's law had wisely prescribed that kings should -diligently avail themselves of the help of spies, whom they must select -out of all the orders; these spies were more especially to watch the -courtesans,[592] and the Ramayana extols the ministers of king Daçaratha -of Ayodhya for their skill in giving information of everything that went -on in the land.[593] If the Greeks could regard these spies as a special -caste, many persons must have been employed by the system of secret -police in the fourth century B.C. in India. That the unity of the caste, -which comprised agriculturists, merchants, and handicraftsmen, and on -the other hand the distinction between the Vaiçyas and the Çudras, was -overlooked, is easily to be explained, for even Manu's law permitted the -Çudras to be handicraftsmen, and the Brahmans and Kshatriyas to descend -to the occupation of the other castes (p. 243), a permission which, in -the case of the Brahmans, did not escape the Greeks. That the -handicraftsmen and others had to perform tax-labour for the king, is an -arrangement fixed by the book of the law (p. 212). Lastly, the Greeks -apparently included among the hunters and the herdmen the impure and -despised castes; the book of the law had also fixed what castes, _i.e._ -what tribes of the pre-Arian or Arian population, were to occupy -themselves with hunting and the capture of wild animals.[594] - -Of the order of the sages the Greeks tell us that it assisted the king -in the conduct of sacred worship, as the Magians assisted the Persians. -Nor was it kings only, but communities and individuals who employed the -services of these sages at sacrifices, because they stood nearest the -gods, to whom a sacrifice offered by others could not be acceptable. -Together with the sacrifice the sages conducted the burial and worship -of the dead, as they were acquainted with the under world. They even -occupied themselves with prediction, and soothsaying was in their hands. -They rarely told individual persons their fate, for this was too -insignificant and beneath the dignity of prophecy, but they foretold the -fortunes of the state. At the new year the kings annually summoned the -sages and a great assembly, when they announced whether the year would -be good or bad, dry or wet; whether there would be sickness or not. At -this assembly any sage also stated what he had observed that was of use -in the affairs of the community, to promote the prosperity of the fruits -and animals, etc. If any one prophesied falsely, no punishment awaited -him; but any one who for the third time announced what did not take -place was bound to keep silence for ever, a penalty so strictly observed -by those on whom it was imposed, that nothing in the world could move -them to utter another word.[595] - -The life of these sages was no easy one; on the contrary, it was the -most burdensome of all. From their earliest childhood they were brought -up to wisdom; nay, even before their birth guardians from among the -sages were allotted to them, who visited the mothers in order to ensure -them a happy delivery by magic arts; so at least it was believed; as a -fact they gave them wise exhortations. After birth other sages undertook -the education of the children, and with advancing years the boys ever -received better instructors. When grown up they lived for the most part -in groves, in solitary isolation from the cities, lay on the earth, -clothed themselves with the skins of animals, ate nothing that had life, -refrained from sexual intercourse, and exercised great firmness both in -bearing pain and in endurance, inasmuch as they sometimes remained in -one position for the whole day, or stood for a long time on one leg, and -carried on conversations on important matters. These could be listened -to even by the common people; but such listeners must sit in profound -silence; they must neither speak nor cough nor spit. Any sage who had -lived in this manner for thirty-six or forty years, which they call the -years of practice (p. 398), departs to his possessions and henceforth -lives a less severe life. He wears garments of cotton, and rings of gold -of moderate size on his hands and in his ears; he may eat the flesh of -animals which are useless, but he may not eat acid food. The sages then -take several wives, because it is important to have many children, in -order to propagate wisdom the better. Others, clad in cotton garments, -wander through the cities and teach, and are accompanied by pupils. The -greater part of the time they spend in the market-place, where they are -visited by many persons for advice. Others again live in the forest -under the huge trees and eat nothing but bark and ripe herbs. In summer -they endured without clothing the burning heat of the midday sun, and -the winter also they passed in the open air, amid torrents of rain. The -sages who live in the forest do not go to the kings, even though -requested to do so; but the kings from time to time ask questions of -them by messengers, and entreat them to call upon and worship the gods -on their behalf. Others of the sages, however, manage the business of -the state, and accompany the kings as counsellors; others are -physicians, who live simply on rice and barley, and heal sickness by -diet more than by any other means;[596] others again are soothsayers and -magicians, and acquainted with the sacrifices to the dead and the -ritual, and go about begging among the villages and cities. These were -the least cultivated of the sages, but even the others did not -contradict the fables of the under-world, "because they advanced piety -and sanctity."[597] - -The sages were one and all highly honoured by the kings and the nation. -They paid no taxes, they had no duties and services to perform, but on -the contrary received valuable presents. Those who lived in the cities -and gave advice in the market-place could take whatever and as much as -they pleased of the food exposed for sale there, especially of oil and -sesame; any one who is carrying figs or grapes gives to them of his -store without payment. All whom they visit feel themselves honoured, and -every house is open to them, except the apartments of the women; they -enter when they choose, and take part in the conversation and the meal. -Even the physicians among the sages are hospitably entertained in all -the houses, and receive rice and barley wherever they lodge.[598] - -Megasthenes tells us that the sages were divided into two sects, of -which the one was called Brahmans, the other Sarmans. There was also a -third sect, wrangling and quarrelsome men, whom the Brahmans regarded as -vain boasters and fools.[599] The Brahmans were held in higher -estimation than the Sarmans, because there was more agreement in their -doctrines. They occupied themselves with researches into nature, and the -knowledge of the stars, and taught everything like the Hellenes; -maintaining that the world was created, and globular, and perishable, -permeated by the Deity who created and governed it. The earth was the -centre of the universe. In addition to the four elements of the Hellenes -the sages of the Indians assumed a fifth, out of which arose the sky and -the stars. About the nature of the soul, also, the Indians had the same -notions as the Hellenes; but like Plato they interspersed many fables on -the imperishable nature of the soul, on the judgment which will be held -in the under-world on the souls, and other things of the kind. As a rule -their acts were better than their words; their proofs were generally -supported by the narration of extraordinary stories. They maintained -that in itself there was nothing good or bad; otherwise it would be -impossible that some persons should be in trouble about an event while -others felt delighted at it; that even the same persons should be -distressed and then in turn delighted at the selfsame occurrence.[600] -According to the account of Onesicritus quoted above (p. 398), the -Brahmans of Takshaçila considered that doctrine the best which removed -joy and sadness utterly from the soul. In order to attain this the body -must be accustomed to pain that the power of the soul may thus be -strengthened. That man is the best who has the fewest needs; he is the -most free who needs neither presents nor anything else from another; who -has to fear no threats; he who equally disregarded pleasure and toil and -life and death will be second to no other. The Brahmans spoke a good -deal of death, which they regarded as a deliverance from the flesh when -rendered useless by age. Life on earth they regarded merely as the -completion of birth in the flesh, death as the birth to true life, and -to happiness for the wise. Diseases of the body appeared to them -dishonourable; and if a man fell into sickness, he anointed himself, -caused a pyre to be erected, placed himself on it, gave orders that it -should be kindled, and was burnt, without moving. Others put an end to -their lives by throwing themselves into water, or over precipices; -others by hanging or by the sword. Yet Megasthenes maintains that -suicide was no article in the Indian creed.[601] - -In all essential points these accounts agree with the native -authorities, though the view taken is here and there too favourable, in -some points too advanced, in others not sufficiently discriminating. It -is true that the Brahmans and the initiated of the Enlightened, the -Çramanas, are confounded in the order of the sages; this is shown by the -statement that any one could enter into this order.[602] It would have -required peculiar acuteness on the part of a stranger to distinguish -matters so closely resembling each other in their external appearances; -and the one were mendicants no less than the others. It is evidence of -clear observation that the Brahmans like the Bhikshus were regarded by -the Greeks as philosophers rather than priests; they give prominence to -their position as advisers of the king and soothsayers as well as their -philosophical inquiries and conduct of sacrifices. The custom of -advising the princes agrees with the rules which are known to us from -the book of the law, the statements of the sutras, the Epos, the -Puranas, and the incidents in the land of the Indus which have been -mentioned above (p. 405); and with regard to soothsaying we have already -seen from the sutras how much the Brahmans were given to astrology after -the year 600 B.C.; how they suggested fortunate names to parents for -their children, and favourable times for investiture with the sacred -girdle, for cutting the hair, and for marriage. The assemblies at the -new year, of which the Greeks tell us, have reference no doubt to the -establishment of the calendar, _i.e._ to the fixing of the proper and -fortunate days for sacrifice and festivity, for seedtime, etc., as is -done at this day in every village by the Brahmans, and for the court and -kingdom by the Brahmans of the king. Even now nothing of importance is -undertaken in the state or in the house, before the Brahmans have -declared the signs of heaven to be favourable. As to the sacrifices to -the departed, we are acquainted with the meals for the dead, and their -importance, which the Brahmans retained, while the Bhikshus, as we shall -see, had meanwhile gone so far as to worship the manes of Buddha and his -chief disciples. The sutras have already informed us of the frequent use -of physicians; they were Brahmans who carried on the art of healing on -the basis of the Atharvaveda. The care of the young Brahmans and their -instruction is correctly stated; the time of teaching which the book of -the law fixes at thirty-six years (p. 179) is not forgotten; even among -the Bhikshus a noviciate was customary. In the description of the life -of the ascetics and wandering sages, the Brahmans and Bhikshus are again -confounded, and if the Greeks tell us that the severe sages of the -forest were too proud to go to the court at the request of the king, the -statement holds good according to the evidence of the Epos of the -Brahmanic saints, and the sutras of the great teachers among the -Buddhists.[603] - -In the examination of the doctrines of the Indian sages Megasthenes -distinguished the Brahmans and the Buddhists, inasmuch as he opposes the -less honoured sects to the first, and declares the Brahmans to be the -most important. From his whole account it is clear that at his date, -_i.e._ about the year 300 B.C., the Brahmans had distinctly the upper -hand. But, according to him, the Çramanas took the next place to the -Brahmans, among the less honoured sects. Among the Buddhists Çramana is -the ordinary name for their clergy (p. 377). The doctrines of the -Brahmans of the world-soul and the five elements (by the fifth, with -which the Greeks were not acquainted, the ĉther or Akaça of the Brahmans -is meant), the dogmas of liberation from sensuality and the body, are -rightly stated by Megasthenes in all essentials, and his assertion that -the Brahmans for the most part narrated fabulous stories in support of -their doctrines is based very correctly on the numerous Brahman legends -about the great saints. Megasthenes takes too favourable a view of the -object of Brahmanic asceticism, but he brings out with sufficient -prominence the mortification of the flesh, and remarks the diversity of -the views on voluntary death or suicide, which, as we have seen, the -book of the law, in case of incapacity, regards as a meritorious end to -the later years of life, while the Buddhists condemned it altogether. - -Of the religion of the Indians the Greeks ascertained that they -worshipped Zeus, who brought the rain, and other native, _i.e._ -peculiar, deities, and the Ganges. Of the gods of the Greeks Dionysus -was the first to come to India; he instructed the Indians in the culture -of the field and the vine, founded the monarchy, and taught them how to -wear the mitra and to dance the cordax (a Bacchic dance).[604] Heracles -also had been in India, but fifteen generations later than Dionysus. The -Indians called Heracles one of the earth-born, who had attained divine -honours after his death, because he surpassed all men in power and -boldness. This Indian Heracles had cleared land and sea from wild and -hurtful animals, and, like the Theban Heracles, had carried the lion's -skin and club. He had many sons, among whom India was equally divided, -and these had bequeathed their dominions to many descendants, from -generation to generation; some of these kingdoms existed even when -Alexander came to India. Beside these sons Heracles had one daughter, -Pandĉa, whom he had also made a queen, and had given her for a kingdom -the land in which she was born, the most southern part of India;[605] -and when on one of his voyages Heracles had discovered pearls he -gathered together all that could be found in the Indian sea in order to -adorn his daughter with them. As he had never seen a man worthy of her, -when in old age he made her though but seven years old of full age for -marriage in order that he might beget with her a successor for her land. -After this time, all the women in the land named after her were of -marriageable age in their seventh year.[606] The Indians on the -mountains worshipped Dionysus, those in the plains Heracles;[607] the -latter was chiefly worshipped among the Çurasenas on the Yamuna,[608] -and the Çibis (p. 403), who wore the skins of animals and carried clubs -like Heracles, and branded their oxen and mules with the mark of a -club.[609] The Indians did not slaughter the animals for sacrifice, but -strangled them.[610] - -The rain-bringing Zeus is the ancient sky-god of the Indians, Indra, who -cleaves the clouds with the lightning, and sends down the fructifying -water, even as he causes the springs imprisoned in the rocks to bubble -forth in freedom. Concerning the sacredness of the Ganges we are -sufficiently instructed in Indian authorities. With regard to Dionysus, -the Greeks tell us that when Alexander was in the land of the Açvakas, -an embassy came from the Nysĉans with the message that Dionysus had -founded their city, had given it the name of Nysa, and had called the -neighbouring hill Meron. In the valleys and on the hills of the Açvakas -the Greeks saw the vine growing wild, the thick creepers of a plant not -unlike ivy, myrtles, bay, box-trees, and other evergreens, along with -luxuriant orchards,[611] a vegetation which reminded them of their own -homes and the sacred places of Dionysus. When in the Hindu Kush they -heard the name of the tribe of the Nishadas and of the divine mountain -Meru, which with the Indians lay beyond the Himalayas (the highest -ranges were with them the southern slopes of the divine mountain), there -was no longer any doubt that the god of Nysa, who had grown up in the -Nysĉan cave, and on the Nysĉan mountain, had marched to India, just as -he had reduced the nations of Asia Minor as far as the Euphrates.[612] -In this way the Nysĉan mountain, which the Greeks first placed in -Boeotia and Thrace, was then removed to the borders of Egypt, -afterwards to Arabia and Ethiopia,[613] and even to India. To the Greeks -the Nishadas were Nysĉans and their city Nysa; they were at once -convinced that Meru received the name from Dionysus or in honour -of Dionysus, whom his divine father had once carried in his thigh -([Greek: mêros]).[614] Diodorus, after his manner, gives this pragmatic -explanation of the story: Dionysus was compelled to refresh his wearied -army on a mountain, which was then called Meros after him. Further, the -processions of the Indian princes to sacrifices and the chase reminded -the Greeks of the Dionysiac processions at home. They caught the sound -of cymbals and drums; they saw the number of the royal women with their -female servants in these trains; the king and his company in their long -gay and flowered robes, with turbans on their heads,[615] which reminded -them of the fillet of Dionysus; they saw great cups and goblets, the -treasures of the king's palace, and finally, lions and panthers, the -animals of Dionysus, brought forth in these processions; coloured masks -and beards, just as the Greeks were accustomed to paint the face at the -festival of Dionysus.[616] - -Among the Indians, as we saw, in the course of the sixth century, the -worship of Rudra-Çiva grew up first and chiefly in the high mountains -and valleys, where the storms were the most violent. He was a wild deity -like Dionysus; like him he was invoked as "lord of the hills" (p. 330), -a god of increase and fertility, of nature creating through moisture, of -reproduction. And if ecstasy and frenzy were peculiar to the worship of -Dionysus, there was also a certain wildness in the nature of Çiva-Rudra, -a trait which gradually became more strongly marked among the Indians in -contrast to the form of Vishnu. - -The culture of the vine on the Indus, the green mountain valleys, the -sound of the names Nishada and Meru, the procession of the Indian kings, -and the worship of Çiva, convinced the Greeks that they had found the -worship of their god. That they restricted this to the inhabitants of -the mountains is due, no doubt, to the fact that they were more closely -acquainted with the mountain land of the west, that the vine-clad -valleys and the names Nysa and Meru belonged to the region of the high -mountains, that even in the land of the Ganges the Himalayas passed as -the abode of Çiva (p. 330). Moreover, the plains of India did not -produce the vine, which indeed does not nourish in India, with the -exception of some districts on the Indus, and the inhabitants of the -Ganges valley did not drink wine. - -As the Indians of the mountains, according to the account of the Greeks, -worshipped Dionysus, so were the Indians of the plains worshippers of -Heracles. According to the statement of Megasthenes, he was worshipped -especially among the Çurasenas on the Yamuna and in the cities of -Mathura and Krishnapura, and therefore Krishna must be meant (p. 105). -Among the Indians Vishnu-Krishna carries the club, which Varuna once -gave to him, and is called the club-bearer (_gadadhara_); with the club -Krishna smote the wild tribes, the heroes, and the monsters. The weapon -carried by Krishna's nation, the extinct Yadavas, was the club. The -Greeks tell us that the Indian Heracles begot many sons; in the -Mahabharata Krishna entreats Mahadeva, _i.e._ Çiva, the god of -fertility, for hundreds of sons; the Vishnu-Purana ascribes to Krishna -16,100 wives and 180,000 sons.[617] According to the Greeks, Krishna was -first placed among the gods after his death; in the ancient conception -of the Indians, Krishna, as we know, was a strong herdman, who overcame -bulls, kings, and giants, gave crafty counsel in the great wars, and at -length died, wounded by the arrows of a hunter (p. 95); he becomes a -deity by amalgamation with Vishnu. That the Greeks overlook the peaceful -side of the deity in the incarnations of Vishnu as Paraçurama, Rama, and -Krishna, and their heroic achievements, is easily explained from their -tendency to find their native gods in India. The derivation of the royal -races of India from Heracles has reference only to the dynasties which -claimed to be derived from the Pandus, the extinct royal houses of the -Bharatas and Panchalas, the Pandus in Guzerat and southern Mathura, -whose ancestors the Epos places in such close connection with -Vishnu-Krishna. This derivation might easily be extended to the families -which carried their lineage beyond the Pandus to Kuru, Puru, and -Pururavas, like the Pauravas on the Panjab (p. 399), and the oldest -dynasty of the kings of Magadha (p. 74). The most southern part of India -is said to have fallen to Pandĉa, the daughter of Heracles, and to have -received its name from her; the pearls were procured from the sea for -her adornment. We know that a Pandu family ruled there; among the heroic -achievements of Krishna, the Mahabharata mentions the conquest of the -giant Panchajana;[618] Vishnu is the bearer of the mussel, the lord of -the jewel, and the pearl fishery can only be carried on in the gulf -between Mathura and Ceylon. That a daughter and not a son of Heracles -founded the kingdom here, is perhaps due to an Indian legend, woven into -the history of this kingdom of Mathura. Sampanna-Pandya, the king -mentioned above, worshipped the protecting goddess of the city so -zealously that in order to reward him she caused herself to be born as -his daughter. She succeeds her father on the throne, marches through -India performing great deeds as far as the lake of Kailasa, the lofty -Himalayas, where she overcomes even Çiva by her beauty, so that he -follows her to Mathura, and there reigns at Sundara-Pandya (_i.e._ the -beautiful Pandya), and gives prosperity to the land.[619] Hence it is -possible that the protecting deity of Mathura and her warlike -achievements are the basis underlying the story of the daughter of -Heracles. If Heracles begets a son with this daughter in her seventh -year, and all the women of the land became henceforth marriageable at -that age, the latter part of the statement is correct; the fact is due -to the position of the country under the equator. Even the law of Manu, -which is adapted to the land on the central Ganges, permits marriage in -the twelfth and even in the eighth year (p. 254). - -Whatever may be the case with regard to the several items of the -statements of the Greeks about the worship of Dionysus and Heracles, -they make it certain that in the fourth century B.C. the worship of -Indra was indeed in existence, but not prominent, while the worship of -Rudra-Çiva and Vishnu was in the foremost position. The worship of -Vishnu was the chief worship of the Indians of the plains, _i.e._ of the -land of the Ganges, and Krishna and Rama, the figures in the Epos, were -already transformed into incarnations of Vishnu. - -Of the justice of the Indians, their contempt of death, and reverence -towards the kings, Ctesias has much to tell.[620] The companions of -Alexander extol their love of truth; no Indian was ever accused of a -lie. Megasthenes adds that the Indians lent money without witnesses or -seals; a man ought to know whom he could trust; if he made a mistake he -must bear the loss with equanimity. Wives were generally bought of their -parents for a yoke of oxen; but Megasthenes assures us that in Magadha -marriages were made without giving or receiving.[621] In that case the -rule of the book of the law (p. 255), had become current here. The -Indian wives were faithful and chaste, though it was the custom to have -more than one. The Greeks also extol the moderation of the Indians in -eating and drinking. The majority ate nothing but a little rice and -fruits of the field; the mountaineers alone lived on the flesh of the -wild animals which they caught in the chase. So little importance did -they ascribe to eating that they had no fixed hour for meals. Nor did -the inhabitants of the plains drink wine except at sacrifices, and this -was not prepared from the grape but from rice.[622] At the banquets of -the rich a separate table was set apart for each guest, with a golden -cup; in this first rice and then other vegetables were brought, which -the Indians were very skilful in cooking.[623] They were partial to -singing and dancing, and paid great attention to beauty and the care of -the body. They anointed themselves and had their bodies frequently -rubbed; even when the king was dispensing justice four men frequently -rubbed him with strigils. The hair of the Indians was plaited, and a -band worn like the Persian mitre. They preferred white garments, which -among them seemed brighter than with other nations, either because -cotton was whiter than linen or because they appeared brighter owing to -the dark colour of the Indians.[624] Over the cotton shirt, reaching -half way down the thigh, many threw a mantle, which was fastened under -the right shoulder. Many also wore linen clothes instead of cotton, and -gay garments embroidered with flowers. Their shoes were of white -leather, delicate in workmanship, and provided with high parti-coloured -heels, that the figure might appear taller. They allowed the beard to -grow, and tended it carefully; some tribes even stained the beard with -various lively hues--white, green, dark-blue, and purple-red--and the -country provided excellent colours for this purpose. The richer men had -rings of gold and ivory in their ears and on their hands; they had -beautiful parasols held over them, and did everything that could enhance -the beauty of their appearance.[625] Persons of importance rode only in -chariots with four horses; it was thought mean to make a journey on -horseback without a retinue.[626] - -We remember with what emphasis the hymns of the Veda inculcated honour, -fidelity, truth, and the eschewal of lying; and without doubt in the -ancient period the Aryas on the Indus laid as much weight on -truthfulness as the Airyas of Iran. But some observations in the book of -the law showed us that this virtue no longer entirely prevailed in the -land of the Ganges. Buddhism earnestly reiterates the precept not to -lie, and in spite of the conduct of the king of Cashmere and other -princes on the Indus towards Alexander, as related to us by the Greeks, -we can believe their assertions that at that time these virtues -prevailed through far larger circles than at present. The moderation of -the Indians in eating and drinking is due primarily, no doubt, to the -climate of the Ganges; in a less degree the laws of the Brahmans -respecting food, and the moderation preached by Buddha, must have -operated to the same end, and above all must have tended to remove the -old love of drinking among the Aryas. The love of the Aryas for dress -and adornment we know from the sutras; they showed us that the richer -men wore costly ear-rings of diamonds, and the poorer wore ornaments of -wood or lead.[627] Of Ayodhya the Ramayana boasts that no one was seen -there without ear-rings and a necklace, without a chaplet on the head -and perfumes.[628] The dress of the women was naturally still more -costly and stately. The Epos is acquainted with the custom of colouring -the hands and feet with sandal or lac;[629] in the later poems of the -Indians we have endless praises of the jingling of the anklets, the -shrill-sounding girdles, glittering with precious stones; the adornments -of the neck, the eye-brows and forehead coloured with musk, antimony, -and lac, the locks of hair and crowns of flowers. In all these matters -the Hindus have not changed. Even now they love to wear snow-white -garments, and next to these such as are of a brilliant colour; they -carry gracefully the ample garment in which they wrap themselves; they -dress their hair, and anoint it with palm oil, and though they no longer -stain their beards blue and red, they paint on the forehead the symbol -of the deity which each person specially worships. The turban, for which -in some districts material interwoven with gold is preferred, is still -picturesquely coiled round the head; by the different modes of wrapping -may be distinguished the inhabitants of different districts. A poor man -would rather give up anything than the silver ornaments of his girdle, -and the poorest porter is rarely without a gold ear-ring. Weavers of -garlands and silversmiths are still to be found in the most wretched -villages, and any one would rather go without a dinner than without -perfumes. - -According to the Greeks the rites of burial were plain and simple. It -was the custom of the Indians to burn the dead on pyres. As we have -seen, cremation was for a long time the universal practice. It took -place before the gates of the cities, where there were special places -for the purpose; the corpses were wrapped in linen, and carried out on -cushions amid hymns and prayers, some of the oldest of which we know (p. -62).[630] The bones and anything else which remained unburnt were thrown -into the water. Aristobulus says that he had heard that among some -Indians the widows burned themselves voluntarily with the corpses of -their husbands, and those who refused to do so were held in less -estimation.[631] The Greeks also observe, quite correctly, that it was -not the custom among the Indians to erect mounds. In the fourth century, -it is true, the followers of Buddha had erected stupas for his relics -(p. 365), and possibly for those of his greatest disciples; but in any -case these were so rare and so unimportant that they would hardly strike -the eye; one Greek authority nevertheless asserts that there were small -tumuli in India. The reason given for this omission which seemed so -strange to the Greeks, is that the Indians were of opinion that the -remembrance of the virtues of a man together with the hymns sung in his -honour (by which can only be meant the ritual of the burial and the -funeral feast) were sufficient to preserve his memory.[632] - -The industrial skill of the Indians was not unknown to the Greeks. As -early as the fifth century fine Indian clothes, silken garments called -_sindones_ or Tyrian robes, were brought by the trade of the Phenicians -to Hellas. Ctesias praises the swords of Indian steel of special -excellence and rare quality, which were worn at the Persian court. Other -evidence also shows that the Indians at an early time understood the -preparation and working of steel.[633] Mining, on the other hand, -according to the Greeks, they understood but ill, and their copper -vessels, which were cast, not beaten, were fragile and brittle. At the -sources of a river which flowed through lofty mountains into the Indus -there grew, as Ctesias tells us, a kind of tree, called Siptachora, on -the leaves of which lived small creatures like beetles, with long legs, -and soft like caterpillars. They spoiled the fruit of the trees just as -the woodlice spoiled the vines in Hellas, but from the insects when -pounded came a purple colour, which gave a more beautiful and brilliant -dye than the purple of the Hellenes.[634] These insects of Ctesias are -the beetles of the lac-tree, which suck the juice of the bark and -leaves, and so provide the lac-dye. The home of this tree is the north, -more especially the mountain-range on the upper Indus above Cashmere. -Ctesias' statement proves that the Indians knew how to prepare the -lac-dye in the fifth century B.C. The same authority mentions an -ointment of the Indians, which gave the most excellent perfume; it might -be perceived at a distance of four stades. This ointment, which they -prepared from the resin of a kind of cedar with leaves like a palm, the -Indians called Karpion. Possibly cinnamon-oil is meant, which is -obtained from the outer-bark of the cinnamon tree.[635] - -Of the military affairs of the Indians, besides what has been already -quoted about the order of soldiers, the Greeks tell us that the bow was -their favourite weapon. In the Veda and the Epos we found this to be the -chief arm (p. 35, 89), and the good management of it was the first -qualification of a hero. The Greeks tell us that the Indian bow, made of -reed, was as tall as the man who carried it. In stringing it the Indians -placed the lower end of the bow against the earth, and drew the string -back while pressing with the left foot against the bow; their arrows -were almost three cubits long. Nothing withstood these arrows; they -penetrated shield and cuirass.[636] Others were armed with javelins -instead of the bow, and with shields of untanned ox-hide, somewhat -narrower than a man but not less tall. When it came to a hand-to-hand -contest, which was rarely the case among the Indians, they drew the -broad-sword three cubits in length, which every one carried, and which -must have been wielded with both hands. The Indians rode without a -saddle; the horses were held in with bits, which took the form of a -lance. To these the reins were fastened, but along with them a curb of -leather, in which occasionally iron, and among the wealthier people -ivory points, were placed, so as to pierce the lips of the horse when -the rein was drawn.[637] The Indian horsemen carried two lances and a -shield smaller than that of the foot soldier. In every chariot of war -besides the driver were two combatants, and on the elephants three -besides the driver. On the march the chariots were drawn by oxen, and -the horses led in halters, so that they came into the battle-field with -vigour undiminished.[638] The beating of drums and the sound of cymbals -and shells, which were blown, gave the signal of attack to the -army.[639] The Epos exhibits to us the kings for the most part in their -chariots, and in these and on the elephants it places but one combatant -beside the driver. The oldest trace of the use of elephants in war is -not to be found in the battle-pieces of the Epos, into which the -elephants were introduced at a later time. We hear nothing of elephants -in the single contests of the heroes, but it is said that in the year -529 B.C. an Indian nation put elephants in the field against Cyrus (p. -16). At a later time Ctesias is our first authority for this practice; -he describes it, about the year 400 B.C., as the fixed custom of the -Indians. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[569] Arrian, "Ind." 7. Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 22, 23. - -[570] [Greek: Methora te kai Kleisobora.] Arrian, "Ind." 8, 5. - -[571] [Greek: Pazalai] in Arrian, "Ind." 4, 5. Ptolem. 7, 1. Passalĉ in -Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 22. - -[572] Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 22, "gentes montanĉ inter oppidum Potala et -Jomanem." Lassen, "Alterthum." 1, 657, _n._ 2. - -[573] Lassen, _loc cit._ Pliny, _loc. cit._ - -[574] Megasthenes in Pliny, "Hist. Nat." 6, 22, 23. Arrian, "Ind." 8. -Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1, 156, 618; 2, 111. - -[575] Strabo, p. 710, 718. - -[576] Curtius, 8, 9; 9, 1. - -[577] Strabo, p. 717. - -[578] Strabo, p. 710. Curtius, 8, 9. - -[579] Strabo, p. 710. Cf. Curt. 8, 9. - -[580] Strabo, p. 688. - -[581] Megasthenes in Strabo, p. 703. - -[582] Strabo, p. 710, 718. - -[583] _Supra_, p. 216, etc. Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 417. - -[584] Lassen, "Alterth." 2, 227. - -[585] Strabo, p. 710. Diod. 2, 42. - -[586] Megasthenes, fragm. 37, ed. Schwanbeck. - -[587] Arrian, "Ind." 12, 1-5. Strabo, p. 707-709. Diod. 2, 41. - -[588] Strabo, p. 704. - -[589] Diod. 2, 36, 40. Arrian, "Ind." 11, 10. - -[590] Arrian, "Ind." 11, 11. Diod. 2, 40. Strabo, p. 704. - -[591] Like the warriors among the Vrijis, Glaukas, Khattias, Malavas -Kshudrakas, etc. cf. _supra_, p. 401 ff. - -[592] Manu, 7, 154; _supra_, p. 210. - -[593] _Supra_, p. 219, 228. "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 1, 7. - -[594] The following are the castes who ought to hunt wild animals -according to the book of the law: the Medas, Andhras, Chunchus, -Kshattars, Ugras, and Pukkasas. Manu, 10, 48-50; cf. _supra_, p. 247. - -[595] Strabo, p. 703. Arrian, "Ind." 11. Diod. 2, 40. - -[596] Strabo, p. 712-716. Arrian, "Ind." 11, 7, 8; 15, 11, 12. - -[597] Strabo, p. 714. - -[598] Strabo, p. 716. Diod. 2, 40. - -[599] In Strabo, p. 712 (cf. 718, 719), as in Clem. Alex. "Strom." p. -305, we must obviously read [Greek: Sarmanai] for [Greek: Garmanai]. The -third sect is called by Strabo [Greek: Pramnai]; perhaps with Lassen we -ought to explain it by _pramana_, _i.e._ logicians. - -[600] Megasthenis fragm. ed. Schwanbeck, p. 46; cf. Manu, 1, 75. Strabo, -p. 713. - -[601] Strabo, p. 712, 713, 716, 718. Arrian, "Anab." 7, 23. - -[602] Strabo, p. 707. Arrian, "Ind." 12, 8, 9. Curt. 8, 9. - -[603] _E.g._ Burnouf, "Introd." p. 379. - -[604] Arrian, "Ind." 7; Diod. 2, 38, 39; Polyĉn. "Strateg." 1, 1; -_supra_, p. 73. - -[605] Arrian, "Ind." 8, 4, 7, 8; 9, 1-9. - -[606] Arrian, "Ind." _loc. cit._ The remark in Pliny that among the -Pandas (in Guzerat) women ruled, owing to the daughter of Heracles, -obviously refers to this story: "Hist. Nat." 6, 22. - -[607] Megasthenes in Strabo, p. 712. But others derived even the -Oxydrakes from Dionysus, simply for the reason that wine was produced in -this district; Strabo, p. 687, 688. - -[608] Arrian, "Ind." 8, 5. - -[609] Strabo, p. 688. Curtius, 9, 4. Arrian, "Ind." 5, 12. Diod. 17, 96. - -[610] Strabo, p. 718. - -[611] Strabo, p. 687, 711. Plin, "H. N." 6, 23. If Strabo observes that -wine is never brought to maturity in this district (_i.e._ North -Cabulistan) the observation only holds good for the more elevated -valleys. - -[612] Arrian, "Anab." 5, 1; Curt. 8, 10; Plut. "Alex." c. 58; Diod. 3, -62, 64. Here Diodorus also mentions the names of the Indian kings whom -Dionysus has conquered, Myrrhanus and Desiades, while in 2, 38 he has -stated that the Indians before Dionysus had no kings at all. - -[613] "Il." 2, 508; 6, 133. Homeric hymn in Diod. 1, 15; 4, 2. Cf. -Strabo, p. 405; Herod. 5, 7; Diod. 3, 63, 64; Herod. 2, 146; 3, 97, and -Steph. Byz. [Greek: Nysa]. Euripides is the first to speak of Dionysus' -march to Persia and Bactria. Strabo, p. 687. - -[614] Lassen, as already remarked, opposes Nishada and Parapanishada as -the upper and lower mountain range. Nearly in the same region, but -apparently in the range between Cashmere and the kingdom of Paurava -(_supra_, p. 391), _i.e._ to the east of the Indus, legend speaks of the -Utsavasanketa, who, as their name implies, passed their lives in -feasting and conviviality (_utsava_, festival; _sanketa_, meeting). -Lassen, 2, 135; Wilson, Vishnu-Purana, p. 167 ff.; and the places in the -Mahabharata, in Lassen, _loc. cit._ Modern travellers maintain that some -tribes in the Hindu Kush are very partial to the wine which is produced -abundantly in the mountains, and lead a life of joviality. Ritter, -"Asien," Th. 4. Bd. 1, 450, 451. - -[615] Strabo, p. 689. Arrian, "Ind." 5, 9. - -[616] Strabo, p. 688, 699, 710. - -[617] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 4, 195. "Vishnu-Purana," ed. Wilson, p. -591. - -[618] _Infra_, chap. viii. - -[619] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2, 110. - -[620] Ctesias, "Ind. ecl." 8. - -[621] Strabo, p. 709. Arrian, "Ind." 17, 4. - -[622] Strabo, p. 709. - -[623] Megasthenes in Athen. p. 153, ed. Schweigh. - -[624] Arrian, "Ind." 16, 1-5. - -[625] Strabo, p. 688, 699, 709, 710, 712. Arrian, "Ind." 7, 9. - -[626] Arrian, _loc. cit._ 17, 1, 2. - -[627] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 238. - -[628] "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 1, 6. - -[629] "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 2, 47. - -[630] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 240. - -[631] It is clear that this statement cannot refer to the inhabitants of -Takshaçila, for Aristobulus rather ascribes to them the custom of the -Iranians, who exposed corpses for vultures to eat them. Aristobulus in -Strabo, p. 714. - -[632] Strabo, p. 709. Arrian, "Ind." 10. Manu, 3, 232. - -[633] Ctes. "Ind. ecl." 4. Ritter, "Erdkunde," 3, 2, 1187. Humboldt, -"Kosmos," 2, 417. - -[634] Ctesias, _loc. cit._ "ecl." 19-21. Aelian, "Hist. Anim." 4, 46. - -[635] Ctesias, _loc. cit._ "ecl." 28. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2, 560. - -[636] Strabo. p. 717. Arrian, "Ind." 16, 6; _supra_, p. 404. - -[637] Arrian, "Ind." 16, 11. Strabo, p. 717. Aelian, "Hist. Anim." 3, -16. - -[638] Strabo, p. 709. - -[639] Strabo, p. 714, 708. Arrian, "Ind." 7, 9. Curtius, 8, 14, _supra_, -p. 89. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -CHANDRAGUPTA OF MAGADHA. - - -The life of the Indians had developed without interference from without, -following the nature of the country and the impulse of their own -dispositions. Neither Cyrus nor Darius had crossed the Indus. The arms -of the Macedonians were the first to reach and subjugate the land of the -Panjab. The character and manners of another nation, whose skill in war, -power, and importance only made themselves felt too plainly, and to whom -civilisation and success could not be denied, were not only suddenly -brought into immediate proximity to the Indians, but had the most direct -influence upon them. - -We saw how earnestly Alexander's views were directed to the lasting -maintenance of his conquests, even in the distant east. Far-seeing as -were his arrangements for this purpose, strong and compact as they -appeared to be, they were not able long to resist the national aversion -of the Indians to foreign rule, after Alexander's untimely death. -Philippus, whom he had nominated satrap of the Panjab, was attacked and -slain by mutinous mercenaries, soon after Alexander's departure from -India. These soldiers had been defeated by the Macedonians of Philippus, -in whose place Eudemus together, with Mophis the prince of Takshaçila -was charged with the temporary government of this satrapy.[640] After -Alexander's death (June 11, 323 B.C.), Perdiccas, the administrator of -the empire, published an edict from Babylon, that "Mophis and Porus," so -Diodorus tells us, "should continue to be sovereigns of these lands in -the same manner as Alexander had arranged." According to Justin also the -satraps already in existence were retained in India; Peithon, whom -Alexander had made satrap of the lower Indus, received the command of -the colonies founded there.[641] In the division of the satrapies made -by Antipater at Triparadeisus in the year 321 B.C., Peithon is said to -have received the satrapy of upper India, while the lower region of the -Indus and the city of Pattala were allotted to Porus, whose kingdom was -thus largely extended. The land of Mophis, in the Vitasta, was also -considerably increased. "They could not be overcome without a large army -and an eminent general," says Diodorus; "it would not have been easy to -remove them," Arrian tells us, "for they had considerable power."[642] -Porus, at any rate, was removed in another manner. Eudemus, whom -Alexander had made temporary governor of the satrapy of the Panjab, must -have maintained his position; he caused Porus to be murdered, and seized -his elephants for himself.[643] - -Sandrakottos, an Indian of humble origin, so Justin relates, had -offended king Nandrus by his impudence,[644] and the king gave orders -for his execution. But his swiftness of foot saved him. Wearied with -the exertion he fell asleep; a great lion approached and licked the -sweat from him, and when Sandrakottos awoke the lion left him, fawning -as he went. This miracle convinced Sandrakottos that he was destined for -the throne. He collected a troop of robbers, called on the Indians to -join him, and became the author of their liberation. When he prepared -for war with the viceroy of Alexander, a wild elephant of monstrous size -came up, took him on his back, and bore him on fighting bravely in the -war and the battle. But the liberation which Sandrakottos obtained for -the Indians was soon changed into slavery; he subjugated to his own -power the nation he had set free from the dominion of strangers. At the -time when Seleucus was laying the foundation of his future greatness, -Sandrakottos was already in possession of India.[645] Plutarch observes -that Sandrakottos had seen Alexander in his early years, and afterwards -used to say that the latter could have easily subdued the Prasians, -_i.e._ the kingdom of Magadha, as the king, owing to his wickedness and -low origin, was hated and despised. Not long after Sandrakottos -conquered the whole of India with an army of 600,000 men.[646] - -According to this, Sandrakottos, while still a youth, must have been in -the Panjab and the land of the Indus in the years 326 and 325 B.C. when, -as we have seen, Alexander marched through them. He may therefore be -regarded as a native of those regions. Soon afterwards he must have -entered the service of king Nandrus, who cannot be any other than the -Dhanananda of Magadha, already known to us, whom the Greeks call -Xandrames, and at a later time he must have escaped from his master to -his own home, the land of the Indus. Here he found adherents and -summoned his countrymen to their liberation. They followed him; he -fought with success against the viceroys, including, no doubt, Mophis of -Takshaçila, and after expelling them he gained the dominion over the -whole land of the Indus. The miracles recorded by Justin point to native -tradition; we have seen how readily the warriors of India compared -themselves with lions. And when Sandrakottos called out his people -against the Greeks, it is the beast of India, the elephant, which takes -him on his back and carries him on the way to victory. Chandragupta's -martial achievements and successes surpassed all that had previously -taken place in India; it is sufficiently intelligible that the tradition -of the Indians should represent his rapid elevation as indicated by -marvels, and surround it with such. - -We can fix with tolerable exactness the date at which Sandrakottos -destroyed the satrapies established in the land of the Indus by -Alexander. In the year 317 B.C. Eudemus is in Susiana, in the camp of -Eumenes, who at that time was fighting against Antigonus for the -integrity of the kingdom. The three or four thousand Macedonians, with -120 elephants, which Eudemus brings to Eumenes, appear to be the remains -of the Macedonian power on the eastern bank of the Indus. Peithon, -Agenor's son (p. 407), we find in the year 316 B.C. as the satrap of -Antigonus in Babylon.[647] Hence the power of the Greeks in the Panjab -must have come to an end in the year 317 B.C. Eudemus could not have -removed Porus before the year 320 B.C., for, as has been observed, Porus -is mentioned in 321 as the reigning prince. Hence we may assume that in -the period between 325 and 320 B.C. Sandrakottos was in the service of -the king of Magadha, Dhanananda-Nandrus, that in or immediately after -the year 320 he fled to the Indus, and there, possibly availing himself -of the murder of Porus, summoned the Indians to fight against the -Greeks, and became the sovereign of them and of Mophis by the year 317 -B.C. - -When master of the land of the Indus, Sandrakottos turned with the -forces he had gained against the kingdom of Magadha. The weakness of the -rule of Dhanananda was no doubt well known to him from personal -experience; here also he was victorious. With a very large army he then -proceeded to carry his conquests beyond the borders of Magadha. Justin -tells us that he was in possession of the whole of India when Seleucus -laid the foundations of his power. Seleucus, formerly in the troop of -the 'companions' of Alexander, the son of Antiochus, founded his power -when he gained Babylon, fighting with Ptolemy against Antigonus in 312 -B.C., which city Peithon was unable to retain, and afterwards, in the -same year, conquered the satraps of Iran. Hence in the year 315 B.C. -Sandrakottos must have conquered Magadha and ascended the throne of -Palibothra, since as early as 312 he could undertake further conquests, -and by that time, according to Justin, had brought the whole of India, -_i.e._ the entire land of the Ganges, under his dominion. - -According to the accounts of the Buddhists, Chandragupta (Sandrakottos) -sprang from the house of the Mauryas. At the time when Viradhaka, the -king of the Koçalas, destroyed Kapilavastu, the home of the Enlightened -(p. 363), a branch of the royal race of the Çakyas had fled to the -Himalayas, and there founded a small kingdom in a mountain valley. The -valley was named after the numerous peacocks (_mayura_) found in it; and -the family who migrated there took the name of Maurya from the land. -When Chandragupta's father reigned in this valley, powerful enemies -invaded it; the father was killed, the mother escaped to Palibothra with -her unborn child. When she had brought forth a boy there, she exposed -him in the neighbourhood of a solitary fold. A bull, called Chandra -(moon) from a white spot in his forehead, protected the child till the -herdman found it, and gave it the name of Chandragupta, _i.e._ protected -by the moon. The herdman reared the boy, but when no longer a child he -handed him over to a hunter. While with the latter he played with the -boys of the village, and held a court of justice like a king; the -accused were brought forward, and one lost a hand, another a foot. -Chanakya, a Brahman of Takshaçila, observed the conduct of the boy, and -concluded that he was destined for great achievements. He bought -Chandragupta from the herdman, discovered that he was a Maurya, and -determined to make him the instrument of his revenge on king Dhanananda -who had done him a great injury. In the hall of the king's palace -Chanakya had once taken the seat set apart for the chief Brahman, but -the king had driven him out of it. When Chandragupta had grown up, -Chanakya placed him at the head of an armed troop, which he had formed -by the help of money hoarded for the purpose, and raised a rebellion in -Magadha. Chandragupta was defeated, and compelled to fly with Chanakya -into the wilderness. Not discouraged by this failure the rebels struck -out another plan. Chandragupta began a new attack from the borders, -conquered one city after another, and at last Palibothra. Dhanananda was -slain; and Chandragupta ascended the throne of Magadha.[648] - -Besides the greatness of Chandragupta, the Buddhists had a special -reason for glorifying the descent and origin of the founder of a dynasty -which afterwards did so much to advance their creed. From this point of -view it was very natural for the followers of Buddha to bring a ruler, -whose grandson adopted Buddha's doctrines, into direct relation with the -founder of their faith, to represent him as springing from the same -family to which Buddha had belonged. Chandragupta's family was called -the Mauryas; the Buddhists transformed the Çakyas into Mauryas. We shall -be on much more certain ground if we adhere to Justin's statement that -Chandragupta was sprung from a humble family until then unknown. The -marvels with which the Buddhists surrounded his youth are easily -explained from the effort to bring into prominence the lofty vocation of -the founder of the dominion of the Mauryas. His mother escapes -destruction. A bull protects the infant, guards the days of the child -who is to be mightier than any ruler of India before him. In the game of -the boys, Chandragupta shows the vocation for which he is intended. -Though the Buddhist tradition puts the birth of the future king of -Palibothra in that city, it allows us nevertheless to discover that -Chandragupta belongs to the land of the Indus by making him the slave -and instrument of a man of the Indus, Chanakya of Takshaçila. And as -Justin represents Chandragupta as injuring the king of Magadha, and -escaping death only by the most rapid flight, so does the tradition of -the Buddhists represent him as having excited a rebellion in Magadha, -the utter failure of which compels him to take refuge in flight. - -In all that is essential to the story there is scarcely any -contradiction between the narration of Justin and the Buddhists. We may -grant to the latter that Sandrakottos, relying too much on the weakness -of the throne of Magadha, raised a rebellion there, which failed of -success. He flies for refuge into the land of the Indus. Successful -there, and finally master of the whole, he is encouraged by his great -triumphs to attack Magadha from the borders, _i.e._ from the land of the -Indus, and now he captures one city after the other, until at length he -takes Palibothra. This means that when he had become lord of the land of -the Indus by the conquest of the Greeks and their vassals, he -accomplishes, with the help of the forces of this region, what he had -failed to carry out with his adherents in Magadha. We may certainly -believe the tradition of the Buddhists that Dhanananda was slain at or -after the capture of Palibothra.[649] - -In ancient times the tribes of the Aryas had migrated from the Panjab -into the valley of the Ganges; advancing by degrees they had colonised -it as far as the mouth of the river. These colonists had now been -conquered from their ancient home. For the first time the land of the -Indus stood under one prince, for the first time the Indus and the -Ganges were united into one state. After Sandrakottos had summoned the -nations of the west against the Greeks, he conquered the nations of the -east with their assistance. It was an empire such as no Indian king had -possessed before, extending from the Indus to the mouth of the Ganges, -over the whole of Aryavarta from the Himalayas to the Vindhyas. In the -south-west it reached beyond the kingdom of the western Pandus to the -peninsula of Guzerat, beyond the city of Automela (p. 409), and the -kingdom of Ujjayini; in the south-east it went beyond Orissa to the -borders of the Kalingas (p. 410). In regard to the management of this -wide empire founded by Chandragupta, Megasthenes tells us that the king -was surrounded by supreme counsellors, treasurers, and overseers of the -army. Besides these there were numerous officers. The management of the -army was carried on in divisions, which cannot surprise us after the -statements of the Greeks about the strength of the army which -Chandragupta maintained; Megasthenes puts it at 400,000, and Plutarch at -600,000.[650] One division attended to the elephants, another to the -horses, which like the former were kept in the royal stables; the third -to the chariots of war. The fourth was charged with the arming of the -infantry and the care of the armoury; at the end of each campaign the -soldiers had to return their weapons. The fifth division undertook the -supervision of the army, the baggage, the drummers, the cymbal-bearers, -the oxen for drawing the provision-waggons;[651] and the sixth was -charged with the care of the fleet. Manu's law has mentioned to us six -branches of the army, beside the four divisions of the battle array; -elephants, horsemen, chariots of war, and foot soldiers, the baggage as -the fifth, and the officers as the sixth member (p. 220). The land was -divided into districts, which were governed by head officers and their -subordinates; we remember that the book of the law advised the kings to -divide their states into smaller and larger districts of ten, twenty, a -hundred, or a thousand places (p. 214). Besides the officers of the -districts, the judges and tax-gatherers, there were, according to -Megasthenes, overseers of the mines, the woodcutters, and the tillers of -the land. Other officers had the care of the rivers and the roads. These -caused the highways to be made or improved, measured them, and at each -ten stades, _i.e._ at each yodhana (1-1/4 mile) set up a pillar to show -the distances and the direction. The great road from the Indus to -Palibothra was measured by the chain; in length it was ten thousand -stades, _i.e._ 1250 miles, a statement which will not be far wrong if -this road left the Indus near the height of Takshaçila, as we may assume -that it did.[652] The book of the priests is acquainted with royal -highways, and forbids their defilement; as we have seen, trade was -vigorous in the land of the Ganges as early as the sixth century B.C.; -the sutras of the Buddhists, no less than the Epos, often mention good -roads extending for long distances.[653] The magistrates who had care of -the rivers had to provide that the canals and conduits were in good -order, so that every one might have the water necessary for irrigation. - -The cities in turn had other officers, who superintended the -handicrafts, fixed the measures, and collected the taxes in them. Of -these officers there were thirty in every city, and they were divided -into six distinct colleges of five members each. The first superintended -the handicraftsmen, the second the aliens, who were carefully watched, -but supported even in cases of sickness, buried when dead, and their -property conveyed to their heirs. The third college kept the list of -taxes and the register of births and deaths, in order that the taxes -might be properly raised. The fourth managed the inns, and trade, in -order that correct measures might be used, and fruits sold by stamped -weights. The same tradesman could not sell different wares without -paying a double tax. The fifth college superintended the products of the -handicraftsmen and their sale, and marked the old and new goods; the -sixth collected the tenth on all buying and selling.[654] According to -the book of the priests the king was to fix the measures and weights, -and have them examined every six months; the same is to be done with the -value of the precious metals. It ordains penalties for those who use -false weights, conceal deficiencies in their wares, or sell what is -adulterated. The market price for necessaries is to be settled and -published every five or at any rate every fourteen days. After a -computation of the cost of production and transport, and consultation -with those who are skilled in the matter, the king is to fix the price -of their wares for merchants, for purchase and sale; trade in certain -things he can reserve for himself and declare to belong to the king, -just as in some passages of the book of the law mining is reserved for -the king, and in others he receives the half of all produce from mines -of gold, silver, and precious stones. The king can take a twentieth of -the profit of the merchant for a tax. In order to facilitate navigation -in the great rivers certain rates were fixed, which differed according -to the distance and the time of the year. The waggon filled with -merchandise had to pay for the use of the roads according to the value -of the goods; an empty waggon paid only the small sum of a pana, a -porter half a pana, an animal a quarter, a man without any burden an -eighth, etc. Any one who undertook to deliver wares in a definite time -at a definite place, and failed to do so, was not to receive the -freight. The price of transport by sea could not be fixed by law; when -differences arose the decisions of men who were acquainted with -navigation were to be valid. The book of the law requires from the -merchants a knowledge of the measures and weights, of the price of -precious stones, pearls, corals, iron, stuffs, perfumes, and spices. -They must know how the goods are to be kept, and what wages to pay the -servants. Lastly, they must have a knowledge of various languages.[655] -Megasthenes' account of the management of the cities shows that these -precepts were carried out to a considerable extent; that trade was under -superintendence, and taxed with a tenth instead of a twentieth, and that -a strict supervision was maintained over the market. - -We have already heard the Greeks commending the severity and wisdom of -the administration of justice. Megasthenes assures us that in the camp -of Chandragupta, in which 400,000 men were gathered together, not more -than two hundred drachmas' worth (£7 10_s._) of stolen property was -registered every day. If we combine this with the protection which the -farmers enjoyed, according to the Greeks, we may conclude that under -Chandragupta's reign the security of property was very efficiently -guarded by the activity of the magistrates, the police, and the courts. - -From all these statements, and from the narratives given above of the -luxurious life of the kings, which can only refer to the times of -Chandragupta and his immediate successor, so far as they are -trustworthy, it follows that Chandragupta knew how to rule with a -vigorous and careful hand; and that he could maintain peace and order. -He protected trade, which for centuries had been carried on in a -remarkably vigorous manner, took care of the roads, navigation, and the -irrigation of the land, upheld justice and security, organised -skilfully the management of the cities and the army, paid his soldiers -liberally, and promoted the tillage of the soil. The Buddhists confirm -what Megasthenes states of the flourishing condition of agriculture, of -the honest conduct of the Indians, and their great regard for justice; -they assure us that under the second successor of Chandragupta the land -was flourishing and thickly populated; that the earth was covered with -rice, sugarcanes, and cows; that strife, outrage, assault, theft, and -robbery were unknown.[656] At the same time the taxes which Chandragupta -raised were not inconsiderable, as we may see from the fact that in the -cities a tenth was taken on purchases and sales, that those who offered -wares for sale had to pay licenses and tolls; in addition to these a -poll-tax was raised, otherwise the register of births and deaths would -be useless. Husbandmen had to give up the fourth part of the harvest as -taxes, while the book of the law prescribes the sixth only of the -harvest, and the twentieth on purchases and sales (p. 212). - -When in the contest of the companions of Alexander for the empire and -supremacy Seleucus had become master of Babylon, he left the war against -Antigonus in the west, who did not threaten him for the moment, to -Ptolemy and Cassander, established his dominion in the land of the -Euphrates over Persia and Media, and reduced the land of Iran to -subjection (Alexander had previously given him the daughter of the -Bactrian Spitamenes to wife).[657] When he had succeeded in this, he -intended to re-establish the supremacy of the Greeks in the valley of -the Indus and the Panjab, and to take the place of Alexander. About the -year 305 B.C.[658] he crossed the Indus and again trod the soil on -which twenty years before he had been engaged in severe conflict by the -side of Alexander on the Vitasta against Porus (p. 400). He no longer -found the country divided into principalities and free states; he -encountered the mighty army of Chandragupta. In regard to the war we -only know that it was brought to an end by treaty and alliance. That the -course of it was not favourable to Seleucus we may gather from the fact -that he not only made no conquests beyond the Indus, but even gave up to -Chandragupta considerable districts on the western shore, the land of -the Paropamisades, _i.e._ the southern slopes of the Hindu Kush as far -as the confluence of the Cabul and Indus, the eastern regions of -Arachosia and Gedrosia. The present of 500 elephants, given in exchange -by Chandragupta, was no equivalent for the failure of hopes and the loss -of so much territory,[659] though these animals a few years later -decided the day of Ipsus in Phrygia against Antigonus,[660] a victory -which secured to Seleucus the dominion over Syria and the east of Asia -Minor in addition to the dominion over Iran, and the Tigris and -Euphrates. Chandragupta had not only maintained the land of the Indus, -he had gained considerable districts beyond the river. - -The man who annihilated Alexander's work and defeated Seleucus, who -united India from the Hindu Kush to the mouth of the Ganges, from -Guzerat to Orissa, under one dominion, who established and promoted -peace, order, and prosperity in those wide regions, did not live to old -age. If he was really a youth, as the Greeks state, at the time when -Alexander trod the banks of the Indus, he can scarcely have reached his -fifty-fifth year when he died in 291 B.C. The extensive kingdom which he -had founded by his power he left to his son Vindusara. Of his reign we -learn from Indian tradition that Takshaçila rebelled in it, but -submitted without resistance at the approach of his army, and that he -made his son Açoka viceroy of Ujjayini.[661] The Greeks call Vindusara, -Amitrochates, _i.e._, no doubt, Amitraghata, a name which signifies -"slayer of the enemies." This is obviously an honourable epithet which -the Indians give to Vindusara, or which he gave to himself. We may -conclude, not only from the fact that he is known to the Greeks, but -from other circumstances, that Vindusara maintained to its full extent -the kingdom founded by his father. The successors of Alexander sought to -keep up friendly relations with him, and his heir was able to make -considerable additions to the empire of Chandragupta. After the treaty -already mentioned, Megasthenes represented Seleucus on the Ganges; with -Vindusara, Antiochus, the son and successor of Seleucus, was represented -by Daimachus, and the ruler of Egypt, Ptolemy II., sent Dionysius to the -court of Palibothra.[662] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[640] Arrian, "Anab." 6, 27. - -[641] Diod. 18, 3. Justin, 13, 4; _supra_, p. 407. - -[642] Diod. 18, 39. Arrian, "Succ. Alex." 36; cf. "Ind." 5, 3. - -[643] Diod. 19, 14. - -[644] Von Gutschmid has rightly shown that Nandrus must be read for -Alexander in Justin (15, 4); "Rhein. Mus." 12, 261. - -[645] Justin, 15, 4. - -[646] "Alex." c. 62. - -[647] Droysen, "Hellenismus," 1, 319. - -[648] "Mahavanaça," ed. Turnour, p. 39 ff. Westergaard, "Buddha's -Todesjahr," s. 113. - -[649] We can hardly make any use of the description in the drama of -Mudra-Rakshasa, which was composed after 1000 A.D. (in Lassen, "Ind. -Alterth." 2^2, 211), for the history of Chandragupta. - -[650] Pliny ("Hist. Nat." 6, 27) gives 600,000 foot soldiers, 30,000 -horse, and 9000 elephants. - -[651] Megasthenes in Strabo, p. 707. - -[652] Strabo, p. 69, 689, 690. - -[653] Manu, 9, 282; _supra_, p. 387. - -[654] Strabo, p. 708. - -[655] Manu, 8, 39, 128, 156, 398, 409; 9, 280, 329-332. - -[656] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 432. - -[657] Arrian, "Anab." 7, 4. Droysen, "Alex." s. 396. - -[658] The date of the campaign of Seleucus can only be fixed so far that -it must be placed between 310 and 302 B.C., and as the subjugation of -Eastern Iran must have taken up some time, the campaign to India may be -placed nearer the year 302 B.C.; we are also compelled to do this by -Justin's words (15, 4); cum Sandracotto facta pactione compositisque in -oriente rebus, in bellum Antigoni descendit, _i.e._ to the battle of -Ipsus. - -[659] Justin, 15, 4. Appian, "De reb. Syr." c. 55. Strabo, p. 689, 724. -Pliny, "Hist. Nat." 6, 21. Athenĉus, p. 18. - -[660] Diod. Exc. Vat. p. 42. Plut. "Demetr." c. 29. - -[661] "Açoka-avadana," in Burnouf, "Introd." p. 362. - -[662] Strabo, p. 70. Athenĉeus, p. 653. Pliny, "Hist. Nat." 6, 21. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE RELIGION OF THE BUDDHISTS. - - -In the century and a half which passed between the date of Kalaçoka of -Magadha, the council of the Sthaviras at Vaiçali, and the reign of -Vindusara, the doctrine of the Enlightened had continued to extend, and -had gained so many adherents that Megasthenes could speak of the -Buddhist mendicants as a sect of the Brahmans. The rulers of Magadha who -followed Kalaçoka, the house of the Nandas, which deposed his son, and -the succeeding princes of that house, Indradatta and Dhanananda, were -not favourable to Buddhism, as we conjectured above. If the Buddhist -tradition quoted extols and consecrates the descent and usurpation of -Chandragupta, this must be rather due to the services his grandson -rendered the believers in Buddha than to any merits of his own in that -respect. The accounts of the Greeks about the religious services of the -Indians towards the end of the fourth century B.C., the description -given by Megasthenes of the Indian philosophers and their doctrines, as -well as his express statement that the Brahmans were the more highly -honoured among the Indian sages, leave no doubt that the Brahmans -maintained their supremacy under the reign of Chandragupta. Of Vindusara -the Buddhists tell us that he daily fed 600,000 Brahmans. - -In the doctrine of Buddha the philosophy of the Indians had made the -boldest step. It had broken with the results of the history of the -Arians on the Indus and the Ganges, with the development of a thousand -years. It had declared internecine war against the ancient religion, and -called in question the consecrated order of society. The philosophy -capable of such audacity was a scepticism which denied everything except -the thinking _Ego_, which emptied heaven and declared nature to be -worthless. Armed with the results of an unorthodox speculation, and -pushing them still further, Buddha had drawn a cancelling line through -the entire religious past of the Indian nation. The world-soul of the -Brahmans existed no longer; heaven was rendered desolate; its -inhabitants and all the myths attaching to them were set aside. No -reading, no exposition of the Veda was required; no inquiry about the -ancient hymns and customs. The contention of the schools about this or -that rite might slumber, and no sacrifice could be offered to gods who -did not exist. Dogmatism was banished in all its positions and -doctrines; the endless laws about purity and food, the torturing -penances and expiations, the entire ceremonial was without value and -superfluous. The peculiar sanctity of the Brahmans, the mediatory -position which they occupied in the worship between the gods and the -nation, were valueless, and the advantages of the upper castes fell to -the ground. And this doctrine, which annihilated the entire ancient -religion and the basis of existing society, and put in their place -nothing but a new speculation and a new morality, had come into the -world without divine revelation, and was without a supreme deity, or -indeed any deity whatever. Its authority rested solely on the dicta of a -man, who declared that he had discovered truth by his own power, and -maintained that every man could find it. That such a doctrine found -adherence and ever increasing adherence is a fact without a parallel in -history. The success of it would indeed be inconceivable, if the -Brahmans had not themselves long prepared the way for Buddha, if the -harsh contrast in which Buddha placed himself to the Brahmans had not -been in some degree a consequence of Brahmanism. - -The wildly-luxuriant and confused imagination of the Brahmans had -produced a moderation, a rationalistic reaction in faith, worship, and -morality no less than in social life. The speculative conception of -Brahman had never become familiar to the people. The ceaseless increase -in the number of gods and spirits, their endless multitude, had lessened -the value of the individual forms and the reverence felt for them. The -acts of the great saints of the Brahmans went far beyond the power and -creative force of the gods. The saints made the gods their playthings. -Could it excite any great shock when these playthings were set aside? -The Brahmans dethroned the gods, and themselves fell in this -dethronement. They allowed that sacrifice and ritual, and the pious -fulfilment of duties and expiations, the entire sanctification by works, -was not the highest aim that men could and ought to attain; that -asceticism, penance, and meditation ensured something higher, and could -alone lead back to Brahman; was it not a simple consequence of this view -that Buddha should set aside the whole service of sacrifice and form of -worship? The Brahmans granted that the distinction of caste could be -removed, at any rate in the three higher orders, by the work of inward -sanctification; was it not logical that Buddha should declare the -distinction of castes altogether to be unessential? According to the -Brahmans nothing but deep and earnest meditation on Brahman could raise -man to the highest point, to reabsorption into Brahman, and therefore -the Sankhya doctrine could consistently maintain that meditation free -from all tradition was the highest aim, that only by unfettered -knowledge could liberation from nature be attained; while Buddha was -enabled to find ready credence to his position that neither asceticism -nor penance, neither sacrifice nor works, but the knowledge of the true -connection of things guided men to salvation. From all antiquity the -Indians had allowed human devotion to have a certain influence on the -gods; in the oldest poems of the Veda we find the belief that the -correct invocation brings down the deities and exercises compulsion over -them. Following out this view, the Brahmans had developed the compulsion -exercised upon the gods to such a degree that fervour of asceticism and -holiness conferred divine power--power over nature; they held that man -could attain the highest point by penance and meditation; that he could -draw into himself and concentrate there the divine power and essence. -Was it not an easy step further in the same path when Buddha taught that -the highest, the only divine result, which he admitted, the knowledge of -truth, could be attained by man's own power; that his adherents and -followers, when the rishis of the Brahmans had been gifted with so many -mighty, divine, and super-divine powers, had not the least difficulty in -believing that the Enlightened had found absolute truth; that by his own -power he had attained the highest wisdom and truth? If the man who had -duly sanctified himself, attained, according to the Brahmanic doctrine, -divine power and wisdom, Buddha on his part required no revelation from -above. By his own nature and his own power, by sanctification, man could -work his way upwards to divine absolute liberty and wisdom. - -To religious tradition and the Veda Buddha opposed individual knowledge; -to revelation of the gods the truth discovered by men, to the dogmatism -of the Brahmanic schools the doctrine of duties; to sacrifice and -expiation the practice of morality; to the claims of the castes personal -merit; to lonely asceticism common training; to the caste of the priests -a spiritual brotherhood formed by free choice and independent impulse. -But two essential points in the Brahmanic view of the world, that the -body and the _Ego_ are the fetters of the soul, that the soul must -migrate without rest, he not only allowed to stand, but even insisted on -them more sharply to the conclusion that existence is the greatest evil -and annihilation the greatest blessing for men, inasmuch as freedom from -evil can only be attained by freedom from existence, and freedom from -existence only by annihilation of self. Salvation is the negation of -existence. But not only the bodily life of the individual must be -annihilated, the spiritual root of his existence must be torn up and -utterly destroyed. "What wilt thou with the knot of hair, or with the -apron (_i.e._ with the Brahmanic asceticism); thou art touching merely -the outside; the gulf is within thee?"[663] - -The Sankhya doctrine had announced that Brahman and the gods did not -exist, but only nature and the soul. Buddha in reality struck out nature -also. According to his doctrine there was neither creation nor creator. -The existence of the world is merely an illusion; there is nothing but a -restless change of generation and decay, an eternal revolution -(_sansara_). Hence the world is no more than a total of things past and -perishable, in which there is but one reality, one active agency. This -is the souls of men and animals, breathing creatures. These have been -existent from the first, and remain in existence till they find the -means of their annihilation and accomplish it. They have created the -corporeal world, by clothing themselves with matter, and this robe they -change again and again. The Brahmans had taught that "the desire which -is in the world-soul is the creative seed of the world" (p. 132). -Buddha, transferring this to the individual souls, taught that the -desire and yearning for existence, by which individual creatures were -impelled, produced existence. Existences are the fruit of the -inalienable impulse inherent in the soul; this brings the evil of -existence upon the soul, and causes it in spite of itself to cleave -thereto; "it is the chain of being" in which the soul is fettered. This -desire (_kama_) is a mistake; it rests on an inability to perceive the -true connection between the nature of existence and the world; it is not -only a mistake but a sin, nay, sin itself, from which all other sins -arise; desire is the great, original sin, hereditary sin (_kleça_).[664] - -Hence the existence of men is in itself the product of sin. The -perpetual yearning for existence ever draws the soul after the death of -the body into new existence, impels it into the corporeal world, and -clothes it with a new body. "All garments are perishable, all are full -of pain, and subject to another."[665] Each new bodily life of the soul -is the fruit of former existences. The merit or the guilt which the soul -has acquired in earlier existences, or brought upon itself, is rewarded -or punished in later existences; here also Buddhism retains the doctrine -of the Brahmans that the prosperity or misfortune of man is regulated -according to the acts of a former existence. The total of merit and -guilt accumulated in earlier existences determines the fortune of the -individual; it forms the rule governing the kind of regeneration, the -happy or unhappy life, the fate which rules each soul, the moral order -of the world. If the merit is greater than the guilt, man is not born as -an animal but as a man, and in better circumstances, with less trouble -and sorrow to go through; and according as a man bears these, and -practises virtue in this life, are the future existences defined. It is -the duty of man to acquire a tolerable existence for himself by his -merit, and also to remove the active guilt of earlier deeds, which are -not always punished in the next but often in far later existences, and -to destroy the yearning after existence in the soul. This is done by the -knowledge which perceives that existence is evil, that all is worthless, -and consequently lessens and removes the yearning after existence. This -removal is rendered more complete by renunciation, the resolution to -receive no conceptions or impressions, and hence to feel no desire for -anything; by placing ourselves in a condition where we are incapable of -feeling, and therefore incapable of desire. With this annihilation of -desire the fetters of the soul are broken; man is separated from the -revolution of the world, the alternation of births, because nothing more -remains of that which makes up the soul, and thus there is no substratum -left for a new existence.[666] - -There were converted Brahmans who declared that a penance of twelve -years did not confer so much repose as the truths which Buddha -taught.[667] For the satisfaction of the interest in philosophic -inquiry, to which earnest minds among the Brahmans were accustomed, the -speculative foundation of Buddha's doctrine provided amply and with -sufficient subtilty. Others might be attracted by the wish to be -relieved from tormenting themselves any longer with the formulas of the -schools and the commentaries on the Veda. And if the Brahmans objected -to the disciples of Buddha that they punished themselves too little, -there were without doubt members of the order who found the Buddhist -asceticism more agreeable than the Brahmanic. - -But the most efficient spring of the success of Buddha's doctrine did -not lie in this. It lay in the practical consequences which he derived -from his speculation or connected with it. The prospect of liberation -from regeneration, of death without resurrection, the gospel of -annihilation, was that which led the Indians to believe in Buddha. To -the initiated he opened out the prospect that this life would be the -last; to the laity he gave the hope of alleviation in the number and -kind of regenerations. And as this doctrine proclaimed to all without -exception an amelioration in their future fortunes, and declared that -every one was capable of liberation, it was at the same time a gospel of -social reform. Even among the Kshatriyas and Vaiçyas there were, no -doubt, many who were quite agreed that the privilege of birth, which the -Brahmans claimed in such an extravagant manner, ought to give way to -personal merit. To all who were oppressed or pushed into the background -the way was pointed out, to withdraw from the stress of the -circumstances which confined and burdened them; every one found a way -open for him to escape from the trammels of caste. The doctrine of the -Brahmans excluded the Çudras entirely from good works and liberation. -The doctrine of Buddha was addressed to all the castes, and destroyed -the monopoly of the Brahmans even in regard to teaching. The natural and -equal right of every man, whatever be his origin, to sanctification and -liberation from evil was recognised; the Buddhist clergy were recruited -from all the orders. The Çudra and even the Chandala received the -initiation of the Bhikshu. The attraction of this universality was all -the greater, especially for the lower orders, because Buddha, following -the whole tendency of his doctrine, turned more especially to the most -heavily laden; in his view wealth and rank were stronger fetters to bind -men to the world than distress and misery. "It is hard," the Enlightened -is declared to have said, "to be rich and to learn the way;" and in a -Buddhist inscription of the third century B.C. we read, "It is difficult -both for the ordinary and important person to attain to eternal -salvation, but for the important person it is certainly most -difficult."[668] Finally, the doctrine of Buddha was also a gospel of -peaceful life, of mutual help and brotherly love. The quietistic -morality of obedience, of silent endurance, which the disciples of -Buddha preached, corresponded to the patient character which the Indians -on the Ganges had gained under the training of the Brahmans and their -despotic princes, and to the instinct of the nation at the time. As -Buddha's doctrine justified and confirmed submission towards oppression, -it also pointed out the way in which to alleviate an oppressed life for -ourselves and for others. The gentleness and compassion which Buddha -required towards men and animals, suited the prevailing tone of the -people; men were prepared to avail themselves of them as the means of -salvation; and this patient sympathetic life, without the torments of -penances and expiations, without the burden of the laws of purification -and food, without sacrifice and ceremonial, was enough to guide future -regenerations into the "better" way. - -The Brahmans had never established a hierarchical organisation; they had -contented themselves with the liturgical monopoly of their order, with -their aristocratic position and claims against the other castes. It was -only as presidents at the feasts of the dead in the clans that they -exercised a powerful censorship over their fellows, as we have seen; a -censorship involving the most serious civic consequences for those on -whom its sentence fell. At the head of the Buddhists there was no order -of birth; the first place was taken by those who lived by alms, and were -content to abandon the establishment of a family. The two vows of -poverty and chastity withdrew the initiated among the Buddhists from the -acquisition of property, from the family, and life in the world; their -maintenance consisted in the alms offered to them. In this way they were -gained for the interests and the work of their religion to an extent -that never was and never could be the case with the Brahmans who did not -remove the obstacles of the family by celibacy, and indeed could not do -so, because their pre-eminence was founded on birth. The Brahman was and -must be the father of a family; he must provide for himself and his -family, while the Bhikshus without care for themselves or their families -gave themselves up exclusively to their spiritual duties. All the legal -precepts of the Brahmans, which made the maintenance of their order by -gifts the duty of the other castes, could not set their families free -from the care of their support and property; even the book of the law -was obliged to allow the Brahman to carry on other occupations besides -the sacrifice and study of the Veda; it could do no more than demand -that the Brahman father, when he had begotten his children and -established his house, should retire into solitude to do penance and -meditate (p. 184, 242). Buddhism excluded its clergy entirely from the -family and social life; it permitted them to live together in -communities, combined all the initiated into one great brotherhood, and -thus gained a firmer connection, a better organisation of its -representatives, a body engaged in constant work and preparation without -any other interests than those of religion. "He is not a Brahman," we -are told in an old Buddhist formula, 'the Foot-prints of the Law,' "who -is born as a Brahman." "He is a Brahman who is lean, and wears dusty -rags, who possesses nothing, and is free from fetters."[669] The -entrance into this community was open; Buddha imparted the consecration -of the mendicant to every one in whom he found belief in his doctrine -and the desire to renounce the world; and said, "Come hither; enter into -the spiritual life." With this simple formula the reception was -complete.[670] This pillar of Buddhism was never shaken, though after -the second council of Vaiçali (433 B.C.) a certain knowledge of the -canonic scriptures, the sutras and the Vinaya, as fixed by that -assembly, was required in addition to the qualifications of poverty and -chastity. Buddha had fixed that admission into the clerical order could -not take place before the twentieth year. After the pattern of the -Brahman schools (p. 178) it was the custom to receive boys and youths as -novices as soon as the parents gave permission, and one of the -consecrated was found willing to undertake the instruction of the -novice. At a later time this institution of the noviciate found a far -more solid basis in the monastic life of the Bhikshus than that which -the isolated Brahman could offer to the pupils in his own house. The -novice (_Çramanera_) might not kill anything, or steal, or lie; he must -commit no act of unchastity, drink no intoxicating liquor, eat nothing -after mid-day, neither sing nor dance, neither adorn nor anoint himself, -and receive no gold or silver. When the period of instruction was over, -the admission took place in the presence of the assembled clergy of the -monastery. When he had taken the vows of poverty, chastity, and -obedience, the newly-initiated received the yellow robe and the -mendicant's jar with the admonition: "To have no intercourse with any -woman, to take away nothing in secret, to wear a dusty garment, to dwell -at the roots of trees, to eat only what others had left, and use the -urine of cows as a medicine."[671] - -With his entrance into the community of the initiated, the Bhikshu had -left the world behind, and broken the fetters which bound him to his -kindred. If married before his admission, he was no longer to trouble -himself for his family: "those who cling to wife and child are, as it -were, in the jaws of the tiger." He is separated from his brothers and -sisters, and great as is the importance elsewhere attached in Buddhism -to filial affection, he is not to lament the death of his father or -mother. He is free from love; he holds nothing dear; for "love brings -sorrow, and the loss of the loved is painful."[672] He is without -relations; nothing but his mendicant's robe is his own; he may not work. -Not even labour in a garden is permitted to him; worms might be killed -in turning up the earth. Thus for the initiated the fetters of family, -possessions, and the acquisition of property, which bind us most -strongly to life, are burst asunder. He has nothing of his own, and -consequently can feel no desire to keep his possessions, or pain at -their loss; he inhabits an "empty house."[673] The rules of external -discipline were not too many. Beard, eye-brows, and hair were to be -shaved, a regulation which arose in contrast to the various hair-knots -of the Brahmanic schools and sects, and was an extension of the -Brahmanic view of the impurity of hair. With the Buddhists the hairs are -an impure excretion of the skin, refuse which must be thrown away; the -tonsure was performed at every new and full moon.[674] The Bhikshu was -never to ask for a gift, he must receive in silence what is offered. If -he receive more than he requires, he must give the remainder to others. -He must never eat more than is required for his necessities, nor after -midday, nor may he eat flesh. Even among the Buddhists the rules of food -are tolerably minute, and many of the prescripts of the Brahmans were -adopted by them. Essential importance was attributed to moderation; -desires were not to be excited by unnecessary satisfaction. The Bhikshu -must especially guard against women. He must not receive alms from the -hand of a woman, or look on the women he meets, or speak with them, or -dream of them. "So long as the least particle of the desire which -attracts the man to the woman remains undestroyed, so long is he -fettered like the calf to the cow;"[675] and Buddha is said to have -declared that if there were a second passion as strong as the passion -for women no one would ever attain liberation. It was reasons of this -kind, of modesty and chastity, which made it a rule for the Bhikshus, in -contrast to the nudity of the Brahmanic penitent, never to lay aside his -garments: his shirt and yellow garment which came over the shirt as far -as the knee--the rule required that it should be made of sewn rags--and -his mantle, worn over the left shoulder. The Bhikshu is to watch himself -like a tower on the borders, without a moment's intermission,[676] and -bridle his desires with a strong hand, as the leader holds back the -raging elephant with the spear.[677] He must always bear in mind that -the body is a tower of bones, smeared with flesh and blood, the nest of -diseases; that it conceals old age and death, pride and flattery; that -life in this mass of uncleanness is death.[678] In contrast to the -multitude who are driven by desire like hunted hares,[679] he is to live -without desire among those who are filled with desire; the passions -which run hither and thither like the ape seeking fruit in the forest, -which spring up again and again like creeping-plants if they are not -taken at the roots, he must tear up root and all, and strive after the -sundering of the toils, the conquest of Mara (p. 481) and his troop. -Freedom from desire is "the highest duty; and he is the most victorious -who conquers himself."[680] Victory is won by taming the senses, and -schooling the soul; no rain penetrates the well-roofed house, no passion -the well-schooled spirit.[681] "A man is not made a Bhikshu by tonsure," -nor by begging of another, nor by faith in the doctrine, but only by -constant watchfulness and work. The Bhikshu who fails in these had -better eat hot iron than the fruits of the field; the "ill practised -restraint of the senses leads into hell."[682] - -We know that the Bhikshus had to support each other mutually in this -work. Following the pattern of the master they passed the rainy season, -in common shelter, in monasteries. These, as we saw (p. 378), existed as -early as the reign of Kalaçoka. At first they sought protection in -hollows of the mountains like the cave of Niagrodha, near Rajagriha. -Then these caves were extended artificially, and in this way they came -by degrees to be cave cloisters with halls for assembly of considerable -extent. In the detached monasteries the halls were the central points, -and the monks had separate cells on the surrounding wall. The -description given in the sutras of these Viharas is far from -discouraging. Platforms, balustrades, lattice-windows were provided, and -good places for sleeping. The sound of metal cymbals or bells summoned -the monks to prayer or to meeting. In these monasteries the elders -instructed the disciples, those who had advanced on the way of -liberation, the less advanced. The four 'truths' were considered in -common (p. 340); in common the attempt was made "to cleave the twenty -summits of uncertainty with the lightning of knowledge." In the place of -the sacrifice, expiations, and penances by which the Brahmans held that -crimes, and sins, and transgressions of the rules of purity could be -done away, Buddha had established the confession of sin before the -brethren. Had a brother failed in the control of desire, and been -over-mastered by his impulses, he was to acknowledge his error before -the rest. As Buddha removed painful asceticism, so he desired no -external and torturing expiations. "Not nakedness," we are told in the -footsteps of the law, "nor knots of hair (such as the Brahman penitents -wore), nor filthiness, nor fasting, nor lying on the earth, nor rubbing -in of dust, nor motionless position, purify a man;"[683] the only -purification is the conquest of lust, the amelioration of the mind. Not -on works, but on the spirit from which they proceed, does Buddha lay the -chief weight. Sins when committed could be removed only by improvement -of spirit, by the pain of remorse. Confession was the proof and -confirmation of remorse, and thus the confirmation of a good mind. In -Buddha's view confession removed the sin when committed, and was -immediately followed by absolution.[684] In the monasteries the -initiated fasted in the days of the new and full moon, and after the -fast came the confessional. The list of duties was read;[685] after -every section the question was thrice asked whether each of those -present had lived according to the precepts before them. If a confession -was made that this had not been the case, the offence was investigated, -and absolution given by the president of the meeting. In accordance with -Buddha's command a common confession of all the brethren in every -monastery took place after the rainy season before the mendicants -recommenced their travels.[686] At a later time it was common at -confession to divide the offences into such as received simple -absolution, such as required reproof before absolution, such as were -subject to penance, and lastly such as involved temporary or entire -expulsion from the community. Obstinate heresy and unchastity entailed -complete expulsion; the man who indulged in sexual intercourse could no -longer be a disciple of Buddha. The penances imposed for errors of a -coarser kind were very slight and are so still; the performance of the -more menial services in the monastery, otherwise discharged by the -novices, or the repetition of a forced number of prayers. No one was -compelled because he had once taken a vow to observe it for ever; any -initiated person could and still can come back into the world at any -moment. The vow was not binding for the whole of life, and no one was to -discharge his duties against his will. - -Among the Bhikshus the authority of age was maintained; respect was paid -to experience, proved virtue, and wisdom; the teacher ranked above the -pupil, the older believer before the younger. Hence the Sthaviras, -_i.e._ the elders, held the foremost place among them. Still it was not -years, but liberation from the evil of the world, that made the -Sthavira.[687] Each monastery had a Sthavira at the head, whom the -Bhikshus had to obey, for in addition to vows of poverty and chastity -they took vows of obedience. Nevertheless Buddhism gave the greater -weight to the feeling and sense of equality and brotherly love. -Authority resided less in the Sthavira than in the assembly of the -initiated. Had not the first disciples of Buddha established his sayings -in common at the first council at Rajagriha, even though one of his most -beloved followers presided over them? The second synod at Vaiçali was -conducted in the same way; the community of the Bhikshus (_sangha_, the -assembly) had given their authoritative sanction to the rules of -discipline, which were to have general currency, after they had been -fixed by the elders. The monasteries were similarly organised; there -also the community gave the consecration of the priest, heard -confession, imposed penances, ordered temporary or complete expulsion -under the presidency of the Sthavira. - -There were merits of another kind among the Bhikshus which transcended -the rank of the teachers, of the elder, of the head of the monastery. -These were the merits of religious service, of deeper knowledge, of more -complete conquest over the natural man, the _Ego_. The Aryas, _i.e._ the -honourable or the rulers, who had learned "the four truths" (p. 340), -formed a privileged class of the Bhikshus. On the path "which is hard to -tread,"[688] the path of Nirvana, the Buddhists distinguish four stages. -The first and lowest has been entered upon by the Çrotaapanna; he cannot -any longer be born again as an evil spirit or an animal; and has only -seven regenerations to pass through.[689] The second stage is reached by -the Sakridagamin, _i.e._ "the once-returning;" who will only be born -once after his death. The third stage is that of the Anagamin, the -not-returning, who has to expect his regeneration in the higher regions -only, not as a man. On the highest stage stands the Arhat; he has -entered on the path which neither the gods nor the Gandharvas know; his -senses have entered into rest; he has overcome the impulse to evil as -well as the impulse to good; he desires nothing more, neither here nor -in heaven. He has "left behind every habitation, as the flamingo takes -his way from the sea;"[690] the gods envy him; he has attained the end -after which all the Bhikshus strive; he has arrived at Nirvana, and is -in the possession of supernatural powers. When he wills, he dies, never -to be born again. Like the Brahmans the Buddhists attempted to express -in numbers the eminence and value of those who had gone through the four -stages. The Çrotaapanna surpasses the ordinary man ten thousand-fold; -The Sakridagamin is a hundred thousand times higher than the -Çrotaapanna, the Anagamin a million times higher than the Sakridagamin. -The Arhat is free from ignorance, free from hereditary sin, _i.e._ free -from desire, and attachment to existence; he is free from the limitation -of existence, and therefore from the conditions of it. He possesses the -power to do miracles, the capacity of surveying in one view all -creatures and all worlds; of hearing all the sounds and words in all the -worlds; he has knowledge of the thoughts of all creatures, and -remembrance of the earlier habitations, _i.e._ of the past existences of -all creatures.[691] - -Buddha's system required, at bottom, that every man should renounce the -world, and take the mendicant's robes, in order to enter upon the path -of liberation. This requirement could not be realised any more than the -demand of the Brahmans that every Dvija should go into the forest at the -end of his life and live as a penitent; the Catholic view of the -advantage of monastic over secular life has not brought all Catholics -into monasteries; how could the Church live and the world exist if every -one abandoned the world? Yet the Enlightened was of opinion that help -might be given even to those who could not leave the world. In contrast -to the pride and exclusiveness of the Brahmans it was precisely the -promise of help to all, the strongly-marked tendency to relieve every -one, even the meanest, the sympathy with the sorrows of the oppressed, -the turning aside from the powerful and rich to the lonely and poor,--it -was the fact that mendicants took the highest place in the new -Church--which won adherents to Buddha's teaching from the oppressed -classes of the people. If the layman, so Buddha thought, resolved to -live according to the precepts of his ethics, he would not only lighten -the burden of existence for himself and others; by the practice of these -virtues he attained such merit that his regenerations became more -favourable, and followed in "good paths," so that he was allowed -eventually to receive initiation and thus attain the end of sorrows, -death without any return to life. He who would adopt this doctrine, had -only to declare that it was his will to perform the commands of its -ethics. The formula of entrance and adoption into the community of the -believers in Buddha ran thus: "I take my refuge in Buddha; I take my -refuge in the law (_dharma_); I take my refuge in the community -(_sangha_)," _i.e._ of the believers. With this declaration the convert -took a pledge not to kill anything that had life, not to steal, to -commit no act of unchastity, not to babble, nor lie, nor calumniate, nor -disparage, nor curse; not to be passionate, greedy, envious, angry, -revengeful. The layman is to control his appetites as far as possible, -to moderate his selfishness, and in the place of his natural corrupt -desires to put the right feeling of contentment and submission, of -beneficence, and pity, and love to his neighbour, a feeling out of -which, in Buddha's view, "the avoidance of evil and doing of good" -spontaneously arose. This repose, patience, and moderation would cause -even the laymen to bear the evils of existence more lightly, and keep -themselves as far as possible from the complications of the world. His -adherence to the doctrines of Buddha was to be shown in the first -instance by gifts to the clergy. The Church had no means of subsistence -except the alms of the laymen; their gifts, in the eyes of the -Buddhists, bring salvation for the giver no less than the receiver; the -latter ought humbly to beg the clergy to accept their presents.[692] - -Buddha's doctrine acknowledged no God. It was man who by the power of -his knowledge could attain to absolute truth; who by the force of his -will, the eradication of desire, the sacrifice of his goods and his body -for his nearest relations, the annihilation of his own self, would win -complete virtue and sanctity. "Self is the protector and the refuge of -self,"[693] But were the inculcation of prayers and precepts, the -discussion of the sayings of Buddha, on which they rested, enough to -make the laity and clergy able and willing to observe and perform them? -Must there not be some proof that these doctrines could be carried out, -that they had the most beneficial results, that the object at which they -aimed was really attainable? Clergy as well as laity needed a living -pattern to strive after, a fixed support and rule on which they could -lean in their conscience, their thoughts, actions, and sufferings, and -by which they could measure themselves. This pattern was given in the -person of the master, in his life, his acts, his end. His life and -actions were to be the subject of meditation; on this a man might raise -and elevate himself; after that pattern every one should guide his acts -and thoughts. If the initiated clung to his lofty wisdom which saw -through the web of the worlds, and could liberate self from nature and -annihilate it, the picture of the mendicant prince, who had left palace -and wife and child and kingdom and treasures in order to share and -alleviate the lot of the poorest, could not be of less influence on the -hearts of the laity. This wonderful religion had no object of worship -beside the person of the founder; on this it must be concentrated. The -pious remembrance of the profound teacher, thankfulness for the -salvation which he brought into the world, the study of the pattern of -wisdom and truth which he gave, of the ideal of perfect sanctification -and liberation, displayed in him,--these motives quickly made Buddha an -object of reverence, and ere long of worship, though to himself and his -disciples he was no more than a mere man. In this religion of -man-worship Buddha took the place of God; he was God to his believers. - -But the religion could not long remain contented with a thoughtful -remembrance, a vague recollection, and assurances of reverence towards -the departed as the means of arousing the heart and elevating the -spirit. Some external excitement, some symbol or sensuous sign was -needed, however rationalistic in other respects Buddha's doctrine might -be. But he who brought salvation and liberation into the world lived no -longer in the other world; he was dead, never to rise again. Nothing was -left of him but the bones and ashes of his body. We know that in ancient -times the Aryas buried their dead; and afterwards they burned them. The -additional emphasis which the old conceptions of the impurity of the -corpse, the worthlessness of the flesh, had received in the system of -the Brahmans, was no doubt the reason why they sought to remove the -remains of the cremation, the ashes and bones, by throwing them into -water. Buddha did not treat the body better than the Brahmans; with him, -though not strictly the cause, it was the bearer and medium of the -destruction and pain of mankind, inasmuch as in his eyes the perverse -direction of the soul and its dependence on existence were destruction. -This body, which Brahmans and Buddhists vied with each other in -regarding as a perishable and worthless vessel containing the Ego, which -a man must either break asunder, or liberate himself from it, the relics -of which had been considered for so many centuries as impure and -spreading impurity, received quite a new importance in the Buddhist -religion. Not long after the death of the Enlightened, when the -generation of disciples who had seen him and lived with him had passed -away, the need of some representation and idea of the pattern and centre -of these thoughts and efforts, of the person of their teacher, impelled -the believers to pay honour to his ashes and bones, to his relics. This -honour was soon extended to the bones of his leading disciples, a form -of worship which must have been shocking to the Brahmans. Similar honour -was then paid to the robes and vessels which Buddha had used, to his -mendicant's garment, his staff, his jar for alms and pitcher, and also -to the places which he had sanctified by his presence. Two centuries -after the death of the Enlightened, this worship of relics and -pilgrimage to the holy places were established customs. The believers in -Buddha travelled to Kapilavastu, his father's city. There they beheld -the garden in which Buddha had seen the light, the pool in which he was -washed, the ground on which he had contended in exercises with his -fellows, the places where he had seen the old man, the sick man, and the -corpse. In the neighbourhood of Uruvilva on the Nairanjana pilgrims -visited the dwellings where Buddha had lived for six years as an -ascetic, at Gaya the sacred fig-tree under which in the night truth was -revealed to him. Not far from thence was the place where the maiden of -Uruvilva had given food to the son of Çakya, where he had first -announced his doctrine to the two merchants. At Rajagriha the stone was -pointed out which Devadatta had hurled from the height of the vulture -mountain on Buddha. Even the bamboo garden at this city, which Buddha -was said to have taken pleasure in frequenting, and the place at -Çravasti where he had held his disputations with the Brahmanic -penitents, were shrines of pilgrimage.[694] - -From the same need of representing and realising the religious example, -and of elevating the heart and spirit to that pattern, which gave rise -to the worship of relics and shrines, there sprang, in addition, the -worship of the pictures of Buddha. He who had placed the body of man so -low was now thought to have had a body of the greatest beauty; his -perfect wisdom and virtue had found expression in the most perfect body. -The sutras compare Buddha's gentle eye with the lotus; they even tell us -of the thirty-two signs of complete beauty, and the eighty-four marks of -physical perfection in his body.[695] - -Buddha's doctrine was definitely based on the fact that man must -liberate himself by his own power and wisdom, and to himself and his -disciples Buddha was a man and no more, but in a nation so eager for -miracles and inclined to believe in them, Buddha's life and actions -inevitably became surrounded with the supernatural. He could not remain -behind the Brahman penitents and saints, who had done great miracles. -Could anything so great as Buddha's life and doctrine have occurred -without a miracle; was a mission possible without miracles; could the -greatest mission, the liberation of the world from misery, have taken -place without being accredited by miracles? Could he who had reached the -summit of wisdom and virtue have been without supernatural powers? That -sanctification and meditation were and must be followed by such powers, -was a matter of course among the Indians. Even in the third century B.C. -miraculous powers were ascribed to the Bhikshus who had attained the -fourth stage in the path, and therefore the same must have been done -even earlier for Buddha himself. The same legends which represent Buddha -as saying to king Prasenajit of Ayodhya: "I do not bid my disciples -perform miracles; I tell them; Live so that your good deeds may remain -concealed, your errors confessed,"[696] surround his birth and his -penances at Gaya (p. 337 ff. 356) with miraculous signs; and in the -disputations with the Brahmans they represent him as contending in -miracles also, and gaining the victory. But these and other miracles of -Buddha, though he travels with his disciples through the air, are -nevertheless not to be compared with the achievements of the Brahmanic -penitents, narrated in the Brahmanas and the Epos. They are for the most -part the healing of disease and restoration to life, intended to bring -out his compassion for living creatures,[697] and beside these the -exercise of the miraculous powers which the Buddhists ascribe to all -who have attained the fourth stage in the path (p. 472). - -It was not only the miraculous acts of the saints which forced their way -from Brahmanism into Buddhism; even the gods and spirits, the heaven and -hell of the Brahmans, had a place in the new religion. The old -divinities of the Indian nation, as we have seen, could only maintain a -very subordinate position in the system of the world-soul, inferior to -that soul and to the great power of the rishis. They also had become -emanations of the world-soul; though ranked among the earliest of these, -they came immediately after the great saints of old time. But every -penitent who by his asceticism concentrated a larger part of the power -of the world-soul in himself, became superior to Indra and to the -personal Brahman. The same position in respect to the ancient deities -and the personal Brahman was allotted to Buddha. From the beginning of -the third century B.C. he appears to have been worshipped by his -followers as a god.[698] This was due not merely to the desire to place -the power of the penitent, of meditation and knowledge, higher than the -power of the gods, but also to the deep necessity on the part of the new -religion and the believers in Buddha to possess a God. Later legends put -the deities far below Buddha. He converts the spirits of the earth, of -the air, of the serpents to his doctrine, and in return these spirits -serve and obey him. Even the great gods come and listen to his words, -and Buddha declares the new law to Brahman and to Indra.[699] In the -relic-cell of a stupa of the second century B.C. Brahman is holding a -parasol over Buddha, and Indra anoints him out of a large shell to be -king of gods and men.[700] - -Thus to his believers Buddha is not only the lion, the bull, and the -elephant, stronger than the strongest, mightier than the mightiest, -surpassing all men in compassion and good works, beautiful beyond the -most beautiful of mankind; not only is he the king of doctrine, the -ocean of grace, the founder of the eternal pilgrimages, he is also the -father of the world, redeemer and ruler of all creatures, god of gods, -Indra of Indras, Brahman of Brahmans. Nothing, of course, is now said of -independent action, or power on the part of these Indras and Brahmans. -To later Buddhism they are a higher but completely human class of -beings; in the retinue of Buddha they are only a troop of supernumerary -figures whose essential importance consists merely in bowing themselves -before Buddha, serving him, and placing in the fullest light his power -and greatness. Like men, these deities have to seek the light of higher -wisdom, the salvation of liberation by effort and labour. To Indra, for -instance, the Buddhists assign no higher dignity than that of the first -stage of illumination; he stands on the level of the Çrotaapanna.[701] - -In this transformation, which we find in the later writings of the -Buddhists, the entire Indian and Brahmanic view of the world reappears -in its widest extent. The divine mountain Meru forms the centre of the -earth. Beneath it, in the deepest abyss, is hell. The Buddhists are even -more minute than the Brahmans in describing the torments and -subdivisions of hell, and with them also Yama is the god of death and -the under world.[702] On the summit of Meru Indra is enthroned, who -with the Buddhists also is the special protector of kings, and with him -are the thirty-three gods of light (p. 161). In the Buddhist mythology -the evil spirits, the Asuras, attack Indra and the bright spirits, as in -the Vedic conception; but the Asuras could not advance further than the -third of the four stages which the Buddhists ascribed to Meru, after the -analogy of the four truths and the four stages of sanctification. The -Gandharvas have to defend the eastern side of Meru against the Asuras; -the Yakshas (the spirits of the god Kuvera, p. 161), the northern; the -Kumbhandas (the dwarfs), the southern; and the Nagas or serpent spirits, -the western side. In the Buddhist view the earth, the divine mountain, -and the heaven of Indra above it make up the world of desire and sin. -Indra and his deities are supreme over certain supernatural powers, but -they are powerless against the man who has controlled himself;[703] they -propagate themselves like men, are subject to the doom of regeneration, -and can decline into lower existences. In this sense, with the -Buddhists, the evil spirit of desire and sensual pleasure is enthroned -over the heaven of Indra; his name is Kama or Mara; he is the cause of -all generation, and hence of the restless revolution of the world, and -of all misery. Above this heaven of the god of sin, which is filled with -innumerable troops of the spirits of desires, begin the four upper -heavens, the heaven of the liberated, into which those pass who have -delivered themselves from sensual appetite, desire, and existence.[704] - -Among the Buddhists there could be no question of the worship of these -unreal deities, without power to bless or destroy. Their cultus was -limited to the person of the founder, the symbols and memorials of his -life, the relics of his body, the places sanctified by his presence. But -they could not slay animals in sacrifice to the relics or the Manes of -Buddha, nor invite the extinguished etherealized dead to the enjoyment -of the soma. Of what value was the blood or flesh of victims to one who -would never wake again; and how could they offer bloody sacrifices to -one with whom it was the first commandment not to slay any living thing? -Agni could carry no gift up to him who was perfected; and moreover -Buddha had himself expressly forbidden sacrifice by fire; the Buddhists -were to tend the law as the Brahmans tended the fire.[705] They could -only place offerings of flowers, fruits, and perfumes at the sacred -shrines, before the relics of the Enlightened, as signs of thankfulness -and reverence, as symbols of worship (_puja_). Prayer was in reality -unknown to a cultus which was directed to a deceased man, and not to a -deity. Believers must be content with the symbols of reverence, with -singing hymns of praise and thanksgiving to the Enlightened, for having -discovered truth, proclaimed liberation, shown pity, and brought help to -all creatures; they must limit themselves to the confessions which these -doctrines comprised, to hearing moral exhortations, to pronouncing and -wishing blessings: "that all creatures may be free from sickness and -wicked pleasure, that every man may become an Arhat in the future -regeneration."[706] The gradual elevation of the position of Buddha, and -the more complete apotheosis which was granted to him, led to direct -invocations of the Enlightened. As the benefactor of all creatures he -was besought for his blessing; as the liberator he was entreated to -confer the power of liberation, and liberation. When after the end of -the third century B.C. statues of Buddha stood in the halls of the -Viharas, it became usual to invoke Buddha to be present in these -statues. By the consecration which they underwent at the hands of the -priests they received a ray of the spirit of Buddha, and thus acquired a -beneficent miraculous power. - -At morning, midday, and evening, _i.e._ at the times when it was -customary among the Aryas to offer prayers, or gifts, or strew grains of -corn, the monks of the Enlightened were summoned to prayers. At the new -and full moon, when the Bhikshus fasted, and met for confession, the -laity also discontinued their occupations, assembled to read the law, or -hear preachers, or utter prayers. In no religious community was prayer -so frequent and so mechanical as among the Buddhists, and this is still -the case. Greater festivals were celebrated at the beginning of the -spring, in the later spring, and at the end of the rainy season. The -festival held at the new moon in the first month of spring, is said to -have been a festival in commemoration of the victory which Buddha won in -the disputation and contest of miracles with the Brahmanic penitents (p. -356). Buddha himself is said to have indulged in secular enjoyment for -eight days after this success. As a fact, it was, no doubt, the -customary spring festival--a remnant of the old Arian custom, to -celebrate in the spring the victory gained by the spirits of light and -the clear air over the gloom of the winter--which the Buddhists now -celebrated in honour of their great teacher. At the full moon of the -month Vaiçakha in the later spring, the day was celebrated on which the -Enlightened saw the light for the salvation of the world. With the -Buddhists the rainy season was the sacred season, the time for -reflection and retirement. At the end of the rains Buddha had always -revisited the world, in order to announce to it salvation; and like him, -his followers, the Bhikshus, who could not leave the Vihara in the rainy -season, returned on this day to the world, in order to recommence their -wanderings and preaching for the salvation of living creatures. This -return of the teachers to the world was marked by a great festival, at -which the Bhikshus received presents from the laity; sermons were -preached, and processions held in which the lamps, no doubt, represented -the light returning after the gloom of the rains, or the light of -salvation which Buddha had kindled for the world. - -The combination of the clergy and laity in the Buddhist church was even -less close than the connection of the Brahmanic priesthood with the -other orders. In their traditional position at the funeral feasts of the -families the Brahmans retained the guidance of certain corporations. -With the Buddhists the care of souls lay entirely in the hands of the -wandering Bhikshus, the mendicant monks, unless indeed in a few cases -laymen attached themselves of their own free will to some not too -distant monastery. But the separation of the Bhikshus from the family -and house, their exclusive devotion to teaching and religion, the -constant mission and preaching which occupied them for two-thirds of the -year, throughout the spring and the hot season, quickly showed itself -more efficacious than the sacrificial service of the Brahmans, which was -linked with house and home. These travelling monks, who could enter into -closer relations with the people because they had no impurities to -avoid, such as in many cases entirely excluded the Brahmans from the -lower castes, caused their exhortations and counsel to be heard in every -house; they were asked about the names to be given to new-born -children; they assisted at the ceremony of the cutting of the hair of -boys when they reached the age of puberty, at marriages and burials, and -undertook prayers for the happy regeneration of the dead. And not only -were the Bhikshus nearer the people, and more easily brought into -relations with them, but they obtained far greater hold on their -conscience than the Brahmans. This was not merely due to the precepts of -their practical morality, which included the whole life and activity of -the believers, and of the application and observance of which they took -account in the confessional--a duty devolving on the laity as well as -the clergy--the doctrine of regeneration was developed more fully in -Buddhism, and formed more distinctly the centre of the system than among -the Brahmans. - -We saw that it was the active force of merit or guilt in earlier -existences which fixed the fate of the individual in the kind of -regeneration, in the happiness or misfortune of his life. In the same -way the good and evil of this life had its effects. "He who goes out of -the world, him his deeds await"[707]--such is the formula of the -Buddhists. The various divisions of hell, the distinctions of the -castes, which with the Buddhists counted as gradations of rank among men -(p. 362), the heavenly spirits and the ancient gods, which had been -received into the Buddhist heaven, served to increase the graduated -series of regenerations to a considerable degree. "He who has lived -foolishly goes into hell after the dissolution of the body;"[708] he is -born again as a creature of hell in a department of greater or less -torment according to his guilt. The less guilty are born again as evil -spirits. Higher in the scale stood regeneration as an animal; among -animal regenerations the Buddhists counted birth as an ant, louse, bug, -or worm the worst. Among mankind men were born again in a bad or good -way, in a lower or higher caste, under easier or harder circumstances, -according to their guilt or merit. Birth as a heavenly spirit counted -higher than any human regeneration; higher still was birth as a god. But -even when born again as a god, man was still under the dominion of -desire; as we have seen, Indra only held the rank of a Çrotaapanna. From -this stage it was possible to decline; it was by further conquest and -liberation that a man must work his way upwards. Above the heaven of -Indra and Mara, in the four high heavens, dwelt the spirits which had -liberated themselves from desire and existence; in the lowest of these -were the spirits who, though free from desire, are fettered by -plurality, _i.e._ by ignorance; in the next, the heaven of clearer -light, are those who, though free from desire and ignorance, are not so -free that they cannot again sink under their dominion; the highest -heaven but one receives the spirits who have no relapse to fear; and in -the highest of all are the Arhats who have exhausted existence. As we -see, the Buddhists avail themselves of the Brahmanic heaven and hell, -and the intervals which the Brahmans place between regenerations in hell -or in Indra's heaven, in order to construct out of them a more complete -system. In this the process of the purification of the soul ascends from -the lowest place in hell through the evil spirits, the creeping, flying, -and four-footed animals, through men of all positions in life, and then -through the heavenly spirits and deities to the highest heaven, till the -point is reached at which all earlier guilt is exhausted, and the total -of merit so extended that the original sin of the soul, desire and its -possibility, is removed; and thus liberation from existence takes -place, the _Ego_ is extinguished. It is an inconsistency, no doubt, that -those who have annihilated themselves and the roots of their existence -by attaining Nirvana, shall still have a kind of existence in the -highest heaven; but by this means the system was made more complete and -realistic. - -And not merely this wide development of the system of regenerations, but -the practical application of it must have given the Bhikshus greater -power over the consciences and heart of the nation than that exercised -by the Brahmans. Buddha had known his own earlier existences. The -tradition of the Singhalese ascribes to him 550 earlier lives before he -saw the light as the son of Çuddhodana. He had lived as a rat and a -crow, as a frog and a hare, as a dog and a pig, twice as a fish, six -times as a snipe, four times as a golden eagle, four times as a peacock -and as a serpent, ten times as a goose, as a deer, and as a lion, six -times as an elephant, four times as a horse and as a bull, eighteen -times as an ape, four times as a slave, three times as a potter, -thirteen times as a merchant, twenty-four times as a Brahman and as a -prince, fifty-eight times as a king, twenty times as the god Indra, and -four times as Mahabrahman. Buddha had not only known his own earlier -existences (p. 345), but those of all other living creatures; and this -supernatural knowledge, this divine omniscience was, as we have seen, -ascribed to those who after him attained the rank of Arhats. Though it -did not reside in the full extent in Anagamins, Sakridagamins, -Çrotaapannas, and still less in all the Bhikshus, it was nevertheless -found in an imperfect degree in all "who advanced on the way." The -people believed that the Çramanas could not only foretell from the -present conduct of a man his future lot, and his regenerations in hell, -among animals or men, but that they could also declare his future in -this life from his previous existences. Hence the Bhikshus were masters -not of the future only but also of the past of every man; and as they -had his fate completely in view, the rules which they laid down from -this point received an importance calculated to ensure their -observance.[709] - -It was no hindrance to morality that in this doctrine every man had his -fate in his own hands at least so far that he could alleviate it for the -future, and the practical results which the ethics of the Buddhists -achieved on the basis of this imaginary background of regeneration are -far from contemptible. The essential points in the Buddhist ethics, the -moderate, passionless life, and patience and sympathy, have been dwelt -upon (p. 355). It was not without value that the Buddhists taught, that -no fire was like hatred and passion, and no stream like desire;[710] -that the desires bring little pleasure and much pain; only he who -controlled himself lived in happiness, and contentment is the best -treasure.[711] He who merely saw the deficiencies of others, his -offences would increase; and he who was always thinking: Such a man -injured me, annoyed me, will never attain repose. Hard words were -answered with hard words; therefore a man should bear slighting speeches -patiently, as an elephant endures arrows in the battle, and lives -without enmity among his enemies.[712] To tend fire for a hundred years, -or offer sacrifice for a thousand,[713] was of no avail; neither the -penance of the moon nor sacrifice changes anything in the evil act, even -though it were offered for a year.[714] Those who lie and deny the acts -they have done will go into hell.[715] The evil act pursues the doer; -there is no place in the world in which to escape it; it destroys the -doer unless it is conquered and covered by good deeds.[716] Duties come -from the heart; if the act is good it leaves no remorse in the heart. A -man should give alms though he has but little; the covetous will not -come into the world of the gods. These earnest exhortations to acquire -before all things the feeling which gives rise to good works, to -extinguish offences by confession and good actions, to moderate greed -and covetousness, to live contentedly and peaceably, to be gentle in our -deeds, could not be without effect. This peaceableness the Buddhists -showed in the tolerance they extended to those who were of a different -faith than their own; and for the family the rules of affection -impressed on children towards their parents, of chastity and forbearance -impressed on husbands and wives, were wholesome and advantageous in -their results.[717] The limitations set up by the arrangement of the -castes, worship, and custom of the Brahmans began to waver; man was -guided from the fortune of birth, the sanctification of works, to his -inward effort, and led to the moral education of self. Disposition and -personal merit obtained the first place in the community, and fixed a -man's fortune in a future life. Thus the pride of higher birth as -against the lower born has to give way; and hence slaves were treated -with greater kindness. Fantastic as was the heaven and hell -reconstructed by the Buddhists, marvellous as was the elevation of a man -to be god, superstitious as was the worship of relics, exaggerated as -was the conception of the way, the increasing supernatural power of him -who was attaining liberation, and indubitable as was the tendency of -Nirvana to end in the last instance in mere stolid indifference--the -individual and morality were again restored by this doctrine and placed -in their rights; society could again acquire free movement in personal -intercourse and free choice of a vocation; all men were in reality -equal, and could help each other as brothers. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[663] "Dhammapadam," translated by A. Weber, v. 394. - -[664] Köppen, "Religion des Buddha," s. 294. - -[665] "Dhammapadam," v. 277. - -[666] _Supra_, p. 348. "Dhammapadam," v. 418. Köppen, _loc. cit._ 289 -ff. - -[667] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 170. - -[668] Köppen, "Religion des Buddha," s. 131. - -[669] "Dhammapadam," v. 395. - -[670] Köppen, "Rel. des Buddha," s. 336. - -[671] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 338. - -[672] "Dhammapadam," v. 211. - -[673] "Dhammapadam," v. 373. - -[674] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 343. - -[675] "Dhammapadam," v. 284. - -[676] "Dhammapadam," v. 315. - -[677] "Dhammapadam," v. 327. - -[678] "Dhammapadam," v. 149, 154. - -[679] "Dhammapadam," v. 343. - -[680] "Dhammapadam," v. 103, 274, 334. - -[681] "Dhammapadam," v. 15. - -[682] "Dhammapadam," v. 308, 312. - -[683] "Dhammapadam," v. 141. - -[684] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 274. - -[685] There are 227 commands and prohibitions among the Singhalese at -the present day, and 253 among the Tibetans. - -[686] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 367 ff. - -[687] "Dhammapadam," v. 260. - -[688] "Dhammapadam," v. 270. - -[689] Schlagintweit, "Buddhism in Tibet," p. 191 ff. - -[690] "Dhammapadam," v. 20, 94, 181, 412. Cf. v. 267. - -[691] Köppen, "Relig. des Buddha," s. 411. The supernatural powers of -the Arhats are mentioned in the inscriptions of Açoka, and the -ordination service of the Çramanas forbade them to boast falsely of -supernatural powers. Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 413. - -[692] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 358 ff. - -[693] "Dhammapadam," v. 300. - -[694] _Supra_, p. 339, 357. Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 63-118. - -[695] Burnouf, "Introduction," p. 381. Köppen is undoubtedly right in -regarding the worship of relics as older than the worship of images. The -worship of relics and pilgrimages was in vogue when Açoka became a -convert to Buddhism, but nothing is there said of the worship of images. -I do not think it a certain fact that there were no images in the -grottoes of Buddhagaya which date from Açoka and his grandson Daçaratha; -sockets and niches for images are found there (Cunningham, "Survey," 1, -46), and the images may have been removed later; it is more decisive -that in the transference of Buddhism to Ceylon, nothing is said of the -transportation of images, though we do hear of relics. Rajendralala -Mitra ("Antiq. of Orissa," p. 152), concludes from Panini, who as we -have seen lived, according to M. Müller and Lassen, in the second half -of the fourth century B.C., that at that time there were little idols of -Vasadeva, Vishnu, Çiva, and the Adityas. We may assume that the worship -of images came into vogue towards the end of the third century, and -afterwards rose rapidly. - -[696] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 170. - -[697] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 180, 195, 262. - -[698] This date would be fixed if the passage in Clement of Alexandria: -"The Indians who follow the doctrines of Butta, whom they regard with -the greatest reverence as a god," certainly came from Megasthenes. -Megasth. fragm. 44, ed. Müller. - -[699] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 132, 139. - -[700] This is the Mahastupa of king Dushatagamani of Ceylon. Lassen, -_loc. cit._ 2, 426, 454. - -[701] Köppen, "Relig. des Buddha," s. 402, 430. - -[702] "Dhammapadam," v. 44, 235, 237. - -[703] "Dhammapadam," v. 105. - -[704] Köppen, _loc. cit._ 235 ff. - -[705] "Dhammapadam," v. 392. - -[706] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 554 ff. - -[707] "Dhammapadam," v. 230. - -[708] "Dhammapadam," v. 141. - -[709] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 320, 489 ff. - -[710] "Dhammapadam," v. 251, 202. - -[711] "Dhammapadam," v. 186, 199. - -[712] "Dhammapadam," v. 134, 320, 197. - -[713] "Dhammapadam," v. 106, and at the beginning. - -[714] "Dhammapadam," v. 70; _supra_, p. 170 f. - -[715] "Dhammapadam," v. 177, 306, 224. - -[716] "Dhammapadam," v. 161, 173, 223. - -[717] "Dhammapadam," v. 332. Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 472. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE REFORMS OF THE BRAHMANS. - - -A doctrine coming forward with so much self-confidence and force as -Buddhism, touching such essential sides of the Indian national spirit, -and meeting such distinct needs of the heart and of society, could not -but react on the system which opposed it, which it fought against and -strove to remove, _i.e._ on Brahmanism. We cannot suppose that the -Brahmans looked supinely on at the advances of Buddhism. The accounts -which we received from the Greeks about the various forms of worship -dominant about the year 300 B.C. among the Indians (p. 424) show us that -the Brahmanic heaven and the order of the world did not remain -untouched; that there had crept in considerable variations from the -ideas which the ancient sutras mention as current among the Brahmans at -the time of the appearance of the Enlightened. We can confidently -conclude that this change in the Brahmanic idea of God--important as we -shall find it to be, and accomplished in part unconsciously and in part -with a definite purpose--was brought about through Buddhism, by the -inward value of the new doctrine, the struggle it entered into with -Brahmanism, the necessity of opposing and checking its advances. - -We have shown above how the subordination of the gods to Brahman and -the great saints, the degradation of the ancient deities, must have -aroused especially in the people the need of living divine powers. Thus -forms hitherto little noticed in the series of the ancient deities -became prominent, in which the people, conforming to the change in their -instincts and the new demands of the heart, recognised the ruling and -protecting powers of their life, and which they invoked especially as -helpers and benefactors. These forms were Vishnu, the god of light, who -even in the Veda is extolled for his friendly feeling to man, and Çiva, -the mighty god of the storm-wind. In Vishnu the people found the spirit -of the beneficent and uniform nature of the district of the Ganges; in -Çiva, the lord of the storm-swept summits of the Himalayas, the ruler of -mountains. Each was equally in their eyes the life-giving, sovereign -power of nature. The system of the world-soul had left the gods a place -little to be envied in the series of the emanations of Brahman, and had -thrust back nature to a distance; the favour which Vishnu and Çiva found -among the people showed the Brahmans that the worship of real and living -deities was indispensable, that the life of nature could not be entirely -excluded from the forms of the deities. To overcome the tide of popular -feeling in the direction of Vishnu and Çiva, and the doctrine of Buddha -at one and the same time, was a victory which the Brahmans could the -less hope for, as the tendency towards a more personal supreme Being -than Brahman was not unknown in their own schools, so far as these were -not devoted to strict meditation and philosophy. Thus the Brahmans -followed the movement excited within the circle of the ancient religion; -they aimed at satisfying both the nation and themselves by the worship -of more personal living gods. In one place Vishnu, in another Çiva, was -adopted into the system of the Brahmans (p. 326, 330), which in this way -underwent a very essential change and assumed an entirely novel point of -view. - -If the adoption of Vishnu into the Brahmanic system in the form given to -him by the people on the Ganges, who reproduced in the epithets ascribed -to the god their own quiet sensuous nature, was to be efficacious, he -could not be allowed to play the unimportant part to which the Brahmans -had condemned the ancient gods; they must make him the centre of heaven -in the place of the feeble personal or impersonal Brahman; he must -become the living lord of nature and the world. From the indications of -the Brahmans quoted above, we may draw, though in wavering lines, a -sketch of the gradations through which by a gradual elevation Vishnu -obtained the precedence even over Brahman. Brahman finally became the -quiescent, Vishnu the active, substance of the world. The latter -contains the former, and is therefore the higher power. Vishnu -personifies the world-soul; but he also comprises the whole life of -nature; he takes the place of the sun-gods Surya, Savitar, Pushan, and -even the place of Indra, who has to offer sacrifice to him, and purify -himself before him,[718] until at length in the revisions of the Epos he -is regarded no longer as the quiescent cause but as the active lord of -nature, and of the whole life of the spirits, and is elevated to be the -creator and governor of the universe. In him, the lord of all beings, so -we are told in the Mahabharata, all beings are contained as his -attributes, like precious stones on a string; on him rests the universe -existent and non-existent. Hari (Vishnu) with a thousand heads, a -thousand feet, a thousand eyes, gleams with a thousand faces; the god, -pre-eminent above all, the smallest of the small, the widest of the -wide, the greatest of the great, supreme among the supreme, is the soul -of all; he, the all-knowing, all-observing, is the author of all; in him -the world swims like birds in water.[719] Vishnu is without beginning -and without end, the source of the existence of all beings. From the -thousand-armed Vishnu, the head and the lord of the world, all creatures -sprang in the beginning of time, and to him all return at the end of -time. Hari is the eternal spirit, glittering as gold, as the sun in a -cloudless sky. Brahman sprung from his body, and dwells in it with the -rest of the gods; the lights of the sky are the hairs of his head. He, -the lotus-eyed god, is extolled by the eternal Brahman; to him the gods -pray.[720] - -When Vishnu unveils himself to Arjuna at his prayer, and shows himself -in his real form, in which no man had yet seen him, he is seen reaching -up to the sky without beginning, middle, or end, with many heads, eyes, -and arms, uniting in himself thousands of faces; all gods, animals, and -serpents are to be seen in him; Brahman shows himself in the lotus-cup -of the navel of Vishnu.[721] - -Thus did the Brahmans place Vishnu on the throne of Brahman; Brahman, -impersonal and personal, passed into him. These pictures are attempts to -represent the creative power, the supreme God, the world-soul, the cause -which sustains and comprises all, as a sensuous union of all divine -shapes, of all the forms of the world into one frame. The worship -offered to this supreme deity consisted in definite prayers, which had -to be spoken at morning, midday, and evening; in offerings of flowers, -and fruits, and libations of water.[722] - -What attracted the people to the doctrine of Buddha was obviously, to no -inconsiderable extent, the fact that the highest wisdom and goodness -were personified in Buddha; that there was again mercy and grace, on -earth, if not in heaven; that the king's son had become a mendicant in -order to alleviate the sorrows of the world. The Brahmans, therefore, -had to prove that love and pity existed in their heaven; it was of -importance for them to show the people that the gods, whom the adherents -of the old religion worshipped, had compassion for men, and knew how to -help them, that even among them the divine wisdom and perfection had -assumed a human shape out of love to mankind. If the Brahmans had so -long taught that man could make himself into god by meditation, penance, -and sanctity, why should not the gods have made themselves into men? The -new god of the land of the Ganges was a gentle and helpful deity; his -government of the world and beneficent acts were not only shown in the -life of nature, and in the light which he sent daily, or the purifying -water which he sent yearly in the rainy season, and the inundation of -the Ganges, but also in the fortunes of men. The Brahmans obtained -historical points of connection for the new god, and re-established a -personal and living relation, which had been entirely lost in the -Brahmanic system, between man and the gods, by representing Vishnu as -gracious even in past days, as descending from heaven from time to time, -and walking on earth for the help of men. From motives of this kind or -because the conception of the beneficent acts of Vishnu came into the -foreground, because they wished to see and believed that they saw his -influence operating everywhere, there came the result that the -achievements of the heroes which in the Epos are the centres of the -action, Krishna and Rama, were transferred to the god Vishnu, and these -heroic figures were supposed to be appearances of the god, so that by -degrees a number of incarnations (_avatara_) are ascribed to Vishnu, in -which he visited earth and did great deeds for men. According to this -new system it was Vishnu who assisted the Brahmans to their supremacy, -and therefore consecrated it, who taking the bodily form of Paraçurama -annihilated the proud races of the Kshatriyas (p. 152). Thus the -Brahmans transformed the god of beneficent nature, when they adopted him -into their system, into the founder of the Brahmanic order of the world, -a pattern of Brahmanic sanctity and virtue, and thus they sought to -close the path against any counter-movement. In this way Vishnu appeared -in the light of a perpetual benefactor, constantly assuming the human -form anew, whenever mischief, evil, and sin had got the upper hand, in -order to remove them, and then to reascend into heaven. "Whenever -justice falls asleep and injustice arises, I create myself," are the -words of Vishnu in the Bhagavad-gita; "for the liberation of the good -and the annihilation of the evil I was born in each age of the -world."[723] - -In the Epos, as has been observed, Vishnu took the form of a dwarf in -order to rescue the world from the Asura, Bali. According to the -Vishnu-Purana, he had, even before the creation of the world, taken the -form of a boar in order to raise the earth out of the waters. In the -Matsya-Purana, beside three heavenly incarnations as Dharma, a dwarf, -and a man-lion, he underwent seven earthly incarnations in consequence -of a curse, as is strangely asserted, which an Asura had pronounced -upon him, when Vishnu had slain the Asura's mother in order to aid Indra -against him.[724] The Bhagavata-Purana ascribes twenty incarnations to -Vishnu; as creator, a boar, tortoise, fish, man-lion; as a sacrifice, a -dwarf; as Paraçurama, Rama, Balarama, Krishna, etc.--twice more would he -appear on the earth--and then it is added: "But the incarnations of -Vishnu are innumerable as the streams which flow down from an -inexhaustible lake; all saints and gods are parts of him."[725] - -In order to transform the heroes of the Ramayana into incarnations of -Vishnu, vigorous interpolations were required in the body of the poem. -According to the old poem, king Daçaratha offered a horse-sacrifice in -order to procure posterity (p. 278). When this sacrifice has been -accurately described in all its parts, and we have been informed that -the gods appeared and received each his portion, a second sacrifice is -inserted because Daçaratha wished to have a famous son born to him.[726] -While Rishyaçringa is advising the king to make this new sacrifice and -beginning it, the gods complain to Brahman that the Rakshasa Ravana of -Lanka has subjugated them and made them his slaves; he oppressed the -gods, the Brahmans, and the cows. Ravana's son, Indrashit, had conquered -Indra himself, a victory which Brahman explains to be the consequence of -the seduction of a rishi's wife by Indra.[727] Brahman then announces to -the helpless deities that Ravana had besought him that he might be -invulnerable to Gandharvas, Yakshas, gods, Danavas, and Rakshasas, and -had obtained his request; as he despised men he had not asked to be -invulnerable to men, and this favour had not been granted to him. When -the gods with Indra at their head heard this they were delighted. At -that moment came the famous Vishnu, with the shell, the discus, the -sun's disk, and the club in his hand, in a yellow robe, on the Garuda -(his bird), like the sun sitting on the clouds, with a bracelet of fine -gold, invoked by the head of the gods. The gods fell down before him and -said: "Thou art he who removest the sorrows of the distressed worlds. We -entreat thee, be our refuge, O unconquerable one." Then they besought -him to take upon himself the son-ship of Daçaratha. When changed into a -man, he might slay Ravana, the powerful enemy of the worlds, whom the -gods could not overcome. He alone in the hosts of heaven can slay the -wicked one. Then Vishnu, the "lord of the gods, the greatest of the -immortals, entreated of all worlds," soothes the gods, and promises them -to slay Ravana, and reign on earth for eleven thousand years.[728] -Meanwhile Rishyaçringa at Ayodhya is ready with the sacrifice, and out -of the fire there appears a being of a brightness incomparable, clear as -a burning flame, strong as a tiger, and his shoulders were as the -shoulders of a lion; his garment was red, and his teeth like the stars -in heaven; in both hands he held a golden cup, and spake to king -Daçaratha: "Receive this draught, Maharaja, which the gods have -prepared; it is the fruit of the sacrifice, let thy fair wives enjoy it; -then wilt thou receive the sons for whom thou hast offered the -sacrifice."[729] Then Kauçalya bore Rama, the lord of the world, -entreated of all worlds, and gained glory by this son of unlimited -power, even as Aditi did by the birth of the chief of the gods, who -brandishes the club; and Kaikeyi bore Bharata, who was the fourth part -of Vishnu, and Sumitra bore Lakshmana and Çatrughna, each of whom was -the eighth part of Vishnu. This division of Vishnu according to the -valour of the sons, and the more or less prominent parts which they play -in the poem, is entirely forgotten in the course of it; even Rama -himself is entirely uninfluenced by this new introduction; when fighting -with magic weapons and arts he feels as a virtuous man and an obedient -son.[730] Towards the end of the poem Brahman and the gods come in order -to tell Rama who he is; the original creator of the universe and the -worlds, the head of the divine host, whose eyes are the sun and the -moon, whose ears are the Açvins. Brahman himself then declares to him: -"Thou, O Being of primal force, thou art the famous lord armed with the -discus, thou art the boar with one horn, the conqueror of present and -future enemies, the true and imperishable Brahman in the middle and at -the end. Thou art the supreme order of the world, the bearer of the bow, -the supreme spirit, the unconquered, the brandisher of the sword. Thou -art wisdom, patience, self-control. Thou art the source of birth, the -cause of decay. Thou art Mahendra, the greater Indra; thou performest -the functions of Indra. Thou hast formed the Vedas; they are thy -thoughts, thou first-born, thou self-dependent lord. Thou art in all -creatures, in the Brahmans and the cows; thou sustainest creatures and -the earth with its hills; thou art at the end of the earth, in the -waters, a mighty serpent which supports the three worlds. The whole -world is thy body, Agni is thy anger, Soma thy joy, and I (Brahman) am -thy heart."[731] Rama is here identified with Vishnu, and the latter is -at the same time set forth as including Brahman and all nature, as the -world-soul and a personal god. - -The form of Krishna goes through the same change in the Mahabharata, -though the position, acts and counsels which the old poem ascribed to -this hero of the tribe of the Yadavas were often, as we saw, neither -honourable nor praiseworthy. Besides his relation to the sons of Pandu, -the Mahabharata ascribed to him a long series of earlier achievements. -While yet among the herdmen, he had slain Haya among the forests on the -Yamuna, and overcome the mischievous bull which slew the oxen. Then he -slew Pralambha, Naraka, Jambha, and Pitha, the great Asura, and -conquered Kansa, king of Mathura, in battle. Supported by his brother -Balarama, he overcame Kansa's brother, the bold prince of the Çurasenas. -Jarasandha also, the king of Magadha and of the Chedis, was defeated by -Krishna, and the victory over Panchajana who lived in Patala brought him -into the possession of his divine shell. This assisted Krishna in his -suit for the daughter of the king of the Gandharas, for no prince was -his equal in weapons; he yoked the conquered princes to his bridal -car.[732] In the ancient form of the poem, Krishna was the son of the -cowherd Nanda, and his wife Yaçoda. It is already an alteration of his -original position when he is described as a son of Vasudeva and Devaki, -who was changed with the child of the herdman's wife. In the -Chandogya-Upanishad Krishna is still no more than the son of -Devaki.[733] Afterwards, the prayers of the gods to Vishnu that he would -allow himself to be born upon earth, were inserted into the Mahabharata. -Vishnu plucks out two hairs from himself, one white, the other black; -these two hairs pass into two women of the tribe of Yadavas, the two -wives of Vasudeva, Devaki and Rohini. From the white hair Rohini brought -forth Balarama, and from the black Devaki brought forth Krishna.[734] -Hence Krishna is merely one part of Vishnu, and Balarama another; but of -this no further notice is taken; wherever Krishna is treated as a god in -the poem, he is the whole god. In the other parts of the poem he is no -more than a mortal; in the earliest revision he fights his fight with -the arms and the blessing of the gods, of which he would have no need if -he were himself the supreme god; in the last revision he is the supreme -god. Then it is imparted to him that in the beginning of days Brahman, -who is the whole world, sprang from the lotus of his navel; that the -lords of the gods proceeded from his body and carry out his -commands.[735] Brahman says to the gods: "Ye must worship this Vasudeva, -whose son I, Brahman, the lord of the worlds, am. Never, ye great gods, -can the mighty bearer of the shell, the discus, and the club be regarded -as merely a mortal." This being is the supreme mystery, the supreme -existence, the supreme Brahman, the supreme power, the supreme joy, the -supreme truth. It is the Imperishable, the Indivisible, the Eternal. -Vasudeva (Krishna) of unlimited power cannot therefore be despised by -the gods, nor by Indra, nor by the Asuras, as merely a man. "He who says -that he is only a man, his understanding is perverted; he who despises -Krishna will be called the lowest of mankind. He who despises Vasudeva -is full of darkness; as also is the man who knows not the glorious god -whose self is the world. The man who despises this great being, who -bears crowns and jewels, and liberates his worshippers from fear, is -plunged into deep darkness."[736] Assertions and statements of this kind -show clearly that at the time of their insertion into the Mahabharata -the deification of Krishna was by no means universally recognised.[737] - -While a tendency at work within the circle of the Brahmans put Vishnu in -the place of Brahman, another impulse was not less eagerly occupied in -elevating the old storm-god Rudra-Çiva to be the highest deity. In the -poem of the Veda the storm-god wears the plaited hair. He is called -Kapardin, _i.e._ the bearer of the locks, an idea no doubt borrowed from -the collected clouds driven by the storm. As the old priestly families -plaited their hair in different ways (p. 29), and all penitents wore -their hair in knots, the storm-god also became a penitent with the -Brahman, and as the divine power resided pre-eminently in penance, and -Çiva was so strong and mighty a god, he became the greatest of all -penitents. The old conception of Rudra assisted to retain for this -mighty deity an angry and destructive aspect; but as rain and -fructification also came from the storm Çiva was placed in relation to -procreation. If Vishnu is celebrated in the passages quoted from the -Ramayana and Mahabharata, the same honour is allotted in other parts of -the same poems to Çiva, who is now called Mahadeva, _i.e._ the great -god. He also is the source, the unborn cause of the world, the framer of -the all, the beginning of all beings, the shaper of the gods, the -uncreated, imperishable lord, the origin of the past, the present, and -the future. He is the highest spirit, the home of the lights, the sky, -the wind, the creator of the ocean, the substance of the earth, Brahman -itself. But he is also the supreme anger, the creator of the world and -its destroyer.[738] He, the all-penetrating god, is the creator and lord -of Brahman, Vishnu, and Indra; they serve him, who extends beyond matter -and spirit, who at once is and is not. When by his power he set matter -and spirit in motion, Çiva, the god of the gods, the creator -(Prajapati),[739] created Brahman from his right side and Vishnu from -his left. His attributes could not be set forth in a hundred years. He -is Indra, he is Agni, he is the Açvins, he is Surya, he is Varuna. -Nothing is above him, and nothing can withstand his divinity; the heart -of the gods is terrified in the battle when they hear his awful voice; -none can endure the sight of the angry bearer of the bow. He has two -bodies, and these assume marvellous shapes. One of the bodies is full of -sorrow, the other is gracious. If angry and passionate, he is an eater -of flesh, blood, and marrow, and then he is called Rudra. When he is -angry, all worlds are confounded at the sound of his bow-string, gods -and Asuras are defeated and helpless, the waters are in tumult, and the -earth quakes, the mountains sink, the light of the sun is quenched, -heaven is torn asunder and veiled in thick darkness.[740] There were -three cities of the mighty Asuras which Indra could not overcome. At the -entreaty of the gods that he would liberate the world Çiva made Vishnu -his arrow, Agni the barbs, Yama the feathers, all the Vedas his bow, and -the Gayatris (p. 172) his bow-string; Brahman was the leader of his -chariot, and he burnt the three cities and the Asuras with the arrow of -triple barbs, of the colour of the sun, and glowing like fire, which -consumes the world.[741] Çiva is the soul of all worlds; he dwells in -the heart of all creatures, he knows all desires, he is visible and -invisible; serpents are his girdle and the skins of serpents his robe; -he carries the discus, the club, sword, and axe. He assumes the form of -Brahman and Vishnu, of all gods, spirits, and demons, of all kinds of -men. He laughs, and weeps, and hops, and dances, and sings, and speaks -softly, and then again with the voice of a drunkard. Naked, with excited -glances, he plays with the maidens.[742] - -Thus does the Epos describe the forms of Vishnu and Çiva. The Brahmans -had allowed the pure world-soul to drop out, in order to return again to -living deities; nature, which was nothing but deception as opposed to -Brahman, they had again assumed in the being of the new gods; the two -new supreme deities absorbed Brahman, each into himself; each was also -Brahman; each had given forth from himself all living and lifeless -beings, the whole of nature; each governs and rules the life of nature, -and is the cause of growth and decay. These were attempts made in -combination with the national faith to personify once more the Pantheism -of the Brahmanic system, without excluding the life of nature, to -represent the divine power to the religious consciousness in an active, -direct, living, impressive, helpful way. This process and change of the -Brahmanic system took place about the same time that the Buddhists began -to pay divine honour to the founder of their doctrine, and exalt him to -the highest deity, or perhaps a little earlier. As compared with -Buddhism the new conception of the Brahmanic idea of god had the -disadvantage that there were two supreme deities which contended side by -side with Brahman for the first place. The worshippers of the one and -the other equally inserted into the Epos their great deity and his -praises. The exaltation of Vishnu and of Çiva, the repression of the -idea of Brahman, cannot have begun later than the beginning of the -fourth century B.C., since, as the Greeks have already told us, it was -towards the end of the fourth century, about the year 300 B.C., that -Çiva and Vishnu were worshipped by the Indians as their chief deities, -the first by the inhabitants of the mountains, the second by the -dwellers in the plains. At the same time it is clear, from the accounts -of the Greeks, that the incarnations of Vishnu, assumed in order to -benefit the world, in Paraçurama, Rama, and Krishna had already obtained -recognition at the time mentioned, and received expression in the Epos -and the worship. In any other case it would have been impossible for the -Greeks to have regarded Vishnu as their own Heracles. From certain -quotations in Panini, who lived about the middle or the last third of -the fourth century,[743] it follows that Krishna and Vishnu were -identified about this time, and Vishnu was described by the name -Vasudeva, the family name of Krishna.[744] - -Buddhism appears to have had a two-fold influence on the ethical demands -of the Brahmans; on the one hand, it challenged and therefore -intensified them; on the other, it softened and diminished their force. -According to the book of the law the Dvija satisfied the highest -requirements of religion, when, after founding his house and seeing the -children of his children, he renounced the world, retired into the -forest, and there, occupied only with divine things, with salvation for -the future, sought his return to Brahman by penances and meditation. It -was the duty of the king when he became old and weak and was no longer -in a position to protect his subjects and inflict punishment, as he -ought, to seek death in battle, or if no war was being waged at the -time, to put an end to his life by starvation. In a few cases the book -allows suicide as a punishment for grievous offences. In the Epos we -find an advance in this direction. Traits are introduced into it which -represent voluntary death as the greatest act of merit, as the summit -and perfection of asceticism. While yet in full vigour and equal to -their duties, Yudhishthira and his brothers abandon their throne and -kingdom, in order to seek and find death on a pilgrimage to the holy -mountain, and by such penances and such an end to be rid of the earthly -grossness still clinging to them. When Rama, even after his father -Daçaratha is dead, refuses to ascend the throne, because he must keep -the promise made to his dead father that he would live fourteen years in -exile, the younger brother Bharata, conscientiously respecting the right -of the elder, will not assume the government; for these fourteen years -he lives in the garment of a penitent with a penitent's knot of hair, -and five days after Rama's return from banishment, he "goes into the -fire." The anchorite Çarabhanga, who by severe penances has obtained the -highest reward, erects a pyre for himself, kindles it with his own -hands, and burns himself in the presence of Rama in order to pass into -the heaven of Brahman, for which in other revisions of the poem is -substituted the heaven of Vishnu. The Greeks have already told us that -the sages among the Indians regarded disease and weakness as -disgraceful; if one of them fell ill he burned himself on a pyre (p. -422). The companions of Alexander of Macedon tell us that Calanus, one -of the Brahmans of Takshaçila, whom Alexander had induced to join him -(p. 398), fell sick in Persia and became weak. Alexander in vain -attempted to move him from his resolution to burn himself. Too feeble to -walk, Calanus was carried to the pyre, crowned after the Indian manner, -and singing hymns in the Indian language. When the funeral pyre was -kindled, he lay down without shrinking in the midst of the flames.[745] - -According to the statement of Megasthenes the Indian sages put an end to -their lives not by fire only but also by throwing themselves from a -precipice or into water.[746] By this kind of sacrifice can only be -meant suicide or pilgrimage to the sacred places in the Himalayas, near -the pools, to which a peculiar power of purification was ascribed. -Pilgrimages to the sacred waters are mentioned even in Manu's laws. -Bathing in the Ganges, in the lakes of the Himalayas, which lay near the -holy mountain, in the confluence of the Yamuna and Ganges, was supposed -to have the power of washing away many sins, and thus relieving men from -the torturing penances imposed by the Brahmans. "If," we are told in the -book of the law, "thou art not at variance with Vivasvati's son Yama, -who dwells in thy heart (_i.e._ with thy conscience), go not to the -Ganges nor the Kurus." In the lands formerly governed by the Kurus, lay -the places of sacrifice of the ancient kings; there, at this or that -place, the great rishis of the ancient time were said to have -sacrificed; on the lakes Ravanahrada and Manasa, in the high Himalayas, -under Kailasa, the old sutras of the Buddhists showed us the settlements -of penitent Brahmans. We cannot doubt that the pilgrimage of the -Buddhists to the places where Buddha lived, preached, and died, -increased the pilgrimages of the Brahmans, and that, to match the -blessing which the Buddhists attached to their journeys, they estimated -and commended more highly than before the expiating and redeeming power -of their holy shrines. In the Mahabharata a considerable number of -shrines of pilgrimage are mentioned together with their legends; the -visitation of these seems to be quite common; the especial effects of -the various places are stated;[747] in fact, the pilgrimages to the -sacred pools and places of purification must have been so common and so -zealously undertaken among the Brahmans that about the middle of the -third century _B.C._ the Buddhists denote their Brahmanic opponents by -the names Tirthyas and Tirthikas, _i.e._ men who live at the pools of -purification or hold them in especial estimation.[748] Not merely to -bathe in the waters at the sacred places, which take away sins, but to -end life there, could not but have a most efficacious and meritorious -influence on the future of the soul in the next world, and the -regenerations. Hence sinners would seek death in the sacred waters as -the best and most perfect expiation; and even those who did not think -themselves under the burden of special offences could find in a -voluntary death in the sacred flood the highest expiation for the -impurity entailed upon them, according to the Brahmanic system, by -their life in the body. Thus even then, as now, many died by a voluntary -death at these places. The strict consequences of the Brahmanic system -pointed to suicide. Did not the ethical aim of the Brahmans consist in -the elevation of the _Ego_ by meditation, in the annihilation of the -body by asceticism? It was a step farther to end and escape the torments -of long penances at a single bound. The more prominence the Buddhists -gave to the fact that their doctrine ensured liberation from -regenerations, the keener must be the attention paid by the Brahmans to -this object. According to their view of the world, and the basis of -their system--that the body was the adulteration of Brahman in men, the -hindrance in the way of his return to Brahman--the end of the bodily -life, which they had constantly sought to subdue, at a consecrated -place, by a holy act in the midst of purification in the sacred bath, -could not but bring salvation; the man who offered his body and himself -for sacrifice was at once purified for his return into the world-soul. -If the Buddhists avoided regenerations by taming desire, and -annihilating the soul, the Brahmans could now prevent them by the -sacrifice of the body at a holy place. That all Brahmans were not of -this opinion we may conclude from the assertion of Megasthenes that -death by suicide was not a dogma of the Indian sages; those who put -themselves to death were looked on as rash and perverse. There was, -therefore, an opposite view. Nor was it the Buddhists only, who, in -accordance with the whole conception of their faith, represented this -opposition; even among the Brahmanic castes, as we shall see, there was -a variety of opinions. - -The companions of Alexander tell us that among some Indians widows -voluntarily burnt themselves with the corpses of their husbands, and -those who did not do this were in no esteem.[749] Among the Indians, -says Nicolaus of Damascus, the favourite wife was burnt with the dead -husband. The wives contended for this mark of honour with the greatest -eagerness, and each was supported by her friends.[750] The captain of -the Indians who with Eudemus attacked the army of Eumenes (p. 442)--the -Greeks call him Ceteus--fell in the battle, which took place between -Eumenes and Antigonus in Parĉtacene in the year 316 B.C. The two wives -of Ceteus had accompanied him to the field and now contended for the -honour of being burnt with him, since the law of the Indians, as -Diodorus observes, allowed one wife only to be so burnt. The younger of -the two maintained that the elder was pregnant; the elder declared that -precedence in years carried precedence in honour. When the pregnancy of -the elder had been established, the captains of the army decided that -the younger was to ascend the pyre. "Then the elder took the diadem from -her head, tore her hair and cried aloud, as though she had met with a -great misfortune, while the younger, rejoicing in her victory, went to -the funeral pile, crowned and adorned as if for marriage, accompanied by -her women, who sang a hymn. When she approached the pyre, she divided -her ornaments among her relations, servants, and friends, as memorials -of herself: a number of rings set with precious stones of various -colours, gold stars with brilliant stones from her head-dress, and a -great quantity of necklaces, large and small. When she had bidden -farewell to her relations and servants, her brother conducted her to the -pyre; she bowed herself before the corpse of her husband, and when the -flames blazed up she uttered no sound of lamentation. In such a heroic -manner did she end her life, and moved all who saw her death to sympathy -or admiration."[751] Western accounts from the first century B.C. and -later times represent the burning of widows as an established -custom.[752] - -We are acquainted with the hymns of the Rigveda in which the widow, when -she has led her husband to the place of burial, is exhorted to "elevate -herself to the world of life," for her marriage is at an end; we know -the rule in the law that a widow should not marry again after the death -of her husband; if she did so, she would fall into disrepute in this -world, and in the next be excluded from the abode of her husband. She -must live alone, avoid all sensual pleasure, starve herself, and do acts -of piety, then after her death she would ascend to heaven. Neither the -sutras of the Buddhists nor the Brahmanas mention the burning of widows. -On the other hand, in the Mahabharata the two wives of Pandu, Kunti and -Madri, contend after his death precisely as the two wives of Ceteus, -which is to ascend the pyre. Kunti founds her claims on the fact that -she had been the wife of Pandu before Madri, and his first queen; Madri -asserts that Pandu had loved her more than Kunti, that she had been his -favourite wife. The Brahmans decide that Madri is to go. In the Ramayana -the burial of king Daçaratha is described in great detail, but none of -his wives, neither Kauçalya, nor Kaikeyi, nor Sumitra is burnt with him. -In other passages also the Epos speaks of widowed queens with all -honour. If, then, the Epos of the Indians, even in the form in which we -have it, wavers about the custom of the cremation of widows, and on the -other hand the Greeks assert and prove the existence of the custom in -the last thirty years of the fourth century B.C., we may assume that the -sacrifice of widows came into practice in the course of the fourth -century B.C. in connection with the increase in the requirements of -self-annihilation, of which we have just read. It was, no doubt, the -consequence derived from the unconditional dependence of the wife on the -husband, required by the Indians, and the command to bear any fortune -joyfully together with the husband, of that extreme wifely love and -devotion, of which we have found touching examples in the Epos. From the -idea of self-annihilation, which was the summit of all good actions, the -Brahmans might arrive at the demand that women also ought in certain -cases to practise such annihilation; that a widow must sacrifice herself -on the pyre of her husband as an offering for his sins. This is never -stated as a law, but at a subsequent time the demand of the Brahmans -obtained general observance and recognition, supported as it was by the -doctrine that only the widow, who burnt herself with the corpse of her -husband, found an entrance into the better world. According to the -rules, which have come down to us from a later time, the widow of the -Dvija, when she had bathed and anointed herself, coloured herself with -sandal wood, and put on her ornaments, more especially her jewels, with -butter, kuça-grass, and sesame in her hands, offered a prayer to all the -gods, with the reflection that her life was nothing, that her lord was -her all. Then she walks round the pyre, gives her jewels to the -Brahmans, comforts her relatives, and bids farewell to her friends. -Afterwards she says: "That I may enjoy the happiness of heaven with my -husband and purify my ancestors and his I ascend the pyre in expiation -of the sins of my husband, even though he has murdered a Brahman, torn -asunder the bonds of gratitude, or slain a friend. On you I call, ye -eight protectors of the world (p. 160), as witnesses of this action, ye -sun and moon, air, fire, earth, ĉther, and water. Be witnesses, my own -soul and conscience, and thou, Yama, Day and Night, and Ushas, be ye -witnesses, be witnesses! I follow the corpse of my husband to the -burning pyre." Then the widow ascends the pile of wood, which must be -kindled by her son or her nearest relation, embraces the corpse of her -husband, with the words, I pray, adoration, and commits herself to the -flames, crying Satya, Satya, Satya.[753] - -In opposition to Buddhism, the chief point was not only to keep the -hearts of the people true to the Brahmanic arrangement of life by the -adoption and exaltation of the deities to which their religious feeling -was directed; at the same time a counterpoise must be provided to the -speculation and scepticism of the Buddhists; they must be met by an -orthodox system of philosophy. The question was, whether the existence -of the individual soul beside nature, on which the Sankhya doctrine no -less than Buddha laid such stress, was incompatible with the idea of -Brahman; whether death without regeneration, the highest good and -supreme object of the Buddhists, could not be shown to be attainable by -the fulfilment of the duties prescribed by the Brahmans, by Brahmanic -speculation and meditation. These were the questions which a new system, -the Yoga, sought to solve. The author of this is said by the Indians to -be Yajnavalkya, whose life is placed in the fourth century B.C. The -oldest form in which the principles of this new system are known to us -does not go back beyond the year 300 B.C.[754] He attempts to fix the -idea of the world-soul or Brahman more clearly than had been done in -earlier theories. This soul is now regarded as present everywhere in the -world, but also as existing for itself. In opposition to the Sankhya and -the Buddhists the separate existences and souls of men could be now -explained as something more than parts of Brahman; their individual -existence must be conceded, and proof given that they were still parts -of Brahman. This system therefore teaches us: whatever gives to each -thing its leading characteristic or quality, that is the world-soul in -it. But though this living world-soul is divided into all creatures and -exists in all, it must nevertheless be one and therefore indivisible. In -opposition to heterodox systems Brahmanic speculation was no longer bold -enough to deny entirely the existence of matter, and to explain it as -appearance or deception; on the contrary, it now borrows from the Sankya -doctrine the dogma of the eternity of matter. Matter is no less eternal -than the world-soul. It is true that it changes, but it is not -destroyed; the destruction of matter is only a change, in which a new -birth follows on apparent decay. It is allowed that the souls of men -which proceed out of Brahman, "as sparks out of a piece of hot iron," -exist independently; when one is worn out they perpetually provide -themselves with a new body, a new garment, for the souls and the -elements, _i.e._ nature, are real;[755] but since these souls proceed -from the divinity they can go back to the world-soul. - -In this we find an unmistakable attempt to harmonise the old Brahmanic -system with the axioms of the Buddhist theory, the Buddhist principles -of the permanent existence of the soul with the theory of the -world-soul. The essential question was a practical one; how this new -theory of the Brahmans would bring about the liberation from -regeneration, which Buddha realised in the last instance by the -extinction of the ground of existence in the soul, of desire. Like the -Buddhists it assumed the eternal change, the restless revolution of -birth and decay; it naturally maintained the old Brahmanic position that -the soul is followed by its actions into another world; that by these -the new births were fixed; what means did it provide for an escape from -this revolution? Like the Buddhists it taught that only the knowledge of -the true connection of things can lead to liberation. But the spirit -furnished with immature instruments is as incapable of knowledge as an -unclean mirror is incapable of reflecting forms. By subduing the senses, -removing passions, avoiding love or hate, by purifying the mind, the -instruments of knowledge must be sharpened. As the soul is infected with -matter, the requirements of nature must be satisfied with moderation; as -man is in the world, he must fulfil the duties which fall to every man -in the order of the world. He must act, but in such a manner as if he -were not acting; he must be indifferent to the results of the action, -and acquire freedom from doubleness, _i.e._ from the prosperous or -unfortunate result. Filled with darkness and passion man is driven round -like a wheel. Truth, which consists in "casting aside the net of folly," -liberates men, and the net is cast aside by distinguishing between the -cognitive faculty and nature or change.[756] As the ĉther, though -isolated in various jars, is still one, so is the spirit at the same -time one and many, just as the sun is reflected in various masses of -water.[757] The being who dwells like a lamp in the heart has beams -innumerable; from this one darts upward, piercing the sun's disk, to the -world of Brahman. With eyes closed in repose, with veiled face avoiding -every charm of the senses, holding in check his appetites, on a scale -neither too high nor too low, let him who has brought to perfection the -instruments of knowledge, and purified his spirit, who will find truth, -hold his breath twice or thrice. Then let him think on the lord who is -the lamp in his heart, and with all his heart keep his mind fixed on -this. Meditation is brought about by the realisation of true being. The -symbol of the perfection of meditation is the power to create and -disappear, to leave one's own body and enter another. He whose spirit at -the dissolution of his body is firmly fixed in the truth in regard to -the lord, whose conviction remains unshaken, attains to the remembrance -of his births, and he who leaves the body in complete meditation -(_yoga_) becomes an inhabitant of Brahman's world; there is no return -for him; he is never born again.[758] - -Thus in the place of the annihilation of the body and consciousness -required by the old system, in the place of the extinction of the _Ego_ -by the annihilation of its basis taught by the Buddhists, the new -speculation of the Brahmans puts the mystical union of the _Ego_ with -the Supreme by meditation, by elevation and concentration of the spirit, -when the path has been prepared for such union by retirement from the -world, by the removal of the passions, and conquest over the appetites. -The fruits of this act of union with the god-head are in the first -instance the same supernatural powers which the Buddhists ascribed to -the Arhat, the man "advanced in the path" (p. 472), and finally the -freedom from regeneration, the highest object of all. - -More important than the speculation which founded this new way to -liberation were the practical consequences, the ethical rules which -resulted from this theory of the Brahmans. It was now possible to -identify Vishnu or Çiva with Brahman. If a certain attitude of the soul, -an inward deed, an act of the spirit, meditation, was the highest aim, -the first place could no longer be ascribed to sacrifice, penance, and -asceticism. The order of the world ascribed to the creator, the rights -and duties of the castes, could not be altered in any way; the castes -were still special emanations and forms of the Supreme. Even sacrifice -is still to be offered, expiations and penances are to be observed. But -their effects must not be over-estimated. The exclusive value ascribed -to them, so the new theory maintains, is exaggerated, as is the reward -which men promise themselves from such works.[759] In reality, the wise -man ought only to perform them in order not to deceive the people. He -must do the works by which the ancient sages attained perfection, and -fulfil all ceremonies for the edification of men. The people would -become corrupt if they performed no pious works, the castes would be -mixed, creatures thrown into confusion.[760] Thus in reality the new -system maintains works simply because the position of the Brahmans, the -order of the castes, cannot be tampered with or overthrown. But at the -same time asceticism is essentially softened, and an approach made to -the milder Buddhist form of it. It is a proof of incomplete knowledge to -starve oneself, pass into fire, or plunge into water.[761] No doubt the -Dvija in his later years ought to go into the forest accompanied by his -wife, or when he has left her in the charge of his sons, and there -practise the prescribed exercises.[762] But the anchorite's life is not -the cause of virtue, and those who seek salvation by gifts, sacrifice, -and penances do indeed attain to the heaven of the fathers, but they -return to this world.[763] If the Yoga, by ascribing this position to -penance, approaches the doctrine of Buddha, the same is done in a still -higher degree in the rules of its ethics. Here the new Brahmanic -teaching is wholly in harmony with the Buddhists; it requires gentleness -and kindness to all creatures, truthfulness, control of the appetites; -it forbids theft and hatred: that is the sum of virtue. Nevertheless, -the greatest concession made to Buddhism lies in the removal of the -boundary which had been set up in regard to religion between the Dvija -and the Çudra. It is true that neither all the castes nor all men are -permitted in the Yoga, as they are in Buddhism, to find salvation and -liberation. But the Çudras are no longer excluded as hitherto from the -Veda and the worship; they too may learn the Veda,[764] and in the -Bhagavad-gita it is openly stated that even the Çudra may attain the -highest point.[765] - -The principles of the new doctrine appeared so important to the circles -of the Brahmans, to which they owed their origin and observance, that -they attempted to obtain recognition for them among princes and people -by a new book of the law. This book originated in Mithala (Tirhat), and -like the Yoga bears the name of Yajnavalkya. Setting aside the worship -of the deities of the planets--star-worship came into vogue after the -sixth century B.C.--and the rules for asceticism, ethics, and the way of -salvation, the new book is distinguished from the old by its compressed -compendious form, and by the clearer composition of the separate rules. -Its regulations for trade and conduct are more detailed than in the book -of Manu. If the latter mentions written stipulations, the new speaks of -the preparation of documents on metal plates. The modes of the divine -judgments are increased,[766] and gambling-houses are permitted. All the -rules for purity, expiations, and penance given in the older book are -repeated with the restrictions given above, that they have beneficial -results, but do not exclude regenerations, and that penance must not be -carried to the point of self-annihilation. The duties of the monarchy -are given accurately according to the old law; the arrangement of the -castes and the ancient law of marriage are retained, with the -advantages, privileges, and exemptions of the Brahmans. Some new -subordinate and mixed castes are added. The opposition to the Buddhists -is vigorously expressed, and mention is made of men with shorn heads and -yellow garments.[767] The kings are required to erect buildings in the -cities and put Brahmans in them to form societies for the study of the -Veda; these the king is to support with the exhortation that they must -fulfil their duties.[768] Hence it appears that the Brahmans considered -it advisable to erect Brahmanic monasteries in opposition to the viharas -of the Buddhists, and to support them at the cost of the state. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[718] Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 4, 495 ff. - -[719] "Mahabharata Çantiparvan," in Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 263 ff. - -[720] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 271 ff. - -[721] W. von Humboldt, "Bhagavad-gita," s. 41, 57. - -[722] Rajendralala Mitra, "Antiq. of Orissa," p. 153. - -[723] Bhagavad-gita, 4, 7, 8. - -[724] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 151 ff. - -[725] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 156. - -[726] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 172 ff. - -[727] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 495 ff. - -[728] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 165 ff. - -[729] "Ramayana," ed. Schlegel, 1, 27. - -[730] On the variations in the different recensions of the Ramayana in -this narrative; see Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 444 ff. - -[731] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 178 ff. - -[732] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 243 ff. - -[733] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 182. - -[734] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 259. - -[735] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 229. - -[736] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 216. - -[737] Lassen's view inclines also to the supposition that Krishna's -deification belongs to the time after Buddha, "Ind. Alterth." 2^2, 822. - -[738] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 184 ff. - -[739] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 188 ff. - -[740] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 205. - -[741] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 203. - -[742] Muir, _loc. cit._ 4, 191. - -[743] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 474. - -[744] Rajendralala Mitra, "Antiq. of Orissa," p. 152. M. Müller, "Hist, -of Anc. Sanskrit Lit." p. 46. The name of the Sinha princes, who ruled -in Guzerat between 200 B.C. and 25 A.D. (Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 929); -Rudrasinha, Rudrathaman, Içvaradatta, prove that the worship of Çiva was -in vogue in this region at the time mentioned. The coins of the Turushas -exhibit Çiva and his bull, while others bear Buddha's name; Lassen, -_loc. cit._ 2^2, 842, 843. The coins of the older Guptas exhibit -Vishnu's bird Garuda, the goddess Lakshmi, Vishnu's female side, who is -churned out of the sea of milk, Rama, and Sita, and Çiva's bull; Lassen, -_loc. cit._ 2^2, 1111. - -[745] Arrian, "Anab." 7, 3. Onesicr. fragm. 33, ed. Müller. Plut. -"Alex." c. 69. - -[746] Cf. _infra_, p. 518. Curt. 8, 9. Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 19. - -[747] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 467. - -[748] Burnouf, "Introd." p. 158. Lassen, _loc, cit._ 2^2, 467. - -[749] Aristobulus in Strabo, p. 714. _Supra_, p. 435. - -[750] Nicol. Dam. Fragm. 143, ed. Müller. - -[751] Diod. 19, 33, 34. The narrative is apparently taken from Duris of -Samos, who wrote soon after the year 300 _B.C._ - -[752] Cic. "Tuscul." 5, 27. Plut. "Vitios." c. 4. Aelian, "Var. Hist." -7, 13. - -[753] Colebrooke, "Asiatic Researches," 4, 205-215. - -[754] Lassen puts Yajnavalkya about the year 360 B.C., and Patanjali, -the author of the Yogaçastra, between 144 and 124 B.C., _loc. cit._ 1^2, -875, 999, and 2^2, 516. We must also agree with Lassen, that in the -theory which Mandanis developes from Onesicritus (frag. 10, ed. Müller), -the principles of the Yoga can be traced. The opposition also in which -this Mandanis places himself to Calanus, the adherent to strict -asceticism, is in favour of the view. As Panini also mentions the Yoga -(Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2, 878), it was in existence towards the end of -the fourth century. In the same way I can only agree with Lassen that -the book which bears Yajnavalkya's name, and according to the -commentators was composed by a pupil of his, cannot be put earlier than -300 B.C. It is the next oldest to Manu (Stenzler, "Yajnavalkya," s. x.). -In it the opposition to the Buddhists is vigorous, the Yoga is presented -in a simpler form than in the Bhagavad-gita and Patanjalis, and it is -free from the mysticism afterwards adopted into the system. The reign of -Açoka and his immediate successors could not give any room for the -Brahmans to hope for assistance from the state. - -[755] Yajnavalkya, 3, 148, 149. - -[756] Yajnavalkya, 3, 182, 157. - -[757] Yajnavalkya, 3, 145. - -[758] Yajnavalkya, 3, 160, 161, 198, 203, 194. - -[759] "Bhagavad-gita," in Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 3, 30. - -[760] "Bhagavad-gita," in Muir, "Sanskrit Texts," 3, 30. - -[761] Yajnavalkya, 3, 155. - -[762] Yajnavalkya, 3, 63-66, 155. - -[763] Yajnavalkya, 3, 195, 196. - -[764] Yajnavalkya, 3, 191. - -[765] Muir, _loc. cit._ 6, 300. - -[766] _Supra_, p. 207, _n._ - -[767] Yajnavalkya, 1, 271, 272. - -[768] Yajnavalkya, 2, 185. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -AÇOKA OF MAGADHA. - - -The Brahmans had reason to expect favourable effects from the changes -they had made in their doctrine and ethics. They had taken account of -the desire for the worship of more real and living deities, and in order -to satisfy this they had pushed Brahman into the background; they were -zealous in giving tangible shape to the benefits which their deities had -bestowed upon men; they ascribed the best results to pilgrimages, and if -on the one hand they intensified the merits and efficacy of penance, -they allowed on the other hand the merit of works to fall into the -background, and moderated asceticism. They sought to reconcile the -elements of Buddhist speculation with their ancient system, and -increased the circle of the men admitted to salvation. In the Yoga they -had as a fact found a deeper solution of the problem of the liberation -of the Individual than Buddha had pointed out in his doctrine. Then it -happened that so far from obtaining the assistance and support from the -state which the new law claimed, the power of the throne which ruled all -India ranged itself on the opposite side. - -As we have seen, Chandragupta's great kingdom was maintained in its full -extent by his son Vindusara, and the relations to the West became more -extensive under his reign. When Vindusara was in his last sickness, his -son Açoka, the viceroy of Ujjayini, hastened to Palibothra, as the -Buddhists inform us, possessed himself of the throne, and caused his -brothers to be put to death, with the exception of one born from the -same mother as himself.[769] Like his father Vindusara, he daily fed -60,000 Brahmans, ruled with a severe and cruel hand, and himself carried -out the execution of those who had incurred his anger. After three years -of this savage conduct he was converted, according to the account of the -Singhalese, by Nigrodha the son of Sumana, one of the brothers murdered -by him, to whom the Sthaviras had granted the initiation of the novice -(p. 465). According to the account of the northern Buddhists, a Buddhist -Samudra, a merchant of Çravasti, who had come to Palibothra, was thrown -at Açoka's order into a vessel full of boiling fat and water. Samudra -felt no pain, and when the fire under the kettle could not be kindled by -any means, the king was summoned to see the marvel. This sight and -Samudra's exhortation converted the king to Buddhism. Açoka entreated -the holy man to forgive him his sinful acts, took his refuge in the law -of the Enlightened, and promised to fill the earth with Chaityas -(monuments) in honour of Buddha. He caused a large monastery, the -Açokarama-Vihara, to be built for the Bhikshus at Palibothra,[770] and -instructed his viceroys to erect viharas in all his cities. The relics -of Buddha, which had been divided after his death and placed in eight -monuments (p. 365), Açoka caused to be taken away; only the part which -the Koçalas had received from Ramagrama and concealed there, remained -untouched. The other relics of the Enlightened were divided into 84,000 -parts, and placed in cases of gold, silver, crystal, and lapis-lazuli, -so that each of the great, middle-sized, and small cities in the kingdom -of Açoka might receive a relic of Buddha. In order to preserve these, -84,000 stupas, _i.e._ domes with coverings over them, together with as -many viharas, were built at Açoka's command.[771] Thus the king adorned -the surface of the earth with beautiful stupas, which were like the -summits of the mountains, and furnished them with precious stones, -parasols, and standards,[772] and travelled to every place where Buddha -had stayed and preached, and announced his determination to honour these -places also by monuments. In all the cities of the kingdom the law of -the Enlightened was proclaimed in the name of the king;[773] the son of -the king, Mahendra, and his daughter Sanghamitra, who was born to him -before his accession to the throne, renounced the world and received the -consecration of the mendicant, the son in the twentieth, the daughter in -the eighteenth year of her age; even Tishya, the brother of Açoka, who -alone had been spared, became a Bhikshu, and entered the Açokarama.[774] - -As errors had crept in and the true law was not observed everywhere -in the viharas, the king took the advice of the Sthavira -Maudgaliputra,[775] sat on the same seat with him, and assembled in -council the orthodox and heterodox Bhikshus. When the purity of the -sacred law had again been established by the assembly, Maudgaliputra -perceived that the time had come to spread abroad the doctrine of the -Enlightened. He sent the Sthavira Mahadeva into the land of Mahisha (a -region on the Narmada);[776] Mahadharmarakshita into the land of -Maharashtra (the upper Godavari); Dharmarakshita into the land of -Aparantaka,[777] Çona and Uttara into the gold-district of Suvarnabhumi; -Madhyama and Kaçyapa into the Himavat; and Madhyantika into the land of -Cashmere and the Gandharas. Mahendra, the king's son, set out in person -to preach the good law in Lanka, when Açoka had explained to the envoys, -whom Devanampriya-Tishya, the king of Lanka, had sent to him at -Palibothra, that the king might enlighten his spirit and seek refuge -with the best means of salvation, even as he (Açoka) had sought refuge -with Buddha and the Dharma (law) and the Sangha (community). When -Mahendra arrived at Ceylon, Devanampriya-Tishya received him hospitably, -gave him the garden of Mahamegha near the metropolis Anuradhapura for a -habitation, and there built him a vihara.[778] He converted the -inhabitants of Lanka by thousands. At his request Açoka sent him the -alms-jar of Buddha, and his right shoulder bone, which the king of Lanka -deposited in a stupa, built on Mount Missaka, near Anuradhapura, and -Mahendra's sister Sanghamitra followed her brother to Lanka with eleven -other initiated women, in order to convey there a branch of the sacred -fig-tree of Gaya, under which enlightenment was vouchsafed to Buddha (p. -339). Mahendra received five hundred Kshatriyas of the island into the -sacred order; Sanghamitra initiated five hundred maidens and as many -women of the royal palace as mendicants; and when the branch was -planted in the soil of the garden of Mahamegha, it grew up into a great -tree. Açoka daily supported 60,000 Bhikshus by alms,[779] and during the -rainy season, 300,000 religious persons and novices; and gave all his -treasures, his ministers, his kingdom, his wives, and finally himself to -the assembly of the Aryas.[780] - -Such is the account of Açoka given in the tradition of the Buddhists. We -can establish the fact that he succeeded his father on the throne of -Magadha in the year 263 B.C. and retained it till 226 B.C.[781] His -inscriptions, the oldest which have come down to us, enable us to test -more closely the narration of the Buddhists, who had every reason to -honour the memory of the great king, who became a convert to their -religion, and gave it a pre-eminent position throughout his vast empire. -Both in the neighbourhood of the modern Peshawur, at Kapur-i-Giri, to -the north of Cabul, and near Girnar (Girinagara) on the peninsula of -Guzerat, and on the rocks of Dhauli in the neighbourhood of -Bhuvaneçvara, the metropolis of Orissa, near Khalsi on the right bank of -the Yamuna, at Delhi (the ancient Indraprastha), at Allahabad, Bakhra, -and Bhabra in the neighbourhood of the ancient Palibothra, the modern -Patna, and finally at Mathiah and Radhya,[782] in the valley of the -upper Gandaki on the borders of Nepal, we find inscriptions of this -king. Some are hewn in the rocks, others engraved on separate monolithic -pillars, about forty feet in height; pillars of the law they are called -by him who erected them. Carefully rounded and smoothed they carry above -the capital of beautiful pendent lotus leaves, on a square slab, lions -of excellent execution, without doubt the symbol of the lion of the -tribe of the Çakyas, of Çakyasinha, Buddha. Two pillars of this kind, -the one entire the other broken, are at Delhi; the other four are at -Allahabad, Bakhra, Mathiah, and Radhya. If Açoka caused inscriptions to -be engraved at Peshawur, beyond the Indus, the regions which Seleucus -had given up to Chandragupta must have been retained by Vindusara and -Açoka. The inscriptions on the peninsula of Guzerat (they speak of -buildings at Çirinagara which Açoka had caused to be erected there by -his viceroy Tuhuspa),[783] and those at Bhuvaneçvara, on the mouths of -the Mahanadi, as well as those on the borders of Nepal, prove that -Açoka's dominion reached from the Himalayas to the mouths of the Narmada -and Mahanadi. According to the tradition of Cashmere Açoka reigned over -that land also, extended the metropolis, Çirinagara, built two palaces -there, caused a lofty Chaitya to be erected, and covered Mount Çushkala -near Çirinagara with stupas.[784] The inscriptions of Açoka himself -inform us that he carried on war against the land of Kalinga in the -south of Orissa, on the lower course of the Godavari (p. 410), and -subjugated the inhabitants to his power;[785] and that he ruled over -the Gandharas, Cambojas and Yamunas, the Rashtrikas and the Petenikas. -Under the name of Cambojas are comprised the Aryas on the right bank of -the Indus. To the south as far down as the Cabul, the Yavanas are -evidently the Greeks, with whom Alexander had peopled the three cities -called after him, which he founded in Arachosia (on the Arghandab and -the Turnuk, where the modern Kandahar and Ghazna stand), and on the -southern slope of the Hindu Kush at the entrance of the path leading to -the north into Bactria.[786] The Rashtrikas are the inhabitants of the -coast of Guzerat, the Petenikas are the inhabitants of the city and land -of Paithana on the upper Godavari.[787] Hence the dominion of Açoka -extended from Kandahar, Ghazna, and the Hindu Kush, as far as the mouth -of the Ganges, from Cashmere down to the upper and lower course of the -Godavari. - -According to his inscriptions the influence of Açoka extended even -beyond these wide limits. At the boundaries of the earth, so we are -told, were to be found the two cures established by him, the cure for -men and the cure for animals. Wherever healing herbs, roots, and fruit -trees were not in existence, they were brought and planted by his order, -and wells were dug by the wayside. This was done among the Cholas and -Pidas, in the kingdom of Keralaputra, and on Tamraparni (Ceylon). Even -Antiyaka, the king of the Yavanas, and four other kings, Turamaya, -Antigona, Maga, and Alissanda, "had followed the precept of the king -beloved of heaven," _i.e._ of Açoka.[788] The Cholas and Pidas lay to -the south of the Deccan, the former on the upper Krishna, the latter on -the Palaru. Keralaputra, _i.e._ son of Kerala,[789] is the ruler of the -state founded by Brahmans on the southern half of the Malabar coast (p. -368). It is clear from this, no less than from the conquest of Kalinga -by Açoka, how successful in the times of the earliest rulers of the -house of the Mauryas, was the power of Arian India collected in that -kingdom in forcing its way to the south, both on the coasts and in the -interior of the Deccan; and at the same time these inscriptions confirm -the statements of Singhalese tradition about the connection in which -Açoka stood with this island. They also show us that Açoka not only -maintained but extended the relations into which his grandfather had -entered with the kingdom of the Seleucidĉ, and his father with the -kingdom of the Ptolemies. Açoka is not only in connection with Antiyaka, -_i.e._ with his neighbour Antiochus, who sat on the throne from 262 to -247 B.C., and with Turamaya, _i.e._ with Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt -(285-246 B.C.), but also with Antigonus Gonnatas of Macedonia (278-258 -B.C.), with Alissanda, _i.e._ Alexander of Epirus (272-258 B.C.), and -even with Magas, king of Cyrene. The Seleucidĉ, it is true, had reason -to keep on a good footing with the powerful king of India; and the -Ptolemies took a lively interest in the trade of India and Egypt. But -the kings of Macedonia, Epirus, and Cyrene were unconcerned with such -matters. It is mere oriental extravagance that Açoka causes these -princes to obey his commands, though the fact that Açoka is acquainted -with Epirus and Cyrene shows how greatly the horizon of the Indians had -extended since the time that Alexander trod the Panjab. Not merely were -these lands of the distant west known, Açoka was in connection with -them. Ambassadors were sent to their princes and are said to have -received the assurance that no hindrance would be placed in the way of -the preaching of the doctrine of Buddha.[790] - -The inscriptions of Açoka contradict the tradition which represents him -as becoming a convert to the doctrine of Buddha in the third year of his -reign. It is possible that he may have shown himself favourable to the -Buddhists a few years after his accession; but it is clear from the -inscriptions at Delhi that he did not openly profess their doctrine till -after long consideration, and the inscriptions at Girnar inform us that -he took this step in the tenth year after his consecration, _i.e._ no -doubt, after his accession, consequently in the year 254 B.C., and that -he did not take it without special regard to the ancient religion and -the Brahmans. The king, we are told in that inscription, was no longer -given up to the chase of animals, but to the chase of the law, to making -presents to Brahmans and Çramanas, to searching out and proclaiming the -law. This conversion is said to have been announced by sound of drum, -with trains of festal cars, elephants, and fires; many divine forms were -also displayed to the people.[791] In an edict published two years later -Açoka gives command that in the kingdom which he has conquered and the -territories in union with him assemblies shall be held in every fifth -year, at which the laws are to be read and explained: obedience to -father and mother, liberality to the nearest relations and friends, to -Brahmans and Çramanas, economy, avoidance of calumny and the slaying of -any living creature; after this confessions were to be made.[792] These -are, as we have seen, the fundamental ethical rules of the Enlightened. -In Buddha's doctrine good actions come from the feelings and heart; the -right feeling of the heart is to show sympathy and pity to all living -creatures, and to alleviate their lot. This precept also Açoka was at -pains to fulfil; in all his inscriptions he calls himself not Açoka but -Devanampraiya Priyadarçin, _i.e._ the man of loving spirit beloved by -the gods. - -Though the doctrine of Buddha had received a firm basis immediately -after the death of the master by the collection of his sayings, and the -rules of ethics and discipline had been gathered together at greater -length and in an authentic form at the synod of Vaiçali in 433 B.C., -different tendencies and views inevitably arose among the believers as -time went on. Some kept strictly to the sayings of the master, the -principles of the synod; others commented on the traditions, and deduced -consequences from the principles given. The speculative basis of the -doctrine gave sufficient occasion to further research and meditation, -and hence to the formation of different schools, which as they rose -became rivals. The school of the Sautrantikas acknowledged only the -authority of the sutras, the sayings of the master collected at the -first synod, and abandoned any independent speculation. The school of -the Vaibhashikas, _i.e._ the school of dilemma, drew speculative -consequences from tradition, and ascribed canonical value to -philosophical treatises (_abhidarma_), which were thought to come from -the immediate disciples of Buddha, more especially from his son Rahula -and from Çariputra. To these were added serious disputes on the -discipline. The Bhikshus of Vaiçali who had been excluded from the -community of the faithful by the second synod, are said to have adhered -to their explanation of the discipline, and to have supported it by -corresponding principles. This teaching of theirs, and the more lax -observance of duties, they naturally explained to be the true doctrine -of Buddha, and found adherents. At any rate we may easily see, that in -the first half of the third century two hostile parties stood opposed in -the Buddhist Church, the orthodox party, the party of the Sthaviras, and -their opponents, who were denoted by the name Maha-Sanghikas, _i.e._ -adherents to the great assembly. The more lax discipline which they -preached, the more convenient mode of life which they permitted, are -said to have brought numerous followers to this party. Brahmans are said -to have taken the yellow robe without seeking for consecration, to have -settled themselves in the monasteries, and filled everything with -confusion and heresy.[793] It is, no doubt, credible that when Açoka -had openly gone over to the doctrine of Buddha, when he caused it to be -preached with the authority of the state, and gave valuable gifts to the -clergy, Brahmans would enter the viharas for other than spiritual -reasons. We may further concede to tradition that it was Maudgaliputra, -the head of the Açokarama, the monastery founded by Açoka at Palibothra, -who caused a new synod to be assembled in order to establish the -discipline and put an end to disputes. That such a synod did meet in the -year 247 B.C. is proved by a letter which Açoka sent to this meeting in -the seventeenth year of his reign at Palibothra; it has been preserved -for us in the inscription of Bhabra (p. 525). "King Priyadarçin"--so the -letter runs--"greets the assembly of Magadha, and wishes it light labour -and prosperity. It is well known how great is my faith and reverence for -Buddha, for the law and the community (_sangha_). All that the blessed -Buddha has said, and this alone, is well said. It is for you, my -masters, to say what authority there is for this; then will the good law -be more lasting. The objects which the law comprises are the limits -prescribed by the discipline, the supernatural qualities of the Aryas, -the dangers of the future (_i.e._ of regenerations in their various -stages), the sayings of Buddha, and the sutras of Buddha, the -investigation of Çariputra and the instructions of Rahula with -refutation of false doctrine: this is what the blessed Buddha taught. -These subjects comprised by the law it is my wish that the initiated men -and women hear, and ponder continually, and also the faithful of both -sexes. This is the fame on which I lay the greatest weight. Hence I -have caused this letter to be written to you which is my will and my -declaration."[794] - -Tradition tells us that at this synod the question was put to every -Bhikshu: "What is the doctrine of Buddha?" and all who did not answer it -satisfactorily or answered it in a sectarian sense, to the number of -60,000, were expelled from the community of the faithful. Then -Maudgaliputra selected a thousand out of the number of the orthodox -Bhikshus, men distinguished by virtue and true knowledge of the holy -scriptures, that he might with them re-establish the purity of the -sutras and the Vinaya, _i.e._ the rules of discipline. We cannot doubt -that the synod at the Açokarama had revised the collection of sayings -and rules of discipline established by the first two councils in order -to excise interpolations and cut off false requirements; but this -revision did not exclude extensions and additions which had been made in -order to fill up in something more than a negative manner the ground -occupied by the errors and heresies that had crept in. By this council, -no doubt, the speculative part of the doctrine of Buddha received its -first canonical basis. This may be inferred both from the mention of the -investigation of Çariputra and the instructions of Rahula in the letter -of Açoka to the assembly, and from the statement that the president of -this council, Maudgaliputra, had founded a new school in order to unite -the doctrines of the Sthaviras and the Mahasanghikas.[795] What we -possess of the canonical writings of the Buddhists does not go back in -form or condition beyond this synod; yet it has been already remarked -that in the sutras we can distinguish the older nucleus from the -additions made to it, and retained or first added in the redaction of -the third council. The assembly is said by the Singhalese to have -occupied nine months in this new settlement of the canonical writings of -the 'triple basket' (_sutras_, _vinaya_, _abhidarma_). - -Açoka was in earnest with the doctrine of Buddha. "The man of loving -spirit, beloved of the gods," we are told in the inscriptions at Girnar, -"causes the observance of the law to increase, and the king's grandson, -great-grandson, and great-great-grandson will cause the law to increase, -and continuing stedfast down to the end of the Kalpa in law and virtue -will observe the law."[796] "In past days the transaction of business -and the announcement of it did not take place at all times. Therefore I -did as follows. At any hour, even when recreating myself with my wives -in their chamber, or with my children, when conversing, riding, or in -the garden, Pratidevakas (men who announce) were appointed with orders -to announce to me the affairs of the people, and at all times I pay -attention to their affairs."[797] "I find no satisfaction in the effort -to accomplish business; the salvation of the world is the thing most -worth doing. The cause of this is the effort to accomplish business. -There is no higher duty than the salvation of the whole world. My whole -care is directed to the discharge of my debt to all creatures, that I -may make them happy on earth, and that hereafter they may gain heaven. -For this object I have caused this inscription of the law to be written. -May they continue long, and may my grandson and great-grandson also -strive after the salvation of the whole world. This it is difficult to -do without the most resolute effort."[798] In other inscriptions Açoka -declares it to be his glory that he has administered justice properly, -and inflicted punishment with gentleness; as we have seen, the book of -the law required that it should be administered with severity. The -growth of the law, king Açoka says, is brought about by submission to -it, and the removal of burdens. "My Rajakas (overseers) are placed over -many hundreds of thousands of my people, and their corrections and -punishments are inflicted without pain. More especially I would have the -Rajakas transact business in the neighbourhood of the Açvatthas -(fig-trees), and bring happiness and prosperity to the people. I would -have them be friendly, ascertain misfortune and prosperity, and speak to -the people, as the law directs, saying: Receive with favour the law that -has been given and established. In such a way are my Rajakas established -for the good of the people, that they may transact their business in the -neighbourhood of the Açvatthas quietly and without disinclination; for -this reason painless corrections and punishments are prescribed for -them."[799] Açoka further informs us that in the war against the -Kalingas he neither carried away the prisoners nor put them to death. -For many offences he had abolished capital punishment. In the -thirty-first year of his reign he appears to have abolished it -altogether. The criminals condemned to death, he tells us in an -inscription, must to the day of their death give the gifts that relate -to a future life, and fast.[800] According to the teaching of Buddha no -animal is to be put to death. In earlier times, we are told in Buddha's -inscriptions, for many centuries the killing of living things and the -injuring of creatures had increased, as well as contempt for relations, -and disregard for Brahmans and Çramanas; at one time even in his, -Priyadarçin's, kitchen a hundred thousand animals were daily slaughtered -for food. Now this was abolished. He absolutely forbade the slaying of -certain animals, and everywhere introduced the two cures for sick men -and animals, caused shelters to be erected for men and animals, -fig-trees and groves of mangoes to be planted, wells to be dug on the -highways, and resting-places for the night to be built.[801] Himself -anxious to follow the law of Buddha, he wished it also to be spread -abroad and practised in his kingdom among his subjects. We have already -mentioned the assemblies held at his command every fifth year, at which -the chief rules of morals were taught to the people. In addition he -nominated Dharmamahamatras, _i.e._ masters of the law, for the cities of -his kingdom, the lands of the Vratyas (p. 388), and the territories -dependent on him, whose duty it was to forward the reception and -observance of the law. According to the inscriptions there were -magistrates of this kind even at the court, to "divide gifts to the sons -and other princes for the purpose of the observance of the law," and -these magistrates had to perform the same duties in the chambers of the -queens.[802] - -What the tradition of the Buddhists tells us of the inexhaustible -liberality of Açoka is exaggerated beyond all measure. The strangest -statement of all, that he presented his kingdom to the Bhikshus, seems -to find some sort of confirmation in the assertion of the Chinese -pilgrim Fa-Hian, who was on the Ganges towards the year 400 A.D. He -tells us that he had seen a pillar at Palibothra on which the -inscription related that Açoka had presented all India, his wives and -his servants, thrice to the Bhikshus, and had only retained his -treasures, in order to purchase again these gifts. If this was really -stated in the inscription, the matter can only have had a symbolical -meaning; the king in this expressed figuratively his submission to the -law of Buddha, and recognised it as his duty to allow the initiated, the -representatives and preachers of this law, to suffer no want. Açoka's -extant inscriptions prove that he not only exhorted his subjects to give -(p. 530), but made presents to the Sthaviras, and commanded his masters -of the law to divide gifts.[803] How eagerly he strove to realise -Buddha's precept to be helpful to every one, is proved by a sentence in -the inscriptions of Dhauli in which the king says: "Every good man is my -descendant."[804] - -However foolish may be the tradition that Açoka built 84,000 stupas and -as many viharas, it is true that he did erect numerous buildings which -were mainly intended to glorify the Enlightened. Mention has already -been made of the Açokarama at Palibothra, and tradition is not wrong in -saying that the king honoured the places at which Buddha stayed by the -erection of monuments. Of his buildings at Gaya we have, it is true, -only the remains of pillars and other ruins.[805] Some miles to the -north of Gaya, on the bank of the Phalgu, in the rocks of the heights -now called Barabar and Nagarjuni, are artificial grottoes. They are hewn -in the granite, simple in plan and moderate in dimensions, but of very -careful execution. The inscription on one tells us that it was -consecrated by Açoka in the twelfth year of his reign, and on the other -that Açoka caused it to be excavated in the nineteenth year of his -reign.[806] At Kuçinagara, on the place where the Enlightened slept -never to wake again, the Chinese traveller Hiuan-Thsang found a pillar -of Açoka's with inscriptions.[807] The number of the monasteries or -viharas in the territory of Magadha was so great that the old name of -the country was changed for a name derived from them; it was called the -land of monasteries: Vihara (Behar). The inscriptions already mentioned -at Bhuvaneçvara refer to a stupa which Açoka built at Tosali in Orissa. -According to the account of Hiuan-Thsang stupas of Açoka existed at his -time in the Deccan among the Andhras and Cholas, the Kanchis and -Konkanas; in Nagara he saw a stupa, and in Udyana a vihara of -Açoka.[808] The inscriptions of Açoka at Girinagara show that he erected -a large bridge there and other buildings. Hence there is no reason to -doubt the construction of considerable buildings in Cashmere, ascribed -to him by the tradition of the land. On the northern slope of the -Vindhyas, to the east of Ujjayini, at Sanchi, in the neighbourhood of -the ancient Bidiça (now Bhilsa), there are nearly thirty stupas of very -various sizes, standing in five groups. The longest of them rises on a -substructure of more than one hundred feet in diameter to an elevation -of sixty feet. The simplicity and unadorned dignity of the building mark -this, the largest of the stupas, as also the oldest, and we may the more -certainly regard it as a work of Açoka because relics are found in the -neighbouring stupas which the inscriptions state to be those of -Çariputra and Maudgalyayana, the eminent disciples of Buddha; others -again which are said to be the relics of Gotriputra the teacher of -Maudgaliputra, who presided over the third synod.[809] The wall -surrounding the great stupa presents an entrance through four noble -portals of slender pilasters, united by cross-beams of singular -workmanship. On the eastern gate there is found an inscription from the -second century A.D. It is therefore possible that the outer wall dates -from that time, though the inscription merely speaks of the presentation -of a vihara situated there.[810] - -However great Açoka's zeal for Buddha's doctrine might be, however -numerous and splendid the buildings erected in honour of the -Enlightened, he allowed complete toleration to prevail, partly from -obedience to the gentleness which pervades Buddha's doctrine, but not -less from motives of political sagacity. There was no oppression, no -persecution of the Brahmans or their religion. It can hardly be called a -proof of this feeling and attitude, that a ruined temple of Indra was -restored at his command, for we have seen that Buddhism adopted the -ancient gods of the Brahmans as subordinate spirits, yet as beings of a -higher order, into its system. But in a part of his edicts Açoka -mentions the Brahmans even before the Çramanas (in others the Çramanas -have the first place); like the Çramanas the Brahmans are to be honoured -and to receive presents. The inscription of Delhi declares that even -those who are of another religion than the Brahmans and Buddhists are to -live undisturbed; that all possessed sacred books and saving -revelations. In one of the inscriptions at Girnar we are told: -"Priyadarçin, the king beloved by the gods, honours all religions, as -well as the mendicants and householders, by alms and other tokens of -respect. Every one should honour his own religion, without reviling that -religion of others. Only reverence makes pious. May the professors of -every religion be rich in wisdom and happy through virtue."[811] - -With all this toleration and gentleness there is no doubt that the reign -of Açoka did the greatest service in promoting the spread of Buddhism -through his wide kingdom. Whether and to what extent political motives -could and did operate on his conversion we cannot even guess. In any -case Buddha's doctrine released the ruler of the mighty kingdom from a -very burdensome ceremonial; it put an end to the contrast in which the -free life of the Indus stood to the restricted life of the Ganges; it -counteracted the pride with which the Brahmans looked down on the not -unimportant tribes on the Indus, placed the Arians on the Indus with -equal rights at the side of the twice-born of Aryavarta, allowed the -king to deal equally with all Aryas, all castes, and even with the -non-Arian tribes of his kingdom; and not only permitted but commanded -him to interest himself specially in the oppressed classes. The care, -which his grandfather had already bestowed on husbandmen, Açoka could -exercise over a wider territory and with greater earnestness; and that -he did this, as well as how he did it, has been shown by his -inscriptions (p. 535). - -Tradition tells us that after the council of Palibothra, the Sthavira -Madhyantika was sent into Cashmere and the land of the Gandharas to -convert them, and the Buddhists could boast that the inhabitants of -these districts received the law which Madhyantika preached to them; -"that the Gandharas and Kaçmiras henceforth shone in yellow garments -(the colour of the Bhikshus), and remained true to the three branches of -the law."[812] As a fact Cashmere became and remained a prominent seat -of Buddhism. At the same time, according to tradition, Madhyama and -Kaçyapa were sent to convert the Himalayas. In one of the smaller stupas -at Sanchi chests of relics were found, the inscriptions on which -describe one as containing the remains "of the excellent man of the race -of Kaçyapa, the teacher of the whole of Haimavata;" the other as -containing the remains of Madhyama.[813] The conversion of the island of -Ceylon at the time of Açoka, which was supported and advanced by Açoka's -power and his relation to the king of the island, Devanampriya-Tishya, -the successor of Vijaya, Panduvançadeva, and Pandukabhaya--who reigned -from 245 B.C.[814] to 205 B.C.--is a fact. Like Cashmere in the north, -Ceylon became in the south a centre of the Buddhist faith, the -mother-church of lower India and the lands of the East. It has been -shown in detail above how the worship of relics arose among the -Buddhists. Açoka's stupas exhibit it in the fullest bloom, and this form -of worship is prominent in the tradition of the conversion of Ceylon. -Beside the branch of the sacred tree of Buddha, which took root in the -Mahamegha-garden at Anuradhapura, Ceylon boasts since that time the -possession of the alms-jar of Buddha and his right shoulder-bone, to -which his water-jug was added, and five hundred years later his left -eye-tooth. This had previously been among the Kalingas, then in -Palibothra, whence it was taken back to the Kalingas, from whence it -was carried to Ceylon, after escaping the attempts made by the Brahman -king of Magadha to destroy it. Saved at a later time from the arms of -the Portuguese, it is preserved at the present day as the most sacred -relic of the Buddhist church, and carried yearly in solemn -procession.[815] - -Buddhism had removed the privilege of birth. As it summoned the men of -all castes equally to liberation, so it did not confine its gospel to -the nation of the Aryas. When it had broken through the limits of caste -it broke for the first time in history through the limits of -nationality. All men, of whatever order, language, and nation, are in -equal distress and misery; they are brothers, and intended to assist -each other as such. To all, therefore, must be preached the message of -renunciation and pity, of liberation from pain and regeneration. The -tradition of the Buddhists has already told us that after the third -synod messengers of the new religion were sent into the western land to -the Yavanas, and into the gold land; and Açoka's inscriptions showed us -that he had entered into connections not only with his neighbour, -Antiochus Theos, but also with the kings of Macedonia and Epirus, of -Egypt and Cyrene, concerning the good law. It is not likely that -Buddhism was preached in the West beyond the eastern half of Iran and -Bactria; but it found adherents there. Tradition tells us that a century -after the council in the Açokarama at Palibothra belief in the -Enlightened flourished in "Alassadda,"[816] by which is obviously meant -one of the three Alexandrias founded by Alexander in the East, -apparently the Alexandria on the southern slope of the Hindu Kush -nearest to Cashmere. When in the seventh century of our era the Chinese -Hiuan-Thsang climbed the heights of the Hindu Kush on his pilgrimage to -Cabul and India, he found the inhabitants of the city of Bamyan high up -in the mountains zealously devoted to the religion of the Enlightened; -he found ten viharas and a large stone image of Buddha in the city, -covered with gold and other ornaments.[817] On an isolated mountain wall -in the midst of the mountain valley of Bamyan we find in a deep niche -excavated in the wall a statue, now mutilated, 120 feet in height, and -at a distance of two hundred paces, a second somewhat smaller statue of -the same kind. In the broad lips and drooping ears of these statues our -travellers seem to find portraits of Buddha. If this religion penetrated -west of Cabul, in the Hindu Kush and to Bactria, it also extended from -Cashmere to Nepal and Tibet, and from Ceylon struck root in lower -India. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[769] "Mahavança," p. 21. Burnouf, _loc. cit._ 1, 364. - -[770] "Mahavança," p. 34. - -[771] "Mahavança," p. 26. Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 370, 515. - -[772] Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 381, 382. - -[773] "Mahavança," p. 26, 34. - -[774] "Mahavança," p. 22, 23, 35, 39. - -[775] Lassen, "Ind. Alterth." 2^2, 241, _n._4, 245. - -[776] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 246. - -[777] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^2,649 and 2^2, 248 regards Aparantaka as the -western border land of India. - -[778] "Mahavança," p. 78 ff. - -[779] "Mahavança," p. 26. - -[780] "Açoka-avadana," in Burnouf, _loc. cit._ p. 415, 426; for these -Aryas see above, p. 471. - -[781] In opposition to Westergaard, who thinks it necessary to put -Açoka's accession back to the year 272 B.C., I can only agree with Von -Gutschmid that the statements of the Buddhists on the subject require at -the most the year 265 B.C. "Zeitschrift D. M. G." 18, 373. On the other -hand, from the reasons given above (p. 443), I cannot put Chandragupta's -accession at Magadha before 315 B.C. If, therefore, the 52 years which -the Buddhists give to Chandragupta and Vindusara are to be maintained, -Açoka ascended the throne in 263 B.C. On the other hand, the Brahmans -only allow 25 years to Varisara, as they call Vindusara; and according -to this the accession of Açoka must have taken place in the year 266 -B.C. - -[782] Cunningham, "Survey," 1, 68 ff; 244 ff. - -[783] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 281. - -[784] "Raja Tarang." ed. Troyer, 1, 101 ff. - -[785] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 272. - -[786] Droysen, "Hellenismus," 2, 611. - -[787] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 251. - -[788] Inscriptions of Girnar, and Kapur-i-Giri, in Lassen, _loc. cit._ -2^2, 253. - -[789] In Ptolemy [Greek: Kêrobothrês], Lassen, _loc. cit._ 1^1, 188. - -[790] The inscriptions of Açoka date from various years, or at any rate -mention regulations from various years; they speak of the tenth, -twelfth, thirteenth, nineteenth, twenty-third, twenty-sixth, and -thirty-first years after the coronation. According to the Singhalese the -coronation did not take place till the fourth year after Vindusara's -death. The inscriptions in which the Greek kings are mentioned date from -the thirteenth year after the coronation, _i.e._ from the sixteenth or -seventeenth year of the reign. The festival of the complete adoption of -the law of Buddha by Açoka would thus have taken place in the thirteenth -year of the reign, _i.e._ 251 B.C. If the statement of the Singhalese -("Mahavança," p. 22) were correct, that Açoka's consecration did not -take place till the fourth year of his reign, which is quite contrary to -Indian custom, and seems to have arisen from the desire to make the -coronation synchronise with the conversion to Buddhism (according to the -"Açoka-avadana," Açoka put on the royal head-dress at the moment when -Vindusara died, Burnouf, _loc. cit._ 364), there would be a -chronological difficulty. Alexander of Epirus died about the year 258 -B.C.; Magas of Cyrene in that year; consequently both were dead in the -thirteenth year after the coronation, the seventeenth year of Açoka, if -he ascended the throne in the year 263. The Buddhists have already told -us that Açoka showed himself favourable to their religion in the third -year after his accession, though it was not till the year 254 or 251 -that he formally went over. Hence, arrangements may have been made even -earlier with the kings of the West in favour of the spread of Buddhism, -and they may have been first mentioned in 251 or 247 B.C. Von Gutschmid, -"Z. D. M. G." 18, 373. He might also mention kings of the distant West -with whom he had had dealings, though they were dead, especially if he -was without intelligence of their death. - -[791] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 238. - -[792] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 239. - -[793] "Mahavança," p. 38. Köppen, "Rel. des Buddha," s. 154 ff. - -[794] Burnouf, "Lotus de la bonne loi," p. 725, 727. Cf. "Mahavança," -ed. Turnour, p. 251. A. Weber, "Ind. Studien," 3, 172. - -[795] Köppen, _loc. cit._ s. 182. - -[796] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 238. - -[797] Girnar, 6: in Lassen, 2^2, 267, _n._1. - -[798] Girnar, 6: in Lassen, 2^2, 267, _n._1. - -[799] Delhi, 2: in Lassen, 2^2, 268, _n._2. - -[800] Delhi, 2: in Lassen, 2^2, 272, _n._5. - -[801] Inscription at Delhi, Lassen, 2^2, 272. - -[802] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 250. - -[803] Inscriptions at Girnar, 6 and 8. - -[804] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 270. - -[805] Now Buddhagaya to the north-east of the modern Gaya; Cunningham, -"Survey," 1, 6, 10 ff. - -[806] Cunningham, _loc. cit._ 1, 40 ff. - -[807] On the elephant pillars at Sankisa, Cunningham, _loc. cit._ 1, -271. - -[808] Hiuan-Thsang, in Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 280. - -[809] Cunningham, "J. R. As. Soc." 13, 108 ff. - -[810] Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, 965. - -[811] Burnouf, "Lotus de la bonne loi," p. 762. Lassen, _loc. cit._ 2^2, -276, 277. - -[812] "Mahavança," ed. Turnour, p. 72.^1 - -[813] Cunningham, "J. R. As. Soc." 13, 112 ff. - -[814] _Supra_, p. 370, 371. In consequence of the difference explained -above (p. 320, _n._) the Singhalese place his reign 62 years too early, -from 307 to 267 B.C. - -[815] Mutu Coomara Dathavança. Köppen, "Rel. des Buddha," s. 517 ff. - -[816] "Mahavança," p. 171. - -[817] Stan. Julien, "Hiuen-Thsang," p. 373. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -RETROSPECT. - - -The Arians in India at an early time developed important spheres of -human nature into peculiar forms. In that tribal life, by no means -feeble of its kind, which they lived in the land of the Panjab, they -worshipped the spirits of fire, of light, of water; with deep religious -feeling they invoked these helpers, protectors, and judges, with -earnestness, zeal, and lively imagination. The movements of the -emigration and conquest of the Ganges, the acquisition of extensive -regions, led them forward on new paths. The emigrant tribes grew into -nations; greater monarchies grew up in the conquered territories. The -achievements of the forefathers were sung in heroic minstrelsy before -the princes and their companions, the wealthy warriors, the priests, and -the minstrels separated themselves from the peasants. The contrast -between the new masters of the valley of the Ganges and the ancient -population assisted in intensifying the distinction of orders among the -Arians. The fear of the spirits of night and drought, the conception of -the struggle of good and evil spirits, gave way before the abundance and -fertility of these new possessions. In the land of the Ganges the -sensuous perception of nature passed into fantastic ideas; the climate -inflamed the susceptible senses of the nation, while at the same time -it checked bodily activity and invited to contemplativeness. In -opposition to the multitude of the ancient divine forms and the gorgeous -variety of the new impressions of nature, rose the impulse to find the -unity of the divine essence, the need of combination. Abstraction -reacted on imagination, the spirit on the senses. The spirit in prayer, -the holy spirit, and the world-soul, that mighty breath which the -Brahmans seemed to find behind the changing phenomena of nature, were -amalgamated by the priesthood, and elevated to be the highest deity: -Indra, Varuna, Mitra must give way to Brahman as the nobles gave way to -the priests. Together with the new deity, who was at the same time the -order of the world, the Brahmans won for themselves the first position -in the state. - -The theory of the emanation of the world from Brahman established for -ever the arrangement of the castes by the different participation of the -various orders in Brahman--an arrangement which otherwise, being the -result of natural changes, would in turn have been removed in the course -of development. The law and the state were arranged on the plan of the -divine order of the world which had assigned to every being his duties. -With the emanation of beings from Brahman came the demand for their -return thither, and the doctrine of regenerations, which were to cleanse -the creatures rendered impure by their nature and their sins till they -attained the purity of the world-soul. As Brahman was essentially -conceived as not-matter, not-nature, a severance of nature and spirit, a -contrast of the natural and the intellectual man was set up, which -subsequently became the turning-point in the religious and moral -development of the Indians. Ethics passed into asceticism, the courage -of battle into the heroism of penance. But man could not rest content -with the avoidance of sensuality or the mortification of the flesh. It -was not enough to torment and crush the body, the _Ego_, the -consciousness, must pass into Brahman. But, inasmuch as Brahman was all -things and again nothing definite, it possessed no quality to be -apprehended by thought; and along with the annihilation of individual -being absorption in this impersonal deity required the surrender of the -consciousness and perception of self, of the _Ego_ in order to obtain a -passage into this substance. Thus the crushing of the body by a pitiless -asceticism, the destruction of the soul by meditation without any -object, became the highest command, the ethical ideal of the Indians; -the devotion natural to their disposition became a self-annihilating -absorption into a soul-less world-soul. The energy of the Indians began -to consume itself in this contest; it was applied to the conquest of the -appetites, the crushing of the body, the annihilation of the soul. Under -the most smiling sky, in the midst of a luxuriant vegetation, was -enthroned a melancholy, gloomy, monastic view of the absolute corruption -of the flesh, the misery of life on earth. - -The theory that every creature must fulfil the vocation imposed upon it -at birth, the commands of submissive observance of duties and patient -obedience placed absolute and despotic power in the hands of the kings -the more firmly because they also undermined activity and independence -of feeling; and owing to the extent of the ceremonial, the usages of -purification and penance, and the awful consequences of their neglect, -the people became accustomed to think more of the next world than of -this. As heaven alone was their home, the Indians had scarcely a real -world, or practical objects which it was worth while to strive after. -Without purpose or activity they were perpetually changing, they obeyed -an oppressive and exhausting despotism, which the theory of the Brahmans -justified as divine, and provided with the most acute regulations for -the maintenance and extension of its power. Thus the most beautiful and -luxuriant land on earth seemed really to become a vale of misery. - -The scholasticism of the Indians concentrated their efforts on framing -ever new conceptions of the categories of spirit and nature, of matter -and the _Ego_, which perpetually changed without ever breaking loose -from them. Their philosophy gained no object beyond establishing more -firmly their hypothesis, separating ever more widely nature and spirit, -body and soul, the fleshly and the supernatural, and rooting more deeply -a perverse view of nature. No doubt the appetites compensated themselves -for the pain and privation of penances, for the torments of asceticism, -in luxurious enjoyment; the imagination sought relief from the necessity -of thinking of Brahman and nothing but Brahman in painting a motley -world of spirits beside and below Brahman, by confounding heaven and -earth, by the restless invention of grotesque charms and miracles, by -brilliant pictures on a measureless scale. In the same way the reason -compensated itself for its exclusion from philosophy and the compulsion -exercised upon it by the most acute distinctions; yet no healthy advance -could be made by the alternation of asceticism and enjoyment, by -oscillation between hollow abstractions and unbridled imagination, the -most irrational view of the world and the most subtle reflections. - -Full of compassion for the sorrows of the multitude, distressed at the -sight of the oppression under which the people lay, repelled by the -cruel asceticism, the pride and exclusive scholasticism of the Brahmans, -Buddha undertook to provide the people with alleviation and bring help -to their pains. With him the world is Evil, and regeneration is the -eternity of evil. In order to escape this, as he was himself confined to -the current view of the world and philosophical systems, he could only -overthrow Brahman along with the gods; he could merely recommend the -restraint of the appetites and desires, patient suffering and -renunciation, flight from the world and the _Ego_, and in the last -instance a more complete annihilation of the _Ego_. It was nevertheless -a great gain that the body need no longer be tormented and destroyed, -that the difference of the castes was thrown into the background, that -the contempt of the higher born for the lower was laid aside. In the -place of an exclusive sense of caste came equality and brotherly love; -tolerance and gentleness in the place of ceremonial; expiations and -penances were superseded by a rational morality, and beneficial sympathy -with all creatures. To counteract the new doctrine which threatened the -entire position obtained after long struggles by the Brahmans, the -latter allowed the idea of Brahman to fall into the background, in order -to restore to the people the worship of living personal deities; they -were at pains to show that their deities also had the weal and woe of -mankind at heart; and if on the one hand they increased the merit of -asceticism and its requirements, they reduced on the other the value of -good works; they attempted to amalgamate Brahman and the theory of the -Buddhists by new speculations, and by means of a simple asceticism and a -mystical act of the spirit, to obtain readmission into the highest -being, and reunion with the world-soul. But even Buddhism provided its -doctrine, and its scepticism which denied everything beside matter and -the _Ego_, with a form of worship, not in the pilgrimages only, and the -worship of the relics of the Enlightened, but also in the apotheosis of -the teacher, and his elevation above the gods of the Brahmans. - -While the doctrines of the Brahmans and Buddhism strove with each other, -the extension of the Aryas in the south and the occupation of the coasts -of the Deccan went steadily on, and the first shock which an external -enemy brought upon India, the attack upon and reduction of the land of -the Indus by Alexander the Great, after the most vigorous resistance, -exercised the most beneficial influence on the states of India. -Chandragupta succeeded not only in breaking down the rule of the -foreigner over the Indus, but in uniting the territory of India from the -Indus to the Gulf of Bengal, from the Himalayas to the Vindhyas, into -one mighty kingdom. His grandson extended his kingdom over Surashtra, -Orissa, Kalinga; in the south his influence extended beyond the -Godavari. From this throne, three hundred years after the death of the -Enlightened, he announced his conversion to his faith, and proclaimed -his rules as laws of the state. This seemed to be the dawn of a happy -day for India. The combination of all the tribes could not but secure -the independence of the country; the oppression of the hereditary -despotism seemed to be softened by the prescripts of a rational -morality; a brisk trade with the West appeared to give the last blow to -the exclusiveness and rigidity of Brahmanism, and the religion of -equality and brotherly love seemed to assure the rise of a new social -order and a free movement of the intellectual powers of the people. - -A sterner fate overtook the Indians. It is true that even at the time of -Açoka the powerful neighbouring kingdom of the Seleucidĉ had begun to -fall to pieces; Parthia and Bactria had already attempted to assert -their independence, and though Antiochus the Great once more succeeded -in subjugating Bactria, and in the year 206 B.C. appeared with a -powerful army in the region of the Indus, Açoka's son and successor -Subhagasena (Polybius calls him Sophagasenus) was able at the price of a -number of elephants and some treasure to renew the league which his -grandfather Chandragupta had concluded with the first Seleucus, the -great-grandfather of Antiochus.[818] The re-established authority of the -Seleucidĉ over Bactria was of very brief continuance. It was not attacks -from without, but the dissensions of the grandsons of Açoka that rent -asunder the great Indian empire; the dynasty of the Mauryas fell. A new -race, that of the Çungas, ascended the throne of Magadha in the year 178 -B.C. with the kings Pushpamitra and Agnimitra, which thirty years after -had in turn to give place to the Guptas. Neither the power of the Çungas -nor that of the Guptas was sufficient to maintain the national unity, -and protect the regions of the West from the foreigner. The Greek -princes who ruled in Bactria conquered the lands of the Indus--native -Indian tradition presents us with armies of Yavanas on the right bank of -the Indus at this time[819]--and established a Grĉco-Indian empire, -which in the course of the second century B. C. carried its arms to the -Yamuna, and subjugated Cashmere as well as Surashtra to its rule.[820] -From the supremacy of Greek princes and the Greek character India -received various impulses of the most lively kind, especially in -architecture and plastic art; the influence of the Greek models extends -not only over the Panjab but even to Cashmere. This dominion of the -Greeks over the west of India was succeeded by other foreign empires, -that of the Sacĉ from Arachosia (Sejestan), that of the Tibetan nomads, -the Yuechis, the Indo-scyths from Bactria. If Buddhism had advanced to -Bactria under the Mauryas, elements of the religious views of Iran now -forced their way from Sejestan, the worship of the god Mithra, on which -they laid especial stress, by means of the Maga-Brahmans, _i.e._ the -Magian Brahmans, into the Panjab and Cashmere.[821] But the land of the -Ganges maintained its independence, the civilisation of the Deccan was -not interrupted, and the national forces still sufficed to remove at -length the power of the foreigner even in the West. - -For centuries after this date Buddhists and Brahmans stood side by side -in the Indian states of the West and East. Only the Guptas of Magadha -had worshipped Vishnu and Çiva;[822] the Sacan and Indo-Scythian princes -of the West were devoted to Buddhism. Yet Buddhism was unable finally to -triumph over the reformed doctrine of the Brahmans, supported as this -was by the worship of Vishnu or Çiva and the speculation and mysticism -of the Yoga. It had become divided into sects, of which the bases were -almost wholly of a dogmatic character; they rested on the different -philosophic foundations of the system. But the adherents of these sects -hated each other more than they hated the Brahmans, and the ethics of -the Buddhists preached only obedience, patience, submission, and -retirement from the world. It was no more adapted than the ethics of the -Brahmans to supply new impulses to the volition and activity of the -Indians, and in the end the bright world of gods and spirits of -Brahmanism, the magic powers and miracles of their ancient saints, -exercised a greater power of attraction on the hearts of the Indians -than the simpler doctrine of the Buddhists. The Veda, the Epos, and all -tradition was on the side of the Brahmans. The genuine Kshatriya could -not be satisfied with Buddha's peaceful doctrine; the Brahmans -maintained their position as presidents at the funeral feasts of the -tribes, and common interests of a very practical nature kept the sects -and even the schools of the Brahmans more closely together than was -possible among the various divisions of the Buddhists. When it had been -shown that Buddhism was not strong enough to overpower the old system, -the Brahmans succeeded in entirely overthrowing and expelling that -religion. The faith of the Enlightened maintained its ground in Cashmere -and Ceylon alone. Before its expulsion from its native home it had taken -such firm root in Nepal and Tibet, in further India and China, that it -was able from thence to humanise the manners of the nomads of Upper -Asia, and in the East to gain the most numerous adherents for the -religion of patience. - -In the extent of their territory and the numbers of the population the -Indians possessed an adequate natural basis for periodical -regenerations. The despotic power which the princes had attained not -without the assistance of the Brahmans, and which had the more injurious -consequences, the more completely the will of the subjects was absorbed -in the governing caprice rather than elevated to any moral communion, -found on the one hand a certain counterpoise in the close communities -and families, and on the other was far from being strong enough, from -having sufficient activity and development, to repress and dominate all -spheres of life. It had not kept the rich gifts of the Indians at the -point which they reached at the time of the conquest of Buddhism; it -had not been able to prevent new attempts, a new rise, and the elevation -of the depressed powers of will and body. The strongest check was the -establishment of the system of castes in full power, the restriction of -the circulation of the blood in the body of the nation, the severe -repression of free activity and purpose by the supposed divine -arrangement of the vocations and orders, the exclusive direction of the -heart and will to objects beyond this world. In this way a lasting -prohibition was imposed on the free play of the powers, and a false aim -was set up; while the physical health of the national body, the moral -health of the national spirit, which can only be maintained by the -counterpoise and reciprocal action of moral and intellectual impulses, -and the exertion of the will for attainable objects, was destroyed and -undermined to such a degree that stagnation prevailed and the soil -became sterile. - -Thus it happened that the state of the Aryans in the divided condition -in which they found themselves, and the limitations to which the -Brahmans had condemned their powers of will, in spite of the protected -position of their country and the numbers of the population, had not the -power to resist the attacks of Islam, and to prevent the erection of a -lasting alien empire on their soil, which finally subjugated the lands -of the Indus and the Ganges, and even the Deccan to a large extent, -almost indeed the whole of India, while it transplanted to the soil -numerous hordes of a foreign population. Precisely these districts which -had given the impulse to the development of the Indian nature, became in -the end the centre of this foreign dominion, while regions of the Deccan -peopled mainly by non-Arian races, who had been won over at a -comparatively late period by colonisation, made the most stubborn -resistance. The empire of the Great Mogul in the Deccan was able only -for a brief period to pass the Krishna to the south. - -Though the Indians were not powerful enough to resist the arms of Islam -they did resist its mania for conversion. Heavily as this pressed upon -them from time to time, the habit of asceticism, the hope of escaping -from the fetters of the soul with the death of the body, enabled them to -withstand the fiercest tyranny. Even now the most cowardly Bengalee can -die with the most dauntless courage. Thus the Indians were able to -maintain their religion, the results of their history and civilisation, -their whole intellectual possessions, against their Moslem masters. It -is true that all advance was at an end, that the limits were fixed -irrevocably, and could not be overstepped; but the mobility of the -Indian spirit within these was not suppressed. Indian poetry could -develop into artistic lyrics, into the drama, and didactic works; the -formal subtlety of the nation laboured with effect in grammar, algebra, -and logic. Even if the services of philosophy were mainly extensions, -developments, and variations of the old ideas, though theology -maintained her supremacy, and put and discussed anew the old questions, -by such activity and such labours, the intellectual life of the Indians -was preserved from sterility; they have placed the Indians in possession -of a considerable literature of the second growth, and maintained -unbroken their peculiar civilisation. - -The Pharaohs engraved the memorials of their reigns on artificial -mountains of stone, in order to preserve their deeds to the most remote -future; their subjects chiselled, painted, and wrote the remembrance of -their lives in their tombs, in order that no incident that had befallen -the dead might be forgotten. The Indians have not written their -history, because at a very early period they began to dedicate their -lives to the future world, and convinced themselves that the state was -nothing and religion everything. If among the Egyptians the name of a -man was to live for ever, and his body was to rest to all eternity in -its rocky grave, the Indians were tormented with exactly the opposite -desire: they wished to attain the end of the individual as quickly as -possible, to blot out existence without any return, and destroy the -remains of it as completely and rapidly as possible. The Egyptians -became painters, builders, masons, and sculptors; the Indians were -philosophers, ascetics, interpreters of dreams, mendicants, and poets. -The history of the Indians has passed into the acts of gods and saints; -it is lost in the chaos in which heaven and earth are confounded. Only -at home in heaven, in poetry, in philosophy, and imaginary systems, the -Indians had no ethical world on this side the grave, and therefore no -achievements of their princes, statesmen, or nations were worth the -trouble of recording. - -Religion has dominated the life of the Indians more thoroughly than that -of almost any other nation. This result would not have been attained by -the Brahmans, who never rose to an organised hierarchy, and were always -limited to the advantages of their order, the influence of worship and -doctrine, had not the feeling and heart of the people met them half way. -The victory of Brahman over Indra decided the fate of the Indians. All -attempts, even the most vigorous, to abandon Brahman merely led to -modifications of the leading idea; they did not remove it. This -pantheistic theory weakened the resolution of the Indians in the region -of politics and action; the consequences so severely and zealously drawn -from it have checked the ethical productiveness of the Indian spirit -and prevented its advance. - -The foundations of the Brahmanic system remain unmoved to this day. In -worship the Brahmans are tolerant. Every one is free to choose his -protecting deity; he may invoke Vishnu or Çiva, or any other god; he may -or may not go a pilgrimage to the Ganges, to Hurdwar, Jagannatha, and -other holy places; he may practise asceticism or omit it. In their -philosophy and schools they are also tolerant; one man may follow this -system, another that, provided that the world-soul is still retained. -But in the question of purification and the social question of caste -they are intolerant. The fixed scheme of the chief castes, to which the -Dvija is linked by investiture with the holy girdle, together with the -lower castes, the close castes of occupation within the main and -subordinate castes, and their numberless gradations, still remains. Even -now the castes which Manu's law destined to be servants observe this -command both towards natives of higher caste and foreigners. This -unnatural system is retained because in the eyes of the Indians it is -neither unrighteous nor unjust, but is rather the expression of divine -justice; birth in a higher or lower caste is the recompense for merit or -sin in earlier existences. Moreover, with the exception of the lowest -classes, the Pariahs and Chandalas, every man has an advantage over some -other class, and would lose by expulsion from his birthright as well as -by the suppression of the whole system. In India expulsion from the -caste means the surrender of all the relations of life; the loss of -social existence, of family, of the nearest connections; it implies a -fall to the lowest level, that of the expelled casteless man. No man has -any dealings with the expelled person; even his nearest relatives would -be denied if they gave him a draught of water. So careful are the -Indians of purity. The lowest Bengalee at the present day does not -hesitate, courteously but decidedly, to request the officer of the -ruling nation who visits his hut to leave it, that it may not be -defiled. - -In their national life the Indians have exhibited down to our days their -long-practised and often-tried courage of patience. As the old system of -religion and morals has bidden defiance to centuries, so do we find in -the Indians that tenacity which long and severe oppression is wont to -create in originally vigorous natures, that power of resistance which -bends but does not break, united with a cunning and love of intrigue by -which the oppressed revenges himself on the oppressor, against whom -force avails nothing. With this they have retained a costly possession, -that inclination towards the highest intellectual attainments which runs -through their whole history. This treasure is still vigorous in the -hearts of the best Indians, and appears the more certainly to promise a -brighter future, as the government which now controls the nation has -come to an earnest though late resolution to rule with the help of the -Indians for the good of the people, while the intellectual force and -cultivation of their western tribesmen are disclosing themselves ever -more clearly to the eager activity of eminent Hindus. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[818] Polyb. 11, 34. _Supra_, 452. - -[819] Wilson, "Vishnu-Purana," p. 470, 471. - -[820] Strabo, p. 516. - -[821] Communication from Prof. Albrecht Weber. - -[822] _Supra_, p. 331, _n._ - - - -END OF VOL. IV. - - - -BUNGAY: CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS. - -_J. D. & Co._ - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - -1. Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the chapters - in this text version. - -2. Certain words use oe ligature in the original. - -3. Obvious errors in punctuation have been silently corrected. - -4. Other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in - spelling, hyphenation, and ligature usage have been retained. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY, VOLUME IV -(OF 6)*** - - -******* This file should be named 40960-8.txt or 40960-8.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/0/9/6/40960 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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