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diff --git a/41910.txt b/41910.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 28b7813..0000000 --- a/41910.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,24694 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Rise of the Mediaeval Church, by -Alexander Clarence Flick - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Rise of the Mediaeval Church - And its Influence on the Civilization of Western Europe - from The First to the The Thirteen Century - -Author: Alexander Clarence Flick - -Release Date: January 24, 2013 [EBook #41910] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE OF THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Lisa Reigel, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Notes: Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been -left as in the original. Words in italics in the original are surrounded -by _underscores_. Words in bold in the original are surrounded by =equal -signs=. A row of asterisks represents a thought break. Ellipses match -the original. - -A few typographical errors have been corrected. A complete list as well -as other notes follows the text. - - - - - THE RISE OF THE - - MEDIAEVAL CHURCH - - AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE CIVILISATION OF - - WESTERN EUROPE FROM THE FIRST TO THE - - THIRTEENTH CENTURY - - - BY - - ALEXANDER CLARENCE FLICK, PH. D., LITT. D. - - - [Illustration] - - BURT FRANKLIN - New York, N. Y. - - - - - TO - - HENRY C. LEA - - Who through his numerous scholarly monographs has earned the foremost - place among American Church historians, both at home and abroad, - - AND TO - - PROFESSOR DOCTOR ADOLPH HARNACK - - To whom both the Old and the New World are profoundly indebted for his - scholarly labours, and from whose inspiration in public lectures and - private conferences this work derived much that is best in it, - - THIS BOOK IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED. - - - - -PREFACE - - -The educational value of any subject depends primarily upon its own -intrinsic value. The teaching of Church history for ten years as a -regular course in liberal arts, side by side with the "orthodox" courses -in history, has demonstrated beyond question that this subject can be -made at once very popular and very valuable. It has proved its right to -exist as a cultural subject. Yet the lack of intelligent information, -even among educated people, concerning the history of the Christian -Church, both in early and modern days, is simply appalling. - -The comparatively recent revival of interest in Church history has given -birth to many general Church histories from English and American -scholars. Numerous translations of discriminating and painstaking German -authors are also available. A large number of intensive monographs has -likewise appeared. But all these texts are written for classes in -theological schools. Not a single Church history suitable either for -regular college work, or for popular reading, is available; and yet all -the standard courses in history are provided with up-to-date texts and -illustrative material. - -This work is intended to meet the need I have felt in my own classes, -and have heard expressed from fellow teachers and laymen, for a simple -account of the evolution of the old Church minus all theological and -dogmatic discussions. The purpose has been to show the origin of the -Christian Church, its development in organisation, the forces which -produced the Papacy, and the marvellous, formative influence of the -Roman Church upon the civilisation of Western Europe. To that end the -principal lines of development are emphasised at every point, while the -subordinate influences have been minimised. Causes and results, -continuity and differentiation, and unity have been constantly kept in -mind. - -The subject-matter of this volume was worked out during a prolonged -residence in Europe. Most of that time was spent in Germany under the -inspiration of the foremost authorities in Church history, among whom -may be mentioned Professor Nippold of Jena, Professor Loofs of Halle, -Professor Hauck of Leipzig, and particularly Professor Harnack of -Berlin. The work of the lecture-room and seminar was supplemented by -investigation in the Royal Library of Berlin, the Vatican Library at -Rome, the National Library at Paris, and the Library of the British -Museum. The materials thus gathered were further organised and -elaborated in a course of lectures on Church history given in Syracuse -University. - -The references in the text and the bibliographies at the end of chapters -are given, so far as possible, to English sources. It is believed that -the exclusion of a pedantic list of foreign works will make the work -more useful. It is hoped that the student will be induced to go to the -library, the laboratory of the historian, and there by extensive and -intensive reading supplement the text. - -Should this volume prove to be of service, it will be followed by two -companion volumes--one on the Reformation and another on the modern -Church. It is further planned to publish a source-book on Church history -to supplement the texts. - -My indebtedness to books and men is so great that it would be impossible -to enumerate them here. While all sources have been laid under tribute, -special obligation is felt to many monographs and intensive studies. - - ALEXANDER C. FLICK. - -SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - CHAPTER I - - THE STUDY OF CHURCH HISTORY 1 - - OUTLINE: I.--Present status of history in college work. - II.--Ecclesiastical history excluded since the Reformation by - political history. III.--New view of the Mediaeval Church and - its influence. IV.--Renaissance of interest in Church history. - V.--Pedagogical value and treatment of Church history. - VI.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER II - - GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY ON CHURCH HISTORY 12 - - OUTLINE: I.--Primary materials. II.--Secondary materials. - III.--Sketch of the writing of Church history. IV.--Most - important collections of primary sources. V.--Most important - general Church histories. VI.--Dictionaries and encyclopedias. - VII.--Atlases and chronologies. VIII.--Text-books. - IX.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER III - - PREPARATION OF THE CIVILISED WORLD FOR THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 40 - - OUTLINE: I.--The ancient world. II.--Condition of the - civilised world at the time Jesus came. III.--How the - condition of the world prepared the way for Christianity. - IV.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER IV - - ORIGIN, SPREAD, AND ORGANISATION OF THE CHURCH DURING THE - APOSTOLIC AGE 52 - - OUTLINE: I.--Origin of the Christian Church. II.--Spread of - the Apostolic Church. III.--Organisation of the Early Church. - IV.--Conclusions. V.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER V - - THE ROMAN CHURCH AND PETER'S PRIMACY 71 - - OUTLINE: I.--Planting of the Church in Rome and its - organisation there. II.--The two opposing views of the Petrine - theory. III.--Proofs advanced for the Petrine theory. - IV.--Evidence given against the Petrine theory. V.--Historical - conclusions. VI.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER VI - - THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT'S TREATMENT OF THE CHRISTIANS 91 - - OUTLINE: I.--Religious persecutions before the Christian era. - II.--Christians first persecuted by the Jews. III.--Causes and - motives of persecution by the Roman government. IV.--Number - and general character of the persecutions. V.--Results of - persecutions. VI.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER VII - - TRANSITION OF THE CHURCH UNDER CONSTANTINE 112 - - OUTLINE: I.--Condition of the Empire in 300. II.--How - Constantine became Emperor. III.--Constantine's conversion to - Christianity. IV.--Constantine's favours to Christianity. - V.--Constantine's character. VI.--Constantine's historical - significance. VII.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER VIII - - THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA AND ITS RESULTS 131 - - OUTLINE: I.--Diversion of Christian thought in the early - Church. II.--The Arian controversy. III.--The Council of Nicaea - and its actions. IV.--Later history of Arianism. V.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER IX - - RISE OF THE PAPACY 148 - - OUTLINE: I.--Favourable conditions when the Christian era - began. II.--Forces at work up to 313. III.--Description of the - Roman Church in 313. IV.--Growth of the Papacy from 313 to - 604. V.--Condition of the Papacy at the close of this period, - 604. VI.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER X - - RISE OF THE PAPACY (_Continued_) 164 - - - CHAPTER XI - - MONASTICISM 198 - - OUTLINE: I.--Importance of the institution of monasticism. - II.--Antecedents and analogies. III.--Causes of the origin of - Christian monasticism. IV.--Evolution of Christian - monasticism. V.--Spread of group monasticism from the East to - the West. VI.--Development of monasticism in Western Europe. - VII.--Opposition to monasticism. VIII.--Results and influences - of monasticism. IX.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XII - - SPREAD OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH OVER EUROPE 229 - - OUTLINE: I.--Extent of Christianity under Gregory the Great. - II.--Character of missionary work from the sixth to the tenth - century. III.--Conversion of the British Isles. - IV.--Conversion of the Franks. V.--Conversion of the Germans. - VI.--Conversion of Scandinavia. VII.--Planting of the Church - among the Slavs. VIII.--Efforts to convert the Mohammedans. - IX.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XIII - - SEPARATION OF THE ROMAN AND GREEK CHURCHES 265 - - OUTLINE: I.--Relation of the Greek and Roman Churches before - 325. II.--Effect of the Arian Controversy on the situation. - III.--The history of image worship. IV.--Character and results - of the Iconoclastic Controversy. V.--Final separation. - VI.--Resemblances and differences between the two churches. - VII.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XIV - - RELATION OF THE CHURCH AND STATE UP TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE - CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE 289 - - OUTLINE: I.--Church and state before Constantine. II.--Church - and state from Constantine to 476. III.--Period of the - Ostrogothic rule (476-552). IV.--Reunion of Italy with the - Eastern Empire. V.--Alliance between the Papacy and the - Franks. VI.--Restoration of the Empire in the West in 800. - VII.--Effect of the rise of national states on the Church. - VIII.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XV - - THE PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS AND THE PAPAL CONSTITUTION 326 - - OUTLINE: I.--What were the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals? - II.--Condition of Europe when the Decretals appeared. - III.--Purpose of the forgery. IV.--Character and composition. - V.--Time, place, and personality of authorship. - VI.--Significance and results. VII.--Nicholas I. and papal - supremacy. VIII.--Decline of spirituality in the Church. - IX.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XVI - - ORGANISATION, LIFE, AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE CHURCH, SIXTH TO - NINTH CENTURY 347 - - OUTLINE: I.--Organisation of the papal hierarchy. II.--Moral - condition of the clergy and laity. III.--Great activity and - wide influence of the Church. IV.--The ordeals and the Church. - V.--Church discipline: excommunication and interdict, and - penance. VI.--Worship; the mass; preaching; hymns. VII.--The - sacraments. VIII.--Relics and saints. IX.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XVII - - THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY 384 - - OUTLINE: I.--Decline of the Empire under the later Carolingians. - II.--Preparations to restore the Empire on a German basis. - III.--Otto the Great creates the Holy Roman Empire. IV.--Holy - Roman Empire attains its height under Henry III. V.--Results - of the creation of the Holy Roman Empire. VI.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XVIII - - PREPARATIONS FOR THE HILDEBRANDINE REFORMATION 418 - - OUTLINE: I.--Decline of the Papacy after Nicholas I. - (858-867). II.--Reform efforts before the time of Hildebrand. - III.--The youth and education of Hildebrand. IV.--The - Hildebrandine Popes. V.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XIX - - GREGORY VII. AND HIS WORK 445 - - OUTLINE: I.--Condition of the Church in 1073. II.--Election of - Hildebrand as Pope. III.--Gregory VII.'s matured papal theory - and reform ideas. IV.--His efforts to realise his ideals. - V.--The investiture strife. VI.--Conclusions. VII.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XX - - THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CRUSADES 476 - - OUTLINE: I.--The rise and spread of Mohammedanism. - II.--Positive and negative causes of the Crusades. - III.--Character and description of the Crusades. IV.--Results - and influences of the Crusades. V.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XXI - - RISE OF THE MENDICANT ORDERS IN THE CHURCH 510 - - OUTLINE: I.--Monasticism before the Crusades. II.--Effect of - the Crusades on monasticism. III.--Origin of the begging - orders. IV.--Rise and influence of the Dominicans. V.--Origin - and power of the Franciscans. VI.--Wide-spread results of - mediaeval monasticism. VII.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XXII - - INNOCENT III. AND THE CHURCH AT ITS HEIGHT 544 - - OUTLINE: I.--Antecedent preparation for this period. - II.--Career of Innocent III. up to 1198. III.--Innocent III.'s - plans and ideals as Pope. IV.--Condition of Europe at the - close of the twelfth century. V.--Innocent III. makes himself - the political head of Europe. VI.--Innocent III.'s efforts to - root out heresy and reform the Church. VII.--Innocent III.'s - character and the general results of his pontificate. - VIII.--Sources. - - - CHAPTER XXIII - - THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AT ITS HEIGHT 569 - - OUTLINE: I.--Characteristics of the thirteenth century. - II.--Territorial extent and wealth of the Church. - III.--Organisation of the papal hierarchy completed. IV.--The - legal system of the Church. V.--The official language and - ritual of the Church. VI.--The sacramental system. VII.--The - employment of art. VIII.--The Church moulded the civilisation - of Europe. IX.--Sources. - - - INDEX 607 - - - - -THE RISE OF THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE STUDY OF CHURCH HISTORY[1:1] - - OUTLINE: I.--Present status of history in college work. - II.--Ecclesiastical history excluded since the Reformation by - political history. III.--New view of the mediaeval Church and - its influence. IV.--Renaissance of interest in Church history. - V.--Pedagogical value and treatment of Church history. - VI.--Sources. - - -Half a century ago a prominent educator observed: "There is something -remarkable in the actual condition of the study of Church history. While -it seems to be receiving more and more cultivation from a few of us, it -fails to command the attention of the educated public in the same -proportion. We are strongly of the opinion that beyond the requisitions -of academical and professional examination there is very little reading -of Church history in any way."[1:2] Only twenty-five years ago Professor -Emerton, upon taking the chair of ecclesiastical history in Harvard -University, could say with truth: "There are to-day not more than half -a dozen colleges in the country where any adequate provision for an -independent department of history has been made."[2:1] At the present -time, happily, the condition so much deplored in the last quotation has -been remedied to a very large degree. Every great university in America -has a well-organised faculty of history and allied subjects, while a -large majority of the smaller institutions of higher education have -regularly organised departments of history with instructors, -well-trained at home or abroad, who devote all their time to the -subject. - -But, notwithstanding these facts, the statement made about Church -history still remains essentially true. The political, industrial, -educational, and social sides of history have been emphasised by the -creation of new departments with new courses of study, and by the -writing of many text-books, monographs, and general treatises. -Professorships of sociology, political economy, political science, -constitutional law, education, and literature have been created in -unprecedented numbers. Ecclesiastical history, on the contrary, has been -all but ignored. Even in Germany, where the greatest strides have been -made in the subject, it is still relegated to the theological faculty, -though the number of philosophical students selecting it often exceeds -that of the theological--a very significant fact. In America it would be -difficult to point out more than a very few universities or colleges -where a chair in Church history is put on an equality with chairs of -other branches of history or of correlated subjects. Its proper place, -in both scholastic and popular estimation, is in the theological -seminary, and there it has always remained as a "professional" study. -Even in this restricted sense, however, its intrinsic worth has placed -it among the most important courses in the curriculum, and has given it -a standing beyond "professional" circles. Some of America's greatest -scholars have contributed powerfully, through the class-room, lectures, -and books, to give Church history its rightful place both as a -"professional" and as a "liberal" branch of learning. - -Until Luther led the great reformatory schism in the sixteenth century, -all historians, crude and unscientific though much of their work was, -recognised the necessary union of political and ecclesiastical history. -The Venerable Bede began his celebrated history not with the coming of -Abbot Augustine and his monks, but with the landing of Caesar and his -Roman cohorts. As modern civilisation crept over western Europe and -crossed the mighty deep to Columbia's shores, carrying with it the -revolutionising Teutonic conception of the national state with its new -duties and relationships, the tendency was to magnify the political and -social sides of history at the expense of the religious. The hatreds and -misunderstandings of the Reformation, though doing something to rectify -the "orthodox" history of the old Church, really put members of the old -organisation wholly on the defensive, and checked for centuries anything -like a genuinely sympathetic and scientific study of the old Church by -Protestant historians. With Neander, that sympathetic Christian of -Jewish descent, and the scholarly Gieseler, a new era opened. The -growing doctrine of the separation of Church and state accentuated the -breach between political and religious history. The early crude -conception of specialisation also separated sacred from profane -history, and turned the former over wholly to the theologian. Secular -historians took the position of Napoleon when invited to enter the Holy -City: "Jerusalem does not enter into the line of my operations." - -At last the Church historian and the civic historian have joined hands, -and look each other in the face. They see that their aim is essentially -common: to know the truth about the past. This search for truth for its -own sake is purely modern--almost contemporaneous. Formerly, history was -written to justify or disprove some theory of political or -ecclesiastical polity, or to glorify some dynasty, sect, party, or hero, -or to vindicate some hypothesis or set of ideas. The historian was not a -searcher for truth, but a lawyer with a cause to plead. It is generally -realised now that the historian, whether he deals with the state, the -Church, society, education, or industry, is working an important part of -the field of general history. A knowledge of each one of these -institutions is necessary to supplement and explain any or all of the -others. - -This institutional interdependence seems to be generally recognised now. -"The web of history," said Professor Hatch in beginning his great work -at Oxford, "is woven of one piece; it reflects the unity of human life, -of which it is the record. We cannot isolate any group of facts and -consider that no links of causation connect them with their predecessors -or their contemporaries. Just as Professor Freeman insists on the -continuity of history, so I wish to insist on its solidarity."[4:1] The -mutual labours of scholars in correlating fields have revolutionised -our historical knowledge of the early and later Middle Ages. A multitude -of controverted points have vanished like ghosts. We see the old Church -now as we never saw it before. The Catholic Church and the mediaeval -papacy were the greatest of the creations of the first fifteen centuries -of the Christian era. The mediaeval Church was not exclusively a -religious organisation. It was more of an ecclesiastical state. It had -laws, lawyers, courts, and prisons. If not born into it, all the people -of western Europe were at least baptised into it. It levied taxes on its -subjects. Standards of patriotism and treason were more sharply defined -than in the modern state.[5:1] The evolution of this great organisation -is the central fact of the first thirteen centuries after Christ. It -aimed to control the whole life of its subjects here and to determine -their destiny hereafter. Well may our greatest American Church -historian, Henry C. Lea, ask: "What would have been the condition of the -world if that organisation had not succeeded in bearing the ark of -Christianity through the wilderness of the first fifteen -centuries?"[5:2] - -The history of Europe, then, after the Roman period must be looked at -through the eyes of the Church. The character and works of that great -institution must first be studied, not pathologically but -sympathetically. The historian, if honest, dare not show a "lack of -appreciation of the service rendered to humanity by the organisation -which in all ages has assumed for itself the monopoly of the heritage of -Christ."[5:3] He must recognise the fact that "ecclesiastical history is -simply the spiritual side of universal history."[6:1] "The value of a -science depends on its own intrinsic merits," says Alzog.[6:2] When the -great Teacher commanded from the Mount of Olives, "Go ye into all the -world and preach the gospel," that mount became the pivot on which the -whole world's history has turned. - - If the Christian religion be a matter, not of mint, anise, and - cummin, but of justice, mercy, and truth; if the Christian - religion be not a priestly caste, or a monastic order, or a - little sect, or a handful of opinions, but the whole - congregation of faithful men dispersed throughout the world; - if the very word which of old represented the chosen "people" - is now to be found in the "laity"; if the biblical usage of - the phrase "ecclesia" literally justifies Tertullian's - definition: _Ubi tres sunt laici, ibi est ecclesia_; then the - range of the history of the Church is as wide as the range of - the world which it was designed to penetrate.[6:3] - -The great difficulty with the study of Church history in the past has -been that teachers treated it wholly from a theological standpoint. That -may have been proper when the subject was viewed as a narrow -"professional" study only. A new and better conception of the subject, -however, as a part of the pregnant history of humanity, has brought with -it a higher estimation of its value as a cultural study. All that can be -claimed for historical studies in general can be claimed for it: mental -discipline, broad culture, a view of practical life, enlarged sympathies -and lessened prejudices, a truer conception of duty, and a saner -estimate of the significance of current events. In addition it may be -ventured that no subject can be of greater vital importance to the -student for the very reason that it deals with the most important of all -subjects. In order to do the most good as a liberal branch of learning, -Church history must be taught not as theology or dogma, but as a -powerful civilising institution like the state or the school. Then it -will be true that "neither can the profane historian, the jurist, the -statesman, the man of letters, the artist, nor the philosopher safely -neglect the study of Church history."[7:1] For each one of these -persons, as well as the minister, needs that "pragmatic view" of all the -changes and developments of the Christian Church and the influence it -has exerted on all other human relations.[7:2] - -Within the last few years, however, there has been a noticeable -awakening of interest in Church history both within and without college -walls. The indefatigable labours of a few men like Henry C. Lea, who has -given us a series of invaluable monographs on the history of the old -Church, have had much to do with the new status of Church history. -Universities are already recognising courses in Church history offered -by divinity schools as "liberal arts" electives for undergraduate and -postgraduate study. The writers of recent text-books on general history, -as well as in particular fields, recognise the revolution and try to -make amends for the sin of omission by giving the Church a prominence -never recognised before by secular historians.[7:3] Publishers have felt -the popular pulse and, consequently, "Studies" and "Epochs" covering -the whole range of Church history have appeared in cheap and popular -form from the pen of scholar and compiler. Foreign works have been -translated. Journals devoted to the study of Church history have been -established. Lectureships have been created and endowed. Societies have -been organised to further the work. Convenient editions of the "sources" -are appearing. Everywhere there seems to be a reaction in favour of this -misunderstood and neglected subject. An army of scholars is at work -digging valuable material out of old monasteries, royal archives, -private libraries, cemeteries and churches, catacombs, and every -conceivable place of concealment. These labours are being rewarded by -rich discoveries of valuable materials, which are immediately critically -edited by competent hands and printed in translations suitable for all -students. Huge collections of these sources are appearing in most of the -European countries.[8:1] - -The most significant evidence of reaction, however, lies in the fact -that the most recent courses offered on the Middle Ages in our leading -universities are essentially courses in Church history. The name matters -little so long as students approach the instructive history of western -Europe from the right standpoint. Thus, at length, has come the -fulfilment of the prophecy of Professor Koethe (d. 1850), made many -years ago: "It is reserved to future ages, and in a special sense to the -institutions of learning, to give to Church history its proper place in -the curriculum of studies. When its nature and importance come to be -fully known and appreciated it will be no longer limited to one -faculty." - -The best pedagogical methods must be applied to Church history in order -to obtain the best results. To that end these practical suggestions are -offered: - -1. Emphasis ought to be laid on ideas back of events rather than on the -events themselves. - -2. The important ought to be distinguished from the unimportant at every -step. Athanasius and Augustine are worthier subjects of study than -Flavian and Optatus. The invasion and conversion of the Teutons are more -important than disputes over Easter or the shape of the tonsure. - -3. Original sources ought to be used so far as possible. History should -be studied "from the sources of friend and foe, in the spirit of truth -and love, _sine ira et studio_."[9:1] - -4. Both Protestant and Catholic secondary authorities ought to be read -on every important controverted point. - -5. Origins ought to be studied with special care. - -6. Transition periods rather than crises ought to be given the most -time. - -7. Biographies of epoch-making men like Constantine, Gregory the Great, -Charlemagne, Hildebrand, St. Francis, Innocent III., etc., ought to be -carefully considered. - -8. Causes and results ought to be closely worked out and -classified.[9:2] - -9. The continuity of the Church as a great force in the world ought to -be ever kept in mind.[9:3] - -10. Differentiation ought to be thoughtfully noted through the ages. - -11. The unity of history--the influence of the Church upon every other -institution--ought to be followed from one transitional period to -another. - -12. The sympathetic attitude ought to be taken at all times in judging -men and movements. The student ought to stand in the centre of the -circle so that he may see all points of the circumference--all persons, -all events, all parties, all creeds, all sects, all shades of -opinion--and see their true historical relations. - - -SOURCES - - 1.--Bright, W., _The Study of Church History_. In _Waymarks of - Church History_. N. Y., 1894. - - 2.--Cave, A., _Introduction to the Study of Theology_. Edinb., - 1885, 421 _ff._ - - 3.--Collins, W. E., _The Study of Ecclesiastical History_. N. - Y., 1903. - - 4.--Coxe, A. C., _Institutes of Christian History_. Chicago, - 1887. - - 5.--De Witt, J., _Church History as a Science, as a Theological - Discipline, and as a Mode of the Gospel_. Cinc., 1883. - - 6.--Foster, F. H., _The Seminary Method of Original Study in the - Historical Sciences_. N. Y., 1888. - - 7.--Gwatkin, H. M., _The Meaning of Ecclesiastical History_. - Camb., 1891. - - 8.--Hatch, E., _An Introductory Lecture on the Study of - Ecclesiastical History_. Lond., 1885. - - 9.--Hitchcock, R. D. _The True Idea and Uses of Church History_. - N. Y., 1856. - - 10.--Jortin, J., _The Use and Importance of Ecclesiastical - History_. _Works_, vii., 405-454. Lond., 1772. - - 11.--Lea, H. C., _Studies in Church History_. Introd. Phil., - 1869. - - 12.--McGiffert, A. C., "The Historical Study of Christianity." - _Bibliotheca Sacra_, Jan., 1893, 150-171. - - 13.--Robinson, J. H., _Sacred and Profane History_. In _An. Rep. - Am. Hist. Assn._ 1899, i., 527. - - 14.--Smith, H. B., "Nature and Worth of the Science of Church - History." _Bibliotheca Sacra_, vol. vii., 1851, 412. See - _Faith and Philosophy_, Edinb. and N. Y., 1877, 49-86. - - 15.--Smyth, E. C., _Value of the Study of Church History in - Ministerial Education_. Andover, 1874. - - 16.--Stanley, A. P., _Three Introductory Lectures on the Study of - Ecclesiastical History_. In _History of the Eastern - Church_. Lond. and N. Y., 1884, 17-76. - -See the introductions of the Church histories of Schaff, Gieseler, -Alzog, Moeller, Kurtz, Hase, Doellinger, and Hergenroether. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1:1] Reprinted from _The Methodist Review_, Jan., 1905. - -[1:2] _Bib. Rep._, vol. xxvi. - -[2:1] _Unit. Rev._, vol. xix. - -[4:1] Hatch, _An Introductory Lecture on the Study of Ecclesiastical -History_, London, 1885. Comp. Gwatkin, _The Meaning of Ecclesiastical -History_, Cambridge, 1891. - -[5:1] Maitland, _Canon Law in the Church of England_, London, 1898, 100, -101. - -[5:2] Lea, _Studies in Church History_, p. iii. - -[5:3] _Ibid._ - -[6:1] Gwatkin, _The Meaning of Ecclesiastical History_, 8. - -[6:2] Alzog, _Universal Church History_, i., Sec. 13. - -[6:3] Stanley, _Eastern Church_, Introduction, 25. - -[7:1] Alzog, i., 32. - -[7:2] Gieseler, _Ecclesiastical History_, sec. 3 and 7. - -[7:3] Examine recently published texts like Emerton, _Mediaeval Europe_, -Robinson, _History of Western Europe_, Munro, _A History of the Middle -Ages_, etc. - -[8:1] The _Monumenta_ in Germany, the _Rolls Series_ in England, etc. - -[9:1] Schaff, _Church History_, preface. - -[9:2] Mace, _Method in History_, 27-39. - -[9:3] Freeman, _Methods of Historical Study_, Lond. and N. Y., 1886. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY ON CHURCH HISTORY - - OUTLINE: I.--Primary materials. II.--Secondary materials. - III.--Sketch of the writing of Church history. IV.--Most - important collections of primary sources. V.--Most important - general Church histories. VI.--Dictionaries and encyclopedias. - VII.--Atlases and chronologies. VIII.--Text-books. - IX.--Sources. - - -All our information about the origin, life, and growth of the Christian -Church comes from the revelation of evidence which is termed sources. -These sources are partly original, or primary, and partly secondary. For -the student of history both kinds of sources have a definite character -and value, and are, therefore, of peculiar interest. Some knowledge -about the scope and nature of the sources is necessary for an intelligent -view of any field of history. At the same time it is clear that any -person presuming to pose as an authority on a given phase of history -must not only be thoroughly acquainted with the varied contributions of -all secondary works, but must also be a master of the character and -worth of all first-hand materials. - -The primary sources are simply the records and remains left by the -people who lived at any given time. Such materials, it will be readily -seen, give the nearest and truest account of the ideas, feelings, -motives, and beliefs, as well as of the deeds and actions, of man. An -original source is, therefore, merely a source back of which one cannot -go for historical information. It is apparent, consequently, that the -primary sources are the more important because they are the very -foundations of history. "No documents, no history," tersely declared -Langlois. The primary sources put us in vital connection with the -thoughts, doings, and institutions of past times. In them one sees -reflected the spirit of the age. Every line, every word, is a -revelation. The student is led to feel history, to actually know men and -women of the past, and thus to comprehend our own civilisation in the -earlier periods of its evolution. The primary sources cannot be accepted -and assigned their true value, however, until their authenticity and -genuineness are determined, and the element of personal equation is -taken into account. Even then final judgment can never be absolute. - -For the sake of giving a clear conception of the range of the primary -sources the following classification may be of assistance: - -A.--Written sources of the subjoined kind: - - I.--Public official documents: - - 1. Acts of councils and synods. - - 2. Letters, bulls, briefs, rescripts, and regests of popes, - patriarchs, and bishops. - - 3. Confessions of faith. - - 4. Liturgies, hymns, etc. - - 5. Church canons and laws, and monastic rules. - - 6. Decrees and letters of kings, nobles, and civic assemblies. - - 7. Laws of states. - - II.--Private writings of personal actors and observers: - - 1. The Apostles. - - 2. Church fathers. - - 3. Heretics and reformers. - - 4. Heathen. - - 5. Chroniclers and historians. - - 6. Missionaries. - - 7. Clergy and laity. - - III.--Inscriptions on churches, public buildings, tombs, - monuments, coins, seals, etc. - -B.--Unwritten sources of the following character: - - I.--Buildings: - - 1. Churches and baptisteries. - - 2. Tombs and monuments. - - 3. Civic edifices. - - 4. Private dwellings. - - II.--Art: - - 1. Sculpture--images and emblems. - - 2. Painting and fresco. - - 3. Mosaics. - - 4. Ecclesiastical vestments and ornaments. - - 5. Church furniture and vessels. - - III.--Rites and ceremonies. - - IV.--Oral traditions. - -The secondary sources are those that are compiled from a study of the -original sources, or from other secondary works, or from both, as is -more likely to be the case. This class of material is very abundant, and -varies greatly in character and value because of the striking difference -in authorship, style, and purpose. It is always necessary, therefore, -carefully to discriminate the wheat from the chaff and to be able easily -to recognise the "earmarks" of a reliable authority. Many of the works -produced by modern scientific scholarship are excellent in every -respect, and, in many fields of historical study, absolutely -indispensable. Secondary sources may be divided as follows: - -A.--Written works: - - I.--History: - - 1. General treatises based upon either primary sources, or - secondary materials, or both. - - 2. Encyclopedias and dictionaries. - - 3. Monographs, essays, and articles. - - II.--Fiction: - - 1. Novels. - - 2. Poetry. - - 3. Drama. - -B.--Unwritten: - - I.--Oral traditions and reports. - - II.--Transmitted rites and ceremonies. - - III.--Works of art copied from originals. - -The earliest account of the history of the Christian Church extant is -the New Testament. The "Memoirs" of Hegesippus, a converted Jew of the -second century, is the first known effort to record the growth of the -Church, but all his books are lost.[15:1] Eusebius, the Greek bishop, -called the "Father of Church history," wrote a comprehensive -_Ecclesiastical History_ to 324. Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, each -after his own ideal, continued the narrative of Eusebius. Rufinus -translated the work of Eusebius into Latin and continued it to 395, -while Epiphanius translated Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret into Latin -and brought the record to 518. Theodorus and Evagrius were also -continuators of these early works. Sulpicius Severus, a Gallic monk of -noble birth, penned a fabulous chronicle of little worth. - -The Middle Ages produced little of real value in the field of Church -history. The chronicles represent the best output. A few scholars of the -Eastern Church, the Byzantine historians, the annalists of the Latin -Church, and several specialists like Gregory of Tours and the Venerable -Bede, complete the list. The lives of saints, however, abound. - -The fierce controversial spirit of the Reformation produced two -monumental works. Matthias Flacius, aided by other Protestant scholars, -in the _Magdeburg Centuries_, sought to reveal the whole disreputable -career of the old Church. This keen voluminous work of the Reformers -called forth from the learned Italian, Baronius, a powerful defence of -the Roman Church in his _Ecclesiastical Annals_. Bossuet, a Frenchman, -in his _Discourse on Universal History_, made a severe attack on -Protestantism, while Tillemont, a Gallic nobleman of Jansenist faith, -wrote critically and with more moderation. In Germany, Hottinger, -Spanheim, and Arnold vindicated the Reformation. Following the earlier -age of fierce theological controversy, Semler, Henke, Schmidt, Hume, and -Gibbon wrote in a very rationalistic style and spirit. - -During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, German scholars have led -the world in their contributions to Church history. The great Mosheim -made a pronounced improvement in the writing of Church history and -introduced the modern scientific method. He was not alone the most -learned theologian of his age in Germany, but was critical in the best -sense, honest and impartial. His disciple, Schroeckh, wrote a work of -forty-five volumes of considerable value. Gieseler improved on -Mosheim's method and wrote an ideal outline of Church history with full -citations to all the known sources. Neander, "a giant in learning, and a -saint in piety," gave the world an epoch-making _General History of the -Christian Religion and Church_ (1825-52). His writings and his ideals -have influenced nearly every Church historian since his death, when it -was said, "The last of the Church Fathers has gone." Among his immediate -pupils are Hagenbach, Kurtz, Guericke, Niedner, and Semisch. - -Baur founded the celebrated "Tuebingen School" and did some excellent -work in the Ante-Nicene period. Strauss, Zeller, Schenkel, Rothe, and -Nippold are the most prominent among his followers. - -The names of other German historians who have laboured in this domain of -knowledge are so numerous that only a few of the most prominent will be -mentioned. Chief among the Protestants are Hase, Gfroerer, Ebrard, -Herzog, Moeller, Mueller, Loofs, Hauck, and Harnack; among the Roman -Catholic writers are Stolberg, Katerkamp, Doellinger, Alzog, Pastor, -Hefele, Hergenroether and Janssen. - -Although British scholarship has not devoted itself so zealously to the -writing of Church history, yet some excellent contributions have been -made by such men as Pusey, Keble, Newman, Waddington, Milman, Stanley, -Stubbs, Robertson, Greenwood, Vaughan, Perry, Lingard, Creighton, -Gwatkin, Tozer, Hatch, and Orr. - -American interest in the field of Church history is largely the product -of the last thirty years. Most conspicuous among the contributors are -Smith, Lanson, Shedd, Schaff, Fisher, Sheldon, Dryer, Hurst, Newman, -McGiffert, and Henry C. Lea. - -At the present time in every Christian country a corps of well-trained -scholars are devoting their lives to nearly every phase of Church -history, and the outlook is most gratifying. - -The literature on Church history, taken as a whole, is perhaps more -voluminous than that on any other phase of history. The use of the -sources is, in consequence, at the very outset a problem of selection. -It is apparent, therefore, that the following brief lists are not meant -to be exhaustive. Only the most valuable collections of original -documents, and also the most reliable books of a secondary character are -included. Special care has been taken to mention all useful collections -of sources in the English language. At the conclusion of each chapter -will be found references to the sources on special topics. - - -THE MOST IMPORTANT COLLECTIONS OF PRIMARY SOURCES ARE: - -A.--Official Documents: - - I.--In English: - - 1.--Brett, T., _Collection of the Principal Liturgies_. - Lond., 1838. - - 2.--Fulton, J., _Index Canonum_. N. Y., 1892. - - 3.--Gee, H., and Hardy, W. J., _Documents Illustrative of - English Church History_. N. Y., 1896. - - 4.--Hammond, C. E., _Liturgies, Eastern and Western_. Lond., - 1878. - - 5.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the - Middle Ages_. Lond. and N. Y., 1892. - - 6.--Neale, J. M., _The Liturgies of St. Mark, St. James, St. - Clement, St. Chrysostom, and St. Basil_. 2 vols. Lond., - 1859. - - 7.--Neale, J. M., and Webb, B., _The Symbolism of Churches - and Church Ornaments_. Lond. and N. Y., 1893. - - 8.--Ogg, F. A., _Source-Book of Mediaeval History_. N. Y., - 1908. - - 9.--Palmer, W., _Origines Liturgicae_. 2 vols. Lond., 1845. - - 10.--Roberts and Donaldson, _Ante-Nicene Christian Library_. - Vol. xxiv. Edinb., 1872. - - 11.--Robinson, J. H., _Readings in European History_. Vol. i. - Boston, 1906. - - 12.--Schaff, P., _The Creeds of Christendom_. 3 vols. N. Y., - 1878. - - 13.--Swainson, C. A., _The Greek Liturgies_. Lond. and N. Y., - 1884. - - 14.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source Book for Mediaeval History_. - N. Y., 1907. - - 15.--University of Penn., _Translations and Reprints of - Original Sources of European History_. Phil., 1894 to - present. - - 16.--Winer, G. B., _Comparative View of the Doctrines and - Confessions of Christendom_. Edinb., 1887. - - II.--In Foreign Languages: - - 1.--Councils and Synods: - - (1).--Binius, S., _Concilia Generalia et Provincialia Graeca - et Latina_. 4 vols. Best ed., Cologne, 1606. - - (2).--Labbe, P., _Concilia_. 18 vols. Paris, 1671. Carried - by others to 1727. - - (3).--Hardouin, J., _Conciliorum Collectio_. 12 vols. Paris, - 1715. - - (4).--Mansi, G. D., _Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima - Collectio_. 31 vols. Flor., 1759-98. Most complete - collection to 1509. New edition now out. - - 2.--Bulls, Acts, Briefs, Rescripts, and Regests: - - (1).--_Bullae Diversorum Pontificum a Joanne XXII. ad - Julium III. ex Bibliotheca Ludovici Gomes._ Rome, 1550. - This is the oldest collection, but it contains only - fifty documents. - - (2).--Cherubini made the first comprehensive collection of - bulls and briefs from Leo I. to 1585. It is known as the - _Magnum Bullarium Romanum_. - - (3).--Maynardus, _Bullarium Magnum_. 19 vols. Luxemb., - 1739-68. Contains bulls from Leo I. to Benedict XIV. - - (4).--Coquelines made a similar collection at Rome in 14 - vols., 1733-48. Barbarini added 6 more vols. Rome, 1835. - - (5).--Tomassetti has made the latest collection of bulls - from Leo I. to the nineteenth century. 25 vols. Turin, - 1857-72. - - (6).--The best collections of early papal briefs were made - by Coustant, Paris, 1721; Schoenemann, Goetting., 1796; - Thiel, Braunsberg, 1867-8. - - (7).--Jaffe, P., _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_ (to 1198). - Ber., 1881-88. 2 vols. - - (8).--Potthast, A., _Regesta Pontificum_. (1198 to 1304). - Ber., 1873. 2 vols. - - (9).--Kehr, _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_ (to 1198). - Berlin, 1906-7. 2 vols. - - (10).--The _Liber Pontificalis_ gives the history of the - popes down to the end of the ninth century. Duchesne's - ed. the most complete. Rome, 1886-92. Mommsen's ed. - excellent. - - (11).--Mirbt, C., _Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums_. 2d - ed., 1903. - - 3.--Creeds, Liturgies, and Hymns: - - (1).--Walch, C. W. F., _Bibliotheca Symbolum Vetus_. - Lemgo., 1770. - - (2).--Niemeyer, A. H., _Collectio Confessionum in Ecclesiis - Reformatis Publicatarum_. Leipz., 1840. - - (3).--Kimmel, E. J., _Monumenta Fidei Ecclesiae Orientalis_. - Jena, 1843-50. 2 vols. - - (4).--Heurtley, C. A., _Harmonia Symbolica_. Oxf., 1858. - - (5).--Denzinger, H. J. D., _Enchiridion Symbolorum et - Definitionum_. Wurzb., 1888. 6th ed. - - (6).--Caspari, C. P., _Quellen zur Geschichte des - Taufsymbols und der Glaubensregel_. Christiania, 1866-75. - 3 vols. Revised in 1879. - - (7).--Hahn, A., _Bibliothek der Symbole und Glaubensregeln_. - Berlin, 1877. 2d ed. - - (8).--Durandus, W., _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_. (About - 1290). Many eds. Last at Naples, 1866. - - (10).--Renaudot, E., _Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio_. - New ed., Paris, 1847. 2 vols. - - (11).--Muratori, L. A., _Liturgia Romana Vetus_. Venice, - 1748. - - (12).--Assemani, J. A., _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae_. - Rome, 1749-66. 13 vols. - - (13).--Weale, W. J. H., _Bibliotheca Liturgica_. Lond., 1886. - - (14).--Delisle, L., _Memoire sur d'anciens Sacramentaires_. - Paris, 1886. - - 4.--Laws and Canons: - - (1).--Richter, L. A., _Corpus Juris Canonici_. Leipz., - 1833. 2 vols. - - (2).--Friedberg, E., _Corpus Juris Canonici_. Leipz., - 1876-82. Best ed. - - (3).--Migne, _Patrologia Latina_. Contains many ancient - laws. - - (4).--Haenel, _Theodosian Code_. Bonn, 1842. 6 vols. - - (5).--Krueger, _Justinian Code_. Ber., 1877. - - (6).--Moser, J. J., _Corpus Juris Evang. Ecclesiae_. Zur., - 1737. 2 vols. - - 5.--Decrees and Acts of Civic Authorities: - - (1).--Pertz, et al., _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_. Ber., - 1819 to present. - - (2).--Muratori, _Scriptores Rerum Italicarum_. Milan, - 1723-57. 25 vols. From 500 to 1500. - - (3).--_Thesaurus Veterum Inscriptionum._ Milan, 1739-42. 4 - vols. - - (4).--_Corpus Juris Civilis._ Good ed. by Kriegel Brothers, - Leipz., 1833-40. Best ed. by Mommsen, Ber., 1895. 3 vols. - -B.--Private Writings of Contemporaries: - - I.--In English: - - 1.--Roberts and Donaldson, _Ante-Nicene Christian Library_. - 25 vols. Edinb., 1864-72, 1897. - - 2.--Coxe, A. C., _Ante-Nicene Fathers_. 10 vols. Buf., - 1886-88. - - 3.--Pusey, et al., _A Library of the Fathers of the Holy - Catholic Church_. 48 vols. Oxf., 1839-85. - - 4.--_The Publications of the Parker Society._ 53 vols. Camb., - 1840-55. For English Church. - - 5.--Schaff, et al., _Select Library of the Nicene and - Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church_. 14 vols. - Buf., 1886-90. First series. - - 6.--Schaff and Wace, _Select Library of the Nicene and - Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church_. 14 vols. - Lond. and N. Y., 1890-94. - - 7.--Bohn, _Antiquarian Library_. 36 vols. Lond., 1847, etc. - - _Classical Library._ 107 vols. Lond., 1848, etc. - - _Ecclesiastical Library._ 15 vols. Lond., 1851, etc. - - 8.--Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_. Townsend ed. Lond., 1843. - - 9.--Lightfoot, _The Apostolic Fathers_. Lond., 1889. - - II.--In Foreign Languages: - - 1.--Canisius, H., _Antiquae Lectiones_. 2d ed., 1725. 7 vols. - - 2.--Combefis, F., _Graeco-Lat. Patrum Bibliotheca Auctarium - Novum_. 2 vols. Paris, 1648. - - _Bibliotheca Graecorum Patrum Auctarium Novissimum._ 2 vols. - Paris, 1672. - - _Bibliotheca Patrum Concoinatoria._ 8 vols. New ed. Paris, - 1859. - - 3.--D'Achery, J. L., _Veterum aliquot Scriptorum qui in Galliae - Bibliothecis delituerant, maxime Benedictinorum - Spicilegium_. 13 vols. Paris, 1655-77. New ed., 1723. - - 4.--Du Pin, L. E., _Bibliotheque Universelle des Auteurs - Ecclesiastiques_. 47 vols. Paris, 1686-1704. Several - later editions. - - 5.--Martene, E., _Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Collectio - Nova_. Rouen, 1700. - - 6.--Montfaucon, B. de, _Collectio Nova Patrum et Scriptorum - Graecorum_. Paris, 1706. 2 vols. - - 7.--Muratori, L. A., _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_. Mil., - 1723-51. 25 vols. New ed. now being published, ed. by - Carducci. - - 8.--Ceillier, R., _Histoire Generale des Auteurs Sacres et - Ecclesiastiques_. New ed., Paris, 1858-69. 16 vols. - - 9.--Bouquet, M., _Scriptores Rerum Gallicarum et Francilarum_. - New ed., Paris, 1869-77. To date 23 vols. - - 10.--Gallandi, A., _Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum Antiquorumque - Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum_. 14 vols. Venice, 1765-81. - 380 authors. - - 11.--Routh, M. J., _Reliquiae Sacrae_. 5 vols. Oxf., 2d ed., - 1846-1848. - - 12.--Pertz, et al., _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_. Ber., 1819 - to present. - - 13.--Niebuhr, et al., _Scriptores Historiae Byzantinae_. Bonn, - 1828-55. 48 vols. - - 14.--Migne, J. P., _Patrologiae Cursus Completus_. Paris, - 1844-66. 222 vols. of Latin Fathers and 166 vols. of - Greek Fathers. - - 15.--Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland from - the Roman Invasion to Henry VIII. Lond., 1858-90. 210 - vols. (Rolls series). - - 16.--Academy of Vienna, _Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiae Latinae_. 17 - vols. Vienna, 1867-95. - - 17.--Jaffe, P., _Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum_. 1864-73. 6 - vols. - - 18.--Graffin, P., _Patrologia Syriaca_. Paris, 1895. 2 vols. - - (19).--_Die Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten - drei Jahrhunderte._ - - (20).--_Bibliotheque de Theologie Historique._ Paris, 1906 - _ff._ (To be completed in 60 vols.) - -C.--Inscriptions: - - I.--In English: - - 1.--Northcote, J. S., _Epitaphs of the Catacombs_. Lond., - 1898. - - 2.--Bingham, J., _Antiquities of the Christian Church_. Oxf., - 1855. 10 vols. Very valuable. - - 3.--Guericke, H. E. F., _Manual of the Antiquities of the - Church_. Lond., 1851. - - 4.--Bennett, C. W., _Christian Archaeology_. N. Y., 1888. - - 5.--Rushforth, G. McN., _Latin Historical Inscriptions_. Oxf., - 1893. - - II.--In Latin: - - 1.--_See Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum._ Best ed. by Mommsen - under Berlin Academy. 1862 to date 11 vols. - - 2.--Boeckh, P. A., _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_. Ber., - 1824. - - 3.--Le Blant, E., _Inscriptions chret. de la Gaule_. Paris, - 1856-65. 2 vols. - - 4.--Huebner, E., _Inscriptions Hispan. Christ._ Ber., 1871. - - _Inscrip. Brit. Christ._ Ber., 1876. - - 5.--De Rossi, J. B., _Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae - Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores_. Rome, 1861. - - 6.--Fabretti, A., _Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum_. Turin, - 1867-77. 2 vols. Three supplements. Flor., 1800. - - 7.--_L'Epigraphie Chrestienne en Gaule et dans l'Afrique._ - Paris, 1890. - - -MOST IMPORTANT GENERAL CHURCH HISTORIANS: - -A.--Before the Reformation: - - I.--Greek: - - 1.--Hegesippus, a Christian Jew in Asia Minor (2d cent.), - wrote a Church history in five books. Based on - traditions. Only fragments preserved. See _Ante-Nic. - Lib._, viii., 762-5. See Eusebius. - - 2.--Eusebius (d. 340), "Father of Church History," wrote a - history of Church to 324. Valuable storehouse. Various - Eng. translations. That by McGiffert, N. Y., 1890, in - _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, i., is the best. - - 3.--Socrates (d. 408), a lawyer, continued Eusebius to 439. - Bohn. _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, ii. - - 4.--Sozomen (d. 400), a lawyer, continued Eusebius to 423. - _Ibid._ Bohn. - - 5.--Theodoret (d. 457), a bishop, aimed to complete Socrates - and Sozomen. _Ibid._ Bohn. - - 6.--Evagrius (d. 537), a lawyer, continued Theodoret. Bohn. - Bagster, _Eccles. Historians_. - - For other Greek historians, lost or not in English, see Alzog, - i., Sec. 17; Schaff, i., 29. - - II.--Latin--to the Reformation: - - 1.--Rufinus (b. 345), a priest, translated Eusebius and added - an inaccurate history of the Arians (318-395). Preface - only in Eng. _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, iii., 565. - - 2.--Severus (b. 363), a Gallic priest, wrote the history of - the world to 400. Good for Gaul. _Ib._, xi., 71-122. - - 3.--Orosius (5th cent.), a Spanish priest, wrote a world - history to 416. Used as a text-book in Middle Ages. Bohn. - - 4.--Cassiodorus (d. 562), a statesman and abbot, compiled a - Church history from Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. - This is the famous "Tripartite History." It served as a - text-book throughout the Middle Ages. Not in Eng. See - Migne, _Patrologia_, lxix., and Hodgkin, _The Letters of - Cassiodorus_. - - 5.--Gregory of Tours (d. 594), a bishop, wrote a valuable - history of the Frankish Church. Not in Eng. - - 6.--Venerable Bede (d. 735), "Father of English Church - History," wrote a history of the English Church to 731. - Many Eng. eds. - - 7.--Paul Warnefried (d. 799), a Lombard monk wrote a History - of the Langobards. Tr. by Foulke, U. of Pa. _Transl. and - Rep._ Phil. 1907. - - 8.--Haymo (d. 853), bishop of Halberstaedt, abridged Rufinus - and added notes of his own. Not in Eng. - - 9.--Anastasius (d. 886), abbot and papal librarian at Rome, - compiled a Church history from the Greek writers. Not in - Eng. - - 10.--Flodoard (d. 966), a bishop, wrote a history of the - Church of Rheims to 948. Not in Eng. - - 11.--Luitprand (d. 972), bishop of Cremona, wrote a chronicle - and a report of his embassy to Constantinople. See Pertz, - _Mon. Ger._, iii., 264; Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the M. - A._, 441. - - 12.--Adam of Bremen (d. 1076), a canon, wrote the only reliable - history of the Scandinavian Church from 788 to 1076. Not - in Eng. - - 13.--Orderic Vital (d. 1142), abbot in Normandy, wrote a Church - history to 1142. Best work of the Middle Ages. In Eng., - Bohn. Vols. 27, 28, 30, 36. - - 14.--Ptolemy of Lucca (d. 1312), a Dominican, and papal - librarian, wrote a Church history to 1312. Not in Eng. - - 15.--St. Antoninus (d. 1459), archbishop of Florence, wrote the - largest mediaeval work from the creation to 1457. Not in - Eng. - - 16.--Laurentius Valla (d. 1457), an Italian critic and scholar, - wrote a history of the Church. Denounced the "Donation of - Constantine" as a forgery. Work full of doubt. Not in - Eng. - - 17.--Nicholas of Cusa (d. 1464), a cardinal, was a radical - critic in his early days but temperate in later life. His - works not in Eng. - - 18.--John of Tritenheim (d. 1516) was among the first - historians to write from the sources. Not in Eng. - - 19.--Albert Cranz (d. 1517), a canon of Hamburg, wrote "The - Metropolis," a critical history of the Church in northern - Germany from 780 to 1504. Not in Eng. - -B.--Roman Catholic historians after the Reformation: - - I.--Italian: - - 1.--Baronius (d. 1607), a cardinal, wrote _Annales - Ecclesiastici_ in 12 fol. vols. The work of 30 years. - Invaluable. Not in Eng. Written to refute the Protestant - _Magdeburg Centuries_. Continued from 1198 to 1566 by - Raynaldus, to 1571 by Laderchi, to 1584 by Theiner. Pagi - made valuable corrections. Best defence of the mediaeval - papacy. - - 2.--Caspar Saccarelli wrote _Historia Ecclesiastica_ to 1185. - Pub. in Rome, 1771-96, in 25 quarto vols. - - 3.--Muratori (d. 1750) made a valuable collection of Italian - historians and original documents from 500 to 1500. Not - in Eng. - - 4.--Mansi (d. 1769) edited a valuable and very complete - edition of the councils. Not in Eng. - - 5.--Orsi (1761), a Dominican cardinal, wrote a Church history - for the first six centuries. Continued by others to the - Council of Trent. Not in Eng. - - For other Italian historians see Alzog, i., 49. - - II.--French: - - 1.--Natalis Alexander (d. 1724) wrote a clear, deep Church - history to 1600. Its Gallican spirit put it in the Index - till corrected. - - 2.--Abbe Fleury (d. 1723) wrote a Church history to 1414 in 20 - vols. from the sources. Continued to 1595 by Fabre. First - 3 vols. pub. in Eng. at Oxf., in 1842. - - 3.--Bossuet (d. 1704), the bishop of Meaux, wrote a - "_Discourse on Universal History_." In Eng. Continued by - Cramer, a German Protestant. - - 4.--Tillemont (d. 1698), a nobleman and priest, wrote fine - biographies to 516 from the sources. An excellent piece - of work in 16 vols. - - 5.--Du Pin (d. 1719) furnished a biographical and - bibliographical Church history to the 17th century. - - 6.--Ceillier (d. 1763) wrote a similar work but more complete - and valuable. - - 7.--Darras (d. 1872). _A General History of the Catholic - Church._ Transl. by Spaulding. 4 vols. Not reliable. - - III.--German: - - 1.--Count Leopold von Stolberg (d. 1819), an ex-Protestant, - wrote a Church history to 430 in 15 vols. Kerz continued - it in 30 more vols. to 1192 and Brischar in 9 more vols. - to 1245. - - 2.--Theodore Katerkamp (d. 1834), a professor at Munster, and - a friend of Stolberg, wrote a history to 1153. - - 3.--Locherer (d. 1837), a professor at Giessen, produced a - very liberal work up to 1073. - - 4.--Doellinger (d. 1890), a professor in Munich, was the most - learned historian of the Catholic Church in the 19th - cent. Was excommunicated for refusing to accept the - Vatican decrees (1871). Most of his many works have been - translated into Eng. - - 5.--Hefele (d. 1893), a professor at Tuebingen and a bishop, - wrote _History of the Councils_ to 1447. An excellent - piece of work. Completed by Hergenroether. In Eng. - - 6.--Gfroerer (d. 1861) began his learned Church history as a - rationalist (1841) and continued it from 1056 on as a - Catholic. - - 7.--Hergenroether (d. 1890), cardinal and keeper of the papal - archives at Rome, wrote a general history of the Church - which is very partisan. - - IV.--English and American: - - 1.--Newman (d. 1890), an English cardinal, wrote _The Arians - of the Fourth Century_ (1883), _Church of the Fathers_, - and many other historical works. - - 2.--Allies, _The Formation of Christendom_. Lond., 1882-91. 7 - vols. - - 3.--Spalding (1872), an American prelate, wrote _The History - of the Protestant Reformation_, 2 vols., 1860, and edited - Darras's _General History of the Catholic Church_. (1868) - - 4.--Gibbons (b. 1834), cardinal in the U. S., wrote _Faith of - Our Fathers_ and other historical works. - -C.--Protestant Church Historians: - - I.--German: - - 1.--Matthias Flacius Illyricus (d. 1575), with ten educated - Protestant scholars, produced the _Centuriae - Magdeburgenses_, covering 13 centuries in 13 vols., to - justify the Reformation. Controversial. - - 2.--Hottinger (d. 1664) wrote a partisan history to 16th cent. - in 9 vols. Not original. - - 3.--Spanheim (d. 1649) worked out a history from the sources - to 16th cent. Aimed at Baronius. Eng. transl. - - 4.--Arnold (d. 1714) wrote an _Impartial History of the Church - and of Heretics_ to 1688. "Learned, but fanatical." - - 5.--Mosheim (d. 1755) wrote _Institutes of Ecclesiastical - History_. Marks an epoch in the writing of Church - history. Several Eng. transls. - - 6.--Schroeckh (d. 1808) wrote large work in 45 vols. on epoch - plan, to end of 18th cent. Rich in historical material. - - 7.--Henke (d. 1809) wrote a general history in a very - rationalistic style. - - 8.--Neander (d. 1850), professor in Berlin, the "Father of - Modern Church History," wrote _A General History of the - Christian Religion and Church_ to 1430. Based on the - sources. Several Eng. transls. Torrey's the best. - - 9.--Gieseler (d. 1854), professor in Goettingen, wrote a - history from the sources to 1648. Various Eng. transls. - Excellent. - - 10.--Baur (d. 1860), professor in Tuebingen, produced a - _History of the Christian Church_ in 5 vols. In Eng. - - 11.--Hagenbach (d. 1874), professor in Basle, wrote a general - history of the Church in 7 vols. In Eng. - - II.--French: - - 1.--Chastel (d. 1886), professor at Geneva, wrote a complete - history of the Church in 5 vols. - - 2.--D'Aubigne (d. 1872), professor at Geneva, wrote a general - history of the Reformation in 13 vols. In Eng. - - 3.--Renan, E. (d. 1892), was educated for the Catholic - priesthood, but he early gave up that calling and devoted - himself to history and literature. He produced many works - of great value on early Church history. - - III.--English: - - 1.--Gibbon (d. 1794) devoted twenty years to his history of - the _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_. To 1453. - Still very valuable. Best ed. by Bury. Lond., 1896. - - 2.--Milner (d. 1797) wrote a _History of the Church of Christ_ - in popular form. - - 3.--Dean Waddington (d. 1869) penned six "high and dry" vols. - on the Church. - - 4.--Robertson (d. 1882), professor in King's College, London, - wrote a _History of the Christian Church_ to 1517. Fairly - well done from the sources. - - 5.--Milman (d. 1868), among other works, wrote the _History - of Latin Christianity_ to 1455 in 8 vols. Excellent. - - 6.--Dean Stanley (d. 1881) has given us histories of the - Eastern Church and Jewish Church in a pure, plain style. - - 7.--Creighton (d. 1901), has written the best _History of the - Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome_. 6 - vols. Invaluable. - - IV.--American: - - 1.--Smith (d. 1877), professor in Union Theological Seminary, - worked out the history of Christianity in 16 - chronological tables, (1860). - - 2.--Shedd (d. 1894), professor in Union Theological Seminary, - wrote a _History of Christian Doctrine_ in 2 vols. 1863. - - 3.--Schaff (d. 1893), professor in Union Theological Seminary, - a disciple of Neander, wrote, in addition to other works - of value, a _History of the Christian Church_. To the - Reformation. 7 vols. Excellent. Vol. 5, by D. S. Schaff. - - 4.--Sheldon (b. 1845) has written an excellent history of - doctrine and also of the Church. 5 vols. 1896. - - 5.--Allen (d. 1908) wrote _Christian History in Three Great - Decades_ in 3 vols. 1883. - - 6.--Fisher (b. 1827), professor in Yale, has produced several - valuable books on Church history. - - 7.--White (d. 1885) wrote _Eighteen Christian Centuries_. - - 8.--Lea (b. 1825) has written invaluable monographs on the - _Inquisition_, _Indulgences_, _Celibacy_, etc., which - have given him a world-wide reputation. - - 9.--Other Americans who are doing good work in Church history - are: Jackson, Hurst, Baird, Thompson, Mombert, Gillett, - Storrs, Taylor, Clark, Emerton, Bigelow, West, Fulton, - Jacobs, Newman, Zenos, Dexter, McGiffert, Dryer, - Faulkner, etc. - - -DICTIONARIES AND ENCYCLOPEDIAS - -A.--English: - - I.--Protestant: - - 1.--Abbott and Conant, _Dictionary of Religious Knowledge_. - N. Y., 1875. - - 2.--Benham, _Dictionary of Religion_. Lond. and N. Y., 1887. - - 3.--Blunt, _A Dictionary of Doctrinal and Historical - Theology_. Lond. and Phil., 2d ed., 1891. - - 4.--Blunt, _A Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, Ecclesiastical - Parties, and Schools of Religious Thought_. Lond. and - Phil., 2d ed., 1886. - - 5.--Buck, _A Theological Dictionary_. Lond., 1847. - - 6.--Cheyne and Black, _Encyclopaedia Biblica_. 4 vols. N. Y., - 1905. - - 7.--Eadie, _The Ecclesiastical Cyclopaedia_. Lond., 1847. - - 8.--_Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge._ Phil., 1870. - - 9.--Farrar, _An Ecclesiastical Dictionary_. Lond., 1853. - - 10.--Gardner, _The Christian Cyclopedia_. Lond., 1854. - - 11.--Hastings, _A Dictionary of the Bible_. N. Y. and - Edinburgh. - - 12.--Herzog, _A Protestant, Theological, and Ecclesiastical - Encyclopaedia_. 2 vols. Phil., 1858-60. - - 13.--Hook, _A Church Dictionary_. N. Y., 1875. - - 14.--Hook, _Ecclesiastical Biography_. 4 vols. Lond., 1845. - - 15.--Jackson, _Concise Dictionary of Religious Knowledge and - Gazetteer_. N. Y., 1893. - - 16.--McClintock and Strong, _Cyclopaedia of Biblical, - Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature_. 10 vols. N. - Y., 1867-81. 2 sup. vols. 1884-86. - - 17.--Marsden, _A Dictionary of Christian Churches and Sects_. 2 - vols. Lond., 1891. - - 18.--Sanford, _A Concise Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge_. - N. Y., 1891. - - 19.--Schaff-Herzog, _Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge_. 3 - vols. N. Y., 1891. - - _The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge._ - Revised by S. M. Jackson. N. Y. and Lond., 1908 _ff._ In - 12 vols. - - 20.--Shipley, _A Glossary of Ecclesiastical Forms_. Lond., - 1871. - - 21.--Smith and Cheetham, _A Dictionary of Christian - Antiquities_. 2 vols. Bost., 1875-80. - - 22.--Smith and Wace, _A Dictionary of Christian Biography, - Literature, Sects, and Doctrines_. 4 vols. Bost., - 1877-87. - - 23.--Stanton, _An Ecclesiastical Dictionary_. N. Y., 1861. - - 24.--Wolcott, _Sacred Archeology_. Lond., 1868. - - II.--Catholic: - - 1.--Addis and Arnold, _A Catholic Dictionary_. N. Y., 1884. - - 2.--Gillow, _Dictionary of English Catholic Biography and - Bibliography_. (1534-1884.) 6 vols. Lond., 1887-94. - - 3.--Gibbings, _Index Expurgatoris_. Lond., 1837. - - 4.--Butler, _Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs and Other Saints_. - 12 vols. Lond., 1866. - - 5.--Berington, _The Faith of Catholics_. 3 vols. Lond., 1846. - - 6.--_The Catholic Encyclopedia._ N. Y., 1907 ff. (To be - completed in 15 vols.) - - 7.--Thein, _Ecclesiastical Dictionary_, 1905. - - III.--Jewish and Mohammedan: - - 1.--_The Jewish Encyclopedia._ 12 vols. N. Y., 1902-5. - - 2.--_Encyclopedia Islam._ 3 vols. 1908. - -B.--Foreign: - - I.--Protestant: - - 1.--Hauck, _Herzog's Real-Encyklopaedie fuer protestantische - Theologie und Kirche_. 1896 ff. - - 2.--Lichtenberger, _Encyclopedie des Sciences Religieuses_. - Paris, 1872-82. 13 vols. - - II.--Catholic: - - 1.--Aschbach, _Allgemeines Kirchen-Lexicon_. Frankf., - 1846-50. 4 vols. - - 2.--Wetzer und Welte, _Kirchen Lexicon_. Freib., 1847-56. 12 - vols. - - 3.--Hergenroether und Kauler. _Kirchenlexikon oder Encyklopaedie - der Katholischen Theologie und ihrer - Hilfswissenschaften._ Freib., 1880-1895. 10 vols. - -C.--Consult standard secular encyclopaedias like Britannica, Johnson, -International, etc. - - -ATLASES AND CHRONOLOGIES - - I.--English: - - 1.--Koeppen, A. L., _The World in the Middle Ages_. N. Y., - 1854. - - 2.--Spruener, _Historico-Geographical Hand Atlas_. Lond., 1861. - - 3.--Wiltsch, J. E. F., _Handbook of the Geography and - Statistics of the Church_. 2 vols. Lond., 1859-69. - - 4.--McClure, C. E., _Ecclesiastical Atlas_. Lond., 1888. - - 5.--Freeman, E. A., _Historical Geography of Europe_. Lond., - 1881. 2 vols. New ed. 1904. - - 6.--Labberton, R. H., _New Historical Atlas and General - History_. N. Y., 1890. - - 7.--Riddle, J. E., _Ecclesiastical Chronology_. Lond., 1840. - - 8.--Tarner, G. E., _Concise Tabular View of the Outlines of - Christian History_. Lond., 1890. - - 9.--Smith, H. B., _History of the Church in Chronological - Tables_. N. Y., 1875. - - 10.--Woodward and Gates, _Encyclopaedia of Chronology_. N. Y., - 1872. - - 11.--Dow, E. W., _Atlas of European History_. N. Y., 1907. - - II.--Foreign: - - 1.--Putzger, F. W., _Historischer Schul-Atlas_. Leipz., 1903. - Anglicised now. Excellent. - - 2.--Droysen, H., _Allgemeine historische Handatlas_. Leipz., - 1886. - - 3.--Weidenbach, _Calendarium Hist. Chron. Medii et Novi AEvi_. - Reg., 1855. - - 4.--Grotefend, G. A., _Handbuch des Hist. Chr. des - Mittel-Alters_. Hanov., 1872. - - -TEXT-BOOKS ON CHURCH HISTORY - - I.--Protestant: - - 1.--Allen, _Outlines of Christian History_. Bost., 1885. 3 - vols. - - 2.--Blackburn, _History of the Christian Church_. Cin., 1879. - (Presb.). - - 3.--Butler, _An Ecclesiastical History_. Phil., 1868-72. 2 - vols. - - 4.--Fisher, _History of the Christian Church_. N. Y., 1887. - - 5.--Foulkes, _A Manual of Ecclesiastical History_. Oxf., 1851. - - 6.--Gieseler, _A Text-Book of Church History_. N. Y., 1868-79. - 5 vols. - - 7.--Green. _Handbook of Church History_. N. Y., 1904. - - 8.--Guericke, _A Manual of Church History_ (to 1073). And., - 1872. 2 vols. - - 9.--Hardwick, _A History of the Christian Church_. Lond., - 1861-65. 2 vols. - - 10.--Hase, _A History of the Christian Church_. N. Y., 1870. - - 11.--Hurst, _A History of the Christian Church_. N. Y., 1897. 2 - vols. - - 12.--Jennings, _A Manual of Church History_. N. Y., 1887-8. 2 - vols. - - 13.--Knight, _A Concise History of the Church_. Lond., 1888. - - 14.--Kurtz, _Church History_. N. Y., 1888. 3 vols. - - 15.--Moeller, _History of the Christian Church_. Lond., 1902. 3 - vols. - - 16.--Moncrief, _A Short History of the Christian Church_. - Chicago and N. Y., 1902. - - 17.--Mosheim, _Institutes of Ecclesiastical History_. Last ed., - Bost., 1902. 3 vols. - - 18.--Newman, _A Manual of Church History_. Phil., 1902-3. 2 - vols. - - 19.--Schaff, _History of the Christian Church_. N. Y., 1884-92. - 7 vols. - - Vol. v., by D. S. Schaff, N. Y., 1908. - - 20.--Smith, _The Student's Manual of Ecclesiastical History_. - N. Y., 1879. - - 21.--Schubert, _Outlines of Church History_. Lond., 1907. - - 22.--Sohm, _Outlines of Church History_. Lond., 1895. - - 23.--Waddington, _A History of the Church_. Lond., 1835. 3 - vols. - - 24.--Zenos, _Compendium of Church History_. Phil., 1900. - - II.--Catholic: - - 1.--Alzog, _A Manual of Universal Church History_. Lond., - 1888-90. 3 vols. - - 2.--Birkheuser, _History of the Catholic Church from its First - Establishment to our own Times_. 7th ed., 1905. - - 3.--Brueck, _History of the Catholic Church_. N. Y., 1886. - - 4.--Doellinger, _Manual of Church History_. Lond., 1840-42. 4 - vols. - - 5.--Gilmartin, _Manual of Church History_. Lond., 1890-2. 2 - vols. - -It is a matter of deep regret that such excellent books by Catholic -writers like Hergenroether, Kraus, Moehler, Funk, etc., have not yet been -translated into English. - - -SOURCES - - 1.--Adams, C. K., _A Manual of Historical Literature_. N. Y., - 1888. - - 2.--Cave, A., _Introduction to Theology_. Edinb., 1886. - - 3.--Crooks, G. R., and Hurst, J. F., _Literature of Theology_. - N. Y., 1896. Pt. iii. - - 4.--Darling, J., _Cyclopaedia Bibliographica_. 3 vols. Lond., - 1854-9. - - 5.--Donaldson, J., _A Critical History of Christian Literature_. - 3 vols. Lond., 1864-6. - - 6.--Dowling, J. G., _An Introduction to the Critical Study of - Ecclesiastical History_. London, 1832. - - 7.--Fisher, J. A., _A Select Bibliography of Ecclesiastical - History_. Bost., 1885. - - 8.--Fortescue, G. K., _Subject Index of the Modern Works Added - to the Library of the British Museum in the Years - 1881-1900_. 3 vols. 1902-1904. - - 9.--Hurst, J. F., _Literature of Theology_. N. Y., 1896. Pt. - iii., p. 186. - - 10.--Kruger, G., _History of Early Christian Literature in the - First Three Centuries_. N. Y., 1897. - - 11.--Malcom, H., _Theological Index_. Phil., 1870. - - 12.--Poole, W. F., _Index to Periodical Literature_ (1802 to - date). - - 13.--Schaff, P., _Theological Propaedeutics_. N. Y., 1893. - - 14.--Sonnenschein, W. S., _The Best Books_. Lond., 1896. - - 15.--Tibbals, C. F., _Thesaurus of the Best Theological, - Historical, and Biographical Literature_. N. Y., 1891. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[15:1] Extracts in Eusebius, _Ecclesiastical History_ and in _Ante-Nic. -Ch. Fathers_ (Chr. Lit. ed.), viii., 762. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -PREPARATION OF THE CIVILISED WORLD FOR THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH - - OUTLINE: I.--The ancient world. II.--Condition of the - civilised world at the time Jesus came. III.--How the - condition of the world prepared the way for Christianity. - IV.--Sources. - - -The ancient world included the many independent tribes surrounding the -Mediterranean Sea and spreading into the interior. This independence was -institutional. Each tribe had its own government, laws, and customs; its -own religion and gods; its own ideals of education; its own commercial -and industrial methods. But all these diversities of life and thought -were broken down by the ascendancy of Rome. The independent laws, gods, -and institutions fell before the onward march of those of the Mistress -of the World. - -When Jesus was born, the Roman Empire extended from the Euphrates to the -Atlantic, and from the African desert to the Danube, Rhine, and Weser. -It formed a wide fringe around the Mediterranean Sea, included the best -parts of three continents, and had a population of 100,000,000.[40:1] -The Empire was called "the world." Roman law was predominant throughout -the provinces as well as at Rome, but local usages were tolerated. -Citizenship had become so widely extended that the different peoples -began to feel themselves a single race, bound together by one Emperor, -one government, and one code of laws. - -The era of the boyhood of Jesus was one of comparative peace, since -there was no important war after the naval battle of Actium (31 -B.C.).[41:1] Hence the industries of the Empire prospered greatly. -Across the Mediterranean as the great highway, up and down the rivers, -and along the incomparable Roman roads, an enormous trade was carried on -between the colonies and the capital, Rome.[41:2] Factories thrived in -every direction and commerce flourished. Showers of wealth fairly fell -upon the Eternal City. - -The trade of the Empire was carried on in Latin, the official language -of the Empire for law and war. Greek was also a universal tongue, but -used more especially for art, science, philosophy, education, and -religion.[41:3] Cicero complained: "Greek is read in almost all nations. -Latin is confined by its own natural boundaries." Hebrew and other -tongues were sectional. The literature of the opening century of the -Christian era, however, was largely in Latin,[41:4] which had been -fertilised by Greek culture. - -Education had made far greater progress in this old world than is -generally thought. Judea,[41:5] Greece,[41:6] and Rome[42:1] had -excellent systems of education, though differing much in purpose and in -subjects studied. Pronounced schools of philosophy grew up. Art, -comparatively little developed among the Jews, culminated with the -Greeks, and from them was transplanted to Rome. Travel, always -liberalising and educational, was widespread among scholars, tradesmen, -soldiers, and public officials. All these factors had produced a -superior intelligence and general culture throughout the Empire. - -The religious condition of the Empire was very significant. The Roman -religion, a mixture of Grecian and Etrurian religions[42:2]--of -licentiousness and puritanism--was alone legal over the whole -Empire.[42:3] The Emperor, as Pontifex Maximus, was head of the -religion. Worship, however, had become mere form--even priests ridiculed -the gods. Cicero declared: "One soothsayer could not look another in the -face without laughing," and "even old women would no longer believe -either in the fables of Tartarus or the joys of Elysium." This loss of -faith engendered skepticism and superstition, and gave magicians and -necromancers a wide patronage. The best men in Rome were demanding -reformation, and were longing for and predicting a new era. Cicero -prophesied: "There shall no longer be one law at Rome, and another at -Athens; nor shall it decree one thing to-day, and another to-morrow; -but one and the same law, eternal and immutable, shall be prescribed for -all nations and all times, and the God who shall prescribe, introduce, -and promulgate this law shall be the one common Lord and Supreme Ruler -of all."[43:1] - -The Grecian religion,[43:2] so closely resembling the Roman, was of -course tolerated in the Empire. The gods were ideal Greeks with virtues -and vices magnified. They were born, had passions, senses, and bodies -like men, but never died. They committed crimes, had troubles, and were -given to wrath, hatred, lust, cruelty, perjury, deception, and adultery, -yet were omnipotent and omniscient.[43:3] While the conception of Zeus, -as the father of the gods, ruled by fate, had a vague idea of monotheism -in it, still the Greek religion lacked the Christian conception of sin -and righteousness, for with the Greeks sin was only a folly of the -understanding--even the gods sinned. Small wonder then that Plato -banished the gods from his ideal republic.[43:4] Pindar, Eschylus, and -Sophocles also urged loftier views of the gods, and preached a higher -morality.[43:5] With the Roman conquest national honour and patriotism -died out, and superstition, infidelity, refined materialism, and -outright atheism came in. The best hearts were longing for a new and -purer religion, and were ready to accept it when it came. - -The Jews,[44:1] intensely religious, with several thousand years of -spiritual history back of them, divided the known world into the -followers of the true God and the heathen idolaters. Even they were -separated into factions: - -(1) The Pharisees,[44:2] numbering 6000, stoical casuists, rigidly -orthodox, prone to analyse the Mosaic law to death, intensely patriotic, -and bitter against all non-Jewish tendencies, were very popular, guided -public worship, and controlled the Jews in politics. - -(2) The Sadducees,[44:3] rationalistic and skeptical, were aristocratic -Epicureans who rejected oral traditions, and denied resurrection,[44:4] -angels,[44:5] and an all-ruling, foreknowing Providence. They formed a -smaller political party in opposition to the Pharisees, held many -priestly offices, were in league with the Romans, and therefore had less -influence with the people.[44:6] - -(3) The Essenes,[44:7] a mystic brotherhood of 4000 whose purpose was to -attain holiness, received their ideas from eastern Theosophists; lived -communal lives on the shores of the Dead Sea; took the Old Testament -allegorically; wore a white dress; were over-scrupulously clean for the -purpose of purification; and rejected animal food, bloody sacrifices, -oaths, slavery, and marriage. They had little to do with politics; were -forerunners of Christian monasticism; and may have influenced the ideas -of Jesus.[45:1] - -(4) The Samaritans,[45:2] in origin half Jewish and half heathen -Babylonian, practised their reformed Judaism about Gerizim under an -established Levitical priesthood. They rejected all Scriptures but the -Pentateuch, held pure Messianic expectations, looked with favour upon -Christianity, and were bitterly hated by the orthodox Jews.[45:3] - -(5) The Zealots, led by Judas of Galilee, a sort of a nationalistic -party, were imbued by a very materialistic conception of the hope of -Israel. They sprang from the Pharisees and followed them in religious -things. They confidently expected the realisation of the kingdom of God, -the Messiah, and a new Israel. In their patriotic zeal they did not -hesitate to use the sword and dagger to drive out their Roman foes in -order to realise their dreams for a purely Jewish kingdom. Their -followers came mostly from the lowest classes.[45:4] - -(6) The common people accepted the Pharisees, in a general way, as -leaders. They believed in tradition and in the resurrection, but they -were prone to neglect the law and formalism so stoutly insisted upon by -the scribes. This class of Jews had a vital, living fellowship with God, -and might be called pietists. Such characters as Simeon and Anna, -Zachariah and Elizabeth, Joseph and Mary, and most of those influenced -by John's call to repentance were of this class. They stood for the pure -religion of the early prophets, and in a way opposed the sacerdotalism -of the Jewish Church. They were in a spiritual and ethical mood to -accept the great teachings of Jesus of Nazareth, and were consequently -his first converts. While they constituted the majority of the Jews, and -were scattered all over the Roman Empire yet they were not organised as -a political party. To these Christianity meant a great and much needed -reformation.[46:1] - -The moral condition of the Empire, east and west, makes a dark picture -as drawn by such men as Paul,[46:2] Seneca,[46:3] Tacitus,[46:4] -Juvenal, Persius, and Sallust. "The world is full of crimes and vices" -moaned Seneca. Foreign conquest and plunder brought in their wake -luxury, sensuality, cruelty, and licentiousness. Slavery was fostered; -infanticide tolerated; marriage lax, and divorce shamefully common. -Amusements became bloody and brutal; 20,000 lives were sacrificed in one -month to appease the populace, who cared only for "panem et circenses." -The stern virtue and morality of old Greece and Rome were dead. The huge -Empire was a giant body without a soul going to final destruction. - -It is evident, then, that forces both positive and negative were at work -to prepare the civilised world for the reception of Christianity: - -(1) The universal Empire of Rome was a positive groundwork for the -universal empire of the Gospel. The imperial organisation suggested a -form of organisation for the Church, so that Latin Christianity was -simply Rome baptised. The unity of the Empire afforded concrete -illustration of God's spiritual kingdom, and implied fatherhood and -brotherhood.[47:1] Imperial toleration of harmless provincial religions -protected Christianity, and thus enabled it to get a foothold before -persecution came. Universal peace also was a boon to the Christian -crusade. - -The flourishing commerce, the good roads uniting the Empire, the -extensive travel, and the various military expeditions all made the -spread of new ideas easier and quicker. - -(2) Pagan theology became a stepping-stone to Christian theology.[47:2] -The decay of polytheism, because of its unspiritual and unsatisfying -character, made spiritual monotheism acceptable. Pagan temples, priests, -and rites made the conception of, and the transition to, Christianity -easier. Even the low moral condition and widespread skepticism strongly -emphasised the need of a better religion. - -(3) The schools of the Empire prepared men's minds for an intellectual -consideration of the new faith, though not necessarily for its adoption. -The Greek and Latin tongues were excellent mediums for propagating the -new doctrines. Greek particularly was excellent for the expression of -abstract and lofty truth, and the Old Testament had been translated into -it more than two centuries before Jesus.[48:1] Grecian eloquence became -the model for sacred oratory. The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle -formed the scientific basis for Christian theology. The spiritual -flights of Plato,[48:2] the religious reflections of Plutarch, and the -moral precepts of Seneca were all used as arguments of revealed -religion. Even pagan art, with its love for the beautiful, was early -employed to give material expression to Christian ideas. - -(4) The Jews, scattered over the world,[48:3] befriended by Julius -Caesar, given legal status as a sect by Augustus, expelled in vain by -Tiberius and Claudius, spread a knowledge of the living God over the -whole Empire before Christ appeared. Synagogues were numerous, and many -Gentiles became converts to monotheism.[48:4] These converts were the -first to accept the teachings of Jesus, and in this way formed the -_nuclei_ of the Christian Church. - -Thus Jerusalem the Holy City, Athens the city of culture, and Rome the -city of power, combined to prepare the world so that the matchless -ethical and religious teaching of Jesus of Nazareth could capture the -hearts and heads of men, replace the national religions, and become -realised in the outward forms and inward beliefs of the Christian -Church, which was soon to exercise a controlling power in the civilised -world. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--JEWISH: - - 1.--_Old Testament._ - - 2.--_Old Testament Apocrypha._ Transl. by E. C. Bissell, N. - Y., 1865-80. - - 3.--Josephus (37-103 A.D.), _Antiquities_, and _The Jewish - War_. Various eds. Whiston the standard. - - 4.--Philo Judaeus (20 B.C.-40 A.D.), _Works_. Transl. by C. D. - Yonge. In Bohn, Lond., 1854-5. 4 vols. - - 5.--_The Talmud._ Transl. by Bodkinson and revised by Wise, N. - Y., 1896. - - 6.--Lardner, _Jewish and Heathen Testimonies_. _Works_, vii., - Lond., 1788. - - II.--PAGAN: - - =1.--Greek:= - - 1.--The classics. Bohn Lib. Excellent. Fine transl. by W. - H. Appleton, Bost., 1893. - - 2.--Polybius (204-122 B.C.), _Histories_. Transl. by E. S. - Schuckburgh. 2 vols. Lond., 1889. - - 3.--Strabo (62 B.C.-24 A.D.), _Geography_. Transl. by - Falconer and Hamilton, Lond., 1890. 2 vols. Bohn Lib. - - =2.--Latin:= - - 1.--Virgil (70-19 B.C.), _Works_. Bohn Lib., 1894; Morley - Univ. Lib., 1884. - - 2.--Horace (65-8 B.C.), _Works_. Transl. by Lonsdale and - Lee, Lond., 1873. Best complete Eng. ed. is by Wickham. 2 - vols. Oxf., 1887, 1892. - - 3.--Livy (59 B.C.-17 A.D.), _Works_. Bohn Lib., 1850. - Transl. by Stephenson, Lond., 1883-90. - - 4.--Ovid (43 B.C.-17 A.D.), _Works_. Bohn Lib. Transl. by H. - T. Riley, Lond., 1852. - - 5.--Lucan (39-65 A.D.), _Pharsalia_. Transl. by H. T. Riley, - Lond., 1853. Bohn Lib. - - 6.--Seneca (3-65 A.D.), _Works_. Transl. by T. Lodge, Lond., - 1620. Bohn Lib. has partial list. - - 7.--Pliny (61-115 A.D.), _Works_. Transl. by Milmoth and - Bosauquet, Lond., 1878. - - 8.--Tacitus (54-119 A.D.), _Works_. Bohn Lib., 1848. 2 vols. - Transl. by Church and Brodribb, Lond., 1877. - - 9.--Juvenal (47-130 A.D.), _Works_. Bohn Lib. Transl. by - Strong and Leeper, Lond., 1882. - - 10.--Suetonius (75-160 A.D.), _Lives of the Twelve Caesars_. - Bohn Lib., 1855. Transl. by C. Whibley, Lond., 1899. 2 - vols. - - III.--CHRISTIAN: - - 1.--_New Testament._ (27 canonical books). - - 2.--_New Testament Apocrypha._ In _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, - vol. 16. - - 3.--Justin Martyr (103-164 A.D.), _Apologies_. _Ib._, vol. - ii., 1-84; Am. ed., vol. i. - - 4.--Tertullian (104-216 A.D.), _Apology_. _Ante-Nic. Christ. - Lib._, xi., 53-140. Several other transls. - - 5.--Minicius Felix (?), _Octavius_. _Ibid._, xiii. - - 6.--Eusebius (d. 340), _The Evangelical Preparation_. Transl. - by H. Street, Lond., 1842. - - 7.--St. Augustine (d. 430), _The City of God_. _Nic. and - Post-Nic. Fathers._ Buf., 1886-90. ii., 16-621. Other - transls. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Breed, D. R., _A History of the Preparation of the World - for Christ_. N. Y., 1893. - - 2.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _The Gentile and the Jew_. Lond., - 1862. 2 vols. - - 3.--Fisher, G. P., _Beginnings of Christianity_. N. Y., 1877. - - 4.--Hardwick, C., _Christ and Other Masters_. Lond., 1875. 2 - vols. - - 5.--Hausrath, A., _History of the New Testament Times_. Lond., - 1895. 4 vols. - - 6.--Maurice, F. D., _Religions of the World_. Lond. and Bost., - 1854. - - 7.--Pressense, De E., _Religions before Christ_. Edinb., 1862. - - 8.--Shahan, J. T., _The Beginnings of Christianity_. N. Y., - 1904. - - 9.--Trench, R. C., _Christ the Desire of all Nations_. Camb., - 1846. - - 10.--Uhlhorn, G., _Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism_. - Lond., 1880. - - 11.--Wernle, P., _The Beginnings of Christianity_. Lond., 1908. - 2 vols. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Alzog, i., Sec. 24-31. Backhouse, E., _Early Ch. Hist._, ch. 1. - Baur, i., 1-43. Blunt, J. H., _Key to Ch. Hist._, ch. 1. - Bouzique, i., Intr. Burton, E., _Lects. on Eccles. Hist._ (to - 3d cent.). Catterille, H., _Genesis of the Ch._, ch. 1. - Cheetham, ch. 1. Cox, H., _First Cent. of Christianity_, i., - chs. 1-10. Darras, i., ch. 1. Doellinger, _Hist. of the Ch._, - i., ch. 1, sec. 1-2. Duff, ch. 1-6. Farrar, F. W., _Early Days - of Christianity_, bk. i., ch. 1. Fisher, pd. i., ch. 1. - Gibbon, i.-ii. Gieseler, i., sec. 8-19. Gilmartin, i., sec. - 2-3. Guericke, pp. 21-28. Hase, 13-23. Hurst, i., 61-87. - Jackson, F. J. F., _Hist. of the Christ. Ch._ (to 461), ch. 2. - Janes, L. G., _A Study of Prim. Christ._, chs. 1-2. Killen, - ch. 1. Kurtz, i., sec. 6-12. Milman, _Hist. of Christ._ (to - 4th cent.), ch. 1. Milner, i., cent. i. Moeller, i., 26-48. - Mosheim, 11-30. Neander, i., 1-69. Robertson, bk. i., ch. 1. - Schaff, i., ch. 1. Waddington, ch. 1. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[40:1] Mommsen, v., chs. 11-12; Merivale, i., ch. 1; iv., ch. 39; -Liddell, ii., ch. 71; Bury's Gibbon, i., chs. 1-3; Finlay, i., ch. 1. - -[41:1] 1 Tim. ii., 2. Epictetus wrote: "Caesar has promised us a profound -peace; there are neither wars, nor battles, nor great robberies, nor -piracy."--_Dis._, iii., 13. - -[41:2] Lewin, _Life and Epistles of St. Paul_. Lond., 1878. Bergier, -_Histoire des Grands Chemins de l'Empire Romain_. - -[41:3] Merivale, iv., ch. 41. - -[41:4] The chief writers were: Ovid, d. 17; Livy, d. 17; Lucan, d. 65; -Seneca, d. 65; Pliny, d. 115; Tacitus, d. 119; Juvenal, d. 130. - -[41:5] Schuerer, ii., Sec. 22; Graetz, i., ch. 20. - -[41:6] Plato, _Protagoras_, tr. by Jowett; Aristotle, _Politics_, bk. 8, -tr. by Jowett; Mahaffy, _Old Greek Ed._; St. John, _The Hellenes_, bk. -2, ch. 4; Davidson, _Aristotle_, bk. 1, ch. 4; _The Nation_, March 24, -1892, pp. 230-231; Zeller, _Socrates and the Socratic Schools_, ch. 3; -Capes, _University Life in Ancient Athens_, ch. 1; Newman, _Hist. -Sketches_, ch. 4; Thirlwell, _Hist. of Greece_, i., ch. 8. - -[42:1] Doellinger, _Gentile and Jew_, ii., 294-296; Kirkpatrick, _Hist. -Develop. of Super. Instr._; _Am. Jour. of Ed._, xxiv., 468-470. - -[42:2] Gieseler, i., Sec. 11. - -[42:3] Doellinger, _Gentile and Jew_, i., bk. 7. - -[43:1] _About the Republic_, iii., 6; Virgil, _Eclogues_, iv., 4-10; 13, -14; Lactantius, _Divine Inst._, vi., 8; Suetonius, _Life of Vesp._, ch. -4; Tacitus, _Histories_, v., 13. - -[43:2] Gladstone, _Gods and Men of the Heroic Age_; Tyler, _Theol. of -the Greeks_; Cocker, _Christ and Greek Philos._; Niebuhr, _Stories of -Gr. Heroes_; Berens, _Myths and Legends of Anc. Gr._; Taylor, _Anc. -Ideals_; Parnell, _Cults of the Gr. States_; Ely, _Olympus_; Francillon, -_Gods and Heroes_; Grote; Curtius; Thirlwell. - -[43:3] Read _Iliad_, _Odyssey_ and Hesiod, _Theogeny_. - -[43:4] _Concerning the Republic_, ii. - -[43:5] Adam, _The Religious Teachers of Greece_, Edinb., 1908. Baur, -_The Christian Element in Plato_, Edinb., 1861; Hatch, _The Greek -Influence on Christianity_. Hibbert Lectures, 1888. - -[44:1] Schuerer, _Hist. of Jewish People_; Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_; -Stanley _Lect. on Hist. of Jewish Ch._; Ewald, _Hist. of Jewish People_; -Edersheim, _Prophecy and Hist. in Rel. to the Messiah_; Kent, _Hist. of -Heb. People_; Graetz, _Hist. of Jews_; Newman, _Christianity in its -Cradle_. See Josephus for full account. - -[44:2] _Jewish Encyc._ See Josephus, _Antiq._, XIII., x., 5, 6; v., 9; -XVII., ii., 4; XVIII., i., 2. - -[44:3] _Jewish Encyc._ See Josephus, _Antiq._, XIII., v., 9; x., 6; -XVIII., i., 3; _Wars_, II., viii., 14. - -[44:4] Matt. xxii., 23; Mark xii., 18; Luke xx., 27; Josephus, _Antiq._, -XVIII., i., 4. - -[44:5] Acts xxiii., 8. - -[44:6] It must be remembered that Nicodemus, Gamaliel, and others came -from this class. - -[44:7] _Jewish Encyc._ - -[45:1] Josephus; Philo; Pliny; Lightfoot, _Ep. to Gal._; Schuerer, ii., -188; _Jewish Encyc._ - -[45:2] _Jewish Encyc._ - -[45:3] John iv., 4; viii., 48; Luke ix., 52, 53; x., 25-37. - -[45:4] Josephus, _Antiq._, XVIII., i., 1-6; Rhees, _Life of Jesus_; -_Jewish Encyc._ Hastings, _Dict. of the Bible_. - -[46:1] Schuerer, _Jewish People_, div. II., ii., 154-187; Wendt, -_Teachings of Jesus_, i., 33-89; Graetz, _Hist. of the Jews_, ii., -122-123, 140-147; Edersheim, _Life and Times of Jesus_, i., 160-179; -Rhees, _Life of Jesus_, sec. 13; Mathews, _Hist. of N. T. Times_, ch. -13. - -[46:2] Rom. i., 18-32. - -[46:3] _De Ira_, I., ii., c. 8. - -[46:4] _Politica_, I., ii., c. 2-18. - -[47:1] Tacitus felt a common humanity when he wrote: "Homo sum; humani -nihil a me alienum puto." Cicero and Virgil expressed like ideas. In the -Middle Ages it was even said that Virgil in the Fourth Eclogue -prophesied the advent of Jesus. See _Princeton Rev._, Sept. 1879, 403 -_ff._ - -[47:2] Ackerman, _The Christian Element in Plato_; Cocker, _Christianity -and Greek Philosophy_; Hatch, _Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon -the Christian Church_; Addis, _Christianity and the Roman Empire_, -22-25; Farrar, _Seekers after God_; Davidson, _The Stoic Creed_, N. Y. -1907. - -[48:1] The Septuagint version, 284-247 B.C. - -[48:2] Ackerman, _The Christian Element in Plato_. - -[48:3] Josephus and Strabo. Gieseler, i., Sec. 17. - -[48:4] Apion, ii., 10, 39. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -ORIGIN, SPREAD, AND ORGANISATION OF THE CHURCH DURING THE APOSTOLIC AGE - - OUTLINE: I.--Origin of the Christian Church. II.--Spread of - the Apostolic Church. III.--Organisation of the Early Church. - IV.--Conclusions. V.--Sources. - - -The Christian Church has both an internal and an external side--a soul -and a body. Thoughts, feelings, and beliefs constitute the inner Church, -the creed. These, in turn, aided by physical conditions, determine the -outward organisation of the Church. In a broad sense the Church was a -product of certain forces already in the world at the opening of the -Christian era, which were utilised by the believers in the teachings of -Jesus. From pagan and Jewish sources contributions were made to both the -form and content of the Christian Church in the following ways: - -1. The Jews[52:1] gave in ideas: (a) a belief in Jehovah as God, (b) the -conception of sin, (c) a consciousness of the need of repentance and -reconciliation, (d) the doctrine of immortality, (e) the conception of -Heaven and Hell, (f) angels and the devil, (g) miracles, (h) the Old -Testament as God's word, and (i) the Sabbath. To the form of the -Christian Church they suggested: (a) the synagogue, (b) officials like -the elders, (c) ceremonies, (d) feasts,[53:1] and (e) organisation.[53:2] - -2. The pagans contributed in ideas: (a) Greek philosophy and -culture,[53:3] (b) concepts of morality,[53:4] (c) the idea of absolute -sovereignty, and (d) universality.[53:5] In form they gave: (a) -local organisations like the democratic Hellenistic guild or -municipality,[53:6] or the numerous Roman social or religious -associations known as _collegia_ and _sodalitia_ (especially the -_collegia funeraticia_), and the general organisation of the -Empire[53:7]; (b) rites and ceremonies; (c) the evening meal,[53:8] (d) -festivals like Easter and Christmas; (e) the use of images, and (f) -architecture, painting, and ornamentation. - -3. The real founder of the Church, however, was Jesus Christ. He -supplied the fundamental ideas of: (a) the universal fatherhood of God, -(b) the divine sonship of the Saviour of the world, (c) the brotherhood -of man, and (d) the ethical law of self-sacrifice. He created the -Church: (a) by choosing twelve Apostles, by teaching them and by -commissioning them to continue the work; (b) by winning a number of -converts to His doctrines; (c) by leaving certain sacraments for His -followers--Catholics say seven; most Protestants, two. But He left no -written Church constitution giving the details of organisation. The -work of Jesus and His immediate followers in founding the Church is -described in the New Testament. Broadly, then, the Church of Jesus -Christ is composed of all the believers in the teachings of Jesus, -although differing greatly in interpretation and in organisation.[54:1] - -From Jerusalem the Apostles and disciples of Jesus spread his teachings -to Syria, Asia Minor, Africa, Greece, and Rome. From these fields the -propagation was continued until by the time of Constantine every point -within and some places without the Empire were reached. "Throughout -every city and village," enthusiastically exclaimed Eusebius, "churches -were quickly established and filled with members from every -people."[54:2] The fruitful labours of Paul and Timothy were explained -thus: "And so were the churches established in the faith, and increased -in numbers daily."[54:3] Other Apostles were, no doubt, equally active -in various parts of the Empire. The "Christians"--a term of derision -first used by the heathen of Antioch,[54:4]--numbering 500 in 30 -A.D.,[54:5] grew to 500,000 by 100 A.D.,[54:6] and increased to -30,000,000 by 311 A.D.[54:7]--a growth almost unparalleled in the -world's religious history. They included all the social classes in the -Empire from slave to Emperor, though the great middle class was in all -probability most numerously represented.[55:1] - -The causes for this marvellous growth[55:2] are found in: (a) the -revolutionary teachings of Jesus, particularly the idea of immortality, -which was very vague in heathen minds, and the law of love and -self-sacrifice; (b) the miraculous powers attributed to the first -Christians; (c) the purer and austerer morality of the early Christians; -(d) the unity and discipline of the Church, making it a powerful -organisation within the Empire; (e) the preparation and ripeness of the -Empire for Christianity, and (f) the subjective vividness of the -constant presence of Jesus with the early Christians, as explained by -Paul, and their zealous propagandism. - -The results of this new life, brought into the world so dramatically, -must be measured in terms of all subsequent history.[55:3] Every -institution in the Empire was modified by this new spiritual force[55:4] -so that as old pagan imperial Rome gradually fell, new Christian Rome -took its place to rule all western Europe for more than a thousand years -in every sphere of human activity and endeavour. - -The exact form of the organisation of the early Christian Church is -extremely difficult to determine, because of the lack of sufficient -positive authority in the New Testament and in patristic literature. The -Acts of the Apostles and the letters of Paul and others to the first -Christian communities tell nearly all any one can know about the origin -and organisation of the Apostolic Church. From these sources it is clear -that Jesus left certain great teachings, and many devoted believers in -those truths. After His departure, the Apostles, not limited to -twelve,[56:1] receiving authority directly from the Master,[56:2] like -the prophets of old, spread the new pregnant faith over the world, -organised their converts according to individual ideas and local -needs,[56:3] and practically monopolised all direction of the -Church.[56:4] With the increase of these Christian societies in size and -numbers, came the necessity of appointing local officers, or of having -them elected by the "brethren." In this way, at an early date, began the -outward organisation of the Church. The development of the Jewish -Kingdom of God into the Ecclesia of the Christians was a comparatively -easy transition, especially for the Jewish converts. - -Next to the Apostles in point of time, but not authority, in the -Biblical account, came the deacons. At Jerusalem the Apostles had the -"brethren" select "seven men of honest report" to minister to the poor -and unfortunate, and to wait on the table in the daily love-feasts.[56:5] -They were installed by "laying on of hands." This democratic example -apparently was followed elsewhere.[56:6] Both sexes were eligible.[56:7] -The high qualifications for the office suggest its importance.[56:8] - -St. Paul tells us that the earliest Christian communities found -it necessary to have some organisation, hence they chose bishops, -or overseers, and presbyters, or elders. But throughout the New -Testament the words elder, presbyter, and bishop seem to be used -interchangeably.[57:1] The qualifications for the offices were the same. -Bishops and elders are never joined together like bishops and deacons as -if they were two distinct classes of officers. Timothy, for example, -appoints bishops and deacons; Titus, elders and deacons. Paul sends -greetings to bishops and deacons at Philippi, but omits all mention of -elders and presbyters because, presumably, they were included in the -conception of bishops.[57:2] In his pastoral epistles he describes all -Church officers, but mentions only two classes, bishops or elders, and -deacons.[57:3] Peter, who calls himself "also an elder," urges the -elders to "tend the flock of God" and to "fulfil the office of -bishop."[57:4] Even Clement of Rome uses bishop and presbyter -interchangeably as late as 95 A.D.[57:5] Irenaeus (d. 190) and Tertullian -(d. 220), however, were conscious of a distinct division and -differentiation. - -That the official titles, bishop and presbyter or elder, were used from -early apostolic days, all must admit, for the New Testament evidence is -unmistakable. But perplexity and doubt arise at once when an attempt is -made to determine the resemblances and differences in their duties and -powers. The term elder, or presbyter, may have been used merely to -designate the personal relation of the most highly respected members to -the congregation, while the name bishop, or overseer, may have been the -official designation of leadership. Indeed some scholars, like Hatch and -Harnack, believe that the functions of presbyters and bishops were -distinct and different from the beginning. They assert that the college -of presbyters assumed the leadership, or government proper, of the -Christian community, with jurisdiction and disciplinary power, while the -bishops had charge of the administration of the Church, including -worship and finance, and were also largely occupied with charitable -work, in co-operation with the deacons, such as care for the sick, the -poor, and strangers. According to this view each congregation was -organised with three sets of officers, namely, deacons, presbyters, and -bishops, from the very outset. Gradually, however, an amalgamation took -place. The bishops, with their practical information, received seats and -votes in the presbytery and finally came to fill the office of -presidency. - -It seems more probable, on the contrary, that these two titles simply -signify the twofold origin of the early Christians, namely, from the -Jews and the pagans. The word presbyter is of Hebraic derivation, while -bishop is a pure Greek term. Consequently the tendency developed to use -presbyter wherever the Hebrew element predominated, and, on the other -hand, to employ bishop for Greek communities. It was but natural, too, -that these two terms should come to signify the same thing and should -come to be used interchangeably. - -The derivation of these terms is not clear.[59:1] Both presbyter and -bishop appear to have been in use in Syria and Asia Minor to designate -officers of municipal and private corporations. In Grecian civic -organisations, the word bishop or superintendent was likewise commonly -used. Then there were the well-known elders of the Jewish -synagogue,[59:2] and the senators of Roman municipalities--in fact a -universal respect for seniority existed in the old world. It was very -natural, therefore, that the Christians should adopt the known forms, -names, and offices of those organisations with which they were -familiar.[59:3] This method of procedure is precisely the one followed -over the world to-day in propagating any idea through organised effort. - -These elders were apparently organised into boards, or councils, for the -purpose of better furthering the interests of the Church. They were not -teachers at first so much as the administrators, or business managers, -of the general concerns of the Church.[59:4] They helped to enact -ordinances[59:5]; discussed important questions with the Apostles and -assisted them in every possible way; enforced discipline[59:6]; settled -disputes between Christians; and prayed for the sick and anointed -them.[59:7] - -The first Christians, eagerly awaiting the literal second coming of -Christ, and imbued with great enthusiasm for the Gospel, did not feel -the need of an elaborate constitution. But in time, as numbers -increased, as severe persecution fell upon the Christians, and as the -original fervour and spirituality decreased with the conversion of so -many pagans, it became necessary to develop a regular system of Church -government, which would more effectively meet the new conditions. The -fact of differentiation in organisation is easily established, because -the earliest and later forms may be determined with reasonable accuracy, -but the transitional process is much more difficult of comprehension. -This evolution, however, appears to have taken this course: - -1. The board of presbyters, at least in the larger congregations, -naturally and logically developed a head with a priority in rank. The -office of president was universal in contemporary Jewish associations, -and in Roman and Greek organisations. The creation of a chairman of the -administrative body became a political necessity to expedite business, -and to enforce discipline in the Christian societies. Moreover there was -the example of the Apostles, who actually designated officers to -continue their work (a) of teaching the true doctrines,[60:1] (b) of -organising new churches, (c) of ordaining deacons and elders, and (d) in -acting as head of the whole congregation.[60:2] Hence this change was -natural, imperative, and easy; but the transition must have been gradual -and must have lacked uniformity. - -2. The president of the board of presbyters came, in course of time, to -have a recognised supremacy in power as well as in rank, and the title -of bishop was gradually restricted to his high office. After the death -of the Apostles more duties devolved upon the president of the council, -and it was in the course of things that the special word bishop, _i. -e._, overseer or superintendent, should be applied to him. By the second -century, at least, if not indeed before, the differentiation had begun -and from that time on it can be plainly traced in the Church Fathers. -Jerome states that at Alexandria until the middle of the third century -the presbyters elected one of their number as president and called him -bishop.[61:1] Hilarius says: "Every bishop is a presbyter, but not every -presbyter a bishop; for he only is bishop who is the primate among the -presbyters."[61:2] Examples, secular and ecclesiastical, were not -lacking to warrant the change: (a) the Old Testament priesthood, (b) -Christ and his Apostles, (c) the Apostles and their appointees, (d) the -Emperor and his officials. The bishop soon professed to occupy the place -of an Apostle instead of Christ as earlier, hence arose the idea of an -"Apostolic seat" and "Apostolic succession."[61:3] He represented -Christian unity of doctrine and discipline, and ruled over a recognised -territory--first a single church, then a city, then a province. From the -bishop it was only another step to the archbishop, the metropolitan, the -patriarch, and the Pope. - -3. The position of the presbyter changes, likewise, from that of the -highest officer in the Church to one subordinate (a) to the board of -elders and then (b) to the bishop. This distinction once made between -bishop and presbyter, there was a tendency for the bishops to usurp -more and more power, while the presbyters opposed it. The third century -is full of these quarrels.[62:1] Here began the conflict between the -principles of monarchy and aristocracy in the Church. Soon, from acting -as a member of a council, the presbyter came to act alone under the -bishop--_i. e._, the presbyter became a priest, just as the president -became a bishop. Presbyters also assumed new functions: (a) "ministry of -the word" and (b) "ministry of the sacraments." New detached communities -were ruled not infrequently by single presbyters under the city bishop. -Indeed it seems that from the outset the smaller and weaker Christian -communities were ruled by single elders. - -4. The status and functions of the deacon likewise were altered. At -first he visited the sick and unfortunate, collected and disbursed alms, -and reported on discipline. Stephen taught; Philip baptised. With the -growth of Christian civilisation, however, institutions of -relief--hospitals, orphanages, infant asylums, almshouses, poorhouses, -guest-houses, etc.--took the place of the earlier personal ministrations -of the deacons. Each institution had its own head, not necessarily a -deacon. From being distributors of alms, therefore, the deacon first -became an assistant of the bishop,[62:2] and later the chief helper of -the priest in the administration of the sacraments. With the -multiplication of the duties of this office came the archdeacons and -subdeacons. - -5. The many duties incident to a complex organisation gradually produced -a new set of subordinate officials--the minor orders: (a) lectors to -read the Scriptures in public and to keep the books, (b) acolytes to -assist the bishops, (c) exorcists to pray for those possessed of evil -spirits, (d) janitors to care for the buildings and preserve order, (e) -precentors to conduct public praise service, (f) catechists to instruct -the catechumens, (g) interpreters to translate the Scripture -lesson.[63:1] - -6. The clergy came to be distinct from the laity--a sacerdotal class was -developed. In the early Church the priesthood was universal, _i. e._, -laymen as well as Church officers could preach, baptise, administer the -sacraments, and exercise discipline. The relation of clergy to laity was -merely that of leadership as in non-Christian organisations. -"Ordination" simply meant appointment, and was used in civic -installations, while "laying on of hands" was only a symbol of prayer -and even used by the Jews for secular affairs. - -Gradually, however, the tendency to put the Church officials above the -laity grew stronger until something akin to the Old Testament idea of -the priesthood was revived. By the fourth century the Church officers -had lost their primitive character and had become a separate class -mediating between God and man. The causes of this separation are not -difficult to see, namely: (a) the peculiar duties of the Church -officials tended to give them a distinct character; (b) the persecutions -to which the Roman government subjected them threw them into conspicuous -relief; (c) the legalisation of Christianity bestowed upon them a -distinct civil status, made them immune from public burdens like taxes -and military service, exempted them from civil courts, and permitted -them to acquire property; and (d) the rise of asceticism forced the -clergy to observe a code of morals different from that of the laity, -demanded celibacy, originated the badge of the tonsure, and created -clergy-houses. - -The laity were early organised in congregations. Membership in the -Church was open to all believers in Jesus. The election of officers was, -for the most part, democratic. The life of each congregation was -socialistic and communistic. All possessions were sold for the common -good and to create a common fund for the needy.[64:1] The members -enjoyed a common evening meal and their common love-feast which was to -them the highest act of worship.[64:2] Disobedience, or infidelity, -might be punished by private admonition, public correction, and in -stubborn cases excommunication.[64:3] But after the first century these -communistic-democratic societies were gradually replaced by a -hierarchical organisation with new or modified institutions. The -monarchio-episcopal principle of church government was gradually evolved -but, nevertheless, much of the primitive democracy remained. This -evolution in the government of the Church may be clearly seen by the end -of the second century. - -From this discussion these conclusions may be drawn: - -1. The New Testament does not furnish a satisfactory model for any one -distinct organisation of the Christian Church. - -2. In the New Testament, however, are found the germs from which sprang -deacons, priests, bishops, metropolitans, patriarchs, and popes. - -3. The elements from which the Church was organised already existed in -large measure in human society. Hence the Church, in its outward form, -had a natural historical growth and was influenced by (a) the Jewish -synagogue, (b) Greek municipalities, (c) the Roman government, (d) local -needs, and (e) the conditions of the times. The animating principle and -causal inspiration was Christianity. - -4. Christian society, like human society, was subject to constant change -which is easily detected. The form of organisation, originally -democratic, was gradually changed by the force of circumstances until it -became monarchial and at the same time the officers underwent a similar -transformation. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--JEWISH: - - 1.--Josephus, _Jewish War_, _Against Apion_, _Autobiography_, - Whiston ed. - - 2.--Philo Judaeus. _Works._ 4 vols. Bohn Lib., 1854-55. - - 3--_Talmud._ Transl. by Rodkinson; rev. by Wise, N. Y., 1896. - - II.--HEATHEN: - - 1.--Lucan, Pliny, Tacitus, Suetonius. See Chap. III. of this - work. - - 2.--Celsus (c. 178 A.D.), _Against the Christians_. Transl. by - Lardner, Lond., 1830. - - 3.--Porphyry (d. 306), _Against the Christians_. _Ib._ - - 4.--Julian (d. 363), _Against the Christians_. _Ib._ Also - Transl. by Nevins, Lond., 1873. _Works._ Bohn Lib., 1888. - Transl. by Duncombe, Lond., 1784. _Public Letters._ - Transl. by Chinnock, Lond., 1901. - - III.--CHRISTIAN: - - =1.--New Testament= (27 canonical books). - - =2.--New Testament Apocrypha.= Schaff, i., 188. Transl. in - _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, vol. xvi. - - 1.--_Acts._ Transl. by Phillips, Lond., 1876. - - 2.--_Epistles_--6 by Paul and 8 by Seneca. - - 3.--_Apocalypses_--of the Apostles. - - =3.--Apostolic Fathers:= - - 1.--Clement of Rome (97?), _Epist. to the Ch. of Corinth_. - Best ed. by Lightfoot, _Apost. Fathers_, N. Y. 1891. - - 2.--Ignatius (d. 70-115), _Epistles_ (7). _Ib._ See Killen. - - 3.--Barnabas(?), _Epistle_. Lightfoot; Cunningham. - - 4.--Polycarp (d. 156), _Epistle_. Lightfoot; Jackson. - - 5.--Papias (d. 153?), _Fragments_. Lightfoot; Hall. - - 6.--Shepherd of Hermas(?). Lightfoot; Hoole. - - 7.--_Didache_(?). Hoole; Hitchcock. - - =4.--Post-Apostolic Fathers:= - - 1.--Justin Martyr (d. 164?), _Works_. _Ante-Nic. Christ. - Lib._, ii.; Am. ed., i. - - 2.--Irenaeus (d. 202?), _Works_. _Ib._, v., ix.; Am. ed., i.; - _Fathers of the Holy Cath. Ch._, ch. 42. - - 3.--Hippolytus(?), _Works_. _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, ii., - 130; vi., 15-403. - - 4.--Victor (d. 200?), _Works_. _Ib._, xviii., 388-434. - - 5.--Tertullian (d. 230?), _Works_. _Ib._, i., 408; ii., 25; - iii., 118; xi., 53-140; xviii.; Am. ed., iii.-iv. - - 6.--Origen (d. 254?), _Works_. _Ib._, ii., 1-3; x.; Am. ed., - iv. - - 7.--Cyprian (d. 258?), _Works_. _Ib._, viii.; xiii., 1-264; - Am. ed., v. - - 8.--Dionysius of Alexandria (d. 264?), _Works_. _Ib._, xx., - 157-265. - - 9.--Tatian (d. 166?), _Works_. _Ib._, iii., 1-46; Am. ed., - ii. - - 10.--Eusebius, _Eccl. Hist._ in _Nic. and Post-Nic. - Fathers_. 1. Other translations. - - =5.--Collections:= - - 1.--_Apostolic Constitutions._ _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, - xvii. Am. ed., vii. - - 2.--O'Leary, L. E., _Apostol. Const. and Cognate Documents_, - N. Y., 1906. - - 3.--_Apostolical Canons._ Tr. by R. C. Jenkins. Lond., 1856. - See Harnack, _Sources of the Apostolic Canons_. Lond., - 1895. - - 4.--Conybeare, F. C., _The Apology and Acts of Apollonius - and other Monuments of early Christianity_. N. Y., 1894. - - 5.--Lardner, N. _Jewish and Heathen Testimonials_. In his - _Works_, vii.-ix. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Allies, T. W., _The Formation of Christendom_, 4 vols. - Lond., 1895. - - 2.--Anderdon, W. H., _Fasti Apostolici_. Lond., 1884. - - 3.--Anson, A. J. R., _The Church: its Organisation in the Time - of the Apostles_. Lond., 1886. - - 4.--Barnes, A., _Organisation and Government of the Apostolic - Church_. Phila., 1854. - - 5.--Bartlett, J. V., _The Apostolic Age_. N. Y., 1900. - - 6.--Baumgarten, M., _The Acts of the Apostles_. 3 vols. N. Y., - 1854. - - 7.--Capes, J. M., _The Church of the Apostles_. Lond., 1886. - - 8.--Catterille, H., _The Genesis of the Church_. Edinb., 1872. - - 9.--Colman, L., _Ancient Christianity_. Phila., 1853. - - 10.--Cox, H., _The First Century of Christianity_. Lond., - 1892. - - 11.--Cutts, E. L., _Notes of Lessons on the Church in the New - Testament_. N. Y., 1892. - - 12.--Davidson, S., _The Ecclesiastical Polity of the New - Testament_. Lond., 1855. - - 13.--Dobschuetz, E. von, _The Early Christian Communities_. N. - Y., 1903. _Christian Life in the Primitive Church._ N. - Y., 1904. - - 14.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _The First Age of Christianity and - the Church_. 2 vols. Lond., 1877. - - 15.--Fairbairn, A. M., _Christianity in the First Century_. - Lond., 1883. - - 16.--Falconer, J. W., _From Apostle to Priest_. Edinb., 1900. - - 17.--Farrar, F. W., _The Early Days of Christianity_. N. Y., - 1882. - - 18.--Fisher, G. P., _Beginnings of Christianity_. N. Y., 1888. - - 19.--Giles, J. A., _Apostolical Records of Early Christianity_. - Lond., 1886. - - 20.--Harnack, A., _The Expansion of Christianity in the First - Three Centuries_. Lond., 1904-1905. 2 vols. - - 21.--Hatch, E., _Growth of Church Institutions_. Lond., 1887. - _Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Church._ - Lond., 1890. _Organisation of the Early Churches._ Lond., - 1888. - - 22.--Hausrath, A., _The Time of the Apostles_. 4 vols. Lond., - 1895. - - 23.--Hinds, S., and Newman, J. H., _History of the Christian - Church in the First Century_. Lond., 1862. - - 24.--Hort, F. J. A., _The Christian Ecclesia_. Lond., 1897. - - 25.--Jacob, G. A., _Ecclesiastical Polity of the New - Testament_. N. Y., 1874. - - 26.--Janes, L. G., _Study of the Primitive Church_. Bost., - 1886. - - 27.--Lightfoot, J. B., _Apostolic Fathers_. N. Y., 1891. - _Dissertations on the Apostolic Age._ N. Y., 1892. - - 28.--Maurice, J. F. D., _Lectures on Ecclesiastical History_. - Camb., 1854. - - 29.--McGiffert, A. C., _History of Christianity in the - Apostolic Age_. N. Y., 1891. - - 30.--Merivale, L. A., _Christian Records_. Lond., 1857. - - 31.--Miller, E., _The Priesthood in the Light of the New - Testament_. Lond., 1876. - - 32.--Neander, A., _Planting and Training of the Christian - Church by the Apostles_. N. Y., 1856. - - 33.--Orr, J., _Neglected Factors in the Study of the Progress - of Christianity_. N. Y., 1899. _The Early Church: its - History and Literature._ N. Y., 1901. - - 34.--Palmer, R., _The Catholic and Apostolic Church_. Lond., - 1899. - - 35.--Pressense, E. De, _Early Days of Christianity_. 4 vols. N. - Y., 1873-8. - - 36.--Pryce, J., _Notes on the History of the Early Church_. - Lond., 1892. - - 37.--Ramsay, W. M., _The Church in the Roman Empire_. N. Y., - 1893. - - 38.--Reichel, C. P., _The Origins of the Church_. Dub., 1882. - - 39.--Renan, E., _Origins of Christianity_. Lond., 1888. - - 40.--Ropes, J. H., _The Apostolic Age in the Light of Modern - Criticism_. N. Y., 1906. - - 41.--Row, C. A., _Apostolical Christianity_. Lond., 1881. - - 42.--Schaff, P., _History of the Apostolic Church_. N. Y., - 1874. - - 43.--Simcox, W. H., _The Beginnings of the Christian Church_. - Lond., 1881. - - 44.--Slater, W. F., _Faith and Life of the Early Church_. - Lond., 1892. - - 45.--Stanley, A. P., _Apostolic Age_. Oxf., 1874. - - 46.--Tarrant, W. G., _Beginnings of Christendom_. Lond., 1893. - - 47.--Taylor, I., _Ancient Christianity_. Lond., 1844. - - 48.--Thatcher, O. J., _History of the Apostolical Church_. N. - Y., 1893. - - 49.--Thiersch, H. W. J., _History of the Christian Church in - the Apostolic Age_. Lond., 1852. - - 50.--Vaughan, C. S., _The Church of the First Days_. 3 vols. - Lond., 1864. - - 51.--Vedder, H. C., _Dawn of Christianity_. Phila., 1894. - - 52.--Watson, R. A., _Apostolic Age_. Lond., 1894. - - 53.--Weizsacker, C., _The Apostolic Age_. 2 vols. N. Y., 1894. - _Antiqua Mater._ Lond., 1887. - - 54.--Wernle, P., _The Beginnings of Christianity_. N. Y., 1902. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Alzog, i., 117-160. Backhouse, pt. i., ch. 1, 2. Baur, ii., - 16-61. Blunt, i., ch. 2-5. Bouzique, i., ch. 1, 2. Bright, W., - ch. 1. Burton, ch. 8. Butler, ch. 2, 4, 5. Chantrel, ch. 1, 2. - Cheetham, ch. 2, 4, 7, 8. Coxe, ch. 2. Crooks, ch. 3, 10, 18. - Cunningham, lect. 1, 2. Dehorbe, ch. 28-32. Doellinger, J. J. - I., i., ch. 1, sec. 4, 5; ch. 3, sec. 1-4. Duff, 79, 105, 108, - 110, 120, 139, 157, 226, 260, 304, 396. Fisher, pd. i., ch. 2; - pd. ii., ch. 1, 2. Fitzgerald, i., 63-75, 118-129. Foulkes, - ch. 1, 2. Gieseler, sec. 25-30. Gilmartin, i., ch. 4. - Guericke, 106-139. Hase, 24-41. Hore, ch. 1, 2. Hurst, i., - 61-149. Jackson, ch. 3, 10. Jennings, i., ch. 1, 2. Killen, - sec. 3, ch. 3. Kurtz, i., 22-36, 52-64. Mahan, bk. i., ch. 11; - bk. ii., ch. 48. Milman, bk. i., ch. 1. Moeller, i., 62-68. - Neander, i., sec. 2, 3. Newman, A. H., pd. i., ch. 1-3. - Robertson, bk. i., ch. 8. Schaff, i., 187-217, 432-506. Sikes, - ch. 2. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[52:1] _Jewish Encyc._; Sorley, _Jewish Christians and Judaism_, London, -1881; Bettany, _History of Judaism and Christianity_, London, 1892; _A -History of Jews in Rome, B.C. 160-A.D. 604_, London, 1882; Toy, C. H., -_Judaism and Christianity_, Boston, 1891. - -[53:1] Moeller, i., 69. - -[53:2] Moeller, i., 55, 66. - -[53:3] Kurtz, Sec. 7, No. 4. - -[53:4] See Cicero, Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius. Read Baur, -i., 10-17, Kurtz, Sec. 7, No. 2; _cf._ Foucard, _Les associations relig. -chez les Grecs_, Paris, 1873. - -[53:5] Kurtz, Sec. 7, No. 5. - -[53:6] Hatch, 26-39; Kurtz, Sec. 17, Nos. 2, 3; Moeller, i., 66. - -[53:7] Tertullian, _Apol._, ch. 38, 39; _cf._ Mommsen, _De collegiis et -sodal. Rom._, Kil., 1843. - -[53:8] Xenophon, _Memorabil._, iii., 14; Athenaeus, _Deipnos_, vii., 7, -68, p. 365a; Fouard, _St. Peter_, 363. - -[54:1] 1 Cor. i., 2. Illustration of this variation is found in the fact -that Calvinists and most Protestants believe the Church to be an -invisible organisation, while Catholics, Lutherans, Anglicans, and -oriental Christians hold it to be visible. - -[54:2] Euseb., bk. ii., ch. 3. - -[54:3] Acts xvi., 5; _cf._ Acts ii., 47. - -[54:4] Euseb., bk. ii., ch. 3; _cf._ Acts xi., 26. - -[54:5] Gieseler, i., 72. - -[54:6] Schaff, i., 196. - -[54:7] Orr, _Neglected Factors_, 23-91. Schaff, 197, gives only -12,000,000. - -[55:1] Orr, _Neglected Factors_, 95-163. - -[55:2] See Gibbon's "famous infamous," ch. 15. - -[55:3] Church, R. W., _Civilisation before and after Christianity_, N. -Y., 1872. - -[55:4] See the works of Troplong, Schmidt, Uhlhorn, Lecky, Brace, -Milman, Pressense, etc. - -[56:1] 1 Cor. ix., 1, 5; xii., 28, 29; xv., 5, 7; Rom. xvi., 7. - -[56:2] 1 Cor. xi., 23; xii., 3-8; 2 Cor. x., 8; xiii., 10; Gal. i., 8, -9, 12; Eph. iv., 11. - -[56:3] Acts xiv., 23; Tit. i., 5. - -[56:4] Acts ii., 42; iv., 35, 37; v., 2. - -[56:5] Acts vi., 1-6. - -[56:6] Phil. i., 1; 1 Tim. iii., 8; iv. 14. - -[56:7] Rom. xvi., 1. - -[56:8] Acts vi., 1-6; 1 Tim. iii., 8-13. - -[57:1] Acts xv., 23; xvi., 4; xx., 17, 28; Phil. i., 1; 1 Tim. iii.; -iv., 14; v., 17-19; Tit. i., 5-7; James v., 14; Clement, _To Corinth_, -xlii., 44. _Cf._ Rev. iv., 4; v., 5, 6; vii., 11, 13. - -[57:2] Phil. i., 1. - -[57:3] 1 Tim. iii., 1-13; v., 17-19; Tit. i., 5-7; Heb. xi., 2. - -[57:4] 1 Pet. v., 1-2. - -[57:5] _To Corinth_, ch. xliii. The Didache and Shepherd of Hermas offer -additional testimony on this point. - -[59:1] See various dictionaries of the Bible. - -[59:2] Ex. xxiv., 1; Num. xi., 16; Gen. l., 7-8; Lev. iv., 15; Deut. -xxi., 19; 1 Sam. xvi., 4; Ezra v., 5; Psalm cvii., 32; Ezek. viii., 1; -Acts iv., 8; Matt. xxi., 23; xxvii., 1; Luke xxii., 66. - -[59:3] Hatch, 62-66. - -[59:4] Hatch, 69-73; Acts xx., 28-31; 1 Pet. v., 1; 1 Tim. v., 17. - -[59:5] Acts xvi., 4. - -[59:6] Acts xx., 29-31, 35; Tertullian, _Apol._, 39. - -[59:7] James v., 14. - -[60:1] 1 Tim. i., 3. - -[60:2] Tit. i., 5. - -[61:1] _Ep._ 146, _Ad Evangelum_; _cf._ _Ep._ 82 and 84. _Apost. -Const._, iii., c. 11. - -[61:2] _1 Ep. to Timoth._, c. 3. - -[61:3] Hatch, 106-109. - -[62:1] Neander, i., 192, 193. - -[62:2] Hatch, 54. - -[63:1] Euseb., vi., 43; Neander, i., Sec. 2; Kurtz, i., Sec. 34; Alzog, i., Sec. -83; Moeller, i., 234. - -[64:1] Acts ii., 44, 45. - -[64:2] Acts ii., 42, 46. - -[64:3] Mat. xviii., 15-18; Tit. iii., 10; 1 Cor. v., 5. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE ROMAN CHURCH AND PETER'S PRIMACY - - OUTLINE: I.--Planting of the church in Rome and its - organisation there. II.--The two opposing views of the Petrine - theory. III.--Proofs advanced for the Petrine theory. - IV.--Evidence given against the Petrine theory. V.--Historical - conclusions. VI.--Sources. - - -Reports concerning the teachings and labours of Jesus must have early -reached Rome.[71:1] A perpetual stream of strangers and provincials -flowed into Rome from every quarter of the Empire, hence every new -creed, theory, and organisation was soon known in the capital.[71:2] -Roman merchants, sailors, soldiers, or public officials, or the Jews, or -the Greeks, might have carried news of the new sect to the heart of -imperial power. Tertullian mentions the legend that Emperor Tiberius -sought to include Jesus among the Roman gods, but his plan was -frustrated by the Roman Senate.[71:3] Eusebius declared that this same -ruler, "being obviously pleased with the doctrine," threatened "death to -the accusers of the Christians."[71:4] It seems reasonable to conclude, -then, that Christianity, soon after its birth, was introduced into the -Eternal City. - -It appears clear, too, that Christian converts were early won in Rome, -or else migrated thither from other parts of the Empire. It is not at -all improbable that many of these early Christians in the capital were -Jews.[72:1] Paul said that upon his arrival in Italy he "found brethren" -at Puteoli and that a week later Christians came out of the city of Rome -to greet him.[72:2] It is also quite probable that these various -Christian communities in Italy had already created loose local -organisations. Paul, during his prolonged stay in Rome, undoubtedly -converted many to the new faith and laboured to perfect their Church -organisation.[72:3] The magnificent work done by this Apostle in -promulgating the new faith throughout western Europe was sealed by a -martyr's death at Rome.[72:4] - -It appears, also, that the Apostle Peter laboured at Rome, probably -after Paul, and completed the organisation of the Church. Tradition -likewise gives him a martyr's crown. The Roman Church, therefore, -founded by two Apostles and nourished by their heroic blood, was a -double apostolic seat. This unusual origin, coupled with the fact of -location in the heart of the world, together with a hundred other -causes, made the Roman Church very conspicuous from the first and -enabled it to become the determining factor in Western civilisation for -fifteen hundred years. Under these circumstances it was but natural that -the head of the Roman Church should come to have superior respect, -primacy in rank, and leadership in power, first in Italy, and then -throughout western Europe. - -The mother Church in Rome was imbued with great missionary zeal, and -spread the new faith with extraordinary rapidity. In 64 A.D. the -Christians in Rome, according to the heathen historian Tacitus, -constituted a "huge multitude."[73:1] By 250 the Roman bishop ruled over -forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two -acolytes, and fifty readers, exorcists, and porters.[73:2] The -Christians in Rome, a city of possibly one million, numbered at least -fifty thousand as estimated by Gibbon[73:3] and possibly three times -that many as reckoned by later investigators.[73:4] Optatus, Bishop of -Mileve in Numidia, asserted that in 300 there were forty churches in the -Eternal City. While possibly a few churches may have been planted in -western Europe independently, just as in Rome, still, in general, -Christianity was disseminated throughout western Europe and the western -part of northern Africa through the apostolic organisation in the -capital city. Paul may have even made a visit to Spain.[73:5] Bede says -that King Lucius asked the Roman bishop in 156 to send missionaries to -Britain[73:6] and Tertullian confirmed the declaration.[73:7] In France -a church was planted at Lyons in 177 and another at Vienne.[73:8] In the -third century, asserts Gregory of Tours, seven Roman missionaries went -to Gaul and there became seven bishops with subordinate churches. The -famous St. Denis of Paris was one of these pioneers.[74:1] Christianity -was likewise early carried into Germany (cis-Rhenana)[74:2] and across -the Mediterranean to north-western Africa.[74:3] It is a matter of no -great surprise, therefore, to see the Roman Church revered as the great -mother Church of the West. Paul speaks of the faith of Rome as -"proclaimed throughout the whole world."[74:4] - -The process of Church organisation at Rome was no doubt quite similar to -that described in the preceding chapter, with this difference, however, -that the episcopal system was either present from the time Peter and -Paul appointed a successor, or at least began very early. Through his -presbyters, or priests, the Bishop of Rome at first ruled over a number -of separate communities in the city. As the faithful spread the gospel -beyond the walls, churches were organised in the villages and -jurisdiction over them became vested in priests sent out by the bishops. -In time, however, the churches in the chief centres of population -demanded bishops of their own; they were appointed, or elected, under -influence from Rome, and, consequently, acknowledged allegiance to the -Roman See. There is incontrovertible evidence that by the fourth century -every city in Italy had a bishop. The village bishops naturally looked -to the city bishops for assistance and advice. The city bishops -similarly depended upon the bishop in the capital of the province, and -the provincial bishop in like manner recognised the superiority of the -bishop in the capital of the Empire. Thus the power of the Roman bishop -was gradually extended first over Italy and then over western Europe. -The consciousness of a unity of belief, unity of interest, and unity of -purpose developed comparatively early among the churches. A name for -this unity is first found in Ignatius and was the Universal or Catholic -Church.[75:1] Before long the Bishop of Rome was to claim, by divine -appointment and arrangement, sovereign jurisdiction over the great -organisation. - -The classes won to the new faith in the city of Rome through the zeal of -the Roman Christians included representatives from the slave to the -imperial family. The earliest converts may have been the Jews, who were -quite numerous in the Eternal City, and who best understood the -significance of Christianity. The hope and faith and love of the new -teaching appealed powerfully to the lowest social classes--the wretched -slave and the impoverished freedman.[75:2] The need and the truth of -this lofty, universal creed also won adherents from the great creative -middle class--including not only the educated but also the soldiers, -tradespeople, farmers, imperial officials, and skilled workmen. In fact -the marvellous vitality and the unparalleled growth of Christianity in -Rome can be explained satisfactorily only upon the supposition that the -representation of this class was very great.[75:3] From the nobility -converts were likewise secured and even in the Emperor's household -followers were found.[76:1] In short, the whole social and moral -structure of Rome was leavened by the new ideas. - -Along with this unparalleled growth of the power of the Roman bishop was -created the Petrine theory destined to have a powerful effect on the -history of the Church. Since an inquiry into this theory has a peculiar -significance for the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, and the -Protestant, it is necessary to consider the subject rather carefully -from the standpoint of both its advocates and opponents. - -The Roman Catholic belief is that Jesus came to organise His Church on -earth; that He appointed Peter to be his successor and head of the -Church; that Peter went to Rome, established the Church there in the -great capital city, laboured as its head twenty-five years, and died -there as a martyr; that Peter transmitted his leadership and primacy to -the Bishop of Rome, whom he appointed as his successor, and who in turn -transferred it to succeeding popes; that the Roman Church, therefore, is -the only true Church, and that these contentions are conclusively proved -from the Bible, the Church Fathers, traditions, and monuments.[76:2] - -The Greek Catholic view coincides with Rome in asserting the divine -origin of the Church. A certain honourable primacy is conceded to the -Apostle Peter; and to his successors at Rome, as patriarchs of the West, -is granted a kind of supreme leadership in the Church. But the -patriarchs of the East are put on an equality with the Pope of Rome, and -thus the extreme claims of the Petrine theory are denied. - -Protestant opinion on the other hand takes two forms: - -1. The pro-Petrine view, held chiefly by the Episcopalians, maintains -that Jesus turned His Church over to all His Apostles; that upon their -death they transmitted their leadership to succeeding bishops; that -Peter was in Rome and, with Paul, helped to organise the Church there, -and appointed a successor through whom apostolic power has been -transmitted to all bishops appointed by the Bishop of Rome, or by his -appointees, where it now resides; that bishops and their successors -appointed by Apostles other than Peter have just as much power as the -Bishop of Rome, because the fruits of Peter's work are merely the most -marked, but not necessarily the only divine or the most divine; that -adequate proofs of this position are found in history, the Church -Fathers, and the Scriptures. - -2. The anti-Petrine view, taken by most Protestants, asserts that Jesus -left no Church organisation; that he did not appoint Peter as his -successor; that whatever leadership Peter had, came from his temperament -and natural ability; that there is no positive proof of Peter's being in -Rome, consequently he could not have founded the Church there and named -a successor; that therefore the Roman Catholic Church is not the only -true Church, and that abundant proof of this position can be supplied. - -It may be well now to examine the proof offered in support of the -Petrine theory under the four following heads: - -1. _Peter's primacy._ Jesus said to Peter, "Thou art Peter, and upon -this rock I will build my Church; . . . And I will give unto thee the -keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth -shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall -be loosed in heaven."[78:1] No such words were addressed to any other -Apostle, hence Peter is the foundation-stone of the Church. Just as God -changed Abram's name to Abraham, when he called him to be the father of -a mighty nation, so Jesus gave Peter a new name.[78:2] Peter was chosen -to be present with James and John on important occasions, like the -healing of the daughter of Jairus[78:3]; the glorification of -Jesus[78:4]; the struggle in Gethsemane[78:5]; and on all these -occasions Peter is named first in the record. He likewise was the first -to whom the risen Christ appeared.[78:6] Before His ascension Jesus gave -Peter charge over His whole fold--laity, priests, and bishops,--when He -commanded, "Feed my sheep," and twice repeated, "Feed my lambs."[78:7] -These facts are sufficient, it is believed, to warrant the belief that -Jesus appointed Peter to be the head of His Church. - -2. _Peter's exercise of his primacy._ Next to Jesus, he stands head and -shoulders above all the other Apostles in his activity. The first twelve -chapters of Acts are devoted to him. His name always comes first in the -lists of Apostles, and Judas Iscariot's last.[79:1] He performed the -first recorded miracle,[79:2] and was the first to address the Jews in -Jerusalem, while the other Apostles stood around to see three thousand -converted.[79:3] He was first to win converts from both the Jews[79:4] -and from the Gentiles,--Cornelius and his friends.[79:5] He was the -first to inflict ecclesiastical punishment on offenders.[79:6] He fought -the first heretic in the Christian Church.[79:7] He made the earliest -apostolic visitation of the churches.[79:8] When a successor to Judas -was chosen, Peter alone spoke, and the other Apostles silently acted on -his advice.[79:9] In the council of Jerusalem Peter first spoke, when -the disputes ceased and "all the multitude kept silence"; even James -obeyed.[79:10] James was beheaded by Herod, but no tumult resulted. -Peter was imprisoned about the same time, and the whole Church was -aroused about it.[79:11] St. Paul himself plainly admitted Peter's -pre-eminence.[79:12] These deeds clearly indicate, it is contended, that -Peter consciously exercised the primacy bestowed upon him, and that his -fellow Apostles recognised it. - -3. _Peter's visit to Rome, and martyrdom there._ Peter's First Epistle, -addressed from "Babylon," naturally interpreted, proves that he wrote -it in Rome.[80:1] Clement of Rome (96 A.D.) said, "Let us set before our -eyes the good Apostles,--Peter, who endured many labours, and having -borne his witness, went to the appointed place of glory," etc.[80:2] -Ignatius of Antioch (115), in a letter to the Romans, mentions Peter as -having exhorted them. Papias (130) interpreted 1 Peter v., 13 to mean -Rome.[80:3] Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth (170), wrote Soter, Bishop of -Rome, about the common activity of Peter and Paul in Italy.[80:4] -Irenaeus (190) wrote, "Matthew . . . published his Gospel while Peter and -Paul were preaching at Rome, and founding the Church there."[80:5] -Clement of Alexandria (200) said that Peter, "the elect, the chosen one, -the first of the disciples," preached at Rome.[80:6] Tertullian (200) -positively asserted Peter's presence in Rome, and is the first to -describe the manner of his death, in Nero's reign.[80:7] Origen (250) -declared that Peter was the great foundation of the Church, and that "at -last, having arrived in Rome, he was crucified, head downward, having -himself requested that he might so suffer."[80:8] Commodion (250) named -Peter and Paul as Neronian martyrs; and Caius, a Roman presbyter (250), -makes a like assertion.[80:9] Cyprian (d. 258) was the first to call -Rome the _locum Petri_, while Hippolytus recorded Peter's conflict with -Simon Magnus at Rome.[81:1] The Muratorian Canon referred to the -"passion of Peter" in close connection with Paul's journey to -Rome.[81:2] Peter of Alexandria (306) believed Peter was crucified -there, and Lactantius accepted it as undoubted.[81:3] "The Doctrine of -Addai" (fourth century) of the Syriac Church mentioned the "Epistles of -Paul which Simon Peter sent us from the City of Rome."[81:4] Eusebius, -using all previous testimony, made the most complete and convincing -statement, which caps the climax of the overwhelming proof.[81:5] The -"Deposito Martyrum" gave the report of the removal of the two Apostles' -bodies in 258 to the catacombs. Jerome (d. 420) added the information -that Peter laboured twenty-five years in Rome before his -martyrdom.[81:6] - -4. _Peter as the first Pope in Rome._ With the establishment of Peter's -primacy and his presence in Rome, it is certainly warrantable to -conclude that he perfected the organisation of the Church there and -served as its head until his death, when he appointed a successor. -Clement (96) and Ignatius (115), Dionysius (170) and Irenaeus (190), -Commodion (250) and Lactantius (d. 330), all in speaking of Peter and -Paul as founders of the Roman Church, always name Peter first. Ignatius -spoke of the "presidency" of the Roman Church under Peter, and -Tertullian (b. 160) asserted that Jesus gave the keys to Peter, the -"Bishop of Bishops" at Rome, and through him to the Church. Origen (d. -254) called Peter "the Prince of the Apostles" and "the great foundation -of the Church." All the earliest lists of Popes began with Peter and -indicate the transmission of his power.[82:1] Cyprian (d. 258) gave the -complete statement of the primacy of the Roman bishop and the unity of -the Church through Peter and Jesus.[82:2] - -This sums up, essentially, all the proofs offered in support of the -Petrine theory, and constitutes, it must be confessed, a powerful and -consistent case. - -It is necessary now, in the next place, to look at the evidence offered -in opposition to the Petrine theory. For the sake of clearness, this -evidence will be given under the four heads just employed: - -1. _Peter's primacy._ The famous passage, "Thou art Peter," etc., -correctly interpreted, does not warrant a belief in Peter's primacy. -"Peter" may mean "rock" ("cephas"), but it here refers to Christ, not -Peter, or to Peter's confession, just made,[82:3] or to Peter's faith, -or to Peter merely as a type of all the Apostles.[82:4] Furthermore the -commission to "bind" and to "loose" and the promise connected with it -were not intended exclusively for Peter but for all the Apostles[83:1]; -Peter stood only for a type.[83:2] The change of Peter's name does not -carry with it any special significance. Peter himself never mentioned -his primacy in his speeches or writings,[83:3] and nowhere else in the -New Testament is it distinctly stated or recognised by others. Whatever -natural capacity for leadership Peter may have possessed, it cannot be -proved that he received an official primacy. Such a position would have -conflicted likewise with the supremacy of Jesus. - -2. _Peter's exercise of his primacy._ The numerous instances where Peter -took the lead, or acted, or spoke first,[83:4] or where his name heads -lists of Apostles,[83:5] merely show that he was a man of impulsive, -aggressive character, who would and did naturally take the lead in -powers common to all the Apostles. At the council of Jerusalem Peter did -not preside, as he would have done if he was the recognised "Prince of -the Apostles," but only made the first speech.[83:6] Paul would not have -rebuked Peter to his face about some very important points had Peter -been the recognised head of the Church.[83:7] Peter was a coward, -braggart, and traitor, and was reproved again and again by Jesus -Himself,[83:8] who would not have chosen such a person to be the head of -the Church. There is not a single reference in the New Testament to -show that Peter ever attempted to exercise a primacy over his -companions. He called himself a fellow "elder."[84:1] - -3. _Peter's presence in Rome._ There is not a syllable in the New -Testament to warrant the conclusion that Peter was in Rome. Inference -alone makes "Babylon"[84:2] the Eternal City. On the contrary, there are -implications in the Scriptures that he was not in Rome. Paul in his -Epistle to the Romans greeted all his friends, but said not a word about -Peter. This would clearly indicate that Peter had not been in Rome -before this Epistle was written, nor at the time it was written. Again -in letters written from Rome, Paul is strangely silent about Peter's -presence. The claim rests wholly upon tradition, therefore, and that is -far from conclusive. There is a significant silence from the time of 2 -Peter until that of Clement (96). Clement, to be sure, mentions Peter's -martyrdom; but it is only by inference that the place is Rome. Not until -well on in the second century did the legend about Peter's connection -with Rome begin to circulate, and not until the third century did -Tertullian assert positively that Peter was martyred in Rome under Nero. -After that the assertion was generally accepted over the Church as a -truth.[84:3] - -4. _Peter as the first Roman Pope._ This, of course, is precluded by the -want of adequate evidence of Peter's presence and labours in Rome. - -The evidence adduced here ends with the sweeping denial of every claim -of the Petrine theory. - -Having now stated the two sides of the question here still remains the -duty of making the historical summary from the sources available, -namely, both the canonical and apocryphal books of the New Testament, -and the traditional evidence in the Church Fathers. The New Testament, -as the most important source of information, reveals Peter's -birthplace,[85:1] occupation,[85:2] marriage,[85:3] call by Jesus,[85:4] -and elevation to apostleship.[85:5] It shows the conspicuous leadership -of Peter in the apostolic college--indeed, a primacy which Jesus Himself -recognised,--yet leaves the character of that primacy and the power to -transfer it to a successor open to question. The New Testament evidence -does not give any clue to Peter's movements after Paul's notice of him -in Galatians ii. except the reference in 1 Peter, which naturally, but -not literally, interpreted might indicate that he was in Rome (Babylon). -It likewise affords very scanty grounds, therefore, for believing that -Peter first established the Church in Rome, or that he was the first -Bishop of Rome, or that he conferred his power upon a successor. - -Traditional evidence, on the contrary, is more favourable to Peter's -presence in Rome. No one can possibly doubt that the Petrine theory was -generally believed in western Christendom at least after the third -century. Prior to the third century, there are many streams of testimony -which converge in positive support of at least a portion of the Petrine -theory: - -1. The official lists and records of the Roman Church, some of which -must rest upon earlier sources, accept the whole question as proved and -recognised generally. - -2. The transference of Peter's remains to a new resting place in 258 -shows that the tradition was definite and unquestioned early in the -third century. - -3. The writings of Caius, Origen, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian -indicate that the theory was accepted in Asia, Alexandria, Carthage, and -Rome at the same period. - -4. A passage from Irenaeus, who probably used the official documents in -Rome and who may have known St. John and his companions, carries the -legend back to the second century. - -5. The testimony of Dionysius of Corinth (d. 165), Papias, and Ignatius -(d. 114) carries the belief back through the second to the first -century. - -6. The clear testimony of Clement of Rome makes a connecting link at the -close of the first century. - -Hence when the various pieces of evidence--the official sources, the -monumental testimony, and the writings of the early Fathers,--which are -independent and consistent, are combined they form a solid body of -proof, which is practically irresistible, that Peter was in Rome. -Likewise the absolute absence of any rival tradition from other cities -adds greatly to the probability. - -Peter's presence and death in Rome may be admitted as an established -fact. If in Rome, whether one year or twenty-five years, Peter, with his -aggressive nature, with his marked ability for leadership, and with his -capacity for organisation, must have had a great deal to do with the -establishment of the Roman Church, either jointly with Paul, or -independently of him. Nor does it seem to be a misuse of the law of -historical probabilities to assert that Peter, either with Paul or -without him, appointed a bishop for the Church of Rome and transferred -to that bishop his apostolic authority. From these facts, based almost -entirely upon traditional evidence, coupled with the peculiar primacy -conceded to Peter in the New Testament by his fellow Apostles, gradually -developed the Petrine theory with all its sweeping claims. - -The admission of the belief that the Petrine theory is founded on -certain established facts, and not merely on fancies and myths, does not -carry with it the recognition of all the assertions which form a part of -that theory. Peter's unique leadership in the apostolic college, his -activity in founding the Roman Church, and his naming of a successor, -who in time became the Pope, may all be granted without carrying with it -the necessity of accepting the assertion that Christ chose Peter to be -the head of a definite, divinely-planned Church and that Peter, -conscious of that great mission, went to the capital of the Roman -Empire, and there organised the only true Church on earth. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--CHRISTIAN: - - 1.--=New Testament= (27 canonical books). - - 2.--=New Testament Apocrypha= (see Chap. III). - - 3.--=Church Fathers:= - - 1.--Clement of Rome. _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, i., ch. 5; - iii., ch. 12 ff.; Am. ed., ix. - - 2.--Ignatius. _Ib._, i., 137 ff., 449 ff. - - 3.--Papias. _Ib._, i., 441 ff. - - 4.--Dionysius of Corinth (d. 178?). Euseb., ii., 25. - - 5.--Clement of Alexandria (d. 218?), _Miscellanies_. - _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, iv., 355; xii., 326, 379, 451, - 452; Am. ed., ii. - - 6.--Irenaeus. _Ib._, i., 261; Am. ed., i. - - 7.--Tertullian. _Ib._, ii., 408; xv., 25; xviii., 118; Am. - ed., iii., iv. - - 8.--Origen. _Ib._, xxiii., 1-3; Am. ed., iv. - - 9.--Hippolytus. _Ib._, ix., 130. - - 10.--Peter of Alexandria (d. 311). _Ib._, xiv., 305, 318. - - 11.--Caius of Rome (210?). Euseb., ii., 25; iii., 28; v., 28; - vi., 20. _Ante-Nic. Fathers_, v. - - II. NON-CHRISTIAN: - - 1.--Eusebius, _Eccl. Hist._ Many eds. - - 2.--Socrates, _Eccl. Hist._ _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, ii., - 109. - - 3.--Theodoret, _Letters_. No. 86. _Ib._, iii., 282. - - 4.--Josephus and Philo. See Chap. IV. - - 5.--Heathen writers like Lucan, Pliny, Tacitus, Suetonius, - Celsus, Porphyry, and Julian. See Chaps. III. and IV. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Allies, T. W., _St. Peter: His Name and His Office_. - Lond., 1895. - - 2.--Allmatt, C. F. B., _Cathedra Petri_. Lond., 1884. _Was St. - Peter Bishop of Rome?_ Lond., 1887. - - 3.--Barnes, A. S., _St. Peter in Rome and His Tomb in the - Vatican Hill_. Lond., 1900. - - 4.--Berington and Kirk, _Faith of the Catholics_. 3 vols. N. - Y., 1885. - - 5.--Birks, H. A., _Studies in the Life and Character of St. - Peter_. Lond., 1887. - - 6.--Bright, W., _The Roman See in the Early Church_. Lond., - 1896. - - 7.--Brown, J. H., _Peter the Apostle never in Rome_. Lond., - 1861. - - 8.--Bruce, A. B., _Training of the Twelve_. N. Y., 1871. - - 9.--Darby, W. A., _St. Peter at Rome_. Lond., 1872. - - 10.--Ellendorf, J., _St. Peter: Was He ever at Rome and a - Bishop of the Church of Rome?_ Lond., 1887. - - 11.--Fouard, C., _St. Peter and the First Years of - Christianity_. N. Y., 1892. - - 12.--Gallagher, M., _Was the Apostle Peter ever at Rome?_ N. - Y., 1894. - - 13.--Green, S. G., _The Apostle Peter: His Life and Letters_. - Lond., 1873. - - 14.--Hatch, E., "Peter," _Encyc. Brit._ - - 15.--Hodder, E., _Simon Peter: His Life_. Lond., 1893. - - 16.--Kenrick, F. P., _The Primacy of the Apostolic See - Vindicated_. Phil., 1855. - - 17.--Lightfoot, J. B., _St. Peter in Rome_. _Clement_, ii., - 481. Lond., 1890. - - 18.--Littledale, R. F., _The Petrine Claims_. N. Y., 1889. - - 19.--Livius, T., _St. Peter, Bishop of Rome_. Lond., 1902. - - 20.--Murphy, J. N., _The Chair of St. Peter_. Lond., 1888. - - 21.--Puller, F. W., _The Primitive Saints and the See of Rome_. - Lond., 1900. - - 22.--Ramsay, W. M., _The Church in the Roman Empire_. Lond., - 1893. - - 23.--Rivington, L., _The Primitive Church and the See of St. - Peter_. N. Y., 1894. - - 24.--Robins, S., _Against the Claims of the Roman Church_. - Lond., 1853. - - 25.--Robinson, C. S., _Simon Peter: His Life and Times_. 2 - vols. Lond., 1890-5. - - 26.--Ryberg, A. V., _Roman Legends about the Apostles Paul and - Peter_. Lond., 1898. - - 27.--Simon, T. C., _The Mission and Martyrdom of St Peter_. - Lond., 1852. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Alzog, i., 117-133. Backhouse, 76, 229. Bartlett, 297 ff., 364 - ff. Blunt, i., 10, 24, 28, 43, 45. Bouzique, i., ch. 1. Brock, - ch. 2, 3. Cheetham, ch. 2, Sec. 5; ch. 4, Sec. 5. Cox, i., ch. 10, - 11. Darras, i., ch. 1-3. Doellinger, _First Age_, i., 71-83; - ii., 115, 145; _Hist. of Ch._, i., ch. 3, Sec. 4. Duff, ch. 7. - Farrar, bk. ii., ch. 5-11. Fisher, 18, 20, 23, 26, 43, 57, - 106. Gibbon, ch. 9, 10. Gieseler, i., Sec. 27. Giles, ch. 16. - Gilmartin, i., ch. 2, pp. 28, 29. Greenwood, i., ch. 1-3. - Hase, 30. Hurst, i., 104-106, 325. Jackson, ch. 3, 11. - Jennings, i., ch. 1. Killen, Sec. 1, ch. 10. Kurtz, i., 45. - Mahan, bk. i., ch. 8. Milman, i., ch. 1. Milner, i., cent. 1, - ch. 12. Moeller, i., 345. Neander, _Planting_, etc., i., bk. - iv., ch. 2; _Ch. Hist._, i., 84, 203, 211. Pressense, _Early - Years of Christ._ 10 ff., 64, 176. Renan, _The Apostles_, ch. - 6. Robertson, bk. i., ch. 8, p. 160. Schaff, _Apost. Age_, bk. - i., ch. 4; _Ch. Hist._, pd. i., ch. 4. Stanley, _Apost. Age_, - 1-5, 56-114. Walpole, ch. 1-3. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[71:1] Moeller, i., 67, 75; _cf._ Acts xviii., 1-3. - -[71:2] Gibbon, i., 579. - -[71:3] _Apol._, 5; Suetonius, _Life of Claudius_, 25. - -[71:4] Euseb., ii., c. 2. - -[72:1] Shortly before the Christian era the Jews were so numerous that -8000 could sign a petition to the Emperor.--Josephus, _Antiq._, xvii., -c. 11. - -[72:2] Acts xxviii., 14-16; Ramsay, _St. Paul_, ch. 15. - -[72:3] Acts xxviii., 24, 30, 31. - -[72:4] Euseb., ii., c. 22. - -[73:1] _Annals_, xv., 44. - -[73:2] Euseb., vi., c. 43. - -[73:3] Gibbon, i., ch. 15. - -[73:4] Orr, _Neglected Factors_, 39. - -[73:5] Rom. xv., 24; _Muratorian Fragment_; Clement of Rome, _To -Corinth_, c. 5; Alzog, i. 125; Kurtz, i., 44. - -[73:6] _Eccl. Hist._, c. 4. - -[73:7] _Against Jud._, c. 7. - -[73:8] Euseb., v., c. 1. - -[74:1] _Annales Francorum._ - -[74:2] Irenaeus, _Against Her._, i., c. 10. - -[74:3] Tertullian, _Apol._, c. 37; Cyprian, _Ep._, 71, 73; Augustine, -_On Bap._, ii., c. 13. - -[74:4] Rom. i., 8. - -[75:1] The pagan writer Celsus was familiar with this idea as early as -161 A.D. - -[75:2] But nothing could be farther from the truth than Gibbon's -statement that the Christians were won "almost entirely" from the "dregs -of the populace." See Orr, _Neglected Factors_. - -[75:3] Ramsay in his _Church in the Roman Empire_, 57, goes so far as to -say that the new faith "spread at first among the educated more rapidly -than among the uneducated." This statement, however, is probably an -exaggeration. See an excellent discussion in Orr, _Neglected Factors_, -95-163; Merivale, _The Romans under the Empire_, ch. 54. - -[76:1] Phil. iv., 22; Lightfoot, _Philippians_, 171 ff.; Howson, _St. -Paul_, ch. 26; Weizaecker, _Apost. Age_, ii., 132; Harnack, _Princeton -Rev._, 1878, p. 257; Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iii., c. 18. - -[76:2] Alzog, i., Sec.Sec. 48, 52, 53; Berington and Kirk, ii., 1-113; -Gibbons, _Faith of Our Fathers_; _Cath. Encyc._ - -[78:1] Matt. xvi., 18, 19. In Syro-Chaldaic, the tongue probably used by -Jesus, "Peter" means "rock" or "cephas." The only parallel in modern -languages is in French: "Tu es Pierre, et sur cette pierre," etc. _Cf._ -John i., 42. - -[78:2] John i., 42. - -[78:3] Mark v., 37; Luke viii., 51. - -[78:4] Matt. xvii., 1; Mark ix., 2; Luke ix., 28. - -[78:5] Matt. xxvi., 37; Mark xiv., 33. - -[78:6] Luke xxiv., 12, 34; _cf._ John xx., 2-10; Weizaecker, i., Sec. 3. - -[78:7] Luke xxii., 31-32; John xxi., 15-18. - -[79:1] Matt. x., 2-4; Mark iii., 16-19; Luke vi., 14-16; Acts i., 13. - -[79:2] Acts iii., 1-12. - -[79:3] Acts ii., 14-41. - -[79:4] Acts ii., 41. - -[79:5] Acts x. - -[79:6] Acts v., 1 ff. - -[79:7] Acts viii., 21. - -[79:8] Acts ix., 32. - -[79:9] Acts i., 13-26. - -[79:10] Acts xv., 6-12. - -[79:11] Acts xii. - -[79:12] Gal. i., 18; ii., 11. - -[80:1] 1 Peter v., 13. St. John everywhere in his Apocalypse calls Rome -Babylon: xiv., 8; xvii., 18. - -[80:2] _1 Ep. to Corinth_, Sec. 5. - -[80:3] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, ii., c. 15; iii., c. 39. - -[80:4] _Ib._, ii., c. 25. - -[80:5] _Against Heresy_, iii., 3, No. 2. - -[80:6] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vi., c. 14. - -[80:7] _De Praesc. Haeret._ c. 36. - -[80:8] _Cf._ Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iii., c. 1. - -[80:9] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, ii., c. 25. - -[81:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, ii., c. 13, 14. - -[81:2] James, _Apocr. Anecdota_, ii., p. x. - -[81:3] _Inst. Div._, iv., 21. - -[81:4] Cureton, _Ancient Syriac Docs._, 33. - -[81:5] _Eccl. Hist._, ii., c. 14, 15, 17, 25; iii., 21, 31; v., 6. - -[81:6] For passages from later writers consult Lipsius, 236, Ramsay, -Harnack, Farrar, Lightfoot, McGiffert, Schaff, Renan, Neander, Lea, -Kurtz, Hase, Moeller, etc. - -[82:1] Hegesippus made a list of bishops in Rome in the time of Anicetus -(155-168) but it is now lost (Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iv., c. 22). -Eusebius used that list, and also gave two lists of his own in Greek -with Peter as the first (_Chronicon_, ii.; _Eccl. Hist._, v., c. 6). The -first Latin list is the _Catalogus Liberianus_ (352?), based upon -earlier lists. St. Augustine (_Ep._ 53) and Optatus (_Donatist Schism_, -ii., 3) both give Latin lists. These lists show how early the whole -Church recognised the importance of the succession of Roman bishops. The -list made out by Irenaeus in the time of Bishop Eleutherus (174-189) -gives Peter and Paul as the joint founders of the Church. - -[82:2] _Epistles_ 43, 5; 55; 59, 7 and 14; 71, 3; 73, 7; 75, 17; -_Ante-Nic. Fathers_, v., 263-596; Robinson, _Readings_, i., ch. 4. - -[82:3] Matt. xvi., 16. - -[82:4] Lightfoot, _Clement_, ii., 481-490; Hort, _Ecclesia_, 16. - -[83:1] Matt. xviii., 18. - -[83:2] John xxi., 15-18; Luke xxii., 31, 32. - -[83:3] _Cf._ Acts; 1 Pet. 1-3; 2 Pet. - -[83:4] Acts i., 13-26; ii., 14-41; iii., 1-12; x.; xv., 7-12, etc. - -[83:5] Matt. x., 2; xvii., 1; xxvi., 37; Mark iii., 16; v., 37; ix., 2; -xiv., 33; Luke vi., 14; viii., 51; ix., 28; Acts i., 13. - -[83:6] Acts xv., 1-11. - -[83:7] Gal. ii., 11-14. - -[83:8] Luke xxii., 31; John xiii., 36-38; Matt. xvi., 23, etc. - -[84:1] 1 Pet. v., 1. See 2 John i., 1; 3 John i., 1. - -[84:2] 1 Pet. v., 13. - -[84:3] _Cf._ Lipsius for a full discussion of the so-called "Simonian -theory." - -[85:1] John i., 44. - -[85:2] Matt. iv., 18; Mark i., 16-20. - -[85:3] Matt. viii., 14; Mark i., 29-31; Luke iv., 38. - -[85:4] Matt. iv., 18; xix., 27; Mark i., 16; John i., 35, 40, 51; Luke -v.; xviii., 28. - -[85:5] Mark iii., 13-19; Luke vi., 12-16. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT'S TREATMENT OF THE CHRISTIANS - - OUTLINE: I.--Religious persecutions before the Christian era. - II.--Christians first persecuted by the Jews. III.--Causes and - motives of persecution by the Roman government. IV.--Number - and general character of the persecutions. V.--Results of - persecutions. VI.--Sources. - - -Religious persecution originated long before the Christian era began--in -fact it runs through the whole history of religion. In Rome all citizens -were required by law to conform to the Roman religion so that the gods -would protect the state. Refusal brought punishment, but always on -political grounds.[91:1] Foreign religions which were either harmless or -helpful were often adopted, or at least tolerated.[91:2] Those, however, -which were dangerous to public morality, social order, or political -security, and which were not tolerant of other religions, were severely -treated by the Roman government. This was the Roman legal principle of -procedure in the case of every such religion,[91:3] hence when -Christianity appeared, Rome had already developed a distinct policy -which first tolerated and then persecuted it. - -Persecution came to the Christians first from the Jews. Had not these -deserters of their fathers' faith precipitated Roman hatred upon the -Jews which resulted in persecution, expulsion, and loss of freedom and -independence?[92:1] Might not the Jewish religion be greatly weakened if -this proselyting continued? Hence the Christians were persecuted -individually and in masses.[92:2] The Jews sought in every possible way -to incite the Roman authorities against the hated Christians.[92:3] This -resulted in an irreparable breach between the two sects. The Christians -were brought into greater prominence, and the Romans even sought to -protect them from the Jewish fanatics.[92:4] At the same time a greater -Christian zeal was aroused, and thus the spread of the new faith was -promoted. - -The Roman government tolerated the Christians at the outset, because -they were regarded as a harmless sect of Jews, whose work was quiet and -unobtrusive.[92:5] The significance of Christianity was not understood, -nor the marvellous spread of the faith noticed. Indeed Roman hostility -to the Jews led at first to personal and official protection of the -supporters of the new faith, until the Jewish War in 70 A.D. - -The Roman policy soon changed, however, from that of indifference, or -protection, to persecution. The causes for this change are: (1) The -political science of the Roman Empire, and (2) the inherent character of -Christianity. - -Ethically the Roman state embodied the highest good, hence all human -good depended upon the integrity and security of the state. That -principle subordinated the religious to the political, and made the -Emperor the head of all recognised religions. Roman law upheld this -theory, as clearly stated by Cicero: "No man shall have for himself -particular gods of his own; no man shall worship by himself new or -foreign gods, unless they are recognised by the public laws."[93:1] -Julius Paulus, a Roman citizen, stated the idea thus: "Whoever -introduces new religions, the tendency and character of which are -unknown, whereby the minds of men might be disturbed, should, if -belonging to the higher rank, be banished; if to the lower, punished -with death." Gaius said of forbidden associations: "Neither a society, -nor a college, nor any body of this kind, is conceded to all persons -promiscuously; for this thing is regulated by laws, or codes of the -Senate, and by imperial constitutions."[93:2] Hence from a legal -standpoint Christianity was illegal, because it introduced a new -religion not admitted into the class of _religiones licitae_. "You are -not permitted by the law," was the taunt of pagans.[93:3] To organise -churches and to hold unlicensed meetings were violations of Roman law. -Might they not easily serve as covers for political plots? Maecenas -advised Augustus: "Worship the gods in all respects in accordance -with the laws of your country, and compel all others to do the same. -But hate and punish those who would introduce anything whatever alien -to our customs in this particular . . . because such persons, by -introducing new divinities, mislead many to adopt foreign laws. Hence -conspiracies and secret combinations--the last things to be borne in a -monarchy."[94:1] Roman citizens, therefore, who turned Christian were -criminals, outlaws, bandits, and traitors; consequently the best -Emperors, those who felt called upon to enforce the law for the weal of -the Empire, those who wished to restore the vigour and power of old -Rome, sought to exterminate them, while the worst rulers were mostly -indifferent, and in some instances tolerant. - -Christianity, inherently, was opposed to the whole governmental, social, -and religious systems of Rome in the most offensive and uncompromising -manner. It advocated one God for all men, one universal kingdom, one -brotherhood of all men, and one plan of salvation. It was world-wide, -above the Emperor, and advocated a non-Roman unity. The Christians were -subjects of God's kingdom first, and the Emperor's next; and when Rome -spurned this secondary allegiance they ceased to feel themselves Romans -at all.[94:2] They refused the duties of loyal citizens, held no -offices, objected to military service,[94:3] and refused to sacrifice -to the honour of the Emperor.[95:1] "Does not the Emperor punish you -justly?" asked Celsus. "Should all do like you he would be left -alone--there would be none to defend him. The rudest barbarians would -make themselves masters of the world." Furthermore the Christians -claimed the exclusive possession of divine knowledge and called all -forms of pagan worship idolatrous.[95:2] Christianity itself was -intolerant of all other religions. Was not Christianity the only true -faith? How then could the Christians compromise with false faiths, or -concede to them any truth, or any right to exist?[95:3] Hence it was -inevitable, and Christians were keenly conscious of the fact, that a -conflict should arise between Christianity and the Roman Empire, before -the universal dominion of the world could come. The efforts of imperial -officers to compromise matters, by insisting on mere outward conformity, -met with little success. - -The attack made by paganism on Christianity came first from Roman -philosophers, scholars, and statesmen for all sorts of motives. Some -desired popular favour, others were sincere, still others sought to win -imperial approval. Many, no doubt, even though they had no longer any -heart for the ancient faith, yet could not bear to see it abolished. -They would agree with Caecilius that "Since all nations agree to -recognise the immortal gods, although their nature or their origin may -be uncertain, I cannot endure that any one swelling with audacity and -such irreligious knowledge should strive to dissolve or weaken a -religion so old, so useful, so salutary."[96:1] Tacitus called -Christians "haters of mankind," and assailed their religion as a -"destructive superstition."[96:2] Suetonius denounced the new faith as a -"poisonous or malignant superstition." Others scoffed at these odd -devotees as "dangerous infidels," "enemies of Caesar and of the Roman -people," and "a reprobate, unlawful, desperate faction." Priests, driven -on by duty and possibly fearing the loss of their offices, added their -sacred voices to the popular clamour.[96:3] Merchants and artists, whose -livelihood depended upon the sale of their products and wares to pagan -temples and worshippers, raised their voices against the new sect -"without altars, without temples, without images, and without -sacrifices."[96:4] Then the populace, incited by the above-named -classes, took up the opposition and soon spread the wildest -reports.[96:5] - -Christians were also declared to be responsible for every disaster like -war, famine, fire, pestilence, flood, earthquakes, death of prominent -persons, etc. The gods, angered at the presence of such persons, sent -these dire calamities[96:6] on the atheists, who denied the many gods -and worshipped but one, and who discarded all images--even that of the -Emperor.[96:7] Did they not adore the wood of a cross and worship the -head of an ass?[97:1] Did they not refuse to conform to all religious -observances and festivals? Who but dangerous conspirators would hold -their meetings in secret at night? These anarchists who refused all -civic service[97:2]; these social revolutionists who broke up family -ties,[97:3] set slave against master, taught robbery under the guise of -equality, refused to enjoy the social games and festivals, and -interfered with business; these cannibals who ate the flesh and drank -the blood of their infants, the offspring of their incestuous and -adulterous carousals--what punishment could be too severe for such -degenerates? Were they not a Jewish sect which had deserted the faith of -their fathers, and which could command respect neither for age nor -legality?[97:4] - -The occasion for the inevitable war between the Roman sword and the -Christian cross was popular hatred and ridicule, and the frequent -outbreaks of the mobs. The fundamental cause was political necessity, -for the Christians were guilty of _crimen laesae majestatis_, high -treason. Christianity in the Roman Empire was somewhat like anarchy -to-day in the United States in its relation to the state. The technical -charges made against the Christians were: (1) introducing a _religio -illicita_, for which the penalty was death or banishment; (2) committing -_laesa majestas_, for which the penalty was loss of social rank, -outlawry, or death by sword, fire, or wild beasts; (3) being guilty of -_sacrilegium_, for which the penalty was death by crucifixion, the ax, -or wild beasts; (4) practising magic, for which the penalty was -crucifixion, or exposure to wild beasts in the circus. - -Both the number and character of the persecutions seem to be -misunderstood. The Church Fathers and many later historians magnify the -number, fierceness, and duration of the persecutions, and the number -killed.[98:1] On the contrary it seems that considerable time elapsed -before the Christians were noticed by the government, which then -proceeded against them with caution and reluctance and punished them in -comparative moderation.[98:2] The Church enjoyed many seasons of rest -and peace. The number of Christians killed during the entire period of -persecution was comparatively small.[98:3] The persecutions varied with -the whims and feelings of each Emperor--the best rulers like Trajan, -Marcus Aurelius, Decius, and Diocletian, feeling the necessity of -upholding the law, were the most energetic persecutors, while the worst -Emperors were indifferent, or even favourable. The early persecutions -were only spasmodic outbreaks and limited; the later ones were general. -There is no reason for giving ten as the number of the persecutions--nor -for comparing them with the ten plagues of Egypt. - -The first persecution occurred in Rome under Nero in 64 A.D.[99:1] Some -historians contend that the Neronian persecution fell upon the Jews, -whom Tacitus, writing fifty years after the event, erroneously calls -Christians.[99:2] Others maintain that the Jews, through court -influence, shifted the punishment from themselves to the -Christians.[99:3] Recent scholars, however, are inclined to accept the -literal narrative of Tacitus.[99:4] According to his version of the -situation, the persecution was accidental--a device of Nero to divert -the suspicion directed against himself of having burned Rome--and local, -that is, it did not extend to the provinces. A few Christians were -tortured and compelled to confess themselves guilty of incendiarism and -to give the names of others, and that led to the punishment of an -"ingens multitudo" as Nero's scapegoats.[99:5] As a punishment for their -alleged crime of incendiarism and "hatred for the human race," they were -covered with the skins of wild beasts and torn to pieces by the dogs in -the circus, crucified by day, and burned as torches by night.[100:1] -Paul, in all likelihood, fell a victim to this persecution and the Roman -Church has always believed that Peter also perished at this time.[100:2] - -As a result, the attention of the Roman government was directed to these -"haters of the human race," and they became branded as outlaws and -brigands. Popular fury ran riot. A precedent was established, both in -Rome and the provinces, for punishing Christians for the name -alone.[100:3] Nevertheless sympathy was won for them, they secretly -increased in numbers, and were compelled to adopt a better organisation -in order to resist oppression. Above everything else the striking -difference between the Kingdom of God and the Empire of Caesar was -strongly marked on the Christian conscience. - -After Nero's persecution, under the Flavian Emperors (68-96), there was -a standing law against Christianity, like that against brigandage, but -it was only occasionally enforced.[100:4] There is no positive proof of -persecution under Vespasian (69-79). Titus (79-81), however, continued -the policy of Nero.[100:5] Under Domitian (81-96) there was increased -severity in both Rome and the provinces. This may have been occasioned -in part by the fact that as a result of the Jewish War all toleration -for the Jews was withdrawn. Christians were now classed with the hated -Jews. Flavius Clemens, the Emperor's cousin, was executed and his -beautiful wife Domitilla was banished.[101:1] Many others were killed, -compelled to fight wild beasts in the arena, or at least lost their -property.[101:2] It was even reported that Domitian planned to have all -the relatives of Jesus slain in order to prevent the rise of a possible -rival in the east.[101:3] - -Of "the Five Good Emperors" (96-180) who succeeded the Flavian rulers, -three continued the policy of persecution. The first, Nerva (96-98), was -tolerant to the Christians. The next Emperor, Trajan (98-117), one of -the best Emperors, was not a wanton persecutor,[101:4] but felt it to be -his duty to uphold the laws and religion of the Empire.[101:5] He was -really the first Emperor to proceed against Christianity from a purely -legal point of view. By this time Christianity was clearly recognised as -a distinct sect and its real significance appreciated. His policy may be -clearly seen in his correspondence with Pliny, the governor of Bithynia -(112).[101:6] No doubt his views were influenced by Tacitus and Pliny, -who regarded Christianity as a "bad and immoderate superstition." Still -under Trajan persecution was limited to Bithynia, Jerusalem, and -Antioch, although Christianity had been formally proscribed everywhere, -together with all secret societies. His attitude was the model for -persecutions of the second century and later.[102:1] - -Hadrian (117-138), who apparently judged Christianity rather trivially, -issued the famous rescript which forbade riotous proceedings, on the one -hand, and malicious information against the Christians on the other: "If -any one, therefore, accuses them and shows that they are doing anything -contrary to the laws, do you pass judgment according to the crime. But, -by Hercules! if any one bring an accusation through mere calumny, decide -in regard to his criminality and see to it that you inflict -punishment."[102:2] Hadrian's adopted son and successor, Antoninus Pius -(138-161), a wise, upright ruler, interfered to protect Christians at -Athens and Thessalonica. His edict, given in Eusebius, is probably -spurious, though the spirit may be correct.[102:3] Marcus Aurelius -(161-180), an educated Stoic and an excellent Emperor, encouraged -persecution against those guilty of "sheer obstinacy." Public calamities -had again aroused the mob against the Christians. The imperial decree, -"not fit to be executed even against barbarous enemies," authorised the -use of torture to discover Christians and to compel them to recant, and -also ordered the confiscation of property. This order to seek out -Christians, and not await formal complaints, seems to mark a new step -in imperial legislation. Still persecution was not general, but confined -to Lyons and Vienne in southern Gaul, and to Asia Minor.[103:1] - -The period from 180 to 249 saw no essential changes.[103:2] Persecutions -were merely local, and depended more upon provincial feeling and the -character of the governor, than on the Emperor. Some of the Emperors -were friendly to the new religion, others quite hostile. Commodus -(180-193), dissolute, timid, and cruel, was friendly to the Christians -owing, probably, to the influence of his favourite concubine, Marcia, -who may have been a Christian.[103:3] Septimus Severus (193-211), an -able soldier, was indifferent to the new faith up to 202, when he issued -a rescript forbidding pagans from becoming Christians, and enforced the -old Trajan law with considerable severity.[103:4] Caracalla (211-217) -and Heliogabalus (218-222), two of the most contemptible Roman rulers, -both tolerated Christianity. The former recalled banished Christians; -the latter sought to merge Christianity into his own elective system of -religion. Alexander Severus (222-235) actually gave Christianity a place -in his cosmopolitan faith, had a bust of Jesus set up in his private -chapel, allowed churches to be built, and protected the Christians. -But Christianity was not legalised. On the contrary, Ulpian, the great -jurist, collected for public use in case of need all the imperial laws -against the new faith.[104:1] Maximinus the Thracian (235-238), a -coarse, brutal, military leader, ordered that all officers of the -churches should be "put to death as responsible for the gospel -teaching."[104:2] Philip the Arabian (244-248) was reported to be a -Christian--at all events Christians were not punished during his -rule.[104:3] - -The last period of persecution (249-311) was characterised by civil and -moral decline in the Empire and by the amazing growth of Christianity, -which had become bold and aggressive. It must either be exterminated, or -else adopted as the state religion. Hence the Emperors, who sought to -restore the old power and splendour of ancient Rome, showed the greatest -severity. Decius (249-251) issued the first edict of universal -persecution (250) as a political necessity.[104:4] Local officials, -under the threat of severe penalties, were required to compel all -Christians to conform to the state religion. Christians might flee, but -their property was confiscated and their return meant death. The -inquisitorial process was employed and penalties were severe, especially -for the leaders.[104:5] Decius declared that he would rather hear of the -rise of a rival Emperor than of the appointment of a Roman -bishop.[105:1] Valerian (253-260) was said at first to be "mild and -friendly toward the men of God,"[105:2] but public disasters and the -advice of his friends led him to renew the persecutions, so he issued an -edict in 257 commanding Christians to conform to the state religion on -pain of banishment. The assembly of Christians was forbidden,[105:3] and -the bishops were banished. The next year he promulgated a second decree -more sanguinary than that of Decius, because it condemned all bishops, -priests, and deacons to death.[105:4] Gallienus (260-268) recalled the -exiled Christians, restored their church property, and forbade further -persecution,[105:5] but Aurelian (270-275) ordered the old laws enforced -with renewed vigour.[105:6] His death, however, prevented the execution -of the order; and thus the Christians had about forty years of peace. - -Under Diocletian (284-305), a warrior statesman, occurred the last, -longest, and harshest persecution.[105:7] It was mildest in the West and -worst in Syria and Egypt, and endured ten years. This Emperor, -apparently, took up the sword very reluctantly. In 287 he issued a -decree against the Manichaeans in Egypt which was a general condemnation -of Christianity. In 295 all soldiers were ordered to sacrifice on pain -of expulsion, or, in obstinate cases, execution. In 303 Christians were -accused of burning the imperial palace at Nicomedia and suffered -accordingly. An imperial edict commanded the churches to "be razed to -the ground, the Scriptures destroyed by fire," Christian officials -degraded, Christian servants enslaved, bishops imprisoned and forced to -sacrifice, and torture employed to compel Christians to conform.[106:1] -Everywhere these laws were executed, Eusebius says, with great severity -until checked by the edict of limited toleration by Galerius and his -co-regents in 311,[106:2] and stopped by the decree of complete -toleration granted by Constantine in 313[106:3] after a glorious -struggle of 250 years. - -The results of the persecutions were very marked and have been both -exaggerated and ignored: - -1. The growth of Christianity was helped rather than hindered. -Persecution advertised the new belief and won sympathy. It created an -intense devotion to the cause, proved the truth of the religion, and -made a martyr's crown desirable. Tertullian exclaimed: "Go on! rack, -torture, grind us to powder; our members increase in proportion as you -mow us down. The blood of Christians is their harvest seed. Your very -obstinacy is a teacher. For who is not incited by a consideration of it -to enquire what there is in the core of the matter? And who, after -having joined us, does not long to suffer?" The period of persecution -ended with a conquest of the Emperor and a large part of the Empire. The -victory was thus a double one. - -2. The organisation of the Church was effected. Persecution forced the -Church to organise itself more efficiently, produced responsible -leaders, who were forced to direct the struggle against Rome and who, as -a result, were given pre-eminence by special punishment, and developed -the monarchio-episcopal system. The extraordinary development of the -power of the Bishop of Rome, in particular, was influenced to a far -greater degree than is ordinarily taken into account. Much emphasis has -been laid on the fact that that epoch of outlawry ended by the adoption -of Christianity by the Empire. A much more important result, however, is -found in the fact that Christianity, for weal or woe, adopted the Roman -Empire. - -3. The Church was kept purer in belief and more united in form. The -spiritual was magnified over the temporal. Common oppression joined -Christians in common sympathy. The differences between Christianity and -paganism were emphasised. With death over their heads the Christians -thought little of life here but much of that hereafter and regulated -their lives accordingly. Still the growing consciousness that the Church -was a world-wide institution must have been powerfully stimulated. With -the evolution of the idea of Christian unity appeared the conspicuous -leadership of the Roman Church. Irenaeus (d. 202) could declare that it -was "a matter of necessity that every church should agree with this -church, on account of its pre-eminent authority." Tertullian (c. 220) -also recognised the distinction of the Roman Church, though later he -questioned the validity of the Petrine claim. It was left to Cyprian (d. -258) to give the first complete account of the Universal or Catholic -Church in his work on the _Unity of the Church_. - -4. Persecution produced a group of extraordinary literary defenders like -the apologists, controversialists, and letter writers, and helped to -develop the fundamental, orthodox Christian doctrine. It also produced -much legendary poetry; and out of this baptism of blood was created the -heroic age of the Church, based partly on fact and partly on fiction. - -5. The forms of worship were modified, the worship of saints and relics -was originated, and the priesthood was sanctified and set above the -laity. - -6. An example was furnished for later persecutions of the pagans, -Mohammedans, Jews, and heretics. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--CHRISTIAN. - - 1.--=New Testament.= - - 2.--=Church Fathers.= - - 1.--Clement, _Ep. to Cor._, ch. 5-7. Lightfoot, Lond., - 1891. - - 2.--Justin Martyr, _1 Apol._, ch. 5, 24, 31, 52. _2 Apol._, - ch. 2, 8. _Dialog. with Trypho_, ch. 110. _Ante-Nic. - Lib._, ii., 1, 2, 79. - - 3.--Athenagoras, _Plea for the Christians_, ch. 1-4, 12, 31. - _Ib._, ii., 375. - - 4.--Minucius Felix, _The Octavius_. _Ib._, 451-571. - - 5.--Severus, _Sacred Hist._, ii., ch. 28-33. _Nic. and - Post-Nic. Fathers_ xi. - - 6.--Tertullian, _To Scapulam_, ch. 4. _Ib._, ii., 49-51. - _Apology_, ch. 2-16. _Ib._, 55-84. - - 7.--Lactantius, _Divine Institutes_, v., ch. 1, 9, 11. - _Ib._, xxii., 92, 93, 98, 99. _About the Death of - Persecutors_, ch. 4, 7. _Ib._, xxii., 167, 168, 170. - - 8.--Origen, _Against Celsus_, i., ch. 3. _Ib._, x., 400. - - 9.--Cyprian, _Epistle 80_; _To Demetrianus_, ch. 17. _Ib._, - viii., 436. - - 10.--Irenaeus, _Fragments_, ch. 13. _Ib._, x., 164, 165. - - 11.--Hippolytus, _Christ and Antichrist_, ch. 56, 60. _Ib._, - ix., 34, 35. - - 12.--Eusebius, _Eccl. Hist._ Various eds. - - II.--HEATHEN WRITERS. - - 1.--Tacitus, _Annals_, xi., 15; xv., 38-44. - - 2.--Juvenal, _First Satire_, verse 155 ff. - - 3.--Suetonius, _Hist. of the Twelve Caesars_. Tiberius, ch. 36; - Claudius, ch. 25, 5; Nero, ch. 16, 38; Domitian, ch. 12. - Bohn. - - 4.--Dion Cassius, _Hist. of Rome_. Xiphilin's _Abridgment_ in - Eng. 2 vols. 1704. - - 5.--Pliny, _Letters_, x., 96, 97. Transl. by Lewis, Lond., - 1879. - - 6.--Aurelius, _Meditations_, xi., 3. Bohn, 1869. - - 7.--Celsus, _Against the Christians_. Eng. transl., Lond., - 1869. - - 8.--Lucian, _The Death of Perigrinus_. Transl. by Tooke. - Lond., 1820. - - 3.--=Collections.= - - 1.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_, iv., No. - 1. - - 2.--Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, i. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Addis, W. E., _Christianity in the Roman Empire_. Lond., - 1893. - - 2.--Baring-Gould, _Lives of the Saints_. N. Y., 1873-7. - - 3.--Bigg, _The Church's Task under the Roman Empire_. Lond., - 1903. - - 4.--Butler, A., _Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and Saints_. - Dub., 1866. - - 5.--Carr, A., _The Church and the Roman Empire_. Lond., 1886. - - 6.--Casy, J., _Trials and Triumphs of the Church._ Dub., 1899. - - 7.--Castelloe, B. F. C., _The Church and the Catacombs_. - Lond., 1894. - - 8.--Croke, A. D., _The Church and the Roman Empire_. Lond., - 1890. - - 9.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _Hippolytus and Callistus_. Edinb., - 1876. _First Age of Christianity._ Lond., 1877. - - 10.--Gregg, J. A. F., _The Decian Persecutions_. Edinb., 1897. - - 11.--Hardy, E. G., _Christianity and the Roman Government_. - Lond., 1894. - - 12.--Healy, P. J., _The Valerian Persecution_. N. Y., 1905. - - 13.--Lightfoot, J. B., _St. Clement of Rome_, i., 69-81. - _Ignatius_, i., 69. - - 14.--Mason, A. J., _The Diocletian Persecution_. Lond., 1876. - - 15.--Newton, R., _Heroes of the Early Church_. Lond., 1889. - - 16.--Oxenham, H. N., _Studies in Ecclesiastical History and - Biography_. Lond., 1884. 27-56. - - 17.--Perram, A. F., _Stories about the Early Christians_. - Lond., 1887. - - 18.--Pressense, E. de, _The Martyrs and Apologists_. N. Y., - 1873. i., ch. 2-14. - - 19.--Ramsay, W. M., _The Church in the Roman Empire_. N. Y., - 1893. - - 20.--Rankin, J., _The First Saints_. Lond., 1893. - - 21.--Renan, E., _Marcus Aurelius_. _Antichrist._ - - 22.--Spence, H. D. M., _Early Christianity and Paganism_. N. Y. - and Lond., 1902. - - 23.--Steere, E., _Persecutions of the Early Church_. Lond., - 1880. - - 24.--Uhlhorn, G., _The Conflict of Christianity with - Heathenism_. N. Y., 1879. - - 25.--Watson, F., _Defenders of the Faith_. Lond., 1888. - - 26.--Workman, H. B., _Persecution in the Early Church_. Lond., - 1906. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Alzog, i., sec. 48, 64-70. Backhouse, pt. 2, ch. 2-8. - Bartlett, ch. 2. Baur, ii., 215-221. Bouzique, i., ch. 3. - Burton, ch. 2, 5, 7-11, 13, 16, 17. Butler, ch. 6-8. Chantrel, - ch. 3. Cheetham, ch. 3, sec. 1. Clarke, ch. 1, 2. Coxe, ch. 2, - sec. 27. Croke, ch. 1-10. Crooks, ch. 14. Darras, i., ch. - 1-14. Doellinger, i., ch. 1, sec. 9, 10. Duff, ch. 11, 13, 15, - 16, 22-25, 30. Fisher, pd. 2, ch. 1. Foulkes, ch. 1-3. - Gieseler, i., 119. Gilmartin, i., ch. 5. Guericke, 77-102. - Hase, 42-55. Hore, ch. 3. Hurst, i., 161-179. Jackson, ch. - 2-3. Jennings, i., ch. 2-3. Knight, ch. 2-5. Kurtz, i., sec. - 21, 22. Merivale, 6-8. Milman, bk. i., ch. 1. Milner, i., - cent. 2-4. Moeller, i., 74, 82, 159, 190. Neander, i., 86. - Newman, i., 147. Robertson, bk. i., ch. 1-3, 5-7. Schaff, ii., - 31 ff. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[91:1] Hardy, 1-18. - -[91:2] Examples: Cybele, Bellona, Magna Mater. - -[91:3] Examples: Cult of Isis excluded from Rome 58 B.C. (Tertullian, -_Apol._). Temples of Isis and Serapis destroyed 50 B.C. (Dion Cassius, -xi., 47). Repeated measures later. Jews expelled from Rome. - -[92:1] Neander, i., 89; Fisher, 30. Caligula, it seems, expelled the -Jews from Rome; Claudius (41-54) first forbade their assembling (Dion -Cassius, 60, 6) and then sought to drive them out of the capital -(Orosius, _Hist._, 7, 6.) - -[92:2] For individuals like Stephen, Acts vii., 58; James, Acts xii., 2; -Peter, Acts iv.; xii., 3; Paul, Acts ix., 23, 24; xiv., 5, 19; xvii., -13; xxiii., 12; xvi., 23; xxii., 24. For masses see Acts viii., 1-4; -Acts xxvi., 10-12; Clement, _Recognitions_, i., ch. 53, 71; Justin -Martyr, _1 Apol._, ch. 36; _Dialogue with Trypho_, ch. 16, 39, 96, 115. - -[92:3] Hurst, i., 153. - -[92:4] Acts, xviii., 14, 15; xxi., 31, 32; xxiv., 1-27; xxv., 14; xxvi., -32; Uhlhorn, 238. - -[92:5] Origen, _Against Celsus_, iii., 1-3. - -[93:1] _Concerning Laws_, i., pt. 2, ch. 8. This was also the ancient -principle of the XII. Tables. - -[93:2] Bk. iii., ch. 4, par. 1. - -[93:3] See Tertullian and Celsus. - -[94:1] Address reported by Dion Cassius. - -[94:2] Ramsay, 356. - -[94:3] Uhlhorn, _Conflict of Christ. with Heathenism_, 231. - -[95:1] Uhlhorn, _Conflict of Christ. with Heathenism_, 234. - -[95:2] Gibbon, ii., bk. 3, ch. 16. - -[95:3] Uhlhorn, 224; Moeller, i., 81. - -[96:1] _Octav._, c. 8. - -[96:2] _Annales_, xv., c. 44. - -[96:3] Alzog, i., 257. - -[96:4] Acts xix., 24 ff.; Pliny, _Ep._, x., 97; Neander, i., 92. - -[96:5] For a detailed statement of the accusations read the apologies of -Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Tertullian, and Origen. - -[96:6] Cyprian, _To Demetrianus_, 1; Origen, _Against Celsus_, iii., ch. -16; Tertullian, _Apol._, ch. 40; _To Nations_, 9; Alzog, i., 261. - -[96:7] Justin Martyr, _Apol._, i., ch. 6, 13, 17; Arnobius, _Against -Gentes_, iii., ch. 28. - -[97:1] A crucifix with the head of an ass and body of a man was actually -dug up in Rome and is now exhibited in a museum there. In Tertullian's -day there was circulated a picture of a man with the ears of an ass, -clothed in a toga, holding a book, and with these words beneath: "The -God of the Christians" (_Apol._, 16; _Ad. Nat._, 11, 14; Tacitus, -_Hist._, v., 3). In the Palace of the Caesars a rough sketch of a -crucified man with an ass's head was found (_Hist. Photographs_, No. -107, Oxf., 1870; _Univ. Quart._, July, 1879, p. 338). - -[97:2] Origen, _Against Celsus_, viii., ch. 75; _Apol._, ch. 29, 35, and -39; Tertullian, _Concerning Idol._, ch. 17; _De Cor. Mil._, i., c. 15. - -[97:3] _Cf._ Luke, xxi., 16. - -[97:4] Hence all the hatred and prejudice of the Romans for the Jews -were turned against the Christians. Gibbon, ii., 6; Gieseler, i., p. -101. - -[98:1] Origen declared that the number of Christian martyrs was small -and easily counted. _Celsum_, c. 3. - -[98:2] Gibbon, ii., ch. 16; Uhlhorn, 234, 235. - -[98:3] Moeller, i., 193. - -[99:1] Tacitus, _Ann._, xv., 44. It seems to be very probable that -persecutions by the Roman government occurred earlier than this. 1 Pet.; -Rev. ii., 13; xx., 4. - -[99:2] Schiller, Lipsius, and Hausrath. - -[99:3] Notably Merivale. - -[99:4] Hardy, Uhlhorn, Ramsay, Allard, and Harnack. - -[99:5] E. Th. Klette, _Nero and the Christians_, who relies for his -conclusions on sources prior to Tacitus, repudiates the scapegoat -theory. He contends that Nero, influenced by Jewish intrigue, publicly -punished the Christians as Christians and because of the popular -suspicions against them, so as to make it appear that the burning of -Rome was due to the wrath of the gods. - -[100:1] Juvenal, _Sat._, i., 155 ff.; Seneca, _Ep._, 14; Clement, _To -Corinth_, 6; Euseb., ii., c. 25; Orosius, vii., c. 7. _Cf._ Ramsay, _Ch. -in Rom. Emp._ 226 ff. - -[100:2] Sulp. Severus, _Chron._ ii., c. 29; _Transl. and Rep._, iv., 6. - -[100:3] Mommsen, Sandy, Hardy, Ramsay. - -[100:4] Mommsen, v., 523 n. - -[100:5] Sulp. Severus, _Chron._, ii., c. 30, 6; _Transl. and Rep._, iv., -6-8. - -[101:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iii., c. 18; Dion Cass., lxvii., c. 14.; -Suet., _Dom._, c. 15; _Transl. and Rep._, iv., 6. - -[101:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iv., 26. - -[101:3] Hegesippus, quoted in Eusebius, _Eccl. Hist._, iii., c. 20; -Tertullian; Clement of Rome, _1st Epistle_. - -[101:4] Melito of Sardica (c. 170), Lactantius, Eusebius, and the -mediaeval writers generally held that he was rather favourable to -Christians. - -[101:5] Gieseler, Aube, Overbeek, Uhlhorn, Keim and Renan held that -Trajan began a new era unfavourable to Christians but Lightfoot, Hardy, -and Ramsay explain it on the ground of political expediency. - -[101:6] Pliny wrote sixty letters to Trajan and Trajan made forty-eight -replies. These have all been translated into English. Read letters 96 -and 97. See _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 8. - -[102:1] For an excellent discussion of the significance of the Trajan -prosecutions, see Ramsay, _Ch. in Rom. Emp._, 190-225. - -[102:2] Authenticity of this document is doubted by Baur, Klein, -Lipsius, Overbeek, Aube, McGiffert, etc., but defended by Ramsay, -Lightfoot, Mommsen, Allard, Funk, Ranke, Uhlhorn, Moeller, etc. See -_Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 10. - -[102:3] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iv., c. 13, 26; Tertullian; Harnack, -article on Pius in Herzog-Hauck, _Real Encyc._ - -[103:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, v., c. 1; _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, -p. 11. - -[103:2] This period saw seventeen different Emperors. - -[103:3] See Eusebius on this reign, _Eccl. Hist._, v., c. 9-24. - -[103:4] Clement of Alexandria wrote: "Many martyrs are daily burned, -crucified, and beheaded before our eyes." Origen's father was among -them. At Scillite in Numidia 200 suffered. _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. -1, p. 20. At Carthage two young women were given to wild beasts. -Tertullian refers to other persecutions. Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vi., c. -1, 7. - -[104:1] Moeller, i., 191. - -[104:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vi., c. 28; Origen, _On Martyrdom_. - -[104:3] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vi., c. 34. - -[104:4] The text of this decree has been lost. Two later decrees were -issued--the first exiling Church officers, the second condemning them to -death. See Gregg, _The Decian Persecution_. - -[104:5] Read Cyprian, _Concerning the Lapsed_, iii., c. 8, for the most -vivid account; _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 21. - -[105:1] Cyprian, _Ep. to Antonian_. - -[105:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vii., c. 10; Gregg, _The Decian -Persecution_. - -[105:3] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vii., c. 11. - -[105:4] Cyprian, _Ep._, 81; _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, 20, 22, 23. - -[105:5] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vii., c. 13 ff. - -[105:6] _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 26. - -[105:7] Mason, _The Persecution of Diocletian_. - -[106:1] _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 26; Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, -viii.-x.; Uhlhorn, 407. - -[106:2] _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 28; Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, -viii., 17. - -[106:3] _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 1, p. 29. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -TRANSITION OF THE CHURCH UNDER CONSTANTINE - - OUTLINE: I.--Condition of the Empire in 300. II.--How - Constantine became Emperor. III.--Constantine's conversion to - Christianity. IV.--Constantine's favours to Christianity. - V.--Constantine's character. VI.--Constantine's historical - significance. VII.--Sources. - - -To understand the great changes that took place in the Christian Church -under Constantine, it is necessary to keep distinctly in mind both the -status of Christianity, on the one hand, and the general conditions of -the Empire, on the other. - -In territorial extent the Empire still formed a huge fringe around the -Mediterranean Sea and had lost but little of its vastness under Trajan -(98-117). Under Diocletian (284-305) the Empire became an undisguised -oriental despotism. The administration was divided between two Augusti, -each of whom had an associate, called Caesar. This division of rule, with -its increased expense, aroused much jealousy and discontent, and greatly -weakened the Empire. As many as six rival Emperors appeared at once, and -out of the rivalry emerged Constantine the Great as the sole ruler of -the Empire. Wars with the Persians in the east and with the barbarians -on the north accelerated the declining political morality. At the same -time social classes became more marked, and moral standards lower. -Schools were neglected, literature became superficial, poetry lost its -voice, and oratory declined. Paganism, largely a form of patriotism and -national festivity, still numbered many adherents, but it was not deeply -rooted in their hearts. - -Christianity, in the face of outlawry and severe persecution, had spread -steadily and marvellously, and particularly among the substantial people -of the Empire.[113:1] It is difficult to estimate the number of -Christians because few records were left and the number of real -believers was much larger than the professed adherents. The earlier -estimates are probably too low. After more careful investigation, -30,000,000 may be safely given as indicating the numerical strength of -the new creed.[113:2] When Constantine the Great appeared, therefore, -old pagan Rome was declining, while a new Christian Rome was rapidly -rising. Christianity would undoubtedly have gained the victory sooner or -later had Constantine not appeared as its champion. - -Constantine was born about 274 at Naissus, in Upper Moesia. His father -was Constantius Chlorus, a nephew of Emperor Claudius, the conqueror of -the Goths, who was selected as Caesar of the West possibly because of his -imperial connection. His mother was Helena, the daughter of an -innkeeper, and not the fabled English princess. She was only a -concubine, who, however, was made a legal wife after the birth of -Constantine.[113:3] She was a Christian, it seems, and no doubt taught -the new faith to both her husband and son.[114:1] - -Constantine's education was gained mostly in court circles and on the -battle-field. As a boy he was instructed in the schools of Drepanum in -Cilicia, his mother's birthplace, later changed to Helenapolis. Little -is known about this phase of his training, and there are reasons for -believing that it was not very comprehensive. In 292, when Constantine -was eighteen, his father became Caesar of the West, divorced his mother, -and sent him to be educated as a sort of hostage at the court of -Diocletian at Nicomedia. There he acquired his preliminary military -training and political education. With Diocletian he made an expedition -to Egypt _via_ Palestine (296) and the next year joined Galerius in a -campaign against the Persians. He soon won a reputation as a bold -warrior, and became a popular leader. Indeed his superior ability -aroused the jealousy of Galerius, who purposely exposed him to the -gravest dangers, thus hoping to get rid of him. After his military -success, he was made tribune of the first rank. Skilled in the art of -politics at the court of the Eastern rulers, and having won his spurs in -battle, he expected to be elevated to the office of Caesar, when -Diocletian resigned in 305, but was defeated by Galerius, who succeeded -Diocletian as Augustus, and chose his own nephew as Caesar. This was a -keen disappointment to young Constantine.[114:2] - -In 305, Constantius Chlorus succeeded Maximian, who had resigned by -agreement with Diocletian, as Augustus of the West, and, since there -was no reason why an Augustus should leave his son as hostage at the -court of an equal, he demanded the return of Constantine. Galerius -reluctantly consented, but before the official permit was executed, -Constantine, fearing treachery, fled at night, maimed the post-horses to -prevent pursuit, and reached Boulogne just in time to go with his father -to Britain.[115:1] - -After an easy conquest of Britain, Constantius Chlorus died at York -(July, 306), having named his son as his successor, whereupon the -soldiers immediately saluted Constantine as Augustus.[115:2] Although -this was the ancient practice, and Constantine was eligible for the -office both by heredity and by preparation, still, constitutionally, the -nomination rested with Galerius, who, enraged at the usurpation, and -also at Constantine's shrewd diplomatic letter, allowed him only the -title of Caesar.[115:3] No man in the Empire was better fitted by age, -appearance, previous training, and ability, for the higher office. -Backed by his army, Constantine continued his father's policy to defend -the Gauls against the Franks and Germans, and to develop the prosperity -of the country. He married Maximian's daughter (307) as a diplomatic -precaution and was recognised by him as Augustus. Meanwhile Maxentius, -the son of Maximian, who, discovered in conspiracy, had committed -suicide, had assumed the imperial purple at Rome and now took his -father's death as a pretext for war against Constantine.[115:4] -Encouraged by a Roman embassy, Constantine at once hastily marched -toward Rome and at Milvian Bridge defeated his rival, who was drowned in -the Tiber (312). Constantine was now sole Emperor of the West. In 324 -Licinius was defeated in the East and Constantine had become Emperor of -the united Roman Empire. - -Constantine's connection with Christianity marks a new epoch in the -history of the Church. Under him the new faith was legalised, -emancipated, protected, and given lands and buildings. Constantine's -mother, who was a Christian, probably gave him his first favourable -impressions of the outlawed religion. As a boy he must have heard it -discussed as a topic for both light and serious conversation. At the -court of Diocletian and Galerius he saw the edict of persecution -proclaimed in 303 and must have witnessed the action of Christians under -martyrdom, noticed their marvellous growth in the face of outlawry and -punishment, and perhaps came to look with some favour upon their -teachings. When he succeeded his father as Emperor of the West, he -continued his father's policy of toleration and let Diocletian's edict -of persecution fall as a dead letter.[116:1] - -Tradition tells us that Constantine was converted to Christianity -suddenly by a miracle. One day, during the conflict with Maxentius at -Milvian Bridge, he and his whole army saw a bright cross in the heavens -with this inscription in Greek on it: "In this sign, conquer." In a -dream that night Christ appeared to him and commanded him to use the -emblem of the cross as his battle ensign, and promised him victory in -consequence. Constantine immediately had the costly _labarum_ made to -be carried before his army and with it at Milvian Bridge, ten miles from -Rome, he vanquished his foe.[117:1] - -Three theories have been proposed to explain the spectacle of the cross: -1. That it was a genuine miracle, supported by the following facts: (a) -Eusebius, who gives us the first account, had all the evidence directly -from Constantine himself under oath; (b) Constantine's whole army -"witnessed the miracle and put the emblem on their shields"[117:2]; (c) -Socrates says the original standard could still be seen in his -day.[117:3] The older historians all upheld the miracle, although few -scholars to-day take that view.[117:4] 2. That it was a natural -phenomenon coloured by Constantine's imagination, or an optical -illusion, or a dream.[117:5] 3. That it was a pious fraud, deliberately -invented either by Constantine, or by Eusebius.[117:6] Whatever the -theories may be, the fact remains that for some reason Constantine -invoked the aid of the Christian's God, and carried the Christian emblem -in front of his troops to one victory after another until he became sole -ruler of the Empire. If it was merely experimenting with the name and -cross of Jesus, the experiment brought convincing belief, for the sacred -emblem was employed in all later military campaigns. - -The triumph over Maxentius at Milvian Bridge was a great victory for -Christianity. Constantine had a statue of himself with a cross in his -hands set up in Rome. An inscription on it stated that through -Christianity the glory and freedom of Rome had been restored.[118:1] -Henceforth Constantine extended imperial aid and protection to the -Christians and a new era was opened in the history of the Christian -Church. He endowed and enlarged Christian churches in Rome and later -elsewhere[118:2]; he wrote letters in behalf of Christians in -Africa[118:3]; he made Christian bishops, like Hosius, Lactantius, and -Eusebius, his trusted political advisers; and he enacted laws legalising -the new faith and protecting its adherents. - -The edict of limited toleration passed by Galerius in 311, in -conjunction with Constantine and Licinius, was very unsatisfactory. The -Christians might rebuild their churches but were required to pray for -the Emperor.[118:4] A decided preference was shown to paganism since no -person was free to leave his own religion and join another. This was a -great hardship, for many Romans were Christians at heart and were only -waiting for permission to join the new Church openly.[118:5] To meet the -new conditions and to afford the needed relief, Constantine, jointly -with Licinius, in 313 issued the Edict of Milan, the Magna Charta of -religious liberty. It was promulgated in Greek and Latin over the whole -Empire as imperial law. It did not make Christianity the state religion, -as is generally asserted, but only legalised it, and popularised it. Now -people could and did openly desert the old and join the new faith. -Persecutions were forbidden under severe penalties. Exiles were -recalled. Confiscated property was restored with compensation to the -possessor. All Romans were exhorted to worship the Christian God. This -famous edict was significant, because it put Christianity on an equality -with paganism; gave it opportunity for public organisation, thus paving -the way for the Catholic hierarchy already begun; and marks a new era in -the history of the Christian Church, because at last a great Roman -Emperor and his conquering army had taken up the sword in defence of -persecuted Christianity.[119:1] - -The proclamation of emancipation and protection was followed by other -acts which clearly show that Constantine meant to favour and control the -new religion. The Christian clergy were exempted from military and -municipal duties[119:2]--a favour already enjoyed by pagan priests and -even Jewish rabbis (March, 313). The Church Council of Arles was -convoked (314). The emancipation of Christian slaves was facilitated -(315). Various customs and ordinances offensive to Christians were -abolished (316). Bequests to churches were legalised (321). The -cessation of civic business on Sunday was enjoined, but as a "dies -Solis" (321).[120:1] The heathen symbols of Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, and -Hercules were removed from imperial coins (323). In defeating Licinius -(324), a bitter reactionist, Constantine felt that he was waging war in -behalf of Christianity.[120:2] In 324 Constantine issued a general -exhortation to all Romans to embrace the new creed for the common weal. -The highest dignities were opened to Christians. Gifts and remission of -taxes enriched their churches. A craze for buildings led to the erection -of churches at various sacred spots in the Holy Land, at Nicomedia, in -Constantinople, in Rome, and elsewhere. Fifty costly manuscripts of the -Bible were ordered prepared for the leading churches. The Council of -Nicaea was held in 325, the Arian schism healed, and the first written -creed given the Church. Finally, by divine command, as it was said, -Constantine removed his capital from old pagan Rome to Byzantium, the -new Christian Rome, which was renamed Constantinople (326). This left -Christianity in the West, already strong and active, to organise itself -under the guidance of the Bishop of Rome, and powerfully aided the -evolution of the papal hierarchy. In the East, under imperial -protection, the spread and organisation of the popular belief was -phenomenal. - -Paganism was still legal, however; its institutions were not attacked -and the privileges of its priests were confirmed. Nevertheless the -triumphs of Christianity were all won at the expense of paganism. As the -new faith arose the old sank, yet not without many a desperate and even -noble effort to persist. Individual cults which were either immoral or -offensive, like that of Venus in Phoenicia, AEsculapius at AEgae, and the -Nile-priests at Heliopolis, were prohibited.[121:1] Private haruspices -were forbidden. There is even some evidence of a general edict against -sacrifices.[121:2] All of these things indicate the passing away of the -old order and the birth of the new. - -Opinion about Constantine's character takes two extreme views. On the -one hand it is held that in 312 Constantine, like Paul, was miraculously -converted to Christianity and that from that day forth he was a saint -incarnate. Eusebius, and later panegyrists like Mosheim, are responsible -for this picture. To this day the Greek churches celebrate his memory as -St. "Equal of the Apostles." On the other hand it is asserted that he -was nothing but a shrewd politician, able to read the signs of the -times, who assumed an outward connection with Christianity solely for -political expediency. Zosimus, a pagan historian, gives the worst -account, ascribing to him the basest motive for every deed. Keim calls -him a political trickster, and Burckhardt styles him a "murdering -egoist" and "politischer Rechner" without a spark of Christianity.[121:3] - -Was Constantine a Christian? The query is a difficult one to answer -because ten men would each give a different definition of the essentials -of a Christian. The favourable evidence will be considered first. -Constantine's activity in behalf of the new religion, already mentioned, -shows at least his sympathy for it and no doubt his belief in it. His -imperial laws, improving woman's condition, mitigating slavery, -abolishing crucifixion as a method of punishment, and caring for the -unfortunate, breathe forth the spirit of Christian justice and -humanity.[122:1] He tried to convert his subjects to Christianity -through Christian governors in the provinces, by letters and sermons, by -rewarding towns for converting temples into churches, and by conforming -to Christian worship. He diligently attended divine services, had a -stated hour and place for prayer, fasted, kept Easter vigils with great -devotion, and even invited his subjects to hear him preach on the folly -of paganism and about the truth of Christianity. He exerted every effort -to make Constantinople a Christian city--churches replaced altars, the -imperial palace was adorned with biblical scenes,[122:2] gladiatorial -combats were prohibited, and the smoke of public sacrifice never rose -from the hills of New Rome.[122:3] The imperial treasury was lavishly -used to support Christianity.[122:4] Constantine's sons were given a -Christian education. He believed in the efficacy of baptism, even though -he did postpone it to the end of his life--a common practice to wash -away all sins. Besides he wished to be baptised in the river Jordan -where Jesus himself was baptised. In 337 he was received into the Church -as a catechumen, promised to live worthily as a follower of Jesus, was -baptised, and wore the white baptismal robe till he died.[122:5] - -The unfavourable evidence submitted leads to the conclusion, held by -some historians, that Constantine's conversion was not genuine, but due -to hypocrisy, superstition, or policy. He retained the title Pontifex -Maximus, head of the old religion. The Edict of Milan protected paganism -and he continued that policy. After defeating Maxentius at Milvian -Bridge he had his triumphal arch erected. The original inscription said -that he triumphed over his rival by the favour of Jupiter. But these -words were later erased and the neutral phrase "instinctu Divinitas" -substituted.[123:1] In Rome he restored pagan temples and said: "You who -consider it profitable to yourselves, continue to visit the public -altars and temples and to observe your sacred rites."[123:2] Even in -Constantinople temples were erected to the gods. The laws of 319 show -that sacrifice still existed--at least in private houses.[123:3] Pagan -emblems were continued on imperial coins till 330. Constantine, as -Pontifex Maximus, continued to attend the sacred games connected with -the pagan religion,[123:4] and even used pagan rites along with -Christian to dedicate his new capital.[123:5] In 321 he ordered that -when lightning should strike the imperial palace, or any public -building, the soothsayers should be consulted to determine the cause as -of old. The same year he employed heathen magic to heal diseases, to -protect crops, to prevent rain and hail, etc.[123:6] He retained many -pagans at court and in public office, and was very intimate with pagan -philosophers like Sopater.[124:1] In no document did he formally -renounce paganism and declare himself a Christian. He was guilty of -weakness and crimes inconsistent with a Christian life. He was vain, -suspicious, despotic, and gained his ambitious ends through bloody wars. -He was undoubtedly guilty of murdering Licinius, his brother-in-law, -contrary to a sacred pledge; Licinius, the younger, his nephew, a boy of -eleven; Crispus, his eldest son, on the ground of treasonable -conspiracy; and Fausta, his wife, for adultery.[124:2] To wipe away -these sins, and many others, he accepted at the close of his life the -Christian rite of baptism. After his death the Senate voted to place him -among the gods.[124:3] - -After weighing all evidence, these historical conclusions may be drawn: - -1. Constantine was primarily a statesman, and wisely used both paganism -and Christianity to unite his Empire and to build up his autocratic -power. He was Pontifex Maximus, not alone of paganism, but of all -religions.[124:4] The grateful Christians heartily granted that -leadership. Up to 323 he kept the two religions equally balanced, but to -do so he was forced to favour Christianity most. After 323 he depressed -paganism and exalted Christianity. Toward the end of his life he showed -a tendency to forcibly suppress the old religion. - -2. Constantine was a Christian, but not as a result of a miracle at -Milvian Bridge. His conversion was a gradual result of many influences. -Training at his Christian mother's knee, paternal instruction, his -youthful observations at the Eastern imperial court, a growing belief in -monotheism, his discontent with the faith of his fathers and a proneness -toward sun-worship, and his religious philosophy, which led him to look -at Christianity as a system of thought rather than a life creed--a law, -not a faith--a world-force of purity and simplicity--all these factors -produced within him a growing comprehension of the truth, power, and -beauty of Christianity. The cross in the sky and the consequent -victories led to a conviction that God had selected him as the champion -of the new creed, "the bishop of bishops." Contact with the leading -Christians in the Empire, men of heart and brains, greatly increased his -admiration for Christianity and interest in it. Just when he became a -Christian no one can say, but that he died a sincere believer one can -hardly doubt.[125:1] - -3. He was a product of his age. He was actuated by both religious and -political motives and was not merely an artful politician. It was not an -easy thing to be a Roman Emperor and at the same time a Christian. He -was guilty of grave crimes, but they were the result of gusts of -passion, like those of Peter the Great, and not of constitutional -depravity. Nor do these sins appear so enormous when considered in the -light of his long, useful career, the dynastic difficulties confronting -him, and the morality of many Christian leaders of the day. It must not -be forgotten that he was a converted heathen, that the Christian code -had not yet become the moral code, and that the integrity of the Empire -stood above family ties and even religious demands. - -4. He made his age the beginning of a new era. He enabled Christianity -to become the moulding spirit of Western civilisation. He was the first -representative of that theoretical Christian theocracy which makes the -Church and state two sides of God's government on earth. The Church and -state were to remain united throughout all the succeeding ages to the -present time. Even Protestant nations adopted the principle. Among the -most noteworthy exceptions to-day are the United States, Italy, and, but -recently, France. He founded the Byzantine Empire and bears the same -relation to the East that Charles the Great does to the West. He gave -the Church its first unity in organisation, its first universal council, -and its first written creed. He stamped his own character on his age and -made it greater and happier. He has continued to live through succeeding -centuries by reason of what he was and what he did. For all these -reasons, judged by achievement, the world unites in calling him "the -Great."[126:1] - -5. Historically, Constantine's significance lies not in the fact that he -was a Christian, personally, but that he for the first time endowed the -new religion with that worldly power which made it for over one thousand -years the most powerful moral, social, and political agency the world -has seen. Constantine the Great was succeeded by Charles the Great, and -he in turn by Otto the Great. On the ruins of the Christianised Roman -Empire arose the Roman Empire of the Germans, and in this the work of -Constantine was really completed. Not until the Reformation and the -Modern Age did the cry arise that the work of Constantine must be -undone. - -Constantine's three sons and successors continued his policy. Laws were -passed favourable to Christianity. Paganism was still tolerated, but the -tendency to suppress it had developed into a fixed policy. Sacrifices -were forbidden on pain of death and confiscation in 352.[127:1] The -persecuted, in turn, became the persecutors. "Emperors!" one of the -Christian leaders advised, "the temples must be overthrown and utterly -destroyed in order that the pernicious error may no longer pollute the -Roman world. The Supreme God has committed the Government to you, so -that you may cure this cancer." Pagan temples were converted into -Christian churches. Unity of worship and unity of imperial rule were -declared to be essential. Pagan opposition to religious unity under the -Emperor was now interpreted as treason just as Christianity was so -regarded before 311. Thus identified with the Empire, Christianity -became the popular dominant faith. Rome and Alexandria alone clung to -the old gods.[127:2] - -Under Julian (361-363), a nephew of Constantine the Great, paganism made -one last supreme effort for mastery. The reaction was inspired by -Neo-Platonism, by the personal devotion of Julian to the classical -faith, and by the hope of securing a stronger imperial unity through the -supremacy of paganism. Julian did not openly persecute Christianity, but -treated it very much as Constantine did paganism. Had he lived longer, -nevertheless, harsher measures might have been employed. He seemed to -feel that he was swimming against the tide, however, and fell in battle -against the Persians (363) saying, "Thou hast conquered, -Galilean."[128:1] - -Julian's sudden death with one stroke precipitated the decline and fall -of paganism. His successor, Jovian (363-364), a Christian, restored -Christianity to imperial and popular favour.[128:2] The legal toleration -of all religions continued under Valentinian I. (d. 375) and Valens (d. -378). Emperor Gratian (375-383) began the repression of paganism in the -West, and Valentinian II. (383-392) continued it, while Theodosius I. -(378-395) pursued the same policy in the East, and forcibly suppressed -paganism.[128:3] The edict of 380 constituted Christianity the exclusive -religion of the whole Empire. "We command all who read this law to -embrace the name of Catholic Christians, deciding that all other idiots -and madmen should bear the infamy attaching to their heretical opinions, -and as they will first meet with the penalty of divine vengeance, so -they will afterwards receive that condemnation at our hands which the -Heavenly Judge has empowered us to administer."[128:4] The new faith had -won a famous victory. Even the old Roman Senate, the last refuge of -paganism, voted that the religion of Jesus was true. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--CHURCH FATHERS: - - 1.--Eusebius, <i>Life of Constantine</i>. <i>Nic. and Post-Nic. - Fathers_, i., 472. Edited by McGiffert. Best edition. - _Church History._ _Ib._ - - 2.--Socrates, _Ecclesiastical History_. _Ib._, ii., bk. 1, - 2. - - 3.--Sozomen, _Ecclesiastical History_. _Ib._, ii., bk. 1, 4. - - 4.--Theodoret, _Ecclesiastical History_. _Ib._, iii., bk. 1, - 2. - - 5.--Lactantius, _Death of Persecutors_. _Ante-Nic. Christ. - Lib._, xxi., 485; xxii., 186 _ff._ - - 6.--Evagrius, _Ecclesiastical History_. Bohn, _Eccl. Lib._, - 1851. - - 7.--St. Athanasius, _Works_. _Fathers of the Holy Cath. Ch._, - viii., xiii., xix. _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, iv., 2d - ser. - - 8.--St. Basil, _Letters_. _Ib._, viii., 109. - - 9.--St. Augustine, _Sermons on the New Testament_. _Fathers of - the Holy Cath. Ch._, lv., ch. 12. - - 10.--St. Chrysostom, _Homilies_. _Ib._, xxi., ch. 11; _Nic. - and Post-Nic. Fathers_, ix., 1st ser. - - 11.--St. Ambrose, _Letters_, No. 21, 23. _Fathers of the Holy - Cath. Ch._, xlv. - - 12.--St. Cyril, _Catechetical Lectures_. _Ib._, xiv., ch. 22; - _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, vii., 2d ser. - - II.--PAGAN: - - 1.--Zosimus, _History_. Transl. by J. Davis, Lond., 1814. - - 2.--Emperor Julian, _Letters_. Transl. by E. J. Chinnock. - Lond., 1901. _Sovereign Sun_ and _Mother of the Gods_, in - King, _Julian the Emperor_. Lond., 1888. - - III. COLLECTIONS: - - 1.--Henderson, _Select Historical Documents of the Middle - Ages_. Bohn Lib., 1892, p. 319. - - 2.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_. iv., No. 1, - 2; vi., No. 4. - - 3.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_, i., 21. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Carr, A., _The Church and the Roman Empire_. Lond., 1886. - - 2.--Chawner, W., _The Influence of Christianity upon the - Legislation of Constantine the Great_. Lond., 1874. - - 3.--Cutts, E. L., _Constantine the Great_. Lond., 1881. - - 4.--Fletcher, J., _Life of Constantine the Great_. Lond., - 1852. - - 5.--Gwatkin, H. M., _Studies of Arianism_. Camb., 1882. _The - Arian Controversy._ N. Y., 1889. - - 6.--Hardy, E. G., _Christianity and the Roman Government_. - Lond., 1894. - - 7.--Newman, J. H., _The Arians of the Fourth Century_. Lond., - 1855. - - 8.--Saunders, G., _The State of the Christian Community before - and after Constantine_. Glasg., 1882. - - 9.--Smith and Wace, _Dictionary of Christian Biography_. Art. - on Constantine. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Allen, ch. 1-2. Alzog, i., Sec. 96-100. Backhouse, pt. 2, ch. 10. - Baur, ii., 225-228. Blunt, i., ch. 6. Bouzique, i., ch. 3; - ii., ch. 1. Bright, 60 _ff._, 310. Butler, ch. 23-26. - Cheetham, pt. ii., ch. 1. Coxe, ch. 3. Croke, ch. 12-16. - Darras, i., pd. 2, ch. 1-2. Doellinger, ii., ch. 1, sec. 1. - Duff, ch. 31, 37. Fisher, pd. 3, ch. 1. Foulkes, ch. 4. - Gibbon, ch. 17-25. Gieseler, div. 3, pd. 2, ch. 1, sec. 75-77. - Gilmartin, i., ch. 10. Guericke, sec. 61-63. Hase, sec. 93-95. - Hore, ch. 5. Hurst, i., 410-426. Jackson, ch. 12-16. Jennings, - i., ch. 4. Knight, ch. 6. Kurtz, i., Sec. 42-43. Mahan, bk. 2, - ch. 10. Milman, bk. 1, ch. 2. Milner, i., cent. 4, ch. 2-3. - Moeller, i., 296-308. Mosheim, ii., 454-481. Neander, ii., - 1-32. Newman, i., 305-319. Robertson, bk. 2, ch. 1. Schaff, - ii., 1-37. Stanley, 281. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[113:1] Orr, _Neglected Factors_, 95-163; Ramsay, _Ch. in Rom. Emp._, -57. - -[113:2] Orr, _Neglected Factors_, 23-91. - -[113:3] Zosimus, ii., 8; St. Ambrose, Migne, iii., 1209. For the fable -about the English princess read Geoffrey of Monmouth and Pierre de -Langloft. This tale was used by Baronius. It must be remembered that -concubinage was a state recognised by Roman law, and was by no means in -itself a sign of depravity. - -[114:1] Eusebius, _Life of Constantine_, iii., ch. 47, leads one to -believe that Constantine converted his mother to Christianity. _Cf._ -Hamza Ispaheus, p. 55. - -[114:2] Lactantius, _Death of Persecutors_, ch. 24. - -[115:1] Zos., ii., 8; Euseb., _Life of Const._, i., ch. 121. - -[115:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, viii., ch. 13; _Life of Const._, ii., ch. -22. - -[115:3] Lactantius, _Death of Persecutors_, ch. 25. Galerius recognised -Severus as Augustus of the West. - -[115:4] Galerius meanwhile was induced to recognise Constantine as -Augustus in 308. - -[116:1] Lactantius, _Death of Persecutors_, ch. 24; Euseb., _Life of -Const._, i., ch. 14, 16, 17, 27. - -[117:1] Euseb., _Life of Const._, i., ch. 28-31; Sozomen, i., ch. 3; -Socrates, i., ch. 2; Lactantius, _Death of Persecutors_, ch. 44. - -[117:2] Euseb., _Life of Const._, i., ch. 28; Sozomen, i., ch. 3. - -[117:3] Socrates, i., ch. 2. - -[117:4] Doellinger; J. H. Newman; Guericke, Uhlhorn, etc. - -[117:5] Supported by best modern critical writers like Schroeck, -Neander, Gieseler, Mansi, Milman, Keim, Heinicken, Schaff, Harnack, etc. -For like examples see Whymper, _Scrambles among the Alps_, ch. 22; -Gieseler, i., Sec. 56; Stanley, 288; Peary, _Narrative of an Attempt to -Reach the North Pole_, 99, 100; Seymour, _The Cross in Tradition_, 103 -_ff._ - -[117:6] This theory is defended by Gibbon, Lardner, Waddington, -Burckhardt, Hoornbeeck, Thomasius, Arnold, etc. They seem to ignore all -proofs. - -[118:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, ix., ch. 9; _Life of Const._, i., ch. 40. -The triumphal arch was not set up till 315. - -[118:2] Euseb., _Life of Const._, i., ch. 42. - -[118:3] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, x., ch. 5, 7. - -[118:4] Ibid., _Eccl. Hist._, viii., 17; edict given in _Transl. and -Reprints_, iv., No. 1, p. 28. _Cf._ Lactantius, ch. 34, 35. - -[118:5] Neander, ii., 12, 13. - -[119:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, x., 5. The Edict of Milan is given in -_Transl. and Reprints_, iv., No. 1, p. 29. It is thought by some that -the Edict of Milan refers to an edict issued by Constantine in 312 but -now lost. That possibility seems very doubtful. _Cf._ Lactantius, ch. -48. - -[119:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, x., ch. 7; Sozom., i., 9; Cod. Theod., -xvi., 2, 1, 2, 3. - -[120:1] Cod. Justin., iii., tit. 12, 1, 3. - -[120:2] Moeller, i., 298. He at once issued edicts of toleration for -Christians in the East. Euseb., _Life of Const._, ii., ch. 24 _ff._ - -[121:1] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., ch. 55, 56, 58; iv., ch. 25, 37, -38. - -[121:2] _Ibid._, ii., ch. 44, 45; iii., ch. 56, 58; iv., ch. 25. - -[121:3] For further opinions of like character read Brieger, Flasch, -Baur, etc. - -[122:1] Sozom., i., 8; Cod. Theod. and Cod. Justin are full of these -instances. - -[122:2] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., ch. 3, 49; iv., ch. 15. - -[122:3] _Ibid._, ii., ch. 44, 45; iii., ch. 48; iv., ch. 24. - -[122:4] _Ibid._, ii., ch. 45; iii., 33-39, 41, 42, 43, 48, 58; iv., 28, -58-60. - -[122:5] Brooks, _Date of the Death of Constantine_; Euseb., _Life of -Const._, iv., 62-64. - -[123:1] Dyer, _City of Rome_, 312. - -[123:2] Cod. Theod., xii., i., 21; v., 2; Neander, ii., 20. - -[123:3] _Ibid._, 19. - -[123:4] Cod. Theod., ix., 16, 1, 2; Zos., ii., ch. 29. - -[123:5] Zos., ii., ch. 31; Moeller, i., 299. - -[123:6] Neander, ii., 20, 21. - -[124:1] Euseb., _Life of Const._, ii., ch. 44. - -[124:2] This last charge is now discredited by some authorities. - -[124:3] Eutropius, _Breviarium_, x., 4. - -[124:4] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iv., ch. 24. - -[125:1] Cutts, _Const. the Great_, 419. - -[126:1] See Cutts, _Const. the Great_, 128. - -[127:1] Cod. Theod., xvi., 10, 4. - -[127:2] Gieseler, i., Sec. 75. - -[128:1] Negri, _Julian the Apostate_, 2 vols., N. Y., 1905; King, -_Julian the Emp._, Lond., 1888; Gardner, _Julian, Philosopher and Emp._, -N. Y., 1895; Rendall, _The Emperor Julian_, Lond., 1879; Sozom., vi., 2; -Theodoret, iii., 25. - -[128:2] Sozom., vi., 3. - -[128:3] Cod. Theod., xvi., 10, 12. - -[128:4] Cod. Justin, i., 1, 1. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA AND ITS RESULTS - - OUTLINE: I.--Diversion of Christian thought in the early - Church. II.--The Arian controversy. III.--The Council of Nicaea - and its actions. IV.--Later history of Arianism. V.--Sources. - - -Early Christianity was characterised by a remarkable intellectual -activity, which was chiefly theological and philosophical. Speculative -discussions were rife, particularly in the East, where the different -philosophical systems were prominent. Jesus left no definite creed, -which all could understand alike.[131:1] The Ante-Nicene period was full -of sharp and bitter theological and ecclesiastical antagonisms. Such an -epoch of dissension and division the world was not to witness again -until the dawn of the Protestant Revolt. - -Christian converts came from Judaism, and from various types of -paganism, hence at the very outset there was a tendency to create two -distinct types of Christianity--the Jewish and the non-Jewish. This lack -of unity and uniformity was clearly seen and sneered at by the pagan -scholars.[131:2] This was Origen's significant explanation: - - Seeing that Christianity appeared an object of veneration to - men, and not to the labouring and serving classes alone, but - also to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary - pursuits, there necessarily originated sects, not at all as a - result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire - of many literary men to enter more profoundly into the truths - of Christianity. The consequence was, that understanding - differently those things which were considered divine by all, - there arose sects, which received their names from men who - admired Christianity in its fundamental nature, but from a - variety of causes reached discordant views. - -Among the heretical sects of the Ante-Nicene period were: - -1. The Ebionites,[132:1] who were Judaising Christians as shown in the -book of Acts and the Pauline Epistles. They desired to be both Jews and -Christians, and ended by being neither. They soon divided up into many -sects.[132:2] They lived in and about Palestine for the first three -centuries of the Christian era. They believed that God made the world -and gave the Mosaic law, which was still essential to salvation; that -Jesus was the Messiah, though not divine, only a great man like Moses -and David; but they denounced Paul and heroised James and Peter. They -observed the Jewish Sabbath, retained the rite of circumcision, and -observed the law. In the minds of the great body of orthodox Christians -they were regarded as heretics. - -2. The Gnostics[132:3] embraced various factions, mostly pagan converts -to Christianity, which flourished in Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt -chiefly during the second century. Their ideas can be traced back to -Philo's Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, to Buddhism and Zoroastrianism, -and to the old Egyptian religion. Knowledge, above all else, was the one -thing desired. Believing in the inherent evil of matter, they sought to -account for a bad world without compromising God. Jehovah of the Old -Testament was rejected as the Supreme Being. They cast aside all the New -Testament except the Pauline Epistles and parts of the Gospels. They -professed to apprehend the divine mysteries. Some advocated asceticism, -and others gave the utmost license to the flesh. All believed in the -idea of the evolution of the world, through Christ, to an ideal state. -Although denounced as heretics, they left a marked influence on -Christianity. Gnosticism was so speculative, however, that it gave rise -to many leaders and creeds. - -3. The Manichaeans[133:1] accepted Gnosticism minus true Christianity and -adopted Oriental dualism under Christian names. Manichaeism originated -with Mani about 238 in Persia and spread westward over the Christian -Church. Its leading principle was absolute dualism--a kingdom of light -and one of darkness in eternal opposition, yet brought together by a -sort of pantheism. Christianity was accepted, but explained in terms of -this dualism. The Old Testament was wholly rejected as well as parts of -the New. The elevated priesthood celebrated the secret rites of baptism -and communion with solemn pomp, lived as ascetics, possessed no -property, and abstained from wine and animal food. This system, claiming -to be true Christianity, had a marked influence on both the doctrines -and organisation of the Church.[134:1] - -4. The Monarchians[134:2] denied the doctrine of the Trinity, but were -divided into a number of groups. The Alogoi in the second century -rejected all of the Apostle John's works and denied the eternity of the -Logos as a person of the Godhead. Theodatus, a leather dealer of -Byzantium, went to Rome in 190 and taught that Jesus was a "mere man" -till baptism gave him divine attributes. Paul of Samosata, Bishop of -Antioch, was excommunicated in 269 for advocating the doctrine that the -Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are one person, God. He maintained that -Jesus was a divinely begotten man exalted to divine dignity by the Holy -Spirit or Logos--an attribute of God. Praxeas of Asia Minor visited Rome -about 195 and later preached in Carthage. He held that the Father and -Christ were one and attributed the "Passion" to God, hence his party -were called the Patripassians. Sabellianism was simply another form of -this heresy and helped to precipitate the Arian controversy. - -In addition to these four heretical sects there were three distinct -reactionary and reforming parties: - -1. Montanism[135:1] originated, like so many radical movements, in Asia -Minor (150?). Montanus professed to have received a message from the -"Paraclete" to reform the growing worldliness and the lax ecclesiastical -discipline of the Church. Montanists denounced the innovations -introduced into the Church, and sought to return to the simpler and -purer doctrines and organisation of the early Church. They preached a -universal priesthood of all believers. In exalting virginity, widowhood, -and martyrdom, in professing a contempt for the world with all its -excesses, and in insisting upon an arbitrary holiness, Montanism was a -force paving the way for ascetic Christianity. They accepted all the -fundamental principles of the Church, but professed to receive special -divine revelations from the "Paraclete," as the Holy Ghost was called. -They lived in constant expectation of the coming of the end of the -world. Tertullian was their greatest apologist. But both the Christian -hierarchy and the imperial power were turned against these reforming -puritans. Under Justinian Montanism disappeared (532). - -2. The Novatianists[135:2] withdrew from the Church protesting against -the readmission of those who through fear deserted the Church in the -Decian persecution (249-251). They were strong in North Africa and Asia -Minor, and continued until the sixth century, absorbing most of the -Montanists. In doctrine and organisation they did not differ from the -regular Church, but only on the question of discipline. They also laid -unusual stress on the doctrine of baptismal regeneration. Their churches -were still found in the fifth century in Rome till closed by Innocent I. - -3. The Donatists[136:1] grew out of the Montanist opposition to laxity -and innovation in the Church and Novatian strictness of discipline. The -Donatists denounced the Christians who during the Diocletian persecution -delivered up the Scriptures, and tried to drive them out of the Church. -The party centred in Carthage and was led by Bishop Donatus. They -believed in ecclesiastical purism, held the Church to be an exclusive -society of saved sinners, emphasised inner holiness as a qualification -of membership, asserted the necessity of baptismal regeneration and -infant baptism, said unholy priests could not administer the sacraments, -advocated rigid discipline, resisted the union of Church and state, and -were organised as a hierarchy. They were very active in the early -part of the fourth century, and attempted to secure the support of -Constantine. He decided against them and tried to quiet them. Emperor -Julian favoured them, but Augustine sought their overthrow. Finally the -Vandals swept them away. - -The Arian controversy was a natural product of the early differences -about the nature of the Godhead and was distinctly connected with the -Ebionites, Gnostics, Montanists, and Sabellians. In the Eastern -speculation about the mystery of the Holy Trinity, one faction of -theorists tended to "refine the Deity into a mental conception"; another -to "impersonate Him into a material being." Between these extremes arose -the discussion about "the nature and relation between the Father, Son, -and Holy Ghost."[137:1] Tertullian and Origen both attempted to solve -the problem. Dionysius of Alexandria (260), in a contest with the -Sabellians, is reported to have declared: "The Son of God is a work and -a creature, not appertaining to Him by nature, but as regards His -essence, as foreign to the Father as the husbandman to the vine . . . -For as a creature, he did not exist before he was produced."[137:2] -Dionysius of Rome, backed up by a synod, repudiated that proposition and -clearly stated the orthodox Trinitarian view. Origen widened the breach -by asserting the eternal divinity of Christ, but at the same time -maintaining also His subordination to the Father as a "secondary God." -The conflicting schools of theology at Alexandria and Antioch were ready -to take sides in the controversy, which reached a crisis at the end of -the third century, when all theological thought was focused on this one -question. - -The controversy broke out in Alexandria in 318.[137:3] Bishop Alexander -in a public address insisted on the interpretation of the eternity of -the Son. Arius, a presbyter, charged the bishop with Sabellianism, which -advocated an undivided Godhead, and held that Christ was a creature of -God, hence not coexistent and eternal.[138:1] He and his followers held -that God alone was eternal; that He created the Son, or Logos, by His -_fiat_, hence the Son is different in essence and finite; that the Son -was created before time was and in turn made the universe and rules it; -that the Son is Logos in soul, stands between God and man, and is to be -worshipped as the most exalted of creatures, the creator and ruler of -the world, and the Redeemer of men. It was contended that all these -propositions could be proved beyond dispute from the Bible.[138:2] - -Alexander, in a personal interview, sought to stop Arius,[138:3] who was -an old priest in control of the most influential church in the city,--a -proud, learned, ambitious, and fascinating man,[138:4] who, defeated in -his candidacy for the arch-episcopacy of Alexandria,[138:5] began to -foment social and religious circles by attacking Alexander. Failing to -quiet him, Alexander called a synod to discuss the disputed points, but -Arius seemed to carry the day and continued his agitation. Then the -bishop commanded Arius and his followers to renounce their -"impiety."[138:6] Refusing to obey, Arius was called before a local -council in 320 and there excommunicated.[138:7] But Arius now spread his -views all the more zealously by conversation, by letters, by sermons, -and later, while an exile, in a poetic work called _The Banquet_. His -doctrines pleased the wide-spread rationalism, and hence became very -popular. They were put into popular songs and sung everywhere, and -became the chief topic of conversation in all social circles. Arius, -however, was forced to flee[139:1] to Palestine and thence to Nicomedia, -while Alexander drew up his encyclic to all Christian Bishops -(323)[139:2] giving the history of the controversy and defending the -Trinitarian position. - -The eastern part of the Empire broke up into two powerful parties: the -Arians and the Trinitarians or Athanasians. "In every city bishops were -engaged in obstinate conflict with bishops and people rising against -people."[139:3] Theology became mere technology. Staunch partisans came -forth as champions on both sides--Eusebius, the Church historian, -Eusebius, the Bishop of Nicomedia, Chrysostom, Theodore, and Ephraem -stood for Arianism; while Athanasius, Marcellus, Basil, Cyril, and Blind -Didymus became Alexander's supporters. In a short time the whole Eastern -Church became a "metaphysical battle-field." Finally both sides appealed -to Constantine, who, viewing the contest as a war of words, wrote a -common letter and sent it by his court-bishop to both leaders in which -he said that the quarrel was childish and unworthy such churchmen; that -moreover it was displeasing to him personally, hence they were asked to -stop it.[139:4] When this imperial request failed, Constantine summoned -the Council of Nicaea to settle the dispute.[139:5] - -The Council of Nicaea was summoned by the Emperor for the summer of 325. -Constantine's purpose in convening it was to settle by compromise or -otherwise religious disputes which might easily become a political -danger to the Empire. It was the first universal council of Christendom. -Of the two thousand persons in attendance more than three hundred were -bishops.[140:1] All of the thirteen provinces in the Empire except -Britain were represented.[140:2] All the West, however, sent but six -representatives--good proof that the Arian controversy was an Eastern -question. The Bishop of Rome was too old to go so he sent two presbyters -to represent him.[140:3] Even a few pagan philosophers were attracted to -the Council, and actually took part in the discussions.[140:4] - -In organising the Council the bishops were seated according to -rank.[140:5] Discussions occurred for some time before Constantine -arrived. Then the Emperor entered "as a messenger from God, covered with -gold and precious stones, a magnificent figure, tall and slender, and -full of grace and majesty." He opened the Council with these words: -"When I was told of the division amongst you, I was convinced that I -ought not to attend to any business before this; and it is from the -desire of being useful to you that I have convened you without delay; -but I shall not believe my end to be attained until I have united the -minds of all, until I see that peace and that union reign amongst you -which you are commissioned as the anointed of the Lord to preach to -others."[141:1] He took part in the deliberations also and acted as the -real head of the Council, though the Spanish Bishop Hosius probably -served as the spiritual president.[141:2] Only bishops or their -accredited proxies had a vote. - -Three distinct parties immediately appeared in the Council: (1) The -Arians led by Arius. Twenty bishops with Eusebius of Nicomedia at their -head constituted the voting party. (2) The Semi-Arians were led by -Eusebius of Caesarea, the Church historian. They had a majority and were -inclined partly to the Arians and partly to the orthodox side. (3) The -Trinitarians, or orthodox party, led by Alexander, Hosius, Macarius, -Marcellus, and Athanasius. At the outset they were in the minority, but -soon came to control the Council. - -Unfortunately the authentic minutes of the transactions are not now -extant,[141:3] if indeed they ever existed. The Arians, it appears, came -to the Council confident of victory because the Emperor's sister -Constantia was an avowed Arian, and he himself was supposed to be a -sympathiser, since so many scholars about him upheld the doctrine. But -when Arius presented his creed signed by eighteen eminent names, it -created an uproar, the creed was seized and torn to pieces, and its -doctrines repudiated. All the signers but Arius and two bishops then -abandoned the project. Eusebius of Caesarea came forward at this juncture -with an old Palestine creed as a compromise.[142:1] It acknowledged the -divine nature of Jesus. The Emperor favoured it, and the Arians were -willing to accept it, but Athanasius was suspicious and demanded so many -changes that when, after two months of solemn discussion, the amended -creed was passed,[142:2] Eusebius, the originator, hesitated to sign it. -This was a grand triumph for the orthodox party. The Emperor required -all bishops to subscribe to it.[142:3] The Semi-Arians did so under -protest. Arius and two Egyptian bishops[142:4] refused and were banished -to Illyria.[142:5] Arius was publicly excommunicated and his writings -ordered burned. The business of the Council concluded, Constantine -dismissed it with a splendid feast which Eusebius likened to the kingdom -of Heaven.[142:6] - -The results of Nicaea were very significant: - -1. The Church was given its first written creed, the Nicene Creed--the -basis of all later creeds, Greek, Latin, and Evangelical.[142:7] This -was the first official definition of the Trinity and has continued to be -the orthodox interpretation. The Nicene Creed contains all the cardinal -Christian doctrines. It was universally proclaimed as imperial law. - -2. Church canons were enacted--the West accepts twenty, the East -more--which constitute the basis for the canon law of the Middle -Ages.[143:1] These canons indicate the burning questions in the Church -at that time. - -3. The method of calculating the date for Easter, which differed in -Eastern churches and Western churches, was determined.[143:2] - -4. This Council, guided, as was believed, by the Holy Ghost, acted as -the infallible, sovereign power of the Church and set precedents which -later conflicted with the supreme power claimed by the Pope. - -5. The development of the papal hierarchy was stimulated. The Bishop of -Rome was recognised as the only Patriarch in the West.[143:3] He was -soon forced to be the recognised champion of orthodoxy. - -6. The Council of Nicaea marks the beginning of the breach between the -East and the West which resulted in the first great schism in -Christendom. - -7. The law of celibacy was almost imposed on the Church.[143:4] - -8. Interference in the most vital concerns of the Church was recognised -as an imperial prerogative. The Emperor called the Council, presided -over its proceedings, acted as mediator between contending factions, -forced the Nicene Creed on the Church, fixed the day for celebrating -Easter, and approved the first ecclesiastical canons. - -9. The various heresies and schisms of the time were condemned. This -action threw into prominent relief throughout the Empire the powerful -party of orthodox Catholics, who henceforth were to control the -destinies of the Church in both its internal and external organisation -and evolution. - -The condemnation of Arianism was only a temporary victory. Soon -Constantine himself was won over by the Arians, invited Arius to his -court, and ordered Athanasius, who meanwhile had become Bishop of -Alexandria (328), to reinstate Arius in his parish. Athanasius refused -to do so, and was condemned and deposed by the councils of Tyre (334) -and of Constantinople (335), and exiled by the Emperor to Treves in -Gaul. Arius died before he could be recalled (336). Constantine II. -restored Athanasius to his see (338), but his brother Constantius and -his Arian friends deposed him again (339). Athanasius then fled to Pope -Julius at Rome (339), who laid his case before a Western council (341) -which vindicated both his creed and his rights. This supreme appellate -power assumed by the Bishop of Rome is significantly prophetic. - -To heal the Arian conflict, which was again active--this time between -the East and the West,--the Council of Sardica was called in 343. The -Roman party controlled it, reconfirmed the Nicene Creed, and adopted -twelve new canons. The Arians refused to take part and held a rump -council. The result was a wider separation of the East and the -West.[144:1] Under Constantius, however, the Arian party grew stronger, -held the three Arian councils of Sirmium (351), Arles (353), and Milan -(355), forced their decrees upon the whole Church, exiled Hosius, -Hilary, and Lucifer, drove Athanasius, who had meanwhile once more -returned to his office (346), out of his see, and even deposed Pope -Liberius[145:1] and elected an Arian Pope, Felix II., in his place. Thus -the Arian party seemed triumphant East and West. - -But the Arians soon split into bitter factions and began to destroy -themselves. Under Emperor Julian they lost imperial favour and saw the -Nicene party tolerated. The orthodox faction was thus able to gradually -re-win power in the West and South. Theodosius the Great (379-395) -externally completed the Nicene conquest of the whole Empire through an -imperial edict (380) and by calling the second general Council of -Constantinople (381), which ratified the Nicene Creed in a revised form -and passed seven additional canons.[145:2] But Arianism lingered long -within the Empire, especially among the Teutons, who were slow to accept -the Roman faith--the Vandals in 530, the Burgundians in 534, the Suevi -in 560, the Goths in 587, and the Longobards in 600.[145:3] It also -reappeared again and again in the later heresies on down to the present -day. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--CHURCH FATHERS: - - 1.--Eusebius, _Life of Constantine_. _Nic. and Post-Nic. - Fathers._ 2d ser., i., bk. 2, 3. _Church History._ - _Ib._, i. - - 2.--Athanasius, _Works_. 2d ser., _ib._, iv. _Fath. of the - Holy Cath. Ch._, viii., xiii., xix. Bright, W., - _Orations_. Oxf., 1873. - - 3.--Socrates, _Ecclesiastical History_. _Nic. and Post-Nic. - Fathers._ 2d ser., ii., bk. 1, ch. 8 _ff._ - - 4.--Sozomen, _Ecclesiastical History_. 2d ser., _ib._, ii., - bk. 1, ch. 17 _ff._ - - 5.--Theodoret, _Ecclesiastical History_. 2d ser., _ib._, iii., - bk. 1, ch. 1-13. - - 6.--Philostorgius, _Epitome of Ecclesiastical History_. Bohn, - _Eccl. Lib._, ii., 429-528. - - II.--COLLECTIONS: - - 1.--Percival, H. R., _The Seven Ecumenical Councils_. In - _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xiv. N. Y., 1900. - - 2.--Pusey, E., _The Councils of the Church_ (to 381). - - 3.--Fulton, J., _Index Canonum_. N. Y., 1892. - - 4.--Lambert, W., _Canons of the First Four General Councils_. - Lond., 1868. - - 5.--Hammond, W. A., _The Six Oecumenical Councils_. Oxf., - 1843. - - 6.--Bright, W., _Notes on the Canons of the First Four General - Councils_. N. Y., 1892. - - 7.--Mitchell, E. K., _Canons of the First Four General - Councils_. Univ. of Pa., _Transl. and Repr._, iv. - - 8.--Chrystal, J., _Authoritative Christianity_. Jersey City, - 1891. Vol. i. - - 9.--Schaff, P., _The Creeds of the Greek and Latin Churches_. - Lond., 1877, ii., 28, 29, 57-62, 66. - - 10.--Lumby, J. R., _The History of the Creeds_. Lond., 1880. - Vol. ii. - - 11.--Howard, G. B., _Canons of the Primitive Church_. Lond., - 1896. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Boyle, I., _Historical View of the Council of Nicaea_. N. - Y., 1856. - - 2.--Bright, W., _Waymarks of Church History_. Lond., 1894, 56 - _ff._ - - 3.--Bull, G., _Defence of the Nicene Faith_. 1685. Transl. in - _Lib. of Anglo-Cath. Theol._ Lond., 1851. - - 4.--Dorner, I. A., _History of the Doctrine of the Person of - Christ_. Edinb., 1861-3. 5 vols. - - 5.--DuBose, W. P., _The Ecumenical Councils_. N. Y., 1897. - - 6.--Dudley, T. W., _History of the First Council of Nicaea_. - Bost., 1880. - - 7.--Gwatkin, H. M., _Studies in Arianism_. Camb., 1882. _The - Arian Controversy._ N. Y., 1889. Ch. 1, 2. - - 8.--Hefele, C. J., _History of the Church Councils_. Edinb., - 1882-3. Bk. ii., ch. 1, 2. - - 9.--Kaye, J., _Some Account of the Council of Nicaea_. Lond., - 1883. - - 10.--Neal, J. M., _History of the Holy Eastern Church_. Lond., - 1850-73. - - 11.--Newman, J. H., _The Arians of the Fourth Century_. N. Y., - 1888. - - 12.--Stanley, A. P., _History of the Eastern Church_. N. Y., - 1875. - - 13.--Swainson, C. A., _The Nicene and Apostolic Creeds_. Lond., - 1875. - - Note.--See Chap. VII. for additional works. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adeney, ch. 1. Allies, v., ch. 37-39. Alzog, i., Sec. 110-112. - Backhouse, pt. 11, ch. 11, 12. Bartlet, ch. 9. Baur, ii., - 112-120. Bouzique, ii., ch. 1. Butler, ch. 24. Cheetham, pt. - 2, ch. 10, 11. Coxe, ch. 2, sec. 15; ch. 3, sec. 10-14. - Crooks, ch. 21-23. Darras, i., pd. 2, ch. 1. Doellinger, i., - ch. 2; ii., ch. 3, 4; iii., ch. 2, sec. 2, 3. Duff, ch. 33, - 34, 35. Fisher, 104, 119, 130. Fleury, bk. 21. Foulkes, ch. 4. - Gibbon, ch. 21. Gieseler, i., sec. 81-84. Gilmartin, i., 16. - Guericke, sec. 81-93. Harnack, _Dogma_, iv., ch. 1. Hase, sec. - 102-104. Hore, ch. 4. Hurst, i., 431 _ff._ Jackson, ch. 11-16. - Jennings, i., ch. 4. Kurtz, i., Sec. 49. Mahan, bk. iv., ch. 1-6. - Milman, i., bk. 1, ch. 2. Milner, i., cent. 4, ch. 3, 4. - Moeller, i., 331-337. Neander, ii., 403 _ff._ Newman, i., pd. - 3, ch. 2, p. 323. Robertson, bk. 2, ch. 1. Schaff, iii., - 616-689. Stoughton, pt. 2, ch. 1. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[131:1] Epiphanius, ch. 29, 30, 53. - -[131:2] Notably Celsus, who declared that the Christians "were divided -and split up into factions, each individual desiring to have his own -party." - -[132:1] Irenaeus, i., ch. 26; Hippolytus, ix., ch. 13-17; Epiphanius, ch. -29, 30, 53; Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iii., ch. 27; Schaff, ii., 420; -Neander, i., 341; Moeller, i., 97; various histories of dogma and -encyclopedias. - -[132:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iii., ch. 27. - -[132:3] Irenaeus, _Against Heresies_; Hippolytus, _Refutation of all -Heresies_; Tertullian; Origen; Epiphanius; Gieseler, i., 129; ii., 442; -Moeller, i., 129; King, _The Gnostics and their Remains_; Neander, i., -566; Mansel, _The Gnostic Heresies_; Baur, i., 185; Bright, _Gnosticism -and Irenaeus_. - -[133:1] Archelaus in _Ante-Nic. Lib._; Epiphanius, 66; Augustine in -_Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 1st ser., iv.; Pressense, _Her. and Chr. -Doctrine_; Gieseler, i., 203; Schaff, ii., 498; Moeller, i., 289; -Neander, i., 478; Mozley, _Manichaeans_; histories of dogma and -encyclopedias. - -[134:1] Augustine, the greatest Latin Father, was a Manichaean for many -years, as some maintain. - -[134:2] See _History of Doctrine_ by Fisher, Shedd, Sheldon, Hagenbach, -Baur, Loofs, and Harnack; Dorner, _The Person of Christ_; Conybeare, -_The Key of Truth_; encyclopedias. - -[135:1] Tertullian; Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, v., ch. 14-18; Epiphanius, -_Heresy_, 48, 49; Sozomen, ii., 32; Pressense, _Heresy and Chr. Doctr._, -101; Mossman, _Hist. of Early Chr. Ch._, 401; Neander, i., 508; Schaff, -ii., 405; Moeller, i., 156; De Sayres, _Montanism_; Uhlhorn, _Conflict -of Christ'y with Heathenism_; Baur, i., 245; ii., 45; Ramsay, 434; -encyclopedias. - -[135:2] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vi., ch. 43, 45; vii., ch. 8; Cyprian, -_Ep._, 41-52; Socrates, iv., 28; Neander, i., 237; Gieseler, i., 254; -Moeller, i., 263; encyclopedias. - -[136:1] Augustine in _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, iv.; Hefele, i.-ii.; -Neander, ii., 214; Schaff, iii., 360; various works on history of -doctrine; encyclopedias. - -[137:1] Milman, _Hist. of Christ._, i., 65. - -[137:2] The Bishop of Rome held a synod in which these ideas were -denounced and the orthodox view upheld. - -[137:3] For the controversy see the histories of Eusebius, Socrates, -Sozomen, Theodoret, and Philostorgius; Epiphanius, _Heresy_, 69; -Athanasius; Hilary; Basil; Ambrose; Augustine; the two Gregories and -Rufinus; Newman, _Arians in the Fourth Cent._; Gwatkin, _Studies of -Arianism_. - -[138:1] Socrates, i., ch. 5. - -[138:2] Harnack, _Hist. of Dogma_, pt. ii., ch. 7. - -[138:3] Socrates, i., 6. See Neander, ii. 403; Schaff, ii., 616; Gibbon, -ch. 21; Stanley, _Lect._, 2-3; Moeller, i., 382; Kurtz, i., 317. - -[138:4] Socrates, i., 5; ii., 35. - -[138:5] Theodoret, i., 4; _cf._ Philostorgius, i., 3. - -[138:6] See two letters in Socrates, i., 6. - -[138:7] _Ibid._ - -[139:1] Theodoret, i., 5. - -[139:2] _Ibid._ - -[139:3] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., ch. 4. - -[139:4] Euseb., _Life of Const._, ii., ch. 64-72; Socrates, i., 7. - -[139:5] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., 6. - -[140:1] Historians disagree about the number; Eusebius gives 250; -Theodoret, 300; Milman, 323; Doellinger, 318; Gwatkin, 223; etc. - -[140:2] Gwatkin, 21. - -[140:3] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., 7; Socrates, i., 14; Sozomen, -i., 17; Milman, i., 99. - -[140:4] Socrates, i., 8; Sozomen, i., 17, 18. - -[140:5] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., ch. 10. - -[141:1] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., 12; Theodoret, i., 7; Hefele, -_Hist. of the Ch. Councils_, 280, 281. - -[141:2] Hefele, i., 281; Moeller, i., 336, suggests Eustathius of -Antioch and Alexander of Alexandria. - -[141:3] No minutes in the modern sense were kept. After measures were -agreed upon they were signed and thus promulgated. See Hefele, i., 262. - -[142:1] Theodoret, i., 12; _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xiv., -1. - -[142:2] The Nicene Creed of the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and Anglican -churches is not this one but "the baptismal creed of the Church of -Jerusalem" enlarged in 362-373. - -[142:3] The Latin list of names numbers 228, though the original Greek -lists certainly had more. Hefele, i., 296. - -[142:4] Sozomen, i., 9, 21; Theodoret, i., 7, 8. - -[142:5] Sozomen, i., 21; Socrates, i., 9. - -[142:6] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., 15. - -[142:7] Univ. of Pa., _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 2; Schaff, iii., 631; -Fulton, _Index Canonum_. - -[143:1] Univ. of Pa., _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 2. Cf. Hefele, i., -355 ff. - -[143:2] Excellent discussion of the whole question in Hefele, i., sec. -37. - -[143:3] About 350 the canons were interpolated so as to give the Bishop -of Rome a primacy. - -[143:4] Socrates, i., ch. 11; Sozomen, i., 23; Schaff, ii., 411; Hefele, -i., 435. - -[144:1] Hefele, ii. - -[145:1] Pope Liberius was reinstated, after the death of Felix II., on -subscribing to the Arian articles. - -[145:2] Univ. of Pa., _Transl. and Rep._, iv., No. 2, p. 11; _Nic. and -Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xiv., 163. - -[145:3] See Hodgkin, _Italy and her Invaders_. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -RISE OF THE PAPACY - - OUTLINE: I.--Favourable conditions when the Christian era - began. II.--Forces at work up to 313. III.--Description of the - Roman Church in 313. IV.--Growth of the Papacy from 313 to - 604. V.--Condition of the Papacy at the close of this period, - 604. VI.--Sources. - - -To see how a handful of outlawed, persecuted Christians in Rome became -the omnipotent hierarchy of the Middle Ages is to comprehend the most -marvellous fact in European history. But when the conditions and forces, -which produced this wonderful organisation, are clearly understood, the -miracle becomes a natural and an inevitable product. - -In the first century of the Christian era Rome was the heart and -mistress of the world.[148:1] The Apostle Paul gloried in having -introduced Christianity into the great metropolis.[148:2] The Roman -Empire had developed an imperial and provincial system of government -which was to serve as the model for the organisation of the Christian -Church. This decaying Empire, after a futile contest with Christianity, -was to become its servant. The mighty Catholic Church was little more -than the Roman Empire baptised. Rome was transformed as well as -converted. The very capital of the old Empire became the capital of the -Christian Empire. The office of Pontifex Maximus was continued in that -of Pope. The deeply religious character of the Romans on the one hand, -and the inadequate and degenerate religion which they held on the other, -were positive and negative forces enabling the Christian Church to make -rapid conquests in territory and numbers. Even the Roman language has -remained the official language of the Roman Catholic Church down through -the ages. Christianity could not grow up through Roman civilisation and -paganism, however, without in turn being coloured and influenced by the -rites, festivities, and ceremonies of old polytheism. Christianity not -only conquered Rome, but Rome conquered Christianity. It is not a matter -of great surprise, therefore, to find that from the first to the fourth -century the Church had undergone many changes. During the first half of -the third century the hierarchical scheme of Church government appeared -to reach a very advanced stage of organisation. Cyprian gives us the -boldest and broadest claim of the Bishop of Rome to the heirship of -Peter. By the fourth century the hierarchical and monarchial principles -were fully developed, and the Papacy had begun its wonderful career. - -The leading forces operating to develop the Roman hierarchy up to 313 -will now be indicated. - -1. The fundamental factor which first attracts attention in the -consideration of this problem is the obvious advantage in location. In -the origin of the civilisation of Western Europe three cities have been -conspicuous for their contributions--Jerusalem, Athens, and Rome. -Jerusalem, the sacred city, gave Christianity to the West and through -the West to the world. Athens, the city of culture, bequeathed -philosophy, art, ideals, and science to the Romans, and through them to -the Celts, Teutons, and all peoples. Rome, the city of power, overthrew -Jerusalem, took Athens captive, received the contributions of both as -her right, and on the ruins of both built up her universal sovereignty. -The rise of Rome to world dominion is one of the deepest mysteries in -history. Rome possessed the matchless capacity of appropriating -everything on earth that would contribute to her greatness. When Jesus -appeared to give the world Christianity, Rome was the centre of all -power and influence. - -Rome was in the highest degree adapted to spread civilisation abroad. -From Rome influences could be sent out into the world which could not -possibly have emanated from Jerusalem or Athens. In fact anything -connected with Rome assumed, in consequence, an importance by virtue of -Rome's greatness that no other part of the world could give. -Christianity in its cosmopolitan character resembled Rome and was drawn -thither irresistibly as the best centre for propagandism. Hence, from -the outset, the Roman Christian Church was a church of world-wide -importance and power, and her bishop the most influential. Out of the -ruins of political Rome, arose the great moral Empire in the "giant -form" of the Roman Church. In the marvellous rise of the Roman Church is -seen in strong relief the majestic office of the Bishop of Rome.[150:1] - -2. In addition to the favourable location and extraordinary opportunity -that site gave, the fact that the Church, planted in Rome and there -organised by Peter and Paul, was thus established on a double apostolic -foundation gave to the Bishop of Rome a respected and commanding -position from the very outset.[151:1] No other church west of the -Adriatic could claim such a distinguished origin. It was both easy and -logical, therefore, to make the Bishop of Rome not only a commanding -leader in the universal Church, but more particularly the conspicuous -head of the Church of the West.[151:2] - -3. The theory about Peter's primacy,[151:3] asserted certainly as early -as the second century and generally accepted in the third century, gave -an indelible character to both the person and office of the Bishop of -Rome, and elevated him high above all other officers in the Church. The -actual _belief_ in this theory, a fact which cannot be questioned, made -possible the realisation of the papal hierarchy. It seems to be an -actual fact, likewise, that before the end of the second century the -pontiffs of Rome had assumed a title implying a jurisdiction over the -whole Christian world as successors and representatives of Peter, the -Prince of Apostles. Irenaeus said: "Because, therefore, of her apostolic -foundation, and the regular succession of bishops, through whom she hath -handed down that which she received from them [the Apostles], all -churches, that is, all the faithful around her and on all sides, must on -account of her more powerful pre-eminence resort to this church, in -which the tradition, which is from the Apostles, is preserved."[151:4] -Tertullian, after he had joined the heretical Montanists, accused the -Bishop of Rome of assuming the titles of "Pontifex Maximus" and "Bishop -of Bishops."[152:1] He complains also that the "Supreme Pontiff" was in -the habit of quoting the decisions of his predecessors as conclusive on -all disputed questions, and that he furthermore claimed that he himself -sat in the chair of St. Peter. These charges show how early the Petrine -claims were made and recognised.[152:2] - -4. The missionary zeal of the Roman Church soon led to the formation of -a number of suburban branches and within a comparatively short period to -the spread of Christianity throughout Italy and to other sections of -Western Europe.[152:3] These local churches naturally looked to the head -of the Church in the great capital for assistance and instruction, and -were willing to acknowledge his jurisdiction and pretensions. The -episcopal organisation of the Church in the West, which was probably -present from the beginning,[152:4] made the transition to the hierarchy -comparatively simple. At Rome the process may be more plainly traced -than in connection with any other church. - -5. The persecutions of the Christians[152:5] centred in Rome and, -consequently, made the Bishop of Rome a conspicuous leader, with social -and political, as well as religious duties, whose office was frequently -sanctified by martyrdom. The persecutions helped to emphasise the -necessity of a better organisation on a monarchio-episcopal basis. That -organisation became very exclusive,[153:1] and made a responsible head -imperative. Who else but the Bishop of Rome could meet the demands? To -him was given, by general consent in the West, the headship of the -Church and he began to act as the conscious Pope of Christendom. - -6. The Bishop of Rome was the only official organ of communication -between the East and West. He was the sole Patriarch of all the united -West, while the East had four Patriarchs,[153:2] and the sixth canon of -the Council of Nicaea confirmed his jurisdiction as an "ancient custom." -From Clement (95), whose writings are the earliest of any Bishop of Rome -preserved, onward, he speaks in an authoritative tone, not only to the -churches of Carthage, Italy, and Gaul, but also to Greece, Asia Minor, -Palestine, and Alexandria. Notwithstanding the fact that Alexandria and -Antioch also claimed Peter for their founder, yet not one of the four -patriarchates attempted to contest Rome's claim to priority of -rank.[153:3] - -7. The head of the Roman Church was the champion of orthodoxy and kept -the Western Church free from schism. The Church of Rome stood -consistently for purity in doctrine and steadfastly opposed that -Oriental mysticism which polluted the Eastern churches with a host of -heretic and theosophic jugglers. Epiphanius gives a list of forty-three -distinct heresies in his day. It was no easy matter for the Church of -Rome to faithfully combat all these theological vagaries and point out -the straight but narrow way. As a reward of her fight for the simple -gospel-truth the provincial churches bestowed upon her their affection, -confidence, and obedience. They frequently referred for their own -guidance to her spiritual experience, in deference and respect they -sought her counsels, they watched her course with anxiety and faithfully -imitated it, and all these things gave her a singular spiritual -influence and authority in this early period, which was not unlike the -political power exercised by the city of Rome. Again and again the -Bishop of Rome was requested to pass judgment on the various heresies. - -8. After the apostolic days, the multitudes who embraced Christianity -seemed in many instances to lack the original fervour and spirituality. -Hence to control the erring, to correct the heretical, to expel those -who brought disgrace to the society, and to protect the faithful, it -became necessary to develop some more efficient form of -government.[154:1] The Roman model of imperial and local government -naturally suggested itself and was either consciously or unconsciously -imitated. The gradual transformation of the Bishop of Rome into the Pope -of Rome was the product. - -9. In the apostolic days the practice generally prevailed of referring -all civil, as well as ecclesiastical, disputes between Christians to the -arbitrament of their superior ecclesiastical officials. St. Paul even -went so far as to forbid his converts to resort to the pagan -tribunals.[154:2] This work devolved upon the bishop, as a matter of -course, who acted, however, rather with paternal authority and through -moral influence, than in accordance with fixed Church law. Thus special -duties were laid upon the Bishop of Rome because of his superior rank -and extended jurisdiction. - -So rapidly did his prerogatives develop that he was early recognised -both East and West as, practically, a court of appeal. About 95 A.D., -Clement of Rome wrote letters of remonstrance and admonition to settle a -wrangle in the church at Corinth, and so respected were these epistles -that for a century they were publicly read in the churches. About the -year 150 one Marcian was excommunicated by his bishop and appealed to -Rome for admission to communion. The petition was refused but it shows -the influence of the Bishop of Rome. Polycarp of Smyrna showed at least -a dutiful deference in going to Rome to lay before Bishop Anicetus (152) -the disputed paschal question. When the East and the West were divided, -about 190 A.D., upon the proper day for celebrating Easter, Bishop -Victor of Rome assumed the authority to decide on the correct day and -insisted that all Christendom conform to his decision. The Eastern -churches refused to obey him, it is true, but the Council of Nicaea -enforced universal conformity to the day chosen by Victor.[155:1] When -Fortunatus and Cyprian of Carthage quarrelled over the former's claim to -the title of bishop, Fortunatus appealed to the Bishop of Rome, -Cornelius, for official recognition. Cornelius assumed the right to -remonstrate with Cyprian and to demand an explanation of his conduct. -Cyprian repudiated foreign jurisdiction in the domestic affairs of the -African Church, but at the same time recognised Rome as "the chair of -Peter--that principal Church whence the sacerdotal unity takes its -rise."[156:1] In 252, two Spanish bishops, Basileides and Martialis, -were deposed for misconduct by a synod of their province. They appealed -to Stephen, Bishop of Rome, who peremptorily ordered that both be -reinstated.[156:2] The bishops of Gaul applied to Stephen for advice as -to what to do with Marcian, the Bishop of Arles, who had embraced -Novatianism.[156:3] In the West, it seems, therefore, that practically -all disputes and misunderstandings were referred to the recognised head -of the Church for advice and settlement. Again and again the Eastern -Patriarchs appealed to the Patriarch of the West for support and his -support was usually decisive. Likewise the various factions in the many -Eastern schisms strove for favourable decisions from the Roman Bishop. -In 260 Bishop Dionysius of Rome called the Patriarch of Alexandria to -account for false doctrines. Even a Roman Emperor, Aurelian (270), -declared that no one, not appointed by the "bishops of Italy and Rome," -should remain in the See of Antioch.[156:4] As a result of these -appeals, the power and authority of the Roman Bishop were magnified so -that, gradually, he came to claim this exercise as his right, and, in -addition, precedents were set which were to become ecclesiastical laws -in the next period.[156:5] - -10. The idea of one Catholic Church seems to have resulted from the -intense struggle against the various forms of heresy, which had divided -the early Christians into sects somewhat like the various Protestant -denominations of to-day. This conception of ecclesiastical unity and -universality had two sides: doctrine and ceremony. To teach the true -doctrine and to perpetuate sacramental unity the priesthood was created. -The persecutions emphasised the fundamental doctrines which united all -Christians and made them conscious of this unity of belief. In order to -enforce this uniformity the Bishop of Rome exercised the power of -excommunication. Victor took it upon himself to excommunicate the Bishop -of Ephesus and his fellow-officials for refusing to conform to the mode -of celebrating Easter in the West (190). Irenaeus emphasised the -necessity and value of a spiritual unity in the Church,[157:1] and to -"the very great, the very ancient, and universally known Church" of Rome -he conceded the most accurate apostolic tradition.[157:2] He declared -that it was "a matter of necessity that every church should agree with -this Church, on account of its pre-eminent authority."[157:3] Tertullian -spoke of the Catholic Church as if its eternal unity were a common -concept.[157:4] It was left to Cyprian, however, to boldly hold up the -occupant of the See of Rome as the representative of both the organised -and the sacramental unity of the Church beyond which there could be no -salvation. In his book on the _Unity of the Church_, Cyprian asked: - - He that abideth not in the unity of the church, doth he - believe that he holdeth to the faith? He that struggleth - against and resisteth this church, he that deserteth the Chair - of St. Peter, upon which the church is founded, can he have - any assurance that he is in the church? . . . Likewise . . . - Paul teacheth the sacrament of unity saying: "There is one - body and one spirit and one hope of our calling; one Lord, one - faith, one baptism, one God." . . . The episcopate is indeed - one . . . the church also is one . . . there is also but one - head and one source. . . . Whoever is excluded from the church - . . . is severed from the promises of the church. . . . He is - a stranger, an outcast, and enemy. He cannot have God for his - father, who hath not the church for his mother. . . . He that - doth not hold this unity doth not hold the law of God . . . he - partaketh not of life or of salvation.[158:1] - -The power of excommunication to preserve the doctrinal unity and purity -of the Church implied some share in appointment and administration. From -the very beginning, no doubt, the Bishop of Rome had ordained all -provincial bishops, and few matters of great importance had been -transacted without his consent or approval.[158:2] - -The same tendencies and influences that led to the evolution of the -bishop in the early local churches for the sake of order and efficiency, -produced a centralisation of power in the universal Church. With the -growth of the idea that the Church had an outward organisation developed -the conscious need of a supreme bishop who could rule the Church -somewhat as the Emperor ruled the state. That such a unifying authority -was generally understood to exist by the time of Cyprian seems very -clear from contemporary testimony. But it took two hundred and fifty -years to develop that leadership. There were not wanting, either, on all -sides evidences of earlier local independence. The rise of the Papacy -was the logical culmination of the episcopal system. It must be -remembered that by the time of Bishop Cyprian the Church had undergone a -series of wonderful changes. The Church had spread outwardly until the -whole Empire was covered and included all ranks. The Church had come to -be naturalised in the Empire and was gradually compromising with -conditions. Some conception of the part Christianity was to play in the -world began to dawn on men's minds. The ascendency of the See of St. -Peter was regarded, therefore, quite generally as a necessity. - -11. The centralisation of wealth in Rome rendered the Church there the -wealthiest in Christendom. These riches were lavishly used, during the -first three hundred years, to aid the poorer communities.[159:1] Such -favours could not be solicited, or received, without an appreciable -sacrifice of independence on the part of the recipients. Ignatius, -considering the munificence of the Roman Church, and wishing to confer -some special distinction, calls her "the fostering mistress of -charity."[159:2] - -12. From the time of Peter to Constantine the Great, thirty-two bishops -occupied the chair of the Prince of Apostles. The number and character -of the members of the Roman Church led to the selection of the ablest of -the Western Christians to occupy that important office. These successive -bishops, from the weight of their personal influence, transmitted a -gradually increasing power. The labours of a few of these remarkable -men who filled the Roman See, like Clement, Victor, Callistus, and -Stephen, helped powerfully to lay the foundations for the Papacy. -Clement's attitude was "almost imperious." Victor in his presumption on -the Easter question, Zephyrinus on the assumption of his proud title of -Pontifex Maximus and Bishop of Bishops, Callistus concerning lapsed -heretics, and Stephen on the baptism of heretics, were all guilty of -"hierarchical arrogance."[160:1] Cyprian (d. 258) looked upon Rome as -the _Cathedra Petri_ and the Roman Church as the head of the universal -Church.[160:2] Thus it may be accepted as an established fact that the -Bishop of Rome was generally accepted as Peter's successor, at least in -the West, when Emperor Constantine legalised the Christian religion and -made it free to complete its organisation and to carry on its -propagandism openly. He also increased the wealth and power of the Roman -See and made its bishop the undisputed head of the Western Church. At -the same time, in removing his capital to Constantinople, Constantine -permitted the Roman Bishop to assume imperial prerogatives and -encouraged the completion of the Church organisation after the imperial -model. - -A comparison of the Church in 313 with the Apostolic Church reveals the -fact that many pronounced changes and developments had occurred. In -extent the Roman Church had spread from the Eternal City over the entire -Italian peninsula and then to Spain, France, England, Germany, and -Africa, and numbered perhaps 10,000,000 members. In organisation the -Church had changed from a democracy to an absolute monarchy, from many -local centres of authority to one great world power based on an -imperial hierarchy, from communism to paternalism, from decentralisation -to centralisation, from apostolic simplicity to worldly grandeur, and -from a spiritual organisation to one largely political. The spiritual -shepherd of the flock at Rome had come to claim and to exercise superior -prerogatives over Western Europe and to serve the Roman Emperor as -virtually his spiritual adviser. In wealth and culture, too, the Church -had become a powerful social, industrial, and educational factor. - -In institutions, rites, and ceremonies, as well as in organisation, the -Church of the third and fourth centuries was very different from that of -the first. A pompous ritualism with suggestions of image worship had -been introduced.[161:1] Great emphasis had come to be laid upon the -sanctity and power of holy water,[161:2] sacred relics and places, -pilgrimages, and the use of the cross.[161:3] The development of new -ideas in reference to the merit of external works resulted in asceticism -and a celibate priesthood, fanatical martyrdom, indiscriminate -almsgiving, and various patent methods for spiritual benefits. At the -same time the number of Church festivals had greatly increased and now -included Easter, Pentecost, Epiphany, and various saints' days.[161:4] - -These new ideas and practices naturally gave the priest the lofty -position of mediator between God and man. A differentiation in the -ministry gradually crept in as an outcome of the hierarchical spirit. -The Bishop of Rome was elevated above all bishops as God's chosen -representative on earth. The bishops were exalted above all the -presbyters or priests. The priests in turn held a position far superior -to the subordinate officials, who had now come to include sub-deacons, -readers, acolytes, precentors or cantors, janitors, exorcists,[162:1] -and other officials of minor importance.[162:2] These under officers -likewise were cut off from the laity by a pronounced gulf.[162:3] - -To conduct the general affairs of the Church, synods and councils of the -clergy came into existence as early as the second century.[162:4] Roman -or Greek assemblies may have suggested the form of the synod, though it -is more probable that they sprang spontaneously out of the needs of the -Church. These meetings at first were irregular and very informal and -resulted either in resolutions with no binding force on the dissentient -minority, or in a letter. There were four classes of councils: (1.) The -synod of a single diocese which probably existed from the beginning. -(2.) The provincial council of the bishops of several dioceses. This -type began early in the second century. (3.) General councils consisting -of the bishops of several provinces. (4.) Universal councils -representing the whole Church. When Constantine gave Christianity legal -recognition, councils became more common for the purpose of formulating -common rules and dogmas, as for instance Arles (314). After the Council -of Nicaea in 325 the validity of earlier decisions was recognised and -given the force of imperial law. Thus had the councils changed in a few -years from local to general, from recommending to sovereign -bodies.[163:1] - -Paralleling this remarkable evolution in the organisation of the Church -was a marked departure from the simplicity and purity of the early -Christian life on the part of both clergy and laity. The "Apostolical -Constitutions," the "Canons of the Holy Apostles," and the decrees of -the councils of Elvira (306), Arles (314), Neo-Caesarea (314), and Nicaea -(325) all reveal the worldliness of the clergy in the laws passed -against their engaging in worldly pursuits, frequenting taverns and -gambling houses, accepting usury, habits of vagrancy, taking bribes, and -immorality. Because the multitude of pagan converts were carrying their -ideas and practices into the Church, many corrective measures were -enacted against this degeneration. The licentiousness of the clergy -became a still more crying sin among the laity, for it was unreasonable -to expect the rank and file to be better than their leaders. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[148:1] Acts xix., 21; xxiii., 11; xxv., 11; xxviii., 14 _ff._ - -[148:2] Rom. i., 8. - -[150:1] Gregorovius, i., 5. - -[151:1] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 104, 107. - -[151:2] The East had four Patriarchs: Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, -and Constantinople. - -[151:3] See Chap. VI. - -[151:4] _Against Heresies_, iii., c. 3. - -[152:1] _On Modesty_, Sec. 1. - -[152:2] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 107-108. - -[152:3] Gibbon, i., 579 _ff._ See Chap. V. - -[152:4] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 175. - -[152:5] See Chap. VII. - -[153:1] Origen said: "_Extra hanc domum_, i.e., _extra ecclesiam nemo -salvator_." _Hom._ 3. - -St. Cyprian of Carthage asked: "Do they that are met outside of the -Church of Christ think that Christ is with them when they meet? . . . It -is not possible for one to be a martyr who is not in the church." _Unity -of the Church_, ch. 13, 14. - -[153:2] Jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Alexandria, and, later, -Constantinople. The four early patriarchates were of apostolic -foundation. - -[153:3] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 193. - -[154:1] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 164, 165. - -[154:2] 1 Cor. vi., 1, 13. - -[155:1] See Smith and Cheetham, _Dict. of Christ. Antiq._, for a full -discussion of the paschal controversy. - -[156:1] Cyprian, _Ep._ 49, 55. Greenwood, i., 168, thinks this quotation -a later interpolation. - -[156:2] Cyprian, _Ep._ 68. - -[156:3] _Ibid._, _Ep._ 67. - -[156:4] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vii., 30. - -[156:5] It must be remembered that Rome had no monopoly of these appeals -and that her decisions were not always accepted in these early days. -_Cf._ Greenwood, i., 171 _ff._ - -[157:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, v., 23-25. - -[157:2] Irenaeus, _Against Heresy_, iii., 3. - -[157:3] _Library of Ante-Nic. Fathers_, v. - -[157:4] _Ibid._, xv. - -[158:1] _Library of Ante-Nic. Fathers_, viii. - -[158:2] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 192. - -[159:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, iv., 23; vii., 6. - -[159:2] _To Corinth_, Ep. i., c. 44. - -[160:1] Schaff, iii., 351. - -[160:2] _Ep._, 43: 5; 55: 8; 59: 14; _Lib. of Ante-Nic. Fathers_, viii. - -[161:1] _Apost. Const._, viii., 6-15; Alzog, i., Sec.Sec. 92, 93. - -[161:2] _Apost. Const._, viii., 28. - -[161:3] Alzog, Sec. 95. - -[161:4] _Ibid._, Sec. 93. - -[162:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, vi., 43. - -[162:2] Alzog, i., 393. - -[162:3] Hatch, _Org. of the Early Christ. Churches_, 143 _ff._ - -[162:4] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, v., 16; Tertullian, _De Jejunus_, 13; -Cyprian, _Ep._ 75; Hatch, _Org. of the Early Christ. Churches_, 169, -170. - -[163:1] _See_ Hefele, _Hist. of Ch. Councils_, i., Sec. 1-17. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -RISE OF THE PAPACY--_Continued_ - - -The growth of the Papacy from 313 to 604 was very marked and may be -traced with little difficulty. In fact from the fourth century onward -the proofs that papal supremacy was both asserted and recognised are so -numerous that it is only necessary to select typical cases and -illustrations. Certain formative influences and forces noticeable in the -period prior to 313 were continued into the later epoch and will be -considered in order here. - -1. The missionary zeal of the Roman Church accomplished wonders. By the -fourth century Spain and Gaul had sufficient Christians to warrant the -division of the territory into bishoprics. Some of the Gallic bishops -were imbued with a remarkably active spirit of propagandism, notably, -St. Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers (350-66), who fought the Arians -incessantly; Honoratus, Bishop of Arles, who inspired others to labour; -St. Martin, Bishop of Tours, called the "Apostle to the Gauls," and St. -Denis, Bishop of Paris, who suffered martyrdom for the cause. Similar -workers were found in Spain. About the same time Celtic missionaries -from the north were working southward to join the work spreading -northward from Rome. Columba laboured among the Scots and Picts; Aidan, -in Northumbria; Columbanus, with the Burgundians; Gallus, in -Switzerland; and Amania and Kilian in Thuringia. From Rome went forth -the famous missionary expedition to England under Augustine (596), which -succeeded in winning the Anglo-Saxons to a belief in the Roman faith and -to a recognition of Roman authority. - -In return a counter-wave of missionary activity spread from England back -to the continent, led by Wilfrid in Friesland; Willibrord around -Utrecht; the Ewald brothers among the Saxons; Swidbert on the Ems and -Yssel; Adelpert in Holland; and Boniface, the "Apostle to the Germans," -among various Teutonic tribes. This widespread missionary work resulted -in eventually bringing all Western Europe under the subjection of the -Roman Church. Thus new blood, a more primitive enthusiasm, and an -intense devotion were called to her service, and all powerfully aided -the rise of the Papacy. - -2. The continued orthodoxy of the Western Church made it a pillar of -strength, and gave its head a commanding position in dealing with heresy -and schism. To him, more than ever, did people East and West look for -final decisions in disputed matters of doctrine,[165:1] and contested -cases of jurisdiction, rank, territory, and authority. St. Jerome in -eloquent words besought the "Sun of righteousness--in the West" to teach -him the true doctrine because "here in the East all is weed and -wild-oats."[165:2] - -3. The claim of the Bishop of Rome to appellate jurisdiction, which had -been exercised more or less from an early date, received a sweeping -confirmation and a new impetus in 347 through the Council of Sardica. - -In 340, Athanasius, the Patriarch of Alexandria, the champion of -orthodoxy, appealed to Julian I. from an unjust decision against him in -the episcopal courts of the East. Julian I. called a council, to which -he invited the Eastern bishops, who refused to attend, reversed the -decision,[166:1] and completely acquitted Athanasius. He wrote a strong -letter of reproof to the Arians in which he asserts Rome's canonical -supremacy in initiating conciliar proceedings against ecclesiastical -offenders.[166:2] The Council of Sardica confirmed the resolutions of -the Roman Synod.[166:3] - -It was decreed that any bishop, who might feel himself aggrieved by an -unfair trial, could have the judges write to the Bishop of Rome asking -for a new trial at which, if it seemed wise, priests representing the -Bishop of Rome could be present.[166:4] Meanwhile, pending the trial, no -successor to the office of the accused could be named. This action made -the Bishop of Rome referee to decide, however, not the case itself, but -whether there ought to be a new trial. The right was conferred "in -honour of the memory" of St. Peter and hence it was soon claimed as an -inherent prerogative of the apostolical See of the West. Later on it was -positively asserted that these canons gave an appeal to the Church of -Rome in all episcopal cases. Whatever the original intent may have been, -the fact remains that this new power was an important factor in the -evolution of papal supremacy. The Pope was given a power previously -possessed exclusively by the Emperor.[167:1] In 378, Emperor Gratian -added civic sanction to the judicial authority of the Bishop of Rome by -compelling accused bishops to go to Rome for trial.[167:2] Ultimate -appellate jurisdiction was definitely assigned to the Pope by Emperor -Valentinian III. in 445, when, of his own motion, causes could be called -to Rome for papal decision.[167:3] Emperor Gelasius (496) approved in -very positive terms the judicial supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.[167:4] -And Gregory the Great (604) assumed it as an indisputable fact that -every bishop is subject to the See of Peter.[167:5] - -After this period cases were continually referred to Rome for -adjustment. St. Basil, Archbishop of Caesarea, appealed to Damasus I., -the latter part of the fourth century, for protection. In 398 the -Emperor ordered Flavian of Antioch to proceed to Rome for trial. He -refused to go, but compromised with the Pope. St. John Chrysostom, the -Patriarch of Constantinople, and head of the whole Eastern Church, early -in the fifth century, appealed to Innocent I. against the persecutions -of Empress Eudoxia and for restoration to his see.[167:6] Apiarius, a -priest of Africa, appealed to Pope Zosimus against the censure of his -bishop in 416. The Pope vindicated the priest against his bishop, and -ordered the latter either to revoke the censure or to appear at Rome -for trial.[168:1] St. Augustine's letter to Pope Celestine in 424 shows -that it was a common thing to refer disputes to Rome for -settlement.[168:2] Both St. Cyril and the Nestorians appealed to Pope -Celestus, who decided in favour of St. Cyril. Theodoret, the Church -historian, when condemned by the Council of Ephesus in 449, appealed to -Leo I., who asserted that he could hear appeals from any source as a -court of first and last resort.[168:3] These appeals, and many other -similar cases, which could be cited both East and West,[168:4] show the -growing power of the Roman Pope, and enabled him to make real the theory -of his supremacy. To enable the successor of St. Peter to adjudicate -cases more easily, vicars were appointed in various parts of the papal -empire to decide finally on all cases, not reserved by the Pope. This -arrangement greatly enlarged papal jurisdiction by encouraging and -facilitating appeals. - -4. The removal of the capital of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople -in 330, left the Western Church, practically free from imperial power, -to develop its own form of organisation. The Bishop of Rome, in the seat -of the Caesars, was now the greatest man in the West, and was soon forced -to become the political as well as the spiritual head. To the Western -world Rome was still the political capital--hence the whole habit of -mind, all ambition, pride, and sense of glory, and every social -prejudice favoured the evolution of the great city into the -ecclesiastical capital. Civil as well as religious disputes were -referred to the successor of Peter for settlement. Again and again, -when barbarians attacked Rome, he was compelled to actually assume -military leadership. Eastern Emperors frequently recognised the high -claims of the Popes in order to gain their assistance. It is not -difficult to understand how, under these responsibilities, the primacy -of the Bishop of Rome, established in the pre-Constantine period, was -emphasised and magnified after 313. The importance of this fact must not -be overlooked. The organisation of the Church was thus put on the same -divine basis as the revelation of Christianity. This idea once accepted -led inevitably to the mediaeval Papacy. The priesthood came, in -consequence, to assume all the powers of the great Founder. The Mosaic -forms, as well as the Roman Empire, suggested convenient models and -authoritative examples for the new structure. It is not difficult to -detect in the oligarchical Church polity of the fourth and fifth -centuries a yearning for unity. It was but natural, therefore, that Rome -should boldly take the remedy into her own hands and pose as the -authorised representative of the visible unity demanded by the Christian -world. The position Rome had already attained and the worthy part played -in the organisation and spread of the gospel gave her a superior -advantage, and enabled, nay compelled, her bishop to become the one -high-priest, the "universal bishop." - -5. In the fourth and fifth centuries the Petrine theory was generally -accepted by the Church Fathers East and West.[169:1] The theory had -become a dogmatic principle of law founded upon historical facts. -Optatus, the African Bishop of Mileve (c. 384), strongly asserted the -visible unity of the Church and the immovable _Cathedra Petri_, with -the Roman Bishop as Peter's successor.[170:1] Ambrose of Milan (d. 397) -gave the Bishop of Rome the same position in the Church that the Emperor -had in the Empire,[170:2] and recognised him as the great champion of -orthodoxy, but at the same time called Peter's primacy one of confession -and faith, not of rank. He put Paul on an equality with Peter. Jerome -(d. 419) recognised the Pope as the successor of Peter and said, -"Following none but Christ, I am associated in communion with . . . the -chair of Peter. On that rock I know the Church to be built."[170:3] -Innocent I. (414) made a magnificent defence of the theory. Augustine -(d. 430), the greatest of the Latin Fathers, admitted the primacy of -Peter and recognised the Roman Bishop as his successor.[170:4] In his -remarkable book, the _City of God_, he did more than all the Fathers to -idealise Rome as the Christian Zion. Maximus of Turin (d. 450) and -Orosius (d. 5th century) bore similar testimony. The Greek Fathers -uniformly spoke of Peter in lofty terms as the "Prince of Apostles," the -"Tongue of the Apostles," the "bearer of the keys," the "keeper of the -kingdom of Heaven," the "Pillar," the "Rock," _et cetera_, but they held -generally that Peter's primacy was honorary, and that he transferred his -power to both the Bishop of Antioch and the Bishop of Rome.[170:5] But -these modifications of the Petrine theory did not arrest the evolution -of the papal power. The important historical fact to be taken into -account is, that the _belief_ in the supremacy of St. Peter's successor -was quite generally recognised and accepted. - -6. The growth of conciliar prerogatives tended to advance the -development of papal authority. The Council of Nicaea (325) gave the -Western Church the Nicene Creed, practically made the Bishop of Rome its -defender, and recognised him as the sole Patriarch of the West with ten -provinces as his diocese.[171:1] The Council of Sardica (343), in -reality only a local Western body, decreed that deposed bishops might -appeal to the Bishop of Rome for a new trial, that vacant bishoprics -could not be filled till his decision was received, and that he could -delegate his power to a local synod. This gave him a kind of appellate -and revisory jurisdiction in the case of deposed bishops even in the -East.[171:2] It is claimed that this was a new grant for a specific case -and in deference to Pope Julian alone. This power was confirmed by -Emperors Valentinian I. (364-375) and Gratian (375-383).[171:3] In this -manner the Roman Popes were furnished the opportunity to claim universal -jurisdiction. The Council of Aquileia (381) begged Emperor Gratian to -protect "the Roman Church, the head of the whole Roman world and that -sacred faith of the Apostles."[171:4] The African councils of Carthage -and Mileve (416) sent their actions against Pelagius to Innocent I., for -his approval. The councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451) gave -the Bishop of Rome a primacy in rank and honour, which he soon made a -primacy in power.[172:1] The latter body recognised the necessity of -obtaining the Pope's confirmation to insure legality. Here again the -Bishop of Rome had usurped a prerogative claimed by Constantine and his -successors. Later the Popes called most of the councils, presided over -them in person or through legates, and confirmed their proceedings in -order to give them legality. - -7. The power of excommunication, an authority inherent in all societies, -was early developed and exercised by the Roman Bishop. This right was -clearly recognised in the New Testament.[172:2] The power of -excommunication was originally put into the hand of the local bishops. -They expanded the biblical precepts into a penal code, and assumed the -right to act as judges and to pronounce censure or final -excommunication. The apostolic constitutions and canons reveal a direct -substitution of the authority of the bishops for that of Christ in these -particulars. Excommunication, for the first three centuries of the -Christian era, was looked upon as a remedial and corrective measure to -prevent a breach of discipline, disobedience, and heresy. It is a -significant fact, therefore, that the Roman bishops, by the third -century, claimed the power to put out of communion, not only -individuals, but whole communities, who did not conform to Roman usages -and beliefs, even though the sentence could not always be enforced. -Innocent I., imbued by the lofty idea of the prerogatives of his office, -did not hesitate to pronounce sentence of excommunication against the -heretics, Pelagius and his pupil Coelestius.[173:1] Thus the right of -universal censure grew and Rome came to have her own officers to execute -the law. - -8. From the fifth century onward the title of "papa" or "pope" was -unvaryingly used by the bishops of Rome. This title is an abbreviation -of the words "pater patrum"--father of fathers--and was at first given -as a title of respect to ecclesiastics generally. In the Eastern -churches it has continued to the present day, and in the Roman Church -the general use of "father" may be regarded as the continuation of a -variation of the original word. The next step in the early Church was -the restriction of the term "papa" as a special title for bishops. By -the fourth century it had been gradually reserved for the metropolitans -and patriarchs. After the fifth century it was claimed and borne as the -badge of the supreme rank of the successor of St. Peter among the -churches of Christendom. Not until 1073, however, did Gregory VII. -formally prohibit the assumption of the title by other ecclesiastics. -This unique transfer of a distinction first from all to a few, and then -from a few to one, indicates a concentration of rank, dignity, and power -in the one thus distinguished. A term, originally one of filial respect -and reverence, becomes one of authority. The name and the office react -on each other. - -9. The letters of the Roman bishops gradually came to be regarded in the -Western Church as apostolic ordinances, and laid the foundation for the -vast ecclesiastical legal system.[173:2] Siricius (384-398) wrote the -first decretal which had the force of law.[173:3] A typical -illustration of the character and power of papal letters is seen in the -commanding communication of Pope Celestine sent in 428 to the bishops of -Vienne and Narbonne concerning ceremonial abuses in their provinces. -"Inasmuch," he wrote, "as I am appointed by God to watch over the whole -Church, it is my duty everywhere to root out evil practices and to -substitute good ones; for my pastoral superintendence is restrained by -no bounds, but extends to all places where the name of Christ is known -and adored."[174:1] The Gallic churches received this pronouncement -without a whisper of disapproval. The Council of Chalcedon (451) -accepted a letter from Leo I., settling a disputed point in -theology.[174:2] Gelasius I. (494) instructed Emperor Anastasius on the -superiority of the spiritual over the temporal power.[174:3] The -decretals of Gregory the Great spoke with a bold, undisputed -authority.[174:4] - -10. The Edict of Milan in 313 did not make Christianity the state -religion, but merely put it on a legal equality with paganism. It was -not long, however, until this new status enabled Christianity to -outstrip its old rival and actually become the constitutional faith. -State patronage prepared the way for a conscious and natural adaptation -and assimilation of forms of imperial polity. Accordingly the admonition -of the early period assumed the tone of mandates; interferences, whether -for advice or arbitration, took the character of appeals, rescripts, and -ordinances; and the model of discipline and ritual for all churches -emanated from Rome. - -11. Constantine, fully aware of the pre-eminence and power of the Roman -Church, took special pains to bestow upon it his imperial munificence. -The Bishop of Rome was transferred from a humble dwelling to a spacious -palace, possibly to the Lateran, owned to this day by the Pope. -Confiscated property was restored and money donated. Splendid churches -were erected.[175:1] With grateful hearts the Christians gladly accepted -the sovereignty of the Emperor. As Roman citizens there was no -conception in their minds of the spiritual government of the Church -independent of the imperial power. When Constantine called councils like -Arles and Nicaea, heard appeals, made appointments, and legislated for -the Church it was all accepted as a matter of course. The Church of Rome -gained obviously more than any other spiritual body-corporate of the -Christian world. This advantage, coupled with the wide-reaching claims -set forth for at least two centuries, carried her by a mighty leap far -above all other churches and made her head, in theory and fact, if not -in name, the Pope. Thus all the contentions of the Petrine claim of -ecclesiastical government fell into a natural harmony with the plans of -the Empire. The rise of provincial churches corresponded to the -provincial system of the Empire. The elevation of the Bishop of Rome to -a primacy over all churches created a counterpart to the Emperor. The -union of the Empire and Papacy was not only easy and natural--it was -inevitable. - -12. No sooner did the Church rise from persecution to a great world -power than the necessity was felt everywhere of some central authority -to preserve its unity. The divisions in the Arian controversy clearly -revealed that need. The Emperor, in a way, sought to meet the -requirement, but, when he failed, he called the Council of Nicaea to -serve that end. A universal council might be of great service in a -crisis but it could not easily be in perpetual session. The Roman Church -saw its chance at this juncture and embraced every opportunity to pose -as the supreme unifying power in Christendom. It was a long and not -always an easy struggle, but the effort was at length successful. It was -not long after the day of Constantine that it may be said that the -Church had gained control of the Empire. That conquest gave the Church -an unprecedented pre-eminence. In this movement the Church of Rome -played the leading role. The next great problem was to enable the Pope -to get control of the Church and in this way wield absolute sway over -the Christianised Empire, or, to state it the other way, over the -imperialised Church. - -Nothing seems clearer, after taking into account all the factors, than -that the rise of papal power was a natural, logical, historical process -which began with the planting of the Church in Rome. Numerous incidents -mark the different stages of development to show that every new -assumption of papal prerogative was disputed and contested. Indeed -nothing more distinctly marks the growth of papal authority than the -fact that these protests were so numerous and so widely scattered. - -In the beginnings of ecclesiastical organisation bishops enjoyed and -exercised an equality of power and rank. The persistence of this idea -may be seen long after the period of Constantine. But hierarchical -tendencies began very early and are very conspicuous in connection with -Rome. In the opening decades of the history of the Church it was -customary for Christians eminent in station or piety to address letters, -advisory or hortatory, to other churches on general points of creed or -discipline, or on special local questions. Thus wrote Clement of Rome, -Polycarp, Ignatius, and others. Not infrequently churches appealed to -prominent bishops for assistance and advice. Often one bishop would -censure another for the manifestation of unwarranted assumptions. Thus -Irenaeus reprehended Victor for excommunicating the heretical bishops of -Asia and did it as an equal.[177:1] Tertullian, after he joined the -heretical Montanists, scornfully denies the powers claimed by the Bishop -of Rome by asking, "How comes it that you take to yourself the attribute -of the Catholic Church?" He answers by denying the whole Petrine -theory.[177:2] Hippolytus, Bishop of Pontus, in a controversy with -Calixtus I., shows how the claim of the Bishop of Rome was denied in the -beginning of the third century.[177:3] Origen also repudiated the -Petrine claims.[177:4] While the great Cyprian did so much to create the -concept of the one Catholic Church under the leadership of Rome, yet, at -the same time, he strongly asserted episcopal equality and -independence.[177:5] - -This important historical fact must never be forgotten in considering -the rise of the Papacy, namely, that the change was not directly from -democracy to monarchy, but from democracy indirectly through oligarchy -to monarchy. In addition to the instances of episcopal equality and -independence already given, the Apostolic Canons in canon 35 ordered -each province to determine for itself which one of its churches should -hold the primacy. This idea persisted long after the time of Constantine -and, indeed, the Council of Antioch in 341 repeats the rule as if -recognising a long established regulation. The Council of Nicaea in 325, -while assigning the highest rank to the Apostolic Sees of Rome, -Alexandria, and Antioch, at the same time reserved to every province the -rights of its own church. In the second universal council held in 381 at -Constantinople, when the great provinces of the Church were defined and -the honourable primacy of Rome clearly asserted, no interference was -allowed with the autonomy of the provincial churches. - -In the West, however, local autonomy and provincial primacy were not so -much emphasised as in the East. Rome and St. Peter's successor residing -there early established a predominance over Spain, Gaul, and Britain. In -Africa, Carthage for the most part obeyed Rome, and in Italy, Ravenna -and Milan occasionally showed stubborn resistance. - -13. The civil government naturally approved a system of Church polity -which was in harmony with that of the state. It is no surprise, -therefore, that imperial edicts supported the lofty position of the -Bishop of Rome.[178:1] Did he not represent the Church of the great -Empire and the faith of the Emperor himself? Besides it was always -easiest to deal with him as a representative of the entire Church. In -fact there was a sentiment in the Church that it was much better to -carry on all business with imperial authorities through him. To this end -the Council of Sardica in 347 decreed that all prelates visiting Rome -for the purpose of obtaining civic favours should present their -petitions through the Bishop of Rome.[179:1] Theodosius (380) commanded -that all subjects "should hold that faith which the divine Peter, the -Apostle, delivered to the Roman Bishop."[179:2] Valentinian III. (445) -commanded all bishops to recognise the Bishop of Rome as their leader in -both judicial and administrative matters.[179:3] Later Emperors lavished -on the Roman Church wealth, immunities, and exemptions which greatly -enhanced its power and magnified the importance of its head.[179:4] - -Justinian, in a decree of 532, declared that he had been very diligent -in subjecting all the clergy of the East to the Roman See. He also -expressed a firm resolution never to allow any business affecting the -general welfare of the Church to be transacted, without notifying the -head of all the churches.[179:5] Such a positive and sweeping assertion -by such a powerful ruler shows the height to which papal power had -climbed by the sixth century. Pope John II. was highly pleased with the -useful acknowledgment of Justinian, complimented him on his "perfect -acquaintance with ecclesiastical law and discipline," and added: -"preserving the reverence due the Roman See, you have subjected all -things unto her, and reduced all churches to that unity which dwelleth -in her alone, to whom the Lord, through the Prince of the Apostles, did -delegate all power; . . . and that the Apostolic See is in verity the -head of all churches, both the rules of the fathers and the statutes of -the princes do manifestly declare, and the same is now witnessed by your -imperial piety."[180:1] - -The emancipation of the Church and the great inflow of wealth and pagan -converts wrought a woeful change in its character and habits. A heathen -historian declared that candidates would stoop to any means to secure -the pontifical office because "the successful candidate gains the -opportunity of fattening upon the oblations of matrons; of being -conveyed about in stall-carriages; of appearing in public in costly -dresses; of giving banquets so profuse as to surpass even royal -entertainments."[180:2] The Fathers of the Church like Hilary, Jerome, -and Basil deplored the vices, thus rebuked, in terms of even greater -severity. - -14. The barbarian invasions on the whole strengthened both the spiritual -and temporal supremacy of the Holy See. They gave the death blow to -paganism in Rome.[180:3] Once converted to Roman Christianity, the -Germans became the staunch supporters of the papal hierarchy and enabled -the Pope to enforce his prerogatives in the West.[180:4] Backed by these -sturdy Teutons, the Pope became the most powerful individual in -Christendom and soon declared his independence of the Byzantine court. - -15. Another factor of no small moment was the extraordinary ability of -some of the successors of St. Peter. Among them were men of commanding -leadership, men of brains and faith, fearless administrators, aggressive -judges, and men conscious of the tremendous part the Papacy was destined -to play in the world's history. Conscious of their own power, and -standing on their lofty assumptions, they took advantage of every -condition and circumstance to increase their authority and prerogatives. -Thus the office of the Bishop of Rome continually grew in power and -jurisdiction. Julian I. (337-352), the supporter of Athanasius, held -lofty ideas of his power as Pope[181:1] and gave his famous decision on -the eucharist in the Council of Sardica (343).[181:2] Damascus -(366-384), staunch defender of orthodoxy and champion of celibacy, -insisted on the recognition of his jurisdiction over East Illyricum, -and, as a warm friend of Jerome, established the authority of the -Vulgate.[181:3] Siricius (385-398) upheld the jurisdiction of the Holy -See and issued the first decretal now extant.[181:4] In legislating -about discipline and abuses in the Spanish Church his words were -intended to convey universal authority on baptism, marriage, and -celibacy. Speaking in conscious virtue of the authority of the Apostolic -See he said: "We bear the burdens of all that are heavy laden; nay, -rather the blessed Apostle Peter bears them in us, who, as we trust, in -all things protects and guards us, the heirs of his administration." - -Innocent I. (402-417) accepted, as a matter of unquestioned right, all -that had been claimed by his predecessors, and surpassed all of them by -the wide range of his pretensions. He sought to obliterate all -distinction between advice and command. He spoke in a dogmatic and -imperative tone on all questions pertaining to doctrine, discipline, and -government in the Church of the West. "It is notorious to all the -world," he said, "that no one save St. Peter and his successors have -instituted bishops and founded churches in all the Gauls, in Spain, -Africa, Sicily, and the adjacent islands."[182:1] Nor did the West deny -the maternity of Rome. Consequently he asserted complete jurisdiction -over Illyria, assumed that the African churches were dependent upon the -See of Rome, formulated fourteen rules for the Gallic bishops, settled -controversies in Spain, and manifested a lofty attitude toward the -churches of the East. He played a prominent part in repelling the -attacks of the barbarians on Rome.[182:2] He was the first to claim a -general prerogative, as "the one single fountain-head which fertilises -the whole world by its manifold streamlets," to revise the judgment of -provincial synods[182:3] and thus to legislate by his own fiat for the -whole Church. As the great guardian of orthodoxy, he condemned Pelagius -and excommunicated him. "Unstained in life, able and resolute, with a -full appreciation of the dignity and prerogatives of his see, he lost no -opportunity of asserting its claims; and under him the idea of universal -papal supremacy, though as yet somewhat shadowy, appears already to be -taking form." - -"The first Pope in the proper sense of the word" was Leo I., called the -Great (440-461). "In him the idea of the Papacy . . . became flesh and -blood. He conceived it in great energy and clearness, and carried it out -with the Roman spirit of dominion so far as the circumstance of the time -at all allowed."[182:4] Before his elevation to the Papacy in 440 very -little is known about Leo. His place of birth, nationality, and early -education are all shrouded in obscurity. For ten years prior to his -election, Leo was perhaps the most prominent man in Rome and noted for -his learning and piety. While absent on a civil mission in Gaul, he was -chosen Pope. At that time the Empire was in a very weak condition. -Women, surrounded by their court of eunuchs and parasites, ruled at -Constantinople and Ravenna. Barbarians were pressing in from all sides. -Heresies rent the East and ignorance was fast covering the West. Western -Christendom must be consolidated and disciplined so that it could meet -the crudeness and heresy of the powerful invaders and overcome both. The -See of St. Peter must replace the tottering imperial power. The law of -Rome must once more be obeyed over the Empire, but this time as the -ecclesiastical law. Leo was the only great man in Church or state, so -the burden was thrust upon his shoulders. - -Leo possessed those qualifications which made him the master spirit of -his age and the "Founder of the mediaeval Papacy." Lofty in his aims, -severe and pure in life, of indomitable courage and perseverance, -inspired by a fanatical belief in the Petrine theory, uncompromisingly -orthodox, the great first theologian in the Roman Chair, he made the -first clear-cut exposition of the extreme limits and prerogatives of the -mediaeval Papacy.[183:1] He asserted and exercised the superabounding -power of the Pope to regulate every department of Church government -without any human limitations. Driven on by a dream of the universal -dominion of Rome and Christianity, a great orator who swayed the Romans -at will, he acted as a resolute Christian monarch conscious of his -divine mission. Possessed of a capacity for complex rule, an -extraordinary organiser and administrator, he used all his ability to -make Christianity and the Papacy the one great world power. Twice he -saved Rome from the barbarians, once in 452 when Attila, King of the -Huns, was persuaded to withdraw without attacking the city, and again in -455 when the Vandal leader, Genseric, was induced to spare the capital -from fire and murder. He drove heresy out of Italy and suppressed it in -Spain. He forced the African Christians to submit to his authority -(443), regained the papal power lost in East Illyria, compelled the -Gallic bishops to obey his mandates,[184:1] and even asserted his -supremacy over the Eastern Church. Through a legate he presided over the -fourth ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, guided its theological -discussions, and was "the finisher of the true doctrine of the presence -of Christ." - -Pope Leo laid the greatest possible emphasis upon the fact that there is -one God, one Church, one universal bishop, one faith, and one -interpreter of that faith, and that the recognition of this basic fact -alone could bring unity and efficiency to Christendom. He very wisely -cultivated a close alliance with the state and secured from Valentinian -III. the promulgation of an imperial edict in 445, which raised him to -the exalted position of "spiritual director and governor" of the -Universal Church. Thus the Pope would issue his laws for the Church, -just as the Emperor did for the Empire. - -After Leo the Great, who died in 461, no important Pope filled the Chair -of St. Peter until the time of Gregory I., called the Great (590-604). -If Leo drew the outline of the mediaeval Papacy, Gregory made it a living -power. He issued the first declaration of independence and assumed -actual jurisdiction over the whole Western Church. His high ideal was -completely realised so that even Gibbon calls his pontificate the most -edifying period of Church history.[185:1] - -Gregory I. was born at Rome in 540 of a rich, pious, senatorial family. -His great-grandfather was Pope Felix II. (483-492). His father was a -wealthy lawyer and senator. His mother and two aunts were canonised. He -was very well educated for that period as a "saint among the saints" as -John the Deacon, his biographer, declared. In grammar, rhetoric, and -logic he was second to none in Rome.[185:2] He studied law preparatory -to public life and was well versed in the inspiring history of Rome and -in current events. At thirty he was a distinguished senator and three -years later Emperor Justin II. made him Praetor of Rome. - -From his mother Gregory inherited a profound religious temperament, -hence he naturally became imbued with the ascetic religious ideas of the -age. The monastic crusade of the West, now at its height, found him a -willing convert. Upon his father's death, Gregory used his vast wealth -for charity and for founding seven monasteries. Persuaded by his pious -mother, he himself became a monk in 575. Selling all his costly -furniture, fine clothes, and jewels for the poor, he turned his own -house into a monastery and almost killed himself by his vigorous fasts -and ascetic vigils. Soon he gained great fame as a monk, was chosen -abbot, founded six monasteries in Sicily and enforced a tyrannical -discipline.[186:1] - -Gregory was a man of too great ability, however, to be penned up in a -monastery; consequently Pope Benedict called him to his court as one of -the seven deacons of Rome. In 579 he was sent, as a papal nuncio, to -Constantinople to reconcile the Emperor and the Pope and to unite the -Eastern and Western churches, while at the same time he was instructed -to solicit military aid against the troublesome Lombards. For six years -he remained at Constantinople on this mission and gained much fame as a -theologian and diplomat. Although he failed to reunite the two branches -of the Christian Church, he did bring about an amicable understanding -between the Pope and the Emperor and got some help against the Lombards. -In a discussion with the Patriarch of Constantinople over the nature of -the body after resurrection, Gregory won a signal victory. During his -stay in the East he wrote his renowned work _Magna Moralia_. In 585 he -returned to Rome, resumed his duties as abbot, became a popular -preacher, and was recognised generally as the most able man in the -Church. - -When Pope Pelagius II. died in 590, the western part of Europe was in a -very critical condition. The Teutonic barbarians had overrun the Empire -from England around to Constantinople, destroying or burying nearly all -that was best in the civilisation of old Rome. Justinian, to be sure, -had recaptured Rome in 556, and it was to remain nominally under -imperial rule until the time of Charles the Great (800), but the -Emperor's hold on the West was limited and precarious. His -representative, the exarch, lived mostly at Ravenna. The Pope, however, -acknowledged the sovereignty of the Emperor both in theory and practice. -As a result of the weakness and inactivity of the exarch, nearly all -Italy lay prostrate before the fierce Lombards, and no efficient help -came from the East. - -The city of Rome was in a miserable condition. The Tiber had overflowed -its banks and had swept away the granaries of corn, thus entailing -famine and starvation. A dreadful pestilence had swept away thousands, -among them the Pope himself. In a letter, Gregory compared the Roman See -to an old shattered ship, letting in the waves on all sides, tossed by -daily storms, its planks rotten and gnawed by rats--almost a -wreck![187:1] An imperial organisation was needed to give Latin-Teutonic -Europe the highest type of an organised, Christian civilisation under -one law and one faith, and thus to preserve for future generations the -best that was in old Greece and Rome, as well as the best that was in -the Germans. "It is impossible to conceive what had been the confusion, -the lawlessness, the chaotic state of the Middle Ages, without the -mediaeval Papacy."[188:1] A man of heart, power, and lofty purpose--a -ruler who saw the opportunity and need of the Christian Church in -Western Europe, who felt her new impulses, and who could guide her -through a crucial period to a great and useful career--such a man the -Roman senate, clergy, and people believed that they had found in the -monk Gregory. He alone could save them from Teutonic anarchy, on the one -hand, and from Roman decay on the other. - -Although elected Pope unanimously by the senate, clergy, and people of -Rome, Gregory did not want the office. He felt unworthy of it and feared -its duties might lure him to worldliness--hence he fled the city and -wrote the Emperor beseeching him not to confirm the election. But the -Roman prefect intercepted the letter and sent instead a petition urging -the confirmation. Gregory was captured at last and forcibly consecrated -Supreme Pontiff. He was the best qualified man in all Christendom for -the place. He represented the best in Rome and the best in Christianity. -His comprehensive policy, his grasp of fundamental issues, his political -training, his capacity for details, made him the man for the hour. He -merged the office of Roman Emperor and Christian bishop into essentially -one and thus became the real founder of the mediaeval Papacy. His -pontificate, therefore, was an era in the history of the Church. - -Gregory's policy was to uphold and extend the Petrine theory to the -utmost, although personally refusing the title of "Universal Bishop." He -censured the ambitious Patriarch of Constantinople for assuming that -title and wrote to John of Syracuse: "With regard to the church of -Constantinople, who doubts that it is subject to the Apostolic See? -. . . The Apostolic See is the head of all churches."[189:1] To the -Patriarch of Alexandria he wrote: "In the preface of the epistle . . . -you have thought fit to make use of a proud title, calling me Universal -Pope. But I beg your most sweet Holiness to do this no more."[189:2] -Again he exclaimed: "Whoever calls himself Universal Bishop is -Antichrist."[189:3] Gregory meant to exercise as much autonomy as -possible in ruling the West but, at the same time, to submit to imperial -authority in all instances of conflicting claims.[189:4] He planned to -unify and purify the Church and to extend Christianity over the known -world. - -Under Gregory's able management papal power was consolidated and made -supreme in Western Europe. He systematised papal theology, and perfected -and beautified the Church liturgy until it took three hours to celebrate -the mass.[189:5] He regulated the calendar of festivals. He checked -heresies by driving Manichaeism and Arianism out of Italy, Spain, and -Gaul, and even advised the persecution of African Donatists (591). The -Jews, however, were tolerated and efforts made to convert them. To get -rid of simony he personally refused all presents and abolished all fees -in his court. From priest to bishop he corrected the clergy and urged -upon them celibacy.[190:1] He restored discipline throughout the Church -and patronised all sorts of charity. He fought paganism fiercely by -denouncing the Roman classics and even boasting of his own ignorance of -them,[190:2] while at the same time he sent missionaries over most all -of Western Europe. Monasticism, which he himself had adopted with all -his heart, he encouraged and improved by restoring the early rigid -discipline; by separating monks and clergy; by restricting admission to -religious houses to persons above the age of eighteen years; by -insisting on a probation of two years; by condemning deserters to life -imprisonment; and by favouring the Benedictine Rule as the model. The -papal court was reorganised, and clergy were substituted for boys and -secular adults to attend the Pope. Even some efforts were made to check -the European slave-trade. - -In administrative power Gregory was perhaps inferior to Leo I. The -Church was very wealthy, owning lands by this time all over Western -Europe and in Africa. The Pope had to rule these vast estates as a -mighty landlord. Subdeacons were his agents. Tenants were controlled -politically as well as religiously. The surplus income was given to the -clergy, papal domestics, monasteries, churches, cemeteries, almshouses, -and hospitals. On the first of every month he distributed to the poor -corn, wine, cheese, vegetables, oil, fish, meat, clothes, and money. The -country was full of tramps and poor clergy; these he provided for and -also supported impoverished nobles.[190:3] His letters are full of -items about law-suits, disputes over weights and measures, collection of -rents, emancipation of slaves, marriage of tenants, produce accounts, -and a multitude of other affairs. - -In addition to these multitudinous duties, he was virtual King of Italy. -He denounced the corrupt exarch and drilled the Romans for military -defence, though he always laboured for peace. He held the haughty -Lombards in check and converted them to Christianity. He extended his -authority over Africa, Spain, Gaul, England, and Ireland and even -claimed jurisdiction over the East. He was the first Pope to become in -act and in influence, if not in name, the temporal sovereign of the -West. He paved the way for Hildebrand and Innocent III. - -In culture Gregory was a true son of an age of credulity and -superstition. He believed all the current tales about ghosts, miracles, -and supernatural manifestations. The linen of St. Paul and his -bondage-chains, he declared genuine and possessed of miracle-working -power.[191:1] To the converted Visigothic King in Spain he sent a key -made from Peter's chain, a piece of the true cross, and some hairs from -the head of John the Baptist. Indeed this was a practice which he -followed in the case of many of his friends whom he desired to -especially favour.[191:2] The "monuments of classic genius" he despised, -asserting that it was his wish to be unknown in this world and glorified -in the next. He very severely censured the profane learning of a bishop -who taught grammar, studied the Latin poets, and pronounced Jupiter and -Christ in the same breath. It was his constant habit, on the other -hand, to enforce upon all Christians--clergy and laity alike--the great -duty of reading the Bible. Still his own literary work was rather -voluminous. He wrote 850 letters--more than all his 69 predecessors -together--on all topics and to all Christendom. In addition he produced -his _Magna Moralia_,[192:1] some homilies, a book on pastoral rule, and -liturgical treatises. His productions are below mediocrity and he cannot -compare with Leo I. as a critic, expositor, or original thinker. He had -but a slight knowledge of Greek and knew no Hebrew, nor did he possess a -deep acquaintance with the Church Fathers. Yet for that age he was a -cultured man and enjoyed a high reputation for piety and learning, and -spoke to unborn generations. - -"By his writings and the fame of his personal sanctity, by the -conversion of England and the introduction of an impressive ritual, -Gregory the Great did more than any other Pontiff to advance Rome's -ecclesiastical authority."[192:2] His virtues and faults, his simplicity -and cunning, his pride and humility, his ignorance and his learning--all -were suited to the times and made him "the greatest of all the early -Popes."[192:3] He closes the period of the Church Fathers and opens the -Middle Ages. For 150 years there were no material acquisitions of -ecclesiastical power, hence the history of the Papacy becomes very -uninteresting and comparatively unimportant.[192:4] - -When Gregory the Great closed his remarkable career (604) the Papacy of -the Middle Ages had been born and in form resembled the Empire.[193:1] -The head of the Church was known as "Pope." Because of his peculiar -personal holiness he could be judged by none,[193:2] though himself -judge of all. The hierarchy of officers had been practically -completed.[193:3] The laity was distinctly cut off from the clergy, and -deprived of powers exercised in the first and second centuries. The -election of the clergy had changed from a democratic to an aristocratic -process. There was a marked evolution in rites and ceremonies. Art and -music were now employed. The mass gradually became the powerful, -mysterious centre of all worship, while public worship became imposing, -dramatic, theatrical. Festivals were multiplied almost without number. -The worship of martyrs and saints[193:4] became so widespread and -popular that a "calendar of saints" was formed. Pilgrimages grew to be -very numerous and the use of relics[193:5] developed such a craze that -the fathers, councils, Popes, and at last the Emperor himself sought to -check it. Religious pageants were multiplied and the use of images and -pictures of saints were encouraged in the churches. The Virgin Mary was -exalted to the eminence of divinity. In imitation of the court-calendar, -loftier titles of spiritual dignity were adopted or invented for the -higher ecclesiastics. The dogma of the "unity of outward representation" -had acquired not merely a material and visible, but also a sacramental, -character. Thus the Church was the only channel of spiritual graces, -hence union with the Church was absolutely indispensable to salvation. -The Church had become immensely wealthy in lands, buildings, and -furniture. This corrupting familiarity with secular affairs was early -seen and denounced. St. Chrysostom sharply rebuked the bishops who "had -fallen to the condition of land-stewards, hucksters, brokers, publicans, -and pay-clerks." The Council of Chalcedon ordered the bishops to appoint -land-stewards to look after their estates.[194:1] - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--_New Testament._ - - 2.--_New Testament Apocrypha._ - - 3.--Church Fathers. See Chap. X. - - 4.--Acts of the Councils. See Chap. IX. - - 5.--_Roman Civil Law._ Various English translations. - - 6.--_Canon Law._ Various collections. Best by Richter, 2 vols., - Leip. 1839. No English translation. - - 7.--_Apostolical Constitutions._ Various English translations. - Best in _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, vol. 17. _Cf._ Harnack, - _Sources of the Apostolic Canons_. Lond., 1895. - - 8.--_Apostolic Canons._ Various English translations. - - 9.--Leo I., _Epistles to Flavian_. Transl. by C. A. Heurtley. - Oxf., 1885. _Letters and Sermons._ _Lib. of Nic. and - Post-Nic. Fathers_, xii. - - 10.--Gregory I., _Book of Pastoral Rule and Selected Epistles_. - _Ibid._ - - Bibliographical note:--Unfortunately the best collections of - materials have not been put into English, like: - 1.--Mirbt, _Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttum_. Leipz., - 1895. 2.--Hardouin, _Acta Conciliorum_. Paris, 1815. 12 - vols. 3.--Mansi, _Collectio Sacrorum Conciliorum_. Flor. - & Ven., 1759-98. 31 vols. 4.--Jaffe, _Regesta Pontificum - Romanorum_. Leipz., 1881-8. 2 vols. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Allies, T. W., _The Holy See from Leo I. to Gregory I._ - Lond., 1888. - - 2.--Balzani, U., _Early Chronicles of Italy_. Lond., 1883; - i.-iii. - - 3.--Barry, W., _The Papal Monarchy_. N. Y., 1901. - - 4.--Bigg, _Church's Task under the Roman Empire_. Oxf., 1905. - - 5.--Borrow, I., _The Pope's Supremacy_. New ed. Lond., 1859. - - 6.--Bower, A., _History of the Popes_. Phil., 1844. 3 vols. - - 7.--Bright, W., _The Roman See in the Early Church_. Lond., - 1890. - - 8.--Brock, M., _Rome: Pagan and Papal_. Lond., 1883. - - 9.--Bryce, J., _The Holy Roman Empire_. Many eds. Last ed. - Lond. and N. Y., 1904. - - 10.--Creighton, M., _History of the Papacy_. Bost., 1882-94. - Vol. i. - - 11.--Dudden, _Gregory the Great_. Lond. and N. Y., 1905. 2 - vols. - - 12.--Duff, D., _The Early Church_. N. Y., 1891. - - 13.--Gasquet, _A Life of Pope Gregory the Great_. Lond., 1904. - - 14.--Gore, C., _Leo the Great_. Lond., 1878. - - 15.--Gosselin, J. E., _Power of the Pope during the Middle - Ages_. Lond., 1853. - - 16.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_. Lond., 1859-72. Vols. - i.-ii. - - 17.--Hussey, R., _Rise of the Papal Power_. Lond., 1863. - - 18.--Kellett, F. W., _Pope Gregory the Great and his Relations - with Gaul_. N. Y., 1890. - - 19.--Kenrick, F. P., _The Primacy of the Apostolic See_. 7th - ed. Balt., 1855. - - 20.--Lea, H. C., _Studies in Church History_. Phil., 1883. - - 21.--Legge, A. O., _Growth of the Temporal Power of the - Papacy_. Lond., 1870. - - 22.--Littledale, R. F., _The Petrine Claims_. Lond., 1889. - - 23.--Mann, H. K., _Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle - Ages_. Lond., 1906. - - 24.--Manning, H. E., _The Temporal Power of the Vicar of Jesus - Christ_. N. Y., 1880. - - 25.--Meyrick, T., _Lives of the Early Popes_. Lond., 1878-80. 2 - vols. - - 26.--Milman, H. H., _Latin Christianity_. Lond., 1840. Several - revisions. - - 27.--Murphy, _The Chair of Peter_. Lond., 1888. - - 28.--Pennington, A. R., _Epochs of the Papacy_. Lond., 1881. - Ch. 1. - - 29.--Platina, B., _Lives of the Popes_. Lond., 1893. - - 30.--Rainy, R., _The Ancient Catholic Church_ (to 451). - - 31.--Riddle, J. E., _History of the Papacy_. Lond., 1854. - - 32.--Rivington, L., _The Roman Primacy_ (430-451). Lond., 1899. - - 33.--Snow, T. B., _St. Gregory the Great_. Lond., 1892. - - 34.--Soechi, B., _Lives of the Popes to Gregory VII._ Lond., - 1888. - - 35.--Tardini, C., _The Popes of Rome and the Popes of the - Oriental Churches_. Lond., 1871. Ch. 4. - - 36.--Wilkes, G. A. T., _History of the Popes from Linus to Pius - IX._ Lond., 1851. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, _Civ._, ch. 4. Adeney, ch. 11. Allies, _Peter's Rock_, - vol. iv., ch. 32-34, 38, 42, 47. Alzog, i., Sec. 87, 130. Butler, - ch. 44, 50. Cheetham, ch. 9, Sec. 4. Coxe, Lect. 3, Sec. 23. Crooks, - ch. 28. Darras, i.-ii. Doellinger, ii., ch. 5. Duff, 63, 108, - 249, 341, 557, 605. Fisher, 105-108, 157-160. Fitzgerald, i., - 235-264; ii., 1-28. Foulkes, 105, 328, 348, 368, 382. - Gieseler, i., Sec. 68, 69, 91-94. Gilmartin, i., ch. 21. - Gregorovius, i. Hase, Sec. 128-130. Hurst, i., 325 _ff._ Kurtz, - i., 264-274. Mahan, bk. 3, ch. 4. Milman, bk. 1, 2. Milner, - ii., cent. 4, ch. 17; cent. 6, ch. 5-8. Moeller, i., 340-355. - Neander i., Sec. 2; ii., Sec. 2. Robertson, bk. 2, ch. 6, p. 303. - Schaff, pd. 2, ch. 4, Sec. 50-53; pd. 3, ch. 3, Sec. 26; ch. 5, Sec. - 60-64; pd. 4, ch. 4. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[165:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 118. - -[165:2] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 232. - -[166:1] It must be said, however, that the Eastern Patriarchs refused to -recognise the decision. Gieseler, i., 382; Milman, i., 130. _Cf._ -Socrates, ii., 15 _ff._ - -[166:2] Hard., _Concil._, i., p. 610 _ff._ - -[166:3] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, i., 205. - -[166:4] Can. 4, 5, 7. - -[167:1] The Council of Sardica was not recognised, however, either by -the churches of the East or of Africa. - -[167:2] Mansi, iii., 624. - -[167:3] Cod. Theod. _Novell._, tit. xxix., Suppl., p. 12; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 72. The same power was conferred by the Council of -Chalcedon (451) on the Bishop of Constantinople. _Canon_ 9. - -[167:4] _Ep._ 13; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 72. - -[167:5] _Ep._ 9. - -[167:6] Greenwood, i., 270-279. - -[168:1] Hard., _Concil._, i., 947. - -[168:2] _Ep._ 209. - -[168:3] _Ep._ 4, c. 5. - -[168:4] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 139. - -[169:1] Berington and Kirk, _Faith of Catholics_, ii., 1-112. - -[170:1] Migne, xi.; Optatus, lib. ii., c. 2, 3; lib. vii., c. 3. Mileve -is in Numidia. - -[170:2] _De Excidio Satyri_, i., 47; Mansi, _Concil._, iii., cal. 622. - -[170:3] Jerome, _Ep._ 15, 146; Greenwood, i., 232. - -[170:4] _Ps. contra Don._; _Ep._ 178; Greenwood, i., 296. - -[170:5] Ignatius, _Martyrs_, n. 4; Hom. ii. in _Principium Actorum_, n. -6, iii., p. 70; Theodoret, _Ep._ 83, 113, 116; Cyril, _Ep. ad Coelest._ - -[171:1] Canon 6; Gieseler, i., 378. Later an interpolation made canon 6 -read: "Rome has always held the primacy." First used at Chalcedon in -451. - -[171:2] Canons 3, 4, and 5; Mansi, iii., 23; Sardica was not a universal -council. - -[171:3] Milman, i., 101. _Cf._ Hefele, i., 539; Greenwood, i., 239, 240. - -[171:4] Mansi, _Concil._, iii., cal. 622. - -[172:1] Gieseler, i., 385, 395, 396; Schaff, iii., 313. - -[172:2] Matt. xvi., 19; xviii., 18; 1 Cor. v., 3-5; 2 Cor. vi., 14, 17; -Rom. xvi., 17; Gal. i., 8, 9; Tit. iii., 10; 1 Thess. iii., 6, 14, 15. - -[173:1] Hard., _Concil._, i., 1025. - -[173:2] Gieseler, i., 382; Milman, i., 129. - -[173:3] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 68. - -[174:1] Bower, i., 383. - -[174:2] _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xii., 70, Letter 43. - -[174:3] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 72. - -[174:4] _Ibid._, 73. - -[175:1] Lateran, Vatican, St. Paul, St. Agnes, St. Lawrence, and St. -Marcellinus. - -[177:1] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, v., 24. - -[177:2] _On Modesty_, in _Lib. of Ante-Nic. Fathers_, xviii. - -[177:3] Hippolytus, _Refutation of Heresies_, ix., 7. - -[177:4] Greenwood, i., 109. - -[177:5] _Ibid._, 121 _ff._ - -[178:1] Boyd, W. K., _Eccles. Edicts of the Theodos. Code_, N. Y., 1906. - -[179:1] Can. 9. Later the same procedure was adopted at Constantinople. - -[179:2] Cod. Theod., c. 16. - -[179:3] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 72. - -[179:4] Greenwood, i., 324. - -[179:5] Cod. Justin., i., tit. 2. - -[180:1] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, ii., 137. - -[180:2] Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxvii., c. 3. - -[180:3] Gieseler, i., 219; Schaff, iii., 68, 69. - -[180:4] Hutton, W. H., _The Church and the Barbarians_, N. Y., 1906. - -[181:1] _Apolog. contra Arian_, 21-26; Euseb., Soc., and Soz. - -[181:2] Smith and Wace, iii., 532. - -[181:3] _Ibid._, i., 783. - -[181:4] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 68. - -[182:1] Hard., _Concil._, i., 995. - -[182:2] Milman, i., 143, 4. - -[182:3] _1st Epist._, ii., ch. 3; Lea, _Studies in Ch. Hist._, 133; -Hard., _Concil._, i., 1025. - -[182:4] Smith and Wace, iii., 652; _Post-Nicene Fathers_, xii.; -Greenwood, i., bk. 2, ch. 4-6; Milman, i., bk. 2, ch. 4; Schaff, iii., -314. - -[183:1] Thatcher and McNeal, _Source-Book of Med. Hist._, No. 35. _Nic. -and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xii., contains his life and letters. -See sermon by Leo I. on Peter's leadership in Robinson, _Readings_, i., -69; Orr, _Source Book_, Sec. 10. - -[184:1] Hilary, Archbishop of Arles, was excommunicated and Emperor -Valentinian III. was induced to uphold the action. Greenwood, i., 351 -_ff._ - -[185:1] Gibbon, _Decline and Fall_, iv., 421; _Nicene and Post-Nicene -Fathers_, 2d ser., xii., contains Gregory's letters and sermons; Gregory -of Tours; Bede; Snow, _St. Gregory the Great_; Barmby, _Gregory the -Great_; Hutton, _Church of the Sixth Century_; Neander, iii., 112; -Hallam, 328. - -[185:2] Gregory of Tours, x., 1. - -[186:1] Soon many poetical tales were imputed to him. It was said a new -stomach was given him so he could fast. An angel visited him disguised -as a sailor. Milman, ii., 45. Read Bede for the story which led to the -conversion of the Anglo-Saxons. For his treatment of the monk Justus see -Milman, i., 432. _Cf._ Montalembert, ii., 84-87; _Dict. Christ. Biog._, -ii., 779. - -[187:1] _Epistle_ v. in _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, xii., 74. - -[188:1] Milman, ii., 44. - -[189:1] _Ep._, ix., 12; xiii., 45. - -[189:2] _Ep._, viii., 30; ix., 12. - -[189:3] Milman, ii., 72; _Ep._, vii., 31. - -[189:4] Milman, ii., 81. - -[189:5] He created the Gregorian chant, instituted singing schools, -minutely described the ceremonies, prescribed the variety and change of -garments, and laid down the order of processions. The duties of priests -and deacons were outlined and their parishes defined. - -[190:1] _Ep._, iii., 34, 50. - -[190:2] _Ep._, xi., 54. - -[190:3] It was also reported that he fed 3000 virgins. - -[191:1] _Epistle_ xxx. in _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, xii., 154. - -[191:2] _Ibid._, 82, 130, 243. - -[192:1] This was an exposition of the Book of Job, _Ep._ 49. - -[192:2] Bryce, 150. - -[192:3] Adams, _Civ. of M. A._, 230. - -[192:4] Hallam, 329. - -[193:1] Gieseler, i., 382; Milman, i., 128. - -[193:2] Hefele, iii., 20. In the early Church "pope," or "papa" or -"abba," was applied to all clergy. Schaff, iii., 300. "Pope" is still -used for all priests in the Greek Church and "father" in the Latin -Church. See Cyprian, _Ep._, viii., 1. - -[193:3] Stewards, secretaries, nurses, and undertakers were regarded as -being in a sense members of the lower clergy. Schaff, iii., 262. - -[193:4] For biblical authority see Luke xv., 10; Rev. viii., 3, 4. - -[193:5] Began in the second century. - -[194:1] Hard., _Concil._, ii., 612. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -MONASTICISM - - OUTLINE: I.--Importance of the institution of monasticism. - II.--Antecedents and analogies. III.--Causes of the origin of - Christian monasticism. IV.--Evolution of Christian - monasticism. V.--Spread of group monasticism from the East to - the West. VI.--Development of monasticism in Western Europe. - VII.--Opposition to monasticism. VIII.--Result and influences - of monasticism. IX.--Sources. - - -Monasticism, the story of which is one of the strangest problems in -Church history and is enshrouded in legend, originated outside the -Church, but soon became the dominant factor in the Church. It was not -the product of Christianity so much as an inheritance--an adopted child. -It supported the orthodox faith,[198:1] upheld the papal theory, -monopolised ecclesiastical offices, helped to mould the Church -constitution, and supplied the great standing army of the Popes. It was -a determining factor in European civilisation. The monk was the ideal -man of the Middle Ages. He stood for the highest morality and best -culture of that period. As a missionary he planted the Church over -Western Europe. He stood between the laity and the hierarchy, as the -friend of the former and the champion of the latter. He created the -system of public charity and had a marked influence on industry and -agriculture. Before long a monk sat in the chair of St. Peter and -sought to rule the Church. The first series of great ecclesiastical -reforms was produced by the hermits in the fourth century, the -Benedictines in the sixth, the Clugniacs in the eleventh, and the -Begging Orders in the thirteenth. Monasticism, therefore, was a very -important institution in the rise of the Church. - -Monasticism originated in antiquity and was based on a general principle -broader than any creed. It grew out of that mystical longing for an -uninterrupted inner enjoyment of the soul--out of a passion for -self-brooding, and out of an abnormal view of the seclusion necessary -for the cultivation of the true religious life, which would save the -soul from sin. It was simply an effort to explain the riddle of -existence and to comprehend the true relations of God, man, and the -world. Every great religion has expressed itself in some form of -monasticism. Centuries before Jesus there were monks and crowded -convents among the Hindoos. The sacred writings of the ancient Hindoos -(2400 B.C.) reveal many legends about holy hermits, and give ascetic -rules.[199:1] Buddha, who founded his faith possibly six centuries B.C., -enjoined celibacy on his priests.[199:2] Alexander the Great found -monasticism flourishing in the East. In Greece the "Pagan Jesuits," the -Pythagoreans, were a kind of ascetic order.[199:3] Plato, with his -powerful appeal for the ideal life, had a marked influence upon the -ascetic views of the early Christians, and Neo-Platonism became a -positive force in Christendom during the third and fourth centuries. -The priestesses of Delphic Apollo, Achaian Juno, and Scythian Diana were -virgins.[200:1] In Judea the ancient Nazarites[200:2] afford an example. -The Essenes seem to be the direct forerunners of Christian -monasticism.[200:3] In addition there were conspicuous individual -examples in Jewish history like that of Elisha, Elijah, Samuel, and John -the Baptist.[200:4] In Rome the name of vestal virgin was a proverb. In -Egypt, the priests of Serapis were ascetics,[200:5] the priestesses of -Ceres were separated from their husbands,[200:6] and the Therapeutae were -rigid monks who lived about the time of Jesus.[200:7] - -These influences and examples, coupled with Platonic philosophy, and the -interpretation put upon the teachings and lives of Jesus and His -Apostles, produced Christian monasticism. Jesus Himself was unmarried, -poor, and had not "where to lay his head." He commanded the rich young -man to sell his property for the poor,[200:8] and said: "Take no thought -for the morrow what ye shall eat and what ye shall drink, or wherewithal -ye shall be clothed." St. John and probably other Apostles were -celibates.[200:9] The Apostles likewise taught that following Jesus -meant "forsaking father, mother, brethren, wife, children, houses and -lands."[201:1] They urged Christians to crucify the flesh, and -disparaged marriage,[201:2] and they too were poor and homeless like -their Master.[201:3] - -The supreme question asked by earnest Christians in all ages has been -this: "What is the true, the ideal Christian life?"[201:4] At every step -of her progress the Church has given a different answer to the important -query. Yet in all this divergent opinion there is plainly seen one -common conviction. To live in the service of God, in the religious -denunciation of the world, and in the abnegation of the joys of -life--that is the universal reply. In the early Church this position was -very strongly emphasised and led, in consequence, to the rise of -monasticism. Hence it may be said that the monastic ideals simply -expressed the highest ideals of the Church, and the history of -monasticism becomes a vital part of the history of the mediaeval Church. - -It must be remembered, too, that the old belief that the Church was -poor, pure, and wholly spiritual until the time of Constantine is a -false tradition. The secularisation and materialisation of the Church -was so noticeable as to cause complaint as early as the third century. -The Church Fathers unanimously deplore the precocious decay of the -Christian world.[201:5] To the minds of many, therefore, the only way to -escape the damning effects of contamination with the Roman world, the -only way to elude the evils in the Church itself, and the only sure way -of leading the ideal Christian life was to flee from villages and cities -to the mountains and deserts. "They fled not only from the world, but -from the world within the Church." When Christianity was drawn from the -catacombs to the court of the Caesars, it lost its power to regenerate -souls. That memorable alliance hindered neither the ruin of the Empire, -nor "the servitude and mutilation of the Church."[202:1] Associated with -the power that so long sought to destroy her, the Church was brought -face to face with the tremendous task of transforming and replacing the -Empire. At the same time the Church made a desperate attempt, though in -vain, to keep alive the spiritual torches of apostolic Christianity. The -solution of that great problem, however, was left to the monks. - -The philosophy which prevailed among many of the early Christians held -that the material world is all evil, and that the spiritual world is the -only good. Gnosticism, which permeated Christendom in the second -century, declared that the body is the seat of evil and hence that it -must be abused in order to purify the soul within.[202:2] Montanism -advocated an excessive puritanism, and prescribed numerous fasts and -severities, which paved the way for asceticism. Other groups of -Christian philosophers exercised similar influences.[202:3] The Church -itself commended fasting and other practices for the cultivation of -spiritual benefit. Celibacy of the clergy gradually became the rule. As -a result the belief soon developed that the surest way to gain eternal -joys in heaven was to turn away from the transitory pleasures of earth. -Christianity in the first and second centuries was the gospel of -renunciation and resurrection. The next logical step was to make the -body as miserable as possible here--sort of a pious sacrifice--in order -to make the soul happier hereafter. To die that one might really live, -to find one's life in losing it--that became the supreme purpose of -earthly existence. The most eminent of the early Fathers commended -asceticism, particularly fasting and celibacy, and many likewise -practised it. It is easy to feel that the air was charged with ascetic -ideals. The literature, the philosophy, and the religion of the day all -pointed out narrow paths that led to holiness. As a result there were -many ascetics of both sexes, although they were bound by no irrevocable -vow.[203:1] - -The persecutions of Christians by the Roman government forced many to -flee for safety to the deserts and mountains.[203:2] Thus Paul of Thebes -and St. Anthony fled in the Decian persecutions about the year 250. When -persecution ceased, martyrdom had become such a holy act, and such a -short, easy road to a sainted, eternal life, that the most devout -resolved that since they could not die as martyrs, they would at least -live as martyrs. The mildness of the climate in Egypt and Palestine, -where the small amount of food and clothing needed for subsistence was -easily procured, made those regions the birthplace of monasticism. The -growth of worldliness in the Church, with the increase of numbers and -wealth, gave rise to many cries for reform. The legalisation and, along -with it, the paganisation of the Church gave birth to much that was -bitterly denounced. The union of the Church and state was the -climax--the Church was no longer the "bride of Christ," it was held, but -the mistress of a worldly ruler. Hence monasticism turned its back not -only on the world but also on the Church. To understand it, therefore, -it must be viewed as the first great reformation in the Church--a desire -to return to simple, pure, spiritual, apostolic Christianity.[204:1] - -Christian monasticism did not begin at any fixed time or place. It was -slowly evolved as a curious mixture of heathen, Jewish, and Christian -influences. The whole Church had an ascetic aspect during the apostolic -age, hence endurance, hardihood, and constant self-denial were required -of its members. But for one hundred and fifty years no proofs of a -distinct class of ascetics can be found within the Church, except, -perhaps, the order of widows, devoted to charity, supported by gifts -from the faithful, and sanctioned by the Apostles.[204:2] In the second -century, however, a class of orthodox Christians, who desired to attain -Christian perfection, were called "abstinents" or "ascetics." They -withdrew from society but not from the Church, renounced marriage and -property, fasted and prayed, and eagerly sought a martyr's death.[204:3] -The belief that the end of the world was near no doubt did much to -emphasise the necessity of preparing for the day of judgment. By the -third century the Christian literature, philosophy, and theology were -tinged with asceticism. Cyprian, Origen, Hieracus, Methodius, -Tertullian, and others taught the efficacy of asceticism in one form or -another and, to some extent, practised it themselves,[205:1] but always -within the Church. The heretical sects became still more prominent in -their reverence for austerities and even outdid the orthodox in -practice.[205:2] This first stage of asceticism was neither organised, -nor absolutely cut off from the Church. - -The product of this wide-spread ascetic agitation was the creation of a -new type, namely, anchoretism, or hermit life, about the middle of the -third century. This was the second phase of monastic evolution. It -appeared first in Egypt about the fourth century, where the physical -conditions were most suitable, in the home of the Therapeutae and -Serapis monks, the stronghold of heresy and paganism, the birthplace -of Neo-Platonism amid a people famous for fanaticism. The Decian -persecution in 250 was, apparently, the immediate occasion for -its birth. Anthony of Alexandria, and Ammon were the earliest -representatives of this new form of asceticism. Paul of Thebes, however, -is now generally believed to be a pious romance from the pen of Jerome, -but he may still be viewed as typical. - -Anthony (251-356), the "patriarch of the monks," was the real founder of -anchoretism. He early sold his estate for the poor, gave his sister to a -body of virgins, and cut himself off from the world by retiring to a -desert in order to devote his life to spiritual things. He lived as a -strict hermit till a great age, gained a world-wide fame, had many -visitors seeking spiritual guidance, and won many converts to -monasticism. Soon the wildest tales were told about his divine powers. -Before he died Egypt was full of hermits, and some were found in -Palestine. Athanasius wrote his biography, which was read over all -Christendom and scattered seeds of anchoretism everywhere--a book which -influenced the thought of the age. Ammon had a settlement of possibly -5000 hermits at Mount Nitria in Lower Egypt and was almost as renowned -as Anthony, his great contemporary.[206:1] - -The example of these illustrious characters drew thousands of both the -curious and the sincere to Egypt.[206:2] Whole congregations, led by -their bishops, withdrew to the desert for salvation.[206:3] Priests fled -from the obligations of their office.[206:4] By the fourth century that -land was full of hermits. Their life was of a negative character, -founded on abstinence and bodily abuse--a holy rivalry of self-torture -and suicidal austerities. These practices may be divided into four -classes: dietetic, sexual, social, and spiritual. - -(1) From a dietetic standpoint the hermits either fasted, or ate the -simplest foods, or consumed the smallest quantities. Thus the renowned -Isidore of Alexandria never ate meat, and often at the table would burst -into tears for shame at the thought that he who was destined to eat -angel's food in Paradise should have to eat the material food of -animals. Macarius ate but once a week. His son lived three years on five -ounces of bread a day and seven years on raw vegetables. Alos boasted -that up to his eighteenth year he never ate bread. Symeon ate but once -daily and in fast time not at all. Heliodorus often fasted seven days at -a time. In Mesopotamia a group of hermits lived on grass.[207:1] - -(2) Sexually the hermits believed either in absolute virginity or in -abstinence. - -(3) The social and domestic vagaries of anchoretism assumed many forms. -The hermits fled from the society of the world; deserted friends and -family; courted the company of wild beasts[207:2]; lived in caves, -dried-up wells, swamps, rude huts, tombs, and on the summits of solitary -columns, or wandered about without fixed homes.[207:3] A monk named -Akepsismas lived sixty years in the same cell without seeing or speaking -to any person and was finally shot for a wolf. Some hermits wore no -clothing,[207:4] and thus exposed the body to the broiling sun and to -biting insects. Macarius, to atone for killing a gnat, lay naked six -months in a swamp and was so badly stung that he was mistaken for a -leper.[207:5] Others wore hair shirts, carried heavy weights suspended -from the body, slept in thorn bushes, against a pillar, in cramped -quarters, or deprived themselves altogether of sleep. Many never washed -their faces nor cared for their hair, beards, teeth, and nails. With -them filthiness seemed to be next to godliness. Anthony and Hilarion -scorned either to cut or to comb their hair except at Easter, or to wash -their hands and faces. St. Abraham never washed his face for fifty -years--yet his biographer proudly says, "His face reflected the purity -of his soul." Theodosius like a second Moses, had a stream of water -burst from a rock that his thirsty monks might drink. One wicked fellow, -overcome by a pitiable weakness for cleanliness, took a bath, when, lo! -the stream dried up. Thereupon the frightened and repentant monks -promised never to insult heaven by using water for that purpose again, -and after a year of waiting a second miracle gave them a fresh supply. - -(4) A sincere desire for spiritual improvement expressed itself in -various practices. Prayer was perhaps the most common means to that end, -and it was believed that number and duration counted the most. Paul the -Simple repeated three hundred prayers a day and counted them with -pebbles. A certain famous virgin added four hundred to that number -daily. Some spent all day and others all night in prayer. Meditation and -contemplation were generally employed. Preaching and singing were common -forms of religious activity. Studying and writing engaged those of a -more scholarly bent of mind. - -Out of this unorganised anchoretism there grew, by the latter part of -the third century, a crude form of group monasticism. This was the third -stage in the progress of monastic life. Such renowned hermits as St. -Anthony in Upper Egypt, Ammon at Mount Nitria, Joannes in Thebaid, -Macarius in the Scetische Desert, and Hilarion in the Gaza Desert each -had a coterie of imitators imbued with a common purpose and with a -profound respect for their leader; but no uniform rules governed them -at first. As time passed, however, the necessity of regulating the -various relations of so many became apparent.[209:1] The organisations -of the Essenes and Therapeutae may have served as models. At Mount Nitria -the monks by common arrangement lived in separate cells, but had a -dining room and a chapel for all.[209:2] Pachomius (282-346), a -converted heathen soldier, of little education, a pupil of Palaemon for -twelve years, created the first monastic rule and organised at Tabenna -on the Nile the first monastic congregation (322), while his sister -formed the first convent at Tabenisi. This first walled monastery had -many cells built to accommodate three monks in each. Membership was -guarded by three years' probation on severe discipline. The monks met in -silence for one daily meal and wore white hoods so as not to see each -other. They prayed thirty-six times daily, worked with their hands -indoors and out, and wore over their linen underclothes white goat skins -day and night. They were ruled by "priors" chosen on merit from the -twenty-four classes of monks.[209:3] At the head of the whole system -stood an abbot.[209:4] When Pachomius died (346) he had established nine -cloisters with 3000 monks. He called them all together twice a year, and -paid them annual visits. By 400 the monks numbered 50,000.[209:5] The -great Athanasius visited Tabenna to inspect the system and to study the -operation of this epoch-making rule. - -From Tabenna organised monasticism spread over Egypt and then to nearly -every province in the Roman Empire by the end of the fourth -century.[210:1] In the Holy Land laboured Hilarion,[210:2] -Epiphanius,[210:3] Hesycas,[210:4] the Bethlehem brothers,[210:5] -Ammonius,[210:6] Silvanus, and Zacharias. Jerome, the celebrated Church -Father, with Paula, a rich Roman widow, left Rome for the East. After -studying monasticism in Egypt they located at Bethlehem (386). There -Jerome studied the Scriptures and ruled a large crowd of monks, while -Paula became the head of a convent for girls. Melania built a convent on -the Mount of Olives and ruled fifty virgins (375). Goddana and Elias -laboured on the lower Jordan. - -In Asia Minor laboured, conspicuous among many, Eustathius who first -prescribed a monastic dress, Basil the Great (c. 379) who originated the -monastic vow,[210:7] the famous Nilus (c. 430), and the hated hermit -Marcus (c. 431). Syria was renowned for at least a dozen hermits, the -most celebrated being Simeon Stylites (c. 459),[210:8] the pillar saint. -From Egypt and Asia the institution spread to Greece and became quite -general by the fourth century. The most famous cloister was that of -Studium (460) at Constantinople. The islands of the Adriatic and Tuscan -Sea were soon covered with monasteries swarming with monks.[210:9] - -The fourth and most important step is found in the development of the -institution in western Europe. - -Athanasius, a hero and oracle to the Western Church, on a tour to Rome -in 340, carried with him from Egypt two specimens of hermits.[211:1] His -_Life of Anthony_ was soon translated into Latin. The West had already -heard about the institution, and many individuals had visited the most -celebrated hermits in Egypt. After 340 many men and women began to give -enthusiastic support to the new institution. Eusebius (c. 370) lived by -rule with his clergy under one roof at Vercelli in northern -Italy.[211:2] Ambrose fostered it in and around Milan.[211:3] Paul of -Nola (c. 431) lived in Campagna. Conspicuous examples were found among -the Roman virgins and widows.[211:4] Marcella in Rome turned her palace -into a convent.[211:5] Paula and her whole family lived as ascetics. The -widow Lea was an active worker.[211:6] Melania devoted her fortune to -the cause. Many of the nobles of Rome likewise became converts to the -new idea.[211:7] Jerome and Rufinus were conspicuous examples of those -devotees who by precept and practice soon popularised monasticism -throughout Italy. Convents for both sexes were soon founded.[211:8] From -Rome Augustine carried the institution back to north-western Africa. -When Cassian (c. 448) left Egypt and planted two monasteries at -Marseilles, he found monks already in France. Martin, the Bishop of -Tours, turned his episcopal palace into a monastery, and at his death -(400) 2000 monks followed him to the grave.[212:1] Poitiers, Lyons, and -Treves, together with the bordering mountains, were soon scenes of -monastic activity. Donatus, an African monk, early carried the new faith -to Spain where it soon became so popular that by 380 a synod forbade -priests dressing as monks. Athanasius, who lived at Treves as an exile, -probably introduced it into Germany. The British Isles had a flourishing -system long before the mission of Augustine. By the fifth century, -therefore, monasticism had been firmly planted over all western -Europe.[212:2] - -Although western monasticism was an offspring of the eastern type, yet -the child differed much from the parent. Anchoretism gained but little -foothold in the West because of climatic and ethnic differences. The -group type was dominant in the West, and extremes and excesses were -absent. No pillar saints and other conspicuous fanatics were found -there.[212:3] Western monasticism was a more practical system, an -economic factor, a powerful missionary machine, an educational agency, -and the pioneer of civilisation. It was not a negative force, but very -aggressive and made history. It led all the great reform movements. It -was uniform in spirit, though widely divergent in form. In some cases -monks were under abbots each with his own rule; others had no fixed -abode--and many of them were tramps of the worst description, living on -their holy calling.[213:1] Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, and many other -Fathers have left sufficient complaints about the growing monastic -disorders. The need of a common rule, therefore, was generally felt in -order to unify the highly varied, and in part highly doubtful forms of -monasticism. - -Early efforts were made to meet that need. Jerome translated the rule of -Pachomius into Latin and it was used in parts of Italy. Rufinus brought -the rule of Basil the Great to Rome and it was adopted in southern Italy -and in Gaul. The rule of Macarius was at least known in the West. -Cassian (c. 448) was the first, however, to write out for the cruder -western institution a detailed constitution (c. 429). He had studied -monasticism in Egypt and drew up a very complete rule which covered all -the essential phases of cloister life. It was used in many cloisters -till the ninth century. During this early unorganised period Popes, -councils, and even secular powers often tried to control and regulate -monasticism. - -The great organiser and unifier of western monasticism, however, was St. -Benedict (d. 543), "the patriarch of the monks of the west."[213:2] Born -of rich parents at Nursia in 480, he was sent to Rome to complete his -education. There he became disgusted with the vice about him, fled from -college, family, and fortune, and at the age of sixteen, retired to a -cave at Subiaco thirty miles from Rome. He became a severe ascetic, wore -a hair shirt and a monk's dress of skins, rolled in beds of thistles to -subdue the flesh, and chose to be ignorant and holy rather than educated -and wicked. His fame soon attracted disciples and he established twelve -monasteries, with a dozen monks and a superior in each, but all under -his own supervision. Later he left Subiaco and went to Monte Cassino -where he spent the closing years of his remarkable career. Monte Cassino -became the capital of western monasticism. - -To control his monks Benedict drew up in 529 the "Holy Rule,"[214:1] -which became the basis for all western monastic orders and was a rival -of St. Basil's rule in the East. The "Holy Rule" was the product of -Benedict's own sad experience as hermit, cenobite, and superior, and -also of his observations concerning the monastic laxness which he saw on -all hands. It consists of a prologue and chapters on seventy-three -governmental, social, moral, liturgical, and penal subjects. The whole -spirit and aim of the Rule were constructive and reformatory. It -provided for an organisation monarchial at the top and democratic at the -bottom. Each monastery had an abbot elected for life by all the monks to -rule the monastery in the place of Christ. The abbot chose the prior and -deans, on the basis of merit, with the approval of the monks, but minor -officials were named directly by the abbot. The important business -affairs of the monastery were conducted by the abbot in consultation -with all the monks, but minor matters required only the advice of the -superior officers. Admission was open to all ranks and classes of men -above eighteen on an equal footing after one year's probation. The two -fundamental principles in this constitution were labour and obedience. -Indolence was branded as the enemy of the soul. Each candidate had to -take the vow of obedience and constancy to the order; chastity and -poverty of course being implied. A monk's day was minutely regulated, -according to the seasons, and consisted of an alternation of manual -work, study, and worship, with short intervals for food and rest. Labour -was thus regulated in the monastery somewhat as in an industrial -penitentiary. The frugal meal was eaten in silence while some edifying -selection was read. The monks had to renounce the world and give all the -fruits of their labours to the monastery. - -Obedience was regarded as the most meritorious and essential condition -of all. Monasticism meant a generous sacrifice of self and implied a -surrender of the will to a superior. The monk must obey not only the -abbot but also the requests of his brethren. Monks were treated as -children grown up. They could not own property--not even the smallest -trifles; they were not allowed to walk abroad at will; if sent away, -they could not eat without the abbot's permission; they could not -receive letters from home; and they were sent to bed early. Once in the -order the vow of stability prevented withdrawal. A violation of any of -the regulations entailed punishment: private admonition, exclusion from -common prayer, whipping, and expulsion. - -This Rule, all things considered, was mild, flexible, and general; with -order, proportion, and regularity, yet brief, concise, and well tempered -to the needs of western Europe[215:1]; hence like Aaron's rod it soon -swallowed up the other rules in use. Before 600 it was supreme in Italy. -In 788 the Council of Aachen ordered it and no other to be used -throughout the kingdom of Charles the Great. In the ninth century it -superseded the Isidore rule in Spain. It embraced likewise the Columban -rule in western Europe and by the tenth century prevailed everywhere. -Under it the Benedictines had a remarkable history. At one time they had -37,000 monasteries and altogether produced 24 Popes, 200 cardinals, 4000 -bishops, and 55,505 saints.[216:1] The Benedictine monasteries differed -from later monastic bodies in the fact that they were quite independent -of each other and had no common head. After the thirteenth century they -were surpassed by the Begging Orders and devoted themselves mostly to -literary pursuits, soon becoming "more noted for learning than piety." -Their edition of the Church Fathers is a monument of scholarly -industry.[216:2] The order still exists, chiefly in Austria and Italy, -and is noted mostly for its classical learning. They boast of 16,000 -distinguished writers. - -These early monasteries were like swarming bees in planting monastic -societies in every part of western Europe. The passion grew until it -became a veritable madness which seized the pious and lawless alike. -Popes like Gregory I. praised the institution and promoted its interest -in every possible way. Even kings like Carloman of the Franks, Rochis of -the Lombards, great statesmen like Cassiodorus, and others voluntarily -became monks. Louis the Pious, the Roman Emperor, was prevented from -that course only by his nobles.[216:3] The monk was the leader and -pattern of the Middle Ages. Every father was ambitious to have his son -enter that holy calling. To the quiet and peaceful abode of the -monastery, therefore, went not only the pious, but the student, those -who disliked the soldier's life, the disconsolate, the disgraced, -the disappointed, the indolent, and the weary. And this powerful -organisation was utterly under the control of the great Roman Bishop and -his subordinates. - -The remarkable growth of monasticism brought great wealth and political -power, which were used in large measure to strengthen the Church. Kings -and nobles made large grants of lands--especially Charles the Great and -Louis the Pious. Besides many monks brought their possessions as gifts -to the monastery and not infrequently powerful abbots took lands by -force. Monasticism thus gradually became secularised and also -feudalised. Monasteries were often used as prisons for deposed kings, -criminals, and clergy convicted of crime. The abbots were virtually -secular lords who ruled as local sovereigns, claimed immunity from tolls -and taxes, went hunting and hawking, and even fought at the head of -their troops. As a result the office of abbot became a coveted prize, -for the younger and the illegitimate sons of nobles.[217:1] What effect -this secularisation had upon the high ideals may be easily seen. Soon -only certain ceremonies distinguished the monks from the secular clergy. - -The monks as such belong to the laity. Monasticism was viewed as a lay -institution as late as the Council of Chalcedon (451)[217:2] when the -legal authority of the bishop over the monks of his diocese was -recognised. The monks were called _religiosi_ in contrast to the -_seculares_, the priests. The monks were the "regulars" who formed the -spiritual nobility and not the ruling class in the hierarchy. They -formed another grade in the hierarchy between the clergy and the laity. -But after the fifth century the difference became less marked. Since -monasticism was considered the perfection of Christian life, it was -natural to choose the clergy from the monks. Gregory the Great was the -first monk to be elected Pope. Monasteries were the theological -seminaries to supply priests for the Church, hence the ignorant clergy -looked up to the educated monks. Still monks at first, because not -ordained, could not say mass nor hear confession. Each monastery kept a -priest or an ordained monk to fulfil these duties. Abbots were usually -in priestly orders.[218:1] In time, however, monks assumed the dress of -priests and became ambitious for priestly powers,[218:2] especially -after the Council of Chalcedon, backed by the state, gave bishops -jurisdiction over cloisters. Often monasteries applied to the Pope for -independence from episcopal jurisdiction and were taken under the -immediate protection of the Bishop of Rome. By the sixth century monks -were classed in the popular mind with the clergy. In 827 a council at -Rome ordered that abbots should be in priests' orders. Monks now began -to sit in and to control Church synods, and to exercise all the rights -of the secular clergy, even to having parishes,[218:3] and thus became -powerful rivals of the established priesthood. - -The crystallisation of ascetic ideals into monastic institutions was -attacked by heathenism and did not meet the unanimous approval of -Christendom. Before Constantine the pagans denounced the hermits because -they were guilty of the treasonable act, from a Roman view, of fleeing -from social and civic duties. After Constantine, when monasticism became -the "fad," it was assailed by the aristocratic pagan families, who lost -sons, and especially wives and daughters, in the maelstrom of -enthusiasm, because it broke family ties and caused the neglect of -obvious responsibilities. Julian, the imperial pagan reactionist, called -it fanaticism and idolatry. Pagan poets like Libanus and Rutilius -denounced it as an institution "hostile to light." - -Within Christendom hostility came from Christian rulers like Valens, -because monasticism withdrew civil and military strength from the state, -when all was needed against the barbarians, and because it encouraged -idleness and unproductiveness instead of useful activity and heroic -virtue[219:1]; from Christians of wealth and indulgence who felt rebuked -by the earnestness, poverty, and holy zeal of an ascetic life; from the -clergy who did not comprehend the significance of monasticism[219:2]; -and from the liberal party in the Church who took a saner view of -salvation and ethics. Jovinian (d. 406), like Luther, first a monk and -then a reformer, held these five points according to Jerome: (1) that -virgins, widows, and wives are all on an equality if good Christians; -(2) that thankfully partaking of food is as efficacious as fasting; (3) -that spiritual baptism is as effectual in overcoming the devil as -baptism; (4) that all sins are equal; (5) that all rewards and -punishments will be equal. Jerome answered him and Pope Siricius -excommunicated him and his followers as heretics (390).[220:1] Helvidius -of Rome denounced the reverence for celibacy and declared that the -marriage state was as holy as that of virginity. Again Jerome wielded -his intellectual cudgel.[220:2] Bonasus, Bishop of Sardica, was -excommunicated for holding the same view (389). Vigilantius, an educated -Gallic slave, a disciple of Jovinian, attacked the necessity of -celibacy, denied the efficacy of virginity, opposed fasting and torture, -ridiculed relics, objected to candles, incense, and prayers for the -dead, and doubted miracles. He was a Protestant living in the fifth -century.[220:3] He too was assailed by Jerome and put under the papal -ban.[220:4] AErius of Sebasta, a presbyter, called into question the need -or value of fasts, prayers for the dead, the inequality of rank among -the clergy, and the celebration of Easter and of course was outlawed by -the Church.[220:5] Lactantius declared that the hermit life was that of -a beast rather than a man and treasonable to society. But all these loud -outcries against the monks were branded as heresy and drowned in -counter-shouts of praise. - -When the results and influences of monasticism are carefully weighed, it -is seen that the good and evil "are blended together almost -inextricably." These diametrically opposite effects are perplexing and -astonishing. Conspicuous among the positive results are the following: - -1. _Religious._ The effort to save pure Christianity from the -secularised state-Church by carrying it to the desert or shutting it up -in a monastery, produced the first great reform movement within the -Christian Church. "It was always the monks who saved the Church when -sinking, emancipated her when becoming enslaved to the world, defended -her when assailed."[221:1] Monasticism was, therefore, a realisation of -the ideal in Christianity. In no small sense it likewise paved the way -for the Reformation of the sixteenth century. The monastic conquest of -Christianity left in its train higher ideals of a holy Christian life -and a keener religious enthusiasm, and emphasised the necessity of -humility and purity. Likewise monasticism, through its aggressive -missionary efforts, completed the overthrow of heathenism in the Empire -and in its stead planted the true faith over western Europe. The monks -were the fiercest champions of orthodoxy, and the intellectual giants of -that age, like Jerome and St. Augustine, were in their ranks. The monk -rather than the priest was the apostle of the Middle Ages who taught men -and nations the simple Christian life of the Gospel. In monasticism were -developed the germs of many humanitarian institutions through which -Christianity expressed itself in a most practical manner. The monastery -offered a home to the poor and unfortunate, and gave hope and refuge to -both the religious invalid, who was sick of the world, and to the -religious fanatic. The Papacy, too, was supported and strengthened in a -thousand different ways by monasticism, and the whole religious history -of the Middle Ages was coloured by it. - -2. _Social._ Monasticism tended to purify and regenerate society with -lofty ideas. It became an unexcelled machine for the administration of -charity. It fed the hungry, cared for the sick and dying, entertained -the traveller, and was an asylum for all the unfortunates. It helped to -mitigate the terrors of slavery. It inculcated ideas of obedience and -usefulness. It advocated and practised equality and communism, and it -tutored the half-civilised nations of western Europe in the arts of -peace. - -3. _Political._ In its organisation and practical life it kept alive -ideas of democracy. From the ranks of the monks came many of the best -statesmen in the various European governments. Monastic zeal had much to -do in saving the Roman Empire from utter destruction at the hands of the -barbarians and in helping to preserve imperial ideas until the rough -Teutons were Latinised in their legal and political institutions. In -addition the monks helped to form the various law codes of the German -tribes, put them into written form, and took an active part in many -forms of local government. In many an instance they saved the -unprotected vassal from the tyrannical noble. - -4. _Educational._ In the monasteries the torches of civilisation and -learning were kept burning during the so-called Dark Ages. The first -musicians, painters, sculptors, architects, and educators of Christian -Europe were monks. They not only established the schools, and were the -schoolmasters in them, but also laid the foundations for the -universities. They were the thinkers and philosophers of the day and -shaped the political and religious thought. To them, both collectively -and individually, was due the continuity of thought and civilisation of -the ancient world with the later Middle Ages and with the modern period. - -5. _Industrial._ Not only did the monks develop the various arts such as -copying and illuminating books, building religious edifices, painting, -and carving, but they also became the model farmers and horticulturists -of Europe. Every Benedictine monastery was an agricultural college for -the whole region in which it was located. By making manual labour an -essential part of monastic life, labour was greatly ennobled above the -disreputable position it held among the Romans. - -The negative effects of monasticism were by no means lacking and may be -stated here under the same institutional headings: - -1. _Religious._ In making "war on nature" the ascetics made war also on -God. They aimed not too high religiously but in the wrong direction. -They exaggerated sin and advocated the wrong means to get rid of it. -They took religion away from the crowded centres of population, where it -was most needed, to the desert or monastery. Thus an abnormal, -unwholesome type of piety was created. In replacing faith by works the -monks thus gave birth to a long list of abuses in the Church, and in -nourishing an insane religious fanaticism they entailed many grave -evils. From one point of view monasticism became a "morbid excrescence" -of Christianity and tended to degrade man into a mere religious machine. -At the same time the doctrine of future rewards and punishments reached -an abhorrent evolution. The awful pangs of hell, the terrific judgments -of God, and the ubiquitous and wily devil of the monks' vivid -imagination sound strange to a modern mind. But the gravest error in -the monastic system was the false and harmful distinction so clearly -drawn both in theory and practice between the secular and the religious. -The modern world easily harmonises the two. - -2. _Social._ Monasticism disrupted family ties and caused the desertion -of social duties on the ground of a more sacred duty. It lowered respect -for the marriage state by magnifying the virtue of celibacy. In making -the monk the ideal man of the Middle Ages, it advocated social suicide. -All natural pleasures and enjoyments of life were labelled sinful. -Practices, which were little more than superstitions, were advocated. -Society in general was demoralised because monasticism failed to -practise its own teachings. - -3. _Political._ By inducing thousands, and many of them men of -character, ability, and experience, to desert their posts of civic duty, -the state was weakened and patriotism forgotten. The monk "died to the -world" and abjured his country. Monasticism aided powerfully in -developing the secular side of the papal hierarchy and soon came to -exercise a large amount of political power itself. The monks frequently -became embroiled in social disputes and military quarrels, and thus -incited rather than allayed the fiercer brute passions of men. - -4. _Cultural._ By holding the education of the people in their hands the -monks had a powerful weapon for evil as well as good. In making the monk -the ideally cultured man a false standard was set up and certain -fundamentals in education ignored. Secular learning was not generally -encouraged. The supreme end of all their education was not to produce a -man, but a priest. - -5. _Industrial._ Thousands withdrew from the various lines of -industrial activity, some to obtain the higher good, but many to enter -as they supposed a life of ease and idleness. Much of the good that was -done in the earlier days was negatived by the begging friars later. - -Of these two sets of influences which predominated? That both were -powerful no one can doubt. All things considered, however, it must be -said that monasticism, as it developed in the West, fulfilled a genuine -need and performed an important service for Christian civilisation. St. -Benedict not only presented a satisfactory solution of the grave dangers -threatening this institution as a force in the evolution of the mediaeval -Church, but with his organised army of devoted, obedient followers, he -met the barbarian hosts invading the Roman Empire and gradually won them -to adopt and in due course of time to practise the Christian code. -Indeed it is difficult to imagine how the Church could have forged its -course so triumphantly through all the breakers, trials, and -vicissitudes of this crucial epoch--how its jurisdiction could have been -extended so rapidly and so effectively to all parts of western Europe -and to some points in the East and in northern Africa--how its great -humanising, spiritualising, and edifying influences could have been so -persistent and at the same time so efficient--how the simple, -fundamental truths of the Gospel as set forth in the Apostolic Church -could have been handed on to the later ages--had not the growth of -monasticism been regulated and utilised. Therefore, next to the -evolution of that magnificent organisation of the Papacy, as a creative -factor in the rise of the mediaeval Church, must be placed organised, -western monasticism. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--JEWISH: - - 1.--_Old Testament._ - - 2.--Josephus, _Antiquities_, i., bk. 15, ch. 10, sec. 4-5; bk. - 18, ch. 1, sec. 5; ii., bk. 2, ch. 8, sec. 2-11. - - 3.--Philo, _Contemplative Life_. Bohn, _Eccl. Lib._, 1855, - iv., 1-21. - - II.--GREEK: - - 1.--_New Testament._ - - 2.--_New Testament Apocrypha._ - - 3.--Eusebius, _Church Hist._, ii., ch. 17. _Nic. and Post-Nic. - Fathers_, i. Several other eds. - - 4.--Socrates, _Church Hist._, i., 13; iv., 23 _ff._ _Ib._, ii. - Other eds. - - 5.--Sozomen, _Church Hist._, i., 12-14; iii., 14; vi., 28-34. - _Ib._, ii. - - 6.--Theodoret, _Church Hist._, ch. 33. _Ib._, iii. Bohn Lib. - - 7.--Evagrius, _Life of St. Anthony_. Bohn Lib., 1851. - - 8.--Palladius, _Historia Lausiaca_. Ed. by Butler, _Texts and - Studies_. Camb., 1898. - - 9.--_Concerning the Ascetic Life._ Not in Eng. - - III.--LATIN: - - 1.--Sulpicius Severus, _Dialogues_, i.-iii. _Nic. and - Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xi., pt. 11. - - 2.--Athanasius, _Life of Anthony_. _Ib._, iv., 195-221. - - 3.--Ambrose, _Concerning Virgins_. _Ib._, x., 360. _Letters_, - No. 63. _Ib._, 457. - - 4.--Augustine, _The Work of Monks_. _Fathers of the Holy - Catholic Church_, xxii., 470-516. - - 5.--Cassian, _Institutes_. _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d - ser., xi. _Coenobia_, _Ib._ _Conferences_, _Ib._ - - 6.--Jerome, _Life of St. Paul the First Hermit_. _Ib._, vi., - 299-318; _Letters_, No. 22, 130. _Ib._ - - 7.--Gregory the Great, _Letters_. _Ib._, xii.; _Life and - Miracles of St. Benedict_. Ed. by Luck, Lond., 1880. - - 8.--Rufinus, _History of Monks_. Not in Eng. - - 9.--Cassiodorus, _Dissertation on Monasticism_. Not in Eng. - _Letters._ Ed. by Hodgkin, Oxf., 1886. - - IV.--COLLECTIONS: - - 1.--_Apostolic Canons._ See Ch. IX. of this work. - - 2.--_Apostolic Constitutions._ _Ib._ - - 3.--Henderson, _Select Histor. Docs. of the M. A._, 274-314. - - 4.--Univ. of Neb., _Europ. Hist. Studies_, ii., No. 6. - - 5.--Univ. of Pa., _Translations and Reprints_, ii., No. 7. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Allies, T. W., _The Monastic Life from the Fathers of the - Desert to Charlemagne_. Lond., 1896. - - 2.--Browne, E. G. K., _Monastic Legends_. Lond. - - 3.--Butler, A., _Lives of the Saints_. Lond., 1833, 2 vols. - Balt., 1844, 4 vols. - - 4.--Day, S. P., _Monastic Institutions_. Lond., 1865. - - 5.--Dill, S., _Roman Society in the Last Century of the - Western Empire_. N. Y., 1904. - - 6.--Fosbroke, T. D., _British Monachism_. 3d ed. Lond., 1843. - - 7.--Fox, S., _Monks and Monasticism_ (Eng.). Lond., 1848. - - 8.--Hardy, H. S., _Eastern Monachism_. Lond., 1864. - - 9.--Harnack, A., _Monasticism: Its Ideals and Its History_. - 1886. Tr. by Gillett, N. Y. Lond., 1895. - - 10.--Hill, O. T., _English Monasticism_. Lond., 1867. - - 11.--Jameson, Mrs. A., _Legends of the Monastic Orders_. Lond., - 1850. Rev. ed. Bost., 1896. - - 12.--Kingsley, C., _The Hermits: Their Lives and Works_. Lond., - 1885. - - 13.--Lea, H. C., _History of Sacerdotal Celibacy_. Phil., 1884. - 3d ed. N. Y., 1907. 2 vols. - - 14.--Lechner, D. P., _Life and Times of St. Benedict_. Lond. - - 15.--Littledale, R. F., _Monachism_. Encyc. Brit. - - 16.--Montalembert, Count de, _Monks of the West_. New ed. - Lond., 1896. 7 vols. - - 17.--Northcote, J. S., _Celebrated Sanctuaries of the Madonna_. - Lond., 1868. - - 18.--Ruffner, H., _Fathers of the Desert_. N. Y., 1850. 2 vols. - - 19.--Smith, I. G., _Christian Monasticism_ (4th-9th cent.). - Lond., 1892. - - 20.--Wishart, A. D., _Short History of Monks and Monasticism_. - Lond., 1900. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, _Civ. of M. A._ Adeney, ch. 13. Alzog, ii., 114-121. - Butler, _Ch. Hist._, ch. 34-35. Brown, _Stoics and Saints_, - ch. 5-6. Cheetham, ch. 12, sec. 3-4. Church, _Begin. of M. - A._, 48, 58. Clarke, _Events and Epochs_, ch. 3-4. Coxe, Lect. - 3, sec. 3. Cunningham, _West. Civ._, ii., 37-40. Darras, i., - 636; ii., 34, 35, 121, 387; iii., 43. Doellinger, ii., ch. 5, - sec. 9; iii., ch. 4, sec. 6. Draper, _Intel. Develop. of - Europe_. Fisher, 111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 175, 234. - Fitzgerald, i., 215-227. Foulkes, 88, 93, 150-151, 221, 243, - 349. Gibbon, ch. 37. Gieseler, ii., ch. 4, sec. 95-97. - Gilmartin, i., ch. 9, 22, 45. Hase, sec. 132-136. Hurst, i., - ch. 30-31. Jennings, i., ch. 6. Kurtz, i., 248-258, 503-509. - Lecky, _Hist. of Europ. Morals_, ii., ch. 4. Mahan, bk. 4, ch. - 12. Maitland, _Dark Ages_. Milman, i., bk. 1, ch. 2; bk. 3, - ch. 1; ii., bk. 3, ch. 6. Milner, i., cent. 4, ch. 5. Moeller, - i., 355-377. Mosheim, bk. ii., cent. iv., ch. 3, Sec. 13. - Neander, ii., 262. Newman, i., 451. Putnam, _Books and their - Makers_, i. Robertson, bk. 2, ch. 6, sec. 4. Schaff, iii., - 147. Zenos, 104, 154, 171. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[198:1] Jerome, _Ep._, 15. - -[199:1] The Hindoo monks exhausted their minds in devising means of -self-torture. - -[199:2] Lea, _Sac. Celib._, 24; _Laws of Manu_, bk. 6., st. 1-22. See -Hardy, _Eastern Monasticism_, Lond., 1850. - -[199:3] The disciples of Pythagoras were called cenobites. Montalembert, -i., 215. - -[200:1] Lea, _Sac. Celib._, 24. - -[200:2] Numb. vi., 1-21. - -[200:3] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, v., 15; Porphyry, _De Abstinentia_, iv., -11; Edersheim, ch. 3; Doellinger, _Gentile and Jew_, ii., 330. See p. 44, -45. - -[200:4] Isa. xxii., 2; Dan. ix., 3; Zech. xiii., 4; 2 Kings i., 8; iv., -10, 39, 42. _Cf._ Heb. xi., 37, 38; _Expositor_, 1893, i., 339. - -[200:5] Schaff, ii., 390. - -[200:6] Lea, _Sac. Celib._, 24. - -[200:7] Eusebius, ii., 17; Philo, _Contemp. Life_, bk. 1; _Jewish Quart. -Rev._, viii., 155; _Baptist Rev._, Jan., 1882, p. 36 _ff._; see _Jewish -Encyc._; Doellinger, ii., 335. - -[200:8] Matt. xix., 21; Luke xviii., 22; Mark x., 21. - -[200:9] Tertullian held that all the Apostles except Peter were -unmarried. - -[201:1] Mark x., 29, 30. - -[201:2] Paul, especially 1 Cor. vii.; Lea, _Sac. Celib._, 25. - -[201:3] Texts quoted as favourable to monasticism: Acts ii., 44; iv., -32; xv., 28, 29; 1 Cor. vii., 8; iv., 3; Matt. xix., 12, 21; xxii., 30; -Rev. xiv., 4; Luke xx., 35; Mark x., 29, 30. - -[201:4] Harnack, _Monasticism_, 10. - -[201:5] Montalembert, i., bk. 1. - -[202:1] Montalembert, i., 188. - -[202:2] Lightfoot, _The Colossian Heresy_. - -[202:3] Marcionites, Valentinians, Abstinents, Apotoctici, Encratites, -etc. - -[203:1] Cyprian, _Ep._, 62. - -[203:2] Euseb. _Eccl. Hist._, vi., 42. - -[204:1] Harnack, _Monasticism_, 65. - -[204:2] 1 Tim. v., 3-14. _Cf._ Acts ix., 39, 41. - -[204:3] Justin Martyr observed that Christians were commencing to -abstain from flesh, wine, and sexual intercourse. He, with Ignatius and -others, lauds celibacy as the holiest state. - -[205:1] Celibacy was habitually practised by some; others devoted their -lives to the poor. Many converts like Cyprian sold their possessions for -the needy. Still others like Origen mutilated themselves. - -[205:2] Irenaeus, _Against Heresy_, i., 24; Epiphanius, _Heresy_, 23. - -[206:1] Rufinus, _Concerning Ascetic Life_, 30; Socrates, iv., 23; -Sozomen, i., 14. See Montalembert, i., 227. - -[206:2] Augustine, _Confessions_, viii., 15. - -[206:3] Harnack, _Monasticism_, 27. - -[206:4] _Ibid._, 47. - -[207:1] Sozomen, vi., 33; Tillemont, _Mem._, viii., 292. - -[207:2] Severus, _Dialogues_, i., 8. - -[207:3] Evagrius, _Ch. Hist._, i., 13, 21; ii., 9; vi., 22; Theodosius, -_Philoth._, 12, 26; Nilus, _Letters_, ii., 114, 115; Gregory of Tours, -viii., 16. - -[207:4] Augustine, _City of God_, i., xiv., ch. 51. - -[207:5] Tillemont, _Mem._, viii., 633. - -[209:1] The rule of St. Oriesis is little more than a mystical praise of -asceticism. - -[209:2] Socrates, iv., 23; Sozomen, i., 14. - -[209:3] Gwatkin, _Arianism_. - -[209:4] Sozomen, iii., 14. - -[209:5] Hergenroether, 452. - -[210:1] Theod., _Hist. Rel._, 30; Augustine, _De Mor. Eccl._, i., 31. - -[210:2] Sozomen, iii., 14; vi., 32. - -[210:3] A follower of Hilarion. Made bishop of Cyprus in 367. - -[210:4] Sozomen, vi., 32. - -[210:5] _Ibid._, vi., 32. - -[210:6] Eusebius, viii., 13; Socrates, iv., 36; Sozomen, vi., 38. - -[210:7] Sozomen, vi., 32. - -[210:8] Theodoret, _Hist. Eccl._, ch. 26. - -[210:9] Smith, _Rise of Christ. Monast._, 48. - -[211:1] Augustine, _De Mor. Eccl._, p. 33. He had been in Gaul in 337 -and 338. - -[211:2] Ambrose, _Letters_, 63, 66. - -[211:3] Augustine, _Confessions_, viii., 15. - -[211:4] Montalembert, i., 291-300. - -[211:5] Jerome, _Letter_ 127. - -[211:6] Jerome, _Letter_ 23. - -[211:7] Montalembert, i., 291; Jerome, _Letter_ 26. - -[211:8] Jerome, _Letter_ 96. - -[212:1] Sulpic, Severus, _Life of St. Martin_. - -[212:2] See Ozanam, _Hist. of Civ. in the 5th Cent._ - -[212:3] Mosheim, bk. ii., cent. 5, part 2, ch. 3, Sec. 12, tells of a -German fanatic who built a pillar near Treves and attempted to imitate -the career of Simeon Stylites, but the neighbouring bishops pulled it -down. - -[213:1] Cassian, _Inst._, ii., 2; St. Benedict, _Rule_, ch. 1; Jerome, -_Ep._, 95. - -[213:2] Gregory I., _Dialogues_, bk. ii. See Montalembert, i., bk. 4. - -[214:1] Henderson, 274, _Rule of our most Holy Father Benedict_, Lond., -1886; Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 11. - -[215:1] Doyle, _The Teaching of St. Benedict_, Lond., 1887. - -[216:1] Lea, _Sac. Cel._, 116. See _Cath. Encyc._ - -[216:2] Stephen, _Essays in Eccl. Biog._, 240. - -[216:3] It was boasted that no less than twenty Emperors and forty-seven -kings cast aside their crowns to become Benedictine monks, while ten -Emperors and fifty queens entered convents, but it is impossible to -discover them. - -[217:1] Milman, iii., 88. - -[217:2] Schaff, iii., 173. - -[218:1] The vast amount of legislation on this point is very indicative. - -[218:2] Gregory, _Letter_ v., 1; i, 42. - -[218:3] This right was prohibited in the 11th and 12th centuries, but -Innocent III. granted the permission in certain cases. - -[219:1] Cod. Theodos., xii., 1, 63. - -[219:2] See the works of Sulpicius Severus for attacks on the monks in -Gaul and Spain. - -[220:1] _Against Jovinian_ (392). - -[220:2] The attack is found in two works, _Against Helvidius_ (383) and -his _Apology_. - -[220:3] Gilly, _Vigilantius and His Times_, Lond., 1844. See Jerome's -writings. - -[220:4] _Against Vigilantius_ (406). - -[220:5] Epiphanius, _Heresies_, 75. - -[221:1] Harnack, _Monasticism_, 65. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -SPREAD OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH OVER EUROPE - - OUTLINE: I.--Extent of Christianity under Gregory the Great. - II.--Character of missionary work from the sixth to the tenth - century. III.--Conversion of the British Isles. - IV.--Conversion of the Franks. V.--Conversion of the Germans. - VI.--Conversion of Scandinavia. VII.--Planting of the Church - among the Slavs. VIII.--Efforts to convert the Mohammedans. - IX.--Sources. - - -From the outset the Christian Church was imbued with a most intense and -burning general missionary zeal. The command came in very distinct terms -from the Master himself.[229:1] But there was no recognised principle of -propagandism and no special organisations to carry on the work. Each -Christian felt the individual obligation to win his fellows to the new -faith. Separate churches no doubt naturally felt the necessity of some -corporate action to convert the heathen in the neighbourhood. Prayers, -indeed, for the conversion of the heathen were early made an integral -part of the liturgies of the Church, East and West.[229:2] The actual -diffusion of Christianity, however, proceeded in a special sense from -the evangelical labours of the individual bishops[229:3] and the -clergy. In fact missionary work was regarded as one of their specific -duties handed down from the Apostles. With the development of the -organisation of the Church and the appearance of patriarchs arose the -thought that it was the duty of these powerful centres to carry on -missionary activity in foreign fields. Monasticism was early utilised -for this important work. It must never be forgotten that the aggressive -evangelising efforts of the early Church were mainly those of the West, -and here is seen another powerful factor in the rise of the mediaeval -Church. - -The conception early developed in the Church that the spread of God's -Kingdom on earth was a warfare. That idea was founded on the words of -Jesus,[230:1] on the assertions of the Apostles, and on the sacrifices -of the early martyrs. Monasticism made this conviction peculiarly -personal. The organised Church asserted it on every occasion. The -conversion of the barbarians was viewed, in a broad sense, as an -invasion and a conquest. It was a campaign with all western Europe as -its field. In time it covered six centuries or more. The generals, the -able strategists, were the competent and zealous Roman pontiffs, and the -subordinate officers were emperors, kings, princes, bishops, and abbots. -The army was that great host of devoted monks, of consecrated priests, -and earnest Christian laymen. The weapons in the hands of these -conquerors were Christian love and sympathy. They were driven on by an -irresistible zeal for saving souls. They were clothed in the power of -poverty, austerity, suffering, obedience, and self-denial. The conflict -was one which, in its outcome, was to shape the destiny of the world. - -The man above all others who was carried away by this dream of duty for -the Church militant in winning those outside the true Church to -membership, was the monk-Pope, Gregory the Great. Pagan Rome had failed -to make a complete and permanent conquest of the barbarians. Christian -Rome, inspired by this master spirit, was to succeed in conquering both -the bodies and the souls of the barbarians, and to use them for her own -glory. - -When Gregory the Great died in 604, Christendom practically covered the -Roman Empire and at certain points extended beyond it. Those who bore -the name Christian included Jews, Romans, Greeks, Celts, and Germans. -The Christian world was already divided into two great branches--the -Eastern, or Greek Church, and the Western, or Roman Church,--which were -becoming more and more pronounced in their differences. - -The Christian missionary work, from the sixth to the twelfth century, -must be viewed broadly as a process of civilisation, since the -missionaries carried with them intellectual light, as well as spiritual -truth, and paved the way for law and justice. They opened up channels -through which the higher ideals and better institutions of the south -might work northward to revolutionise agriculture, trade, social life, -and general economic conditions. "The experience of all ages," said -Neander, "teaches us that Christianity has only made a firm and living -progress, where from the first it has brought with it the seeds of all -human culture, although they have only been developed by -degrees."[231:1] - -Mediaeval conversion to Christianity was, as a rule, tribal, or national, -rather than individual, or personal, and consequently it took some time -before satisfactory fruitage was noticeable in the lives of the people. -But it was a great victory to substitute the Christian for the pagan -ideal. The agencies employed to carry out this process of conversion -were: (1) missionaries, mostly Latin, Celtic, English, German, Greek, -and Slavic monks; (2) the sword in the hands of a stern ruler; (3) the -marriage of Christian women to pagan kings and princes; and (4) the -recognised superiority of Christianity, Christian institutions, and -Christian nations. It must be borne in mind, likewise, that some of the -German tribes settled in the very heart of Christendom where Christian -influences could operate directly and immediately. - -The earliest successful conversion of the Teutons was to Arianism. That -work was begun at least as early as the time of Constantine, because a -Gothic bishop sat in the Council of Nicaea (325). Bishop Ulfilas (d. -381), the "Apostle to the Goths," called by Constantine the Great "the -Moses of the Goths,"[232:1] translated the Bible into Gothic[232:2] and -won his countrymen to Arianism. St. Chrysostom in 404 established in -Constantinople a school for the training of Gothic missionaries.[232:3] -The Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Burgundians, and Vandals all embraced that -faith. But the fervent and more aggressive missionary zeal of Rome -gradually replaced Arianism in western Europe with orthodox -Christianity--the Burgundians in 517, the Suevi in 550, the Visigoths -in 587, the Lombards, the last stronghold of Arianism in the West, in -the eighth century. - -The unparalleled missionary activity of the Roman Church was due of -course primarily to religious enthusiasm, but other causes must also be -taken into account. As a matter of self-preservation to protect herself -from the inveterate paganism of the ancient world, on the one hand, and -from the torrent of barbaric invaders, on the other, the conflict was -thrust upon Rome and she must conquer or perish. Again the development -of the hierarchy along the lines of the Petrine theory made it -imperative that Rome should win and rule the West. The wise policy of -winning kings first and nations afterwards was simply adopted from Roman -imperial practice but it was eminently successful. It likewise enabled -the Pope of Rome to control all missionary enterprise from his -ecclesiastical capital, and to employ it for the further extension of -the papal prerogative. - -The results of the spread of Christianity over the Graeco-Roman world -have already been considered. That conquest decidedly modified the -Apostolic Church in organisation, in ceremony, and in doctrine, and laid -the foundations for the Roman and Greek Churches. The Romanised, -monasticised Christian Church over which Gregory the Great ruled reveals -the product of all these early influences. The conversion of the Teutons -to Roman Christianity marks another new epoch not only in the history of -the Church, but also in the history of the world. Just as from the -Apostolic Church emerged the Roman Church with its pronounced -differences, so from the Roman Church evolved the Teutonic-Roman Church, -which in turn was strikingly unlike its prototype in several -particulars. The Germanised Roman Church declared its absolute -independence of the Eastern Emperor and launched out on a new world -career. The product of all these elements was the mediaeval Church which -stood for primitive Christianity modified first by a growth covering -five centuries through a stratum of Roman civilisation, and secondly for -seven centuries through a superimposed stratum of Germanic civilisation. - -When the pagan Franks began their conquest of Gaul (486), they -encountered a civilisation that was nominally Christian. Their king, -Clovis, married Clotilda, a Christian princess, the daughter of the -Burgundian king[234:1] (493). She no doubt laboured with her lord and -master to induce him to embrace her faith. He permitted his child to be -baptised in accordance with the Christian rite and tolerated Christian -priests and monks as a matter of policy, but that was all. At length in -a battle with the stubborn Alemanni, Clovis, hard-pressed, prayed to the -Christian God and promised to turn Christian himself in exchange for -victory. His foes fled and left him conqueror. True to his vow, Clovis, -after receiving instruction from Bishop Remigius of Rheims, was baptised -on Christmas day 496 and with him 3000 warriors. This important event, -"the first step toward the world-historical union of Teutonic -civilisation with the Roman Church,"[234:2] paved the way for Charles -the Great, and made possible a Christian France. This event was a -significant victory for the Nicene Creed and for the Pope of Rome. -Orthodoxy and Roman dominion now advanced side by side with Frankish -conquests until both became absolutely independent of the imperial -power in the East.[235:1] - -The Romans abandoned the island of Britain in 409 for ever. About 450 -the pagan kinsmen of the Franks, namely the Angles, Saxons, Jutes, and -Frisians, crossed to Britain and there found the Christian Church -already planted.[235:2] They drove it back to Wales, Ireland, and -Scotland, or crushed it out altogether. The Christian Celts, who were -thus treated, made no effort at first to convert their heathen -conquerors.[235:3] That was left to missionaries from Rome under the -leadership of the monk Augustine. Bede, the venerable Church historian, -tells the pious tale of how Gregory the Great, before being made Pope, -saw in the slave market of Rome some boys "of a white body and fair -countenance" and forthwith became so deeply interested in them and their -land that he begged the Pope to send him as missionary to -Britain.[235:4] The Romans, it is said, refused to allow him to go, and -soon honoured him with the tiara of St. Peter. As Pope, however, he -carried out his intention by sending Augustine, a Benedictine abbot, -with forty monks and Gallic interpreters and with letters and a library -of sacred literature, to England in 596 to begin the work.[235:5] - -Now it happened that Ethelbert, the King of Kent, had married Bertha, a -Christian princess from Paris, who had been permitted to take a Gallic -bishop with her to England. Thus the way had been already opened for the -favourable reception of the monks under the guidance of Augustine, which -led in 597 to the conversion of Ethelbert at Canterbury, and with him -nominally the whole kingdom of Kent. At the first Christmas festival -Ethelbert and 10,000 of his subjects were baptised. Thus Roman -Christianity became at once the established state Church and "everywhere -the bishop's throne was set up side by side with the king's."[236:1] -Augustine, as a reward for his successful services, was soon made the -first archbishop of England[236:2] and proceeded to organise the Church -by sending to Rome for more helpers, by appointing bishops and priests -to particular fields of labour, by purifying pagan temples and -dedicating them to Christian services, and by repairing and building -Christian churches and monasteries. As a result of the sincere, -practical measures adopted by Augustine, thousands were soon won to the -new faith and Christianity was permanently replanted in the British -Islands. The work, so well begun, was continued until Sussex, the last -kingdom of the heptarchy, in 604, embraced the popular religion. Pope -Gregory the Great took a keen interest in this grand triumph and made it -contribute to the glory of the Roman Church.[236:3] - -The monks sent to England by Pope Gregory the Great soon came to see -that the Celtic Church differed from theirs in many respects. Augustine -himself, having concluded an alliance between Ethelbert and the Roman -See, held several conferences with the Christian Celts in order to -accomplish the most difficult task of their subjugation to Roman -authority. These differences were largely ritualistic and disciplinary. -The Celtic Christians celebrated Easter according to the calculation of -Sulpicius Severus, while the Romans had another mode of computing the -proper day.[237:1] The Celts appealed to St. John, the Romans to St. -Peter.[237:2] The Celtic Church might be called a monastic Church, since -the abbot ruled over the bishop.[237:3] The Celts shaved the front of -the head from ear to ear as a tonsure, while the Romans shaved the top -of the head leaving a "crown of thorns."[237:4] The Celts permitted -their priests to marry, the Romans forbade it. The Celts used a -different mode of baptism from that of the Romans, namely, single -instead of trine immersion. The calendar for all movable festivals was -not the same. The Celts held their own councils and enacted their own -laws, independent of Rome. The Celts used a Latin Bible unlike the -Vulgate, and kept Saturday as a day of rest, with special religious -services on Sunday.[237:5] Notwithstanding these variances, which do -not seem to be at all on the fundamentals, there were many doctrinal and -constitutional resemblances. Both churches were orthodox; both used a -Latin ritual[238:1]; both had developed an episcopal organisation; both -believed in monasticism; and both were actively engaged in missionary -work. Nevertheless the British Christians looked with much disfavour -upon the Augustine mission to convert their pagan conquerors and -oppressors. - -King Ethelbert in 602 arranged a conference of British and Roman bishops -on the Severn in Essex.[238:2] At that gathering Augustine with -unreasonable rigour and haughtiness demanded conformity; the Britains -refused to surrender their independence. To settle the matter Augustine -proposed that an appeal be made to a miracle. Accordingly a blind -Anglo-Saxon was brought in. The Celtic clergy prayed over him in vain. -Whereupon Augustine knelt and prayed, and immediately the blind man was -restored to sight,[238:3] but the Celts refused to accept that act as -final without the consent of a larger representation in the synod. The -next year, therefore, a second council was held at which the persistent -Augustine once more demanded conformity to Roman practices and the -recognition of papal supremacy, and also requested missionary -co-operation, but the Britains, displeased with Augustine's narrow -dogmatism and apprehensive of the loss of their freedom, refused to -submit. "As you will not have peace with brethren," said the stern Roman -monk, "you shall have war from foes; and as you will not preach unto -the English the way of life, you shall suffer at their hands the -vengeance of death."[239:1] When, ten years later, a wholesale Saxon -massacre of British Christians occurred, in which possibly a thousand -priests and monks were slaughtered and many churches and monasteries -destroyed, further conferences were at an end for fifty years. - -It was not until 664 that the famous Council of Whitby was called by -King Oswy of Northumbria in which Bishop Colman and Bishop Cedd, -renowned Celtic divines, defended the British Church; while Bishop -Agilbert, and Wilfred, the greatest English ecclesiastic of his time, -championed Rome. In the discussion about the correct day for Easter, it -was asserted by Wilfred that St. Peter held "the keys to the kingdom of -Heaven." The king then asked Colman and the monks with him whether that -was true, and they were forced to confess that it was. Consequently, -feeling that it was safer to be on the side of Peter, the "doorkeeper," -the king decided in favour of the Church of Rome.[239:2] This was a very -significant victory for the See of St. Peter, because papal supremacy -was now recognised in the British Isles, and likewise for the future of -England, because it opened up a channel through which Roman Christian -civilisation flowed into the British Isles to influence to a greater or -less degree every institution in that country and, later, through the -great empire which England was to build up to carry those cultural -influences around the world. The work of cementing the Latin and Celtic -churches in England into one was completed by Theodorus, the Archbishop -of Canterbury (d. 690), and the Venerable Bede (d. 735). Ecclesiastical -unity hastened political unity in England[240:1] and developed a common -civic life among the divided peoples of the British Isles.[240:2] - -Christianity had early spread from Britain to Ireland. The labours of -St. Patrick[240:3] (d. 493) and the work of St. Bridget, the "Mary of -Ireland" (d. 525), have become classics. The Anglo-Saxon invasion drove -many Christians to Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries, so that by -the seventh century Ireland had become the "Island of Saints" and the -whole island was Christianised. Many famous monasteries were planted, -and an intense missionary zeal had sent to Scotland, North -Britain,[240:4] France, Germany, Switzerland, and northern Italy many -representatives of the Celtic Church. - -In 629, Pope Honorius exhorted the Irish Church to conform to the Roman -Easter day. A Celtic deputation was then sent to Rome and, upon -returning home, reported in favour of the Latin system, which was -adopted first in southern Ireland in 632, then in northern Ireland in -640, and by 704 was generally observed. The Norman Conquest, in 1066, -made the union of Ireland with Rome as well as with England more -complete; but it was left to Henry II., who conquered Ireland in 1171, -to give finality to the dependence of Ireland on Rome religiously and on -England politically. - -Christianity was planted in Scotland during the Roman period.[241:1] An -Irish colony, converted by St. Patrick, settled there in the fifth -century. The labours of St. Ninian (sixth cent.), the work of St. -Kentigern (d. 603), and the activity of St. Columba (d. 597) completed -the conversion of the country. St. Columba was a famous Irish -missionary, who went to Scotland in 563, there converted the king of the -Picts and founded many churches. He made his headquarters on the small -island of Iona on which was planted a monastery famous as a school for -missionaries, as the centre of educational activity, and as the Rome of -the Celtic Church.[241:2] For centuries the Celtic Church maintained its -independence in Scotland, but gradually gave way to the better organised -and more aggressive Roman Church, though the Culdees were not absorbed -until 1332.[241:3] - -The enthusiasm of the Celtic and English Christians soon attained such -proportions that it overflowed and swept back upon the continent like a -mighty tidal wave. The great pioneer in that movement was Columbanus. He -was born in Leinster about 543 and received his monastic education at -Bangor. At the age of forty he conceived the idea of preaching the -Gospel to the pagan German tribes. With twelve young companions he -crossed over to France where they remained several years, teaching the -faith. Then they went to Burgundy where King Gontran persuaded them to -build a monastery. For twenty years Columbanus laboured in the wild -Vosges Mountains, planted the three famous monasteries of Anegray, -Luxeuil, and Fontaines. Luxeuil virtually became the "monastic capital -of France."[242:1] He gave his monks a stringent rule, borrowed from the -rigid discipline of the Celtic monasteries, and he clung to the peculiar -rites and usages of his mother Church. His influence was strongly felt -and an army of disciples gathered around him. From his mountain home he -sent forth reformatory waves that covered all Europe, and posed as sort -of a spiritual dictator of the whole Church. - -Another result of his influence was to incite the enmity of the Gallican -clergy and the Burgundian court. In 602, he was arraigned before a -Frankish synod, but he ably defended his life and his beliefs. This -affront led him to appeal to Pope Gregory the Great in several -interesting letters. At last, in 610, he was banished from the -Burgundian kingdom never to return. He went to Tours, Nantes, Metz, up -the Rhine valley, and into Switzerland where he remained three years -engaged in active missionary work until forced to leave by Burgundian -influence. Crossing the Alps into Lombardy he received an honourable -welcome from King Agilulf and was given a site for the celebrated -monastery of Bobbio where, in 615, he passed away in peace. To him must -be given the credit of opening up Europe to England and Ireland as an -excellent field for foreign missions.[243:1] - -Gallus,[243:2] an Irish companion of Columbanus, called the "Apostle of -Switzerland," laboured among the Alemanni and Swabians. His monastery of -St. Gall became one of the great centres of learning in the Middle Ages. -He died in 645. Three other Irish monks of note worked in Germany. -Fridolin founded a monastery on the Rhine near Basle. Trudbert went into -the Black Forest and became a martyr to the cause. Kylian, the "Apostle -of Franconia," went to Wuerzburg where he met with considerable success -but lost his life. - -The English were early drawn into this ardent missionary impulse. More -missionaries were sent to Europe in the seventh and eighth centuries -from England than go to-day to foreign fields.[243:3] Willibrord,[243:4] -a native of Northumberland, educated in Ireland, embarked in 690 with -seven assistants for Frisia at the mouth of the Rhine. The native prince -was Radbod, an uncompromising pagan. Acting on the advice of Pepin of -France he went to Rome and was invested with the bishopric of Utrecht. -He then evangelised parts of Frankish Frisia, after which he visited -Denmark. After a zealous career of half a century he died in 740. Other -Englishmen followed in his wake. Adelbert laboured in the north of -Holland, Werenfrid near Elste, and Wiro among the natives of Guldres. -The Ewald brothers were slain by the savage Saxons.[244:1] Wulfram, the -Bishop of Sens, made excellent headway among Radbod's Frisians.[244:2] -Indeed the zeal of these northern missionaries might have planted the -Celtic Church firmly on the continent, had they not been so sadly -deficient in capacity for organisation and had the Pope of Rome not been -so zealously watchful. - -Roman colonies on the Rhine in the third and fourth centuries first -carried Christianity into Germany. In the Council of Arles (314) there -were present a bishop and a deacon from Cologne, and a bishop from -Treves. By the fifth century Christianity had been spread by -Severinus,[244:3] an Italian monk, into Bavaria along the Danube. - -It was really left to St. Boniface,[244:4] the "Apostle of Germany," to -organise and unify the work already done, and to subject the Christian -Church in Germany planted by his predecessors, to Rome. He was a most -remarkable character and played an important part in the -Christianisation of the Teutonic peoples. Born in 680 in Devonshire, -England, of noble Saxon family, he early entered the monastery at -Exeter, where he received an excellent education for that day. He soon -evinced a longing for the life of a monk. His father gave his consent -reluctantly, and he assumed monastic vows in a monastery near -Winchester. He became a famous preacher and expounder of Scripture, and -at the age of thirty was ordained priest. He now felt called upon to -carry the Gospel to the land of his ancestors. Consequently in 716, with -two or three fellow-monks as companions, he crossed from London to -Frisia to begin his missionary labours as the successor of Willibrord, -whose successes had been largely reversed. Radbod, the baptised Frisian -king, had backslid when he learned that his pagan forefathers were among -the damned. He declared that he preferred "to be there with his -ancestors rather than in heaven with a handful of beggars."[245:1] Hence -he had devastated the Christian churches and monasteries, and was now at -war with Charles Martel. King Radbod met Boniface, but refused to permit -him to preach, so Boniface returned to England without having -accomplished anything. - -Notwithstanding the failure of this first enterprise, Boniface left -England again in 718 and for ever; and now went through France to Rome -to obtain papal sanction for his future missionary work. Pope Gregory -II. formally commissioned him as missionary to the German tribes (719). -Armed with that letter and many precious relics, he started north the -following spring to his field of labour. First, he went to Thuringia and -Bavaria, regions already partly Christianised, but at this time -considerably disorganised, and demanded their submission to Rome; then, -learning of King Radbod's death (719), he hastened to Frisia, where he -laboured for three years with Willibrord, who had meantime returned to -continue his labours. In 722 he passed through Thuringia and entered -Hesse where, within a short time, he converted two local chiefs together -with many thousands of their followers. A foothold was thus secured by -Rome in the pagan world of Germany and never again lost. - -These successes led the Pope to recall Boniface to Rome to receive -directions concerning conditions in Germany. After exacting from him a -confession of faith in the Trinity, and binding him by an oath ever to -respect papal authority,[246:1] the Supreme Pontiff created him -missionary bishop in 723. Boniface then returned to Germany with a code -of laws for the Church, and with letters of introduction to Charles -Martel and to other influential persons who might aid him. He was aware -that little could be done without the assistance of that powerful ruler -and wrote: "Without the protection of the Prince of the Franks, I could -neither rule the people of the Church, nor defend the priests or clerks, -the monks or handmaidens of God; nor have I the power to restrain pagan -rites and idolatry in Germany without his mandate and the awe of his -name."[246:2] Hence he attached himself for awhile to the court of the -Frankish ruler before he began the work so near his heart. Hesse and -Thuringia, Christianised nominally by Celtic missionaries and -consequently under no episcopal authority, refused to recognise papal -jurisdiction. To awe them into submission, Boniface cut down their -gigantic sacred oak at Geismar and from it, subsequently, built a chapel -to St. Peter. The people were convinced and received the new faith. -With the aid of Charles Martel, the assistance of the pope, and the -help of English missionaries who joined him, Boniface completed his -conquest of that region, filled it with churches and monasteries, and -extended papal rule over it. Schools were established, learning and a -higher civilisation began to flow in from England and Rome, and the dark -days of paganism were gone. - -As a reward for his labours, Pope Gregory III., who received the papal -crown in 731, raised Boniface in 732 to the dignity of missionary -archbishop. This new authority enabled him to coerce refractory bishops -who thwarted his efforts. Five years later, Boniface made his third and -last visit to Rome, not now as an obscure missionary but with a great -retinue of monks and converts. Once more returning to Germany with -authority, he organised the Church in Bavaria (739) and thus curtailed -ecclesiastical lawlessness by creating four bishoprics: Salzburg, -Friesingen, Passau, and Regensburg. In the year 742, continuing the work -of organisation begun so well in Bavaria, he succeeded in creating in -central Germany the bishoprics of Wuerzburg, Buraburg, Erfurt, and -Eichstaedt. To organise the Church and regulate ecclesiastical affairs, -he held numerous synods. At the same time, he laboured hard to enforce -celibacy, to restore Church property alienated by rulers, and to -suppress heresy. In 743, he was made archbishop of Mainz, with -jurisdiction over a region from Cologne to Strassburg and from Coire to -Worms, and now sought to complete the work of consolidating the German -Church. By this time, he had become not only the head of the Church in -Germany, but was recognised as a powerful factor in political matters. -It is even reported that he crowned Pepin at Soissons (752).[248:1] The -great monastery of Fulda was founded (744) and it was destined to become -the head of the Benedictine institutions in Germany. Having appointed -Lull as his successor at Mainz, he resigned in 754, returned a third -time to Frisia as a missionary, and there was slain in 755 as a martyr -to the Christian cause. Boniface did more than any other one individual -to carry Christianity to the German peoples and to tie the Church of -Germany firmly to the papal throne. He was a civiliser and law-giver as -well as a Roman missionary.[248:2] After the Apostle Paul he was -probably the most eminent in missionary endeavour. - -His work was continued by his disciple Willibald (b. 700), a relative, a -pilgrim to Rome and the Holy Land, and a Benedictine monk, who was made -bishop of Eichstaedt (741). He called his brother, sister, and others -from England as missionaries into Germany. He founded Benedictine -monasteries, and it is thought by some that he wrote a biography of his -great leader (d. 781). Gregory, an abbot of Utrecht, a Merovingian -prince converted by Boniface, worked with his master and took charge of -the Frisian mission after his death (755). Sturm, the first abbot of -Fulda (710-779),[248:3] a Bavarian nobleman educated by Boniface, had -his teacher's bones buried at Fulda and served for years as a missionary -among the Saxons (d. 779). Charles the Great gave him support and -encouragement. - -Another means used to convert the Germans was the sword. This was -especially true of the Saxons, a sturdy, defiant, warlike people, who -lived in Hanover, Oldenburg, and Westphalia.[249:1] They were the last -to accept Christianity, because they hated the Franks and far-off Rome. -Fruitless efforts to convert them had been made by the Ewald brothers, -Suidbert, and others. The work was left, however, for Charles the Great, -who consumed thirty-three years in subjecting them to Christian rule -(772-805).[249:2] This was done only after five thousand inhabitants had -been massacred at Verdun, ten thousand families had been exiled in 804, -and bloody laws were enacted against relapse into paganism. This new -type of missionary work, which was a radical departure from the -apostolic method, can be excused, perhaps, only when we take into -consideration the moral standards of the age and the motives of Charles -the Great. The best men of the time, however, like Alcuin vehemently -opposed this method. After Charles had subjected the Saxons, he -established among them eight bishoprics, Osnabrueck, Muenster, Minden, -Paderborn, Verdun, Bremen, Hildesheim, and Halberstaedt. - -The Prussians, located to the north-eastward of the Saxons along the -Baltic, stubbornly resisted efforts to Christianise them. Adelbert, -Bishop of Prague (997), and his successor, Bruno, were both massacred by -them. At length, a Cistercian monk, who was appointed the first bishop -of Prussia in the twelfth century, made some headway among them, but was -soon compelled to withdraw. Then followed the crusade of the Teutonic -Order (1230-1280) in which the methods of Charles the Great were -employed and with the same results. - -Christianity was first introduced into Denmark in the sixth and seventh -centuries through raids on Ireland, commerce with Holland, and the story -of the "white Christ." Willibrord was the first missionary.[250:1] When -he was expelled from Friesland in 700 he went to Denmark, where he was -received with favour by King Yngrin, organised a church, and bought -thirty boys to be educated as missionaries. St. Sebaldus,[250:2] the son -of a Danish king, was a product of this early missionary effort. Charles -the Great ruled part of Denmark, carried on extensive trade with the -people, located churches in Holstein and at Hamburg, and planned to -convert all the Danes.[250:3] Louis the Pious, appealed to by King -Harold Klak[250:4] to settle a family feud, sent Archbishop Ebo of -Rheims and Bishop Halitgar of Cambray to Denmark in 822. Ebo made -several journeys, later preached extensively, won many converts, -baptised them, and built a church at Welnau. When, in 826, King Harold -Klak fled to the Emperor for aid, he, together with his whole family and -train, was converted and baptised at Ingelheim. Upon returning, the King -took with him Ansgar, a Frank born at Amiens (800), who had been early -trained as a missionary teacher and preacher, and who was to win the -title of "Apostle of the North." He laboured in Denmark with some -success, but in 829 was expelled, when Harold Klak was once more driven -out, and went to Sweden until he was elected bishop of Hamburg in 831 -with all Scandinavia as his see. In 846, Bremen was united to Hamburg -and Ansgar was made archbishop. He soon succeeded in planting -Christianity and with it monasticism in Denmark. His successor, -Archbishop Rimbert (865-888), continued the spread of Christianity -undisturbed; and his successors Adalgar (888-909), Unni (909-936), and -Adaldag (936-988), had a comparatively clear field. The last of these -saw the consecration of four native bishops, an increase in the -possessions of the Church, and an organised struggle against heathenism. -When the Danes made a conquest of England, the results were seen in the -conversion of King Swen, a zealous worker for the Church, and his son -Canute (1019-1035), who completed his father's work with the aid of -English missionaries. So strong was the Church in Denmark by the twelfth -century that a separate archbishop was appointed. The supremacy of the -Roman Church was recognised. - -The conversion of the Northmen has an interesting history.[251:1] The -political situation in the tenth century opened the way for the -introduction of Christianity. Hakon the Good, educated in England as a -Christian, conquered and united all Norway, converted his followers, -called over priests from England, and sought to force Christianity upon -all his people, but in this failed. The sons of Eric, also Christianised -in England, wrested the throne from Hakon the Good in 961, and likewise -tried to uproot paganism, but they, too, were unsuccessful. Olaf, of -romantic career, was called in 995 to rule. He, likewise, waged a -crusade in behalf of Christianity and with such success that when he -died in 1000, it had been permanently established. Olaf the Saint -(1014-1030), however, completed the Christianisation of Norway and put -it under the protection of the Archbishop of Bremen-Hamburg.[252:1] - -As early as the eighth century, Culdee anchorites were accustomed to -retire to Iceland from Scotland. In the ninth century Norwegians began -to flee thither from the tyranny of their kings. Most of these emigrants -were pagans, but one Norwegian convert in Saxony persuaded Bishop -Frederick to go with him to Iceland where the bishop remained four -years, but made little impression. Thougbrand journeyed thither in the -tenth century, but likewise largely failed in his efforts. After the -conversion of Norway, however, the intimate relations with Iceland soon -produced different results. Christianity spread so rapidly that in 1000 -the Christian religion was made the state religion. The first church -built on the island was from timber sent by Olaf the Saint.[252:2] - -Greenland was discovered and colonised by the bold Icelander, Eric the -Red, in 986, and Eric's son was sent over by Olaf to plant the Christian -Church there in 1000. The Church flourished there for four hundred years -until disrupted by the Esquimos. About the year 1000 Vinland was -discovered and thus the Gospel was known on the coast of New England -five centuries before Columbus appeared.[253:1] - -Like the Danes, the Swedes learned of Christianity through wars and -conquests, and commercial relations. Bjoern, the Swedish King, asked -Louis the Pious to send him Christian missionaries. Accordingly in 829 -Ansgar, expelled from Denmark, went to Sweden where he laboured two -years with some success. Five years later he sent Gautbert and Nithard -to Sweden with a number of priests, but the pagan uprising killed all -the priests and soon swept away all traces of Christianity. In 848 -Ansgar made a pompous visit to Sweden again with costly presents and -letters, and reopened the field for missionary work. By the eleventh -century, the King of Sweden and his sons were baptised, and the work was -pushed with renewed vigour, although it was not until the middle of the -twelfth century that the conversion of Sweden was completed. - -In the time of Charles the Great, the Slavs were located along the -eastern side of his Empire; the Wends along the Baltic Sea between the -Elba and the Vistula; the Poles along the Vistula; the Russians behind -the Poles; the Czechs in Bohemia; and the Bulgarians back of the Danube -and Balkan Mountains. Charles the Great had attempted to force the Wends -to accept Christianity, but with no success. Otto the Great conquered -them and likewise sought to convert them. He located bishoprics at -Havelburg, Oldenburg, Meissen, Merseburg, and Zeitz, and an -archbishopric at Magdeburg in 968 with Adalbert as the first archbishop. -Reaction began in the time of Otto II., under the leadership of -Mistiwoi, an apostate Christian, in which churches and monasteries were -burned, and priests and monks killed (983).[254:1] Later, Gottschalk, -his grandson, an educated Christian monk, angered at the murder of his -father (1032), led an anti-Christian crusade, but was defeated and then -repented and ever after laboured hard to establish Christianity. The old -bishoprics were restored and new ones created at Razzeburg and -Mecklenburg; five monasteries were built; missionary work was -encouraged; the liturgy was translated into Slavic; and the Church in -that region became wealthy and powerful. But the heathen party, in a -general uprising, killed Gottschalk and his old teacher (1066), -destroyed the churches and monasteries, and once more slew the priests -and monks. The final Christianisation of the Wends, therefore, did not -take place until the middle of the twelfth century. - -Charles the Great subjugated the Moravians, directed the Bishop of -Passau to establish a mission among them, secured the conversion of -their chief, Moymir, and founded the bishoprics of Olmuetz and Nitra. -Louis the German deposed Moymir on suspicion of treason and elevated -Radislaw to power, but he soon turned against his benefactor and -defeated him, formed an independent Slavic kingdom on the eastern -boundary of Germany, and sent for Greek missionaries, two of whom, -Cyrillus and Methodius, brothers and educated monks, were sent by the -Greek Emperor Michael III. in 863.[254:2] Cyrillus understood the Slavic -tongue and invented an alphabet and translated the liturgy into Slavic. -He preached and celebrated service in the language of the people, and -had a most able assistant in Methodius. They were very successful in -their labours and built up a national Slavic Church. The German priests -who had been labouring there for some time were driven out, and with -them disappeared the Latin liturgy. Seeing their great success, Pope -Nicholas I., in 868, invited them to Rome and won them to a friendly -arrangement. There Cyrillus died in 869 but Methodius was returned as -the Roman Archbishop of Pannonia. The Pope agreed both to the use of -Slavic in the mass and to the independence of the Slavic Church under -papal control. Ten years later Methodius made a second visit to Rome and -a second agreement was entered into, satisfactory to both Rome and -Moravia. He died before the ninth century ended, and before the close of -the tenth century the Latin Church had replaced the Slavic. The expelled -Slavic priests fled to Bulgaria to build up a new Church. - -Neither Charles the Great, nor his son Louis, was able to conquer the -Bohemians. When Bohemia became a dependency of Moravia, however, the way -was opened for the introduction of Christianity. The Bohemian Duke -Borziway and his family were converted, but reaction followed under -Boleslav the Cruel. Otto I. in 950 completely defeated Boleslav, -recalled the priests, and rebuilt the churches. The bishopric of Prague -was established in 973, and under Archbishop Severus (1083) general laws -were enforced concerning Christian marriage, observance of the Sabbath, -and morality. The Latin language and the Roman ritual prevailed in the -Bohemian Church.[255:1] - -The first missionaries to Poland were Slavic, perhaps Cyrillus and -Methodius. With the break-up of the Moravian kingdom, many nobles and -priests fled to Poland and were kindly received. In 965 a Bohemian -princess married Duke Mieczyslav and took priests with her. The Duke was -converted and baptised and paganism was destroyed by force. The Church -was then organised on the Latin-German model, and German priests were -introduced. The first Polish bishopric was established at Posen subject -to the Archbishop of Magdeburg. But it was to take many additional years -before Roman Christianity was firmly established. - -The Bulgarians, Slavic in institutions, but not in origin, captured -Adrianople in 813 and carried away many Christian prisoners, among whom -was the bishop himself, who began the conversion of their captors. In -861 a Bulgarian princess, returning from captivity in Constantinople as -a Christian missionary to her own people, converted her brother, the -Duke Bogoris. This work was supplemented by Methodius, who was sent -there in 862 to help on the good work, and by other Greek missionaries -who followed him. In 865 the baptised Duke of Bulgaria wrote to Pope -Nicholas I. for Roman missionaries and asked one hundred and six -questions about Christian doctrines, morals, and ritual. The Pope sent -two bishops and elaborate answers to the questions,[256:1] but the Greek -faith finally predominated. - -The Magyars, who entered Europe in the ninth century and in 884 settled -near the mouth of the Danube, finally located in present Hungary. They -first learned of Christianity at the Byzantine court. In Hungary, -however, they came in touch with the Roman missionaries. Otto the Great -compelled them to receive missionaries from the Bishop of Passau. When -Prince Geyza married a Christian princess, their conversion was rapid -and complete. Adalbert of Prague visited the country and made a great -impression. King Stephanus (997) made Christianity the legal religion, -enforced the German ecclesiastical system, formed ten bishoprics, -located an archbishopric at Grau on the Danube, built churches, schools, -and monasteries, and received a golden crown from Pope Sylvester II. in -1000 as "His Apostolic Majesty."[257:1] - -The Russians claimed St. Andrew for their apostle but probably actually -learned of Christianity from Constantinople in the ninth century. -Photius, in 867, told the Pope that the Russians were already -Christians. A church was built at Kieff on the Dnieper, the Russian -capital, and in 955 the grand-duchess, Olga, journeyed to Constantinople -and was baptised. Grand-Duke Vladimir, the grandson of Olga, established -Christianity at one sweep when he married Anne, the daughter of Emperor -Basil and was baptised at his wedding in 988. Churches, schools, and -monasteries spread rapidly all over the country, but the Greek Church -instead of the Roman was firmly planted there, and in 1325, Moscow -became the Russian Rome.[257:2] - -While the Roman Church was winning new subjects all over northern and -central Europe; she was losing nearly as much in territory and numbers -in Africa and Spain. This loss was due to the rise of a rival religion -in Arabia which bid fair to outstrip Christianity in the race for world -conquest. - -Mohammedanism, shortly after its birth (622), began to threaten -Christianity. After having driven the Christian Church from northern -Africa, the followers of Islam overthrew the Visigothic power in Spain -(711) and then swarmed across the Pyrenees to overrun most of France. -The very existence of Christendom was at stake, and the future of Europe -hung in the scales and might have been very different, had not Charles -Martel with his stalwart Christian knights in the bloody battle of Tours -(732) checked the advance of the crescent and forced its adherents to -hastily retrace their steps. The califate founded at Cordova (756) -continued as a standing menace for more than six centuries. Meanwhile -Moslem corsairs scoured the Mediterranean, seized Sicily, and from that -vantage point sought to make a conquest of Italy venturing at times to -the very gates of Rome. - -The contest between the faithful of these two religions, continued for -centuries and attained its climax in the crusades. The followers of each -faith sought to either conquer or exterminate the other. This form of -missionary work was like that employed by Charles the Great against the -Saxons and Otto the Great against the Slavs. The repeated assaults of -Frankish rulers, Spanish princes, and Norman warriors in Italy were -finally successful and Islam was thrust back into Africa, but only to -enter Europe by way of Constantinople. - -In sharp contrast to these harsh methods, there are not a few instances -of devout Christians labouring in love among the followers of the -Prophet to save their souls. Conversions to Christianity were not -infrequent in Spain, Italy, Egypt, and the East.[259:1] The Franciscans -and Dominicans both laboured heroically among the followers of the -Prophet to teach them the higher and better faith.[259:2] - -Notwithstanding the fact that Christianity spread so rapidly throughout -the Roman Empire, yet it must be remembered that more than twelve -centuries were to circle away before the cross was carried to all -European peoples and planted among them. The problem was as difficult as -that encountered to-day in Africa, Asia, and the islands of the seas. By -the twelfth century all Europe, except Lapland and Lithuania had been -won to Christianity. If the number of Christians approximated 30,000,000 -at the death of Constantine, the number at the time of Pope Innocent -III. in 1200 may have been 200,000,000 who came within the direct or -indirect jurisdiction of the Christian Church. The sweeping control of -the Roman Church gathered under her broad aegis possibly 100,200,000. -Through these missionary activities, therefore, the successor of St. -Peter had extended his actual sway until it included all of western and -central Europe with a population as large as that of the Empire of Caesar -at the birth of Christ. - -This unprecedented increase in dominion and subjects carried with it a -corresponding change in the power, duties, wealth, and opportunity of -the Papacy. The Pope of Rome became the greatest force in the West and -one of the greatest in the world. The hierarchy was necessarily -extended and elaborated. The number of officers, both locally and in the -ecclesiastical court at Rome, was greatly increased. The rapid addition -of so many sturdy recruits to the Roman Church, carried on for -centuries, gave the Western Church a pronounced ascendency over the -Eastern Church. Papal prerogatives, which were little more than -assertions in the early period, became realities. As a result of these -heroic and persistent missionary efforts, the mediaeval Church, at the -end of the missionary period, had attained its highest power. - -A stream is coloured and influenced in its purity by the soil and rock -through which it flows. An institution is modified by the peoples -through whom it passes. It is not a matter of surprise to the historical -student, in consequence, to see the Christian Church reflecting the -civilisation through which it grew. Christianity may easily be reduced -to the fundamental Gospel principles taught by Jesus, but in that pure, -simple form it was not spread over the world and perpetuated. -Originating on Jewish soil, it never outgrew the Jewish tinge. During -the post-apostolic period it was powerfully modified by the classical -philosophy of Rome, Greece, and Alexandria. In post-Constantinian times -the multitudes of heathen converted to Christianity introduced heathen -modifications and compromises. The spread of the Church to Teutonic -soil, there to encounter a sturdy barbarism in most intimate relations, -produced modifying influences which can easily be seen in the history of -the Church. The Germanic contribution was to prove to be one of the most -important and influential forces in the whole history of the Church, -because it created, in a large sense, modern civilisation and the -modern Church. - -This period of zealous missionary endeavour among the Celtic and -Teutonic tribes was a great pioneer movement. Far too little attention -has been paid to it by historians and, consequently, comparatively small -credit has been granted to it as a force in the evolution of our -institutions to-day. It is impossible to conceive what would have been -the history of Europe and the civilisation she has planted around the -earth had not Christianity entered at this epoch to lay the foundations. -Every institution would have developed differently and the world would -certainly not be what it is to-day. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I. ENGLAND, IRELAND, AND SCOTLAND. See Gross, _Sources and - Lit. of Eng. Hist._ - - 1.--Gildas (d. 570), _Works_. Transl. by J. A. Giles. Bohn - Lib. - - 2.--Bede (d. 735), _Ecclesiastical History of England_. - Various eds. - - 3.--Neimius (d. 9th cent.). _History of the Britons_ (to 642). - Bohn. - - 4.--Ethelwerd (d. 988), _Chronicle_ (to 959). _Ib._ - - 5.--Asser (d. 909), _Life of Alfred_ (to 893). _Ib._ - - 6.--Geoffrey (d. 1154), _British History_ (to 688). _Ib._ - - 7.--Henry of Huntingdon (d. 1155), _History of England_. _Ib._ - - 8.--Florence of Worcester (d. 1118), _Chronicle_. _Ib._ - - 9.--Earle, J., _Two of the Saxon Chronicles_. Lond., 1865. - - 10.--Plummer, C., _Two of the Saxon Chronicles_. Lond., 1889. - - 11.--Giles, J. A., _Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae_. Lond., 1843-8. - 19 vols. Works of thirteen Fathers. Parts in Eng. - - 12.--The _Pipe Rolls_. Lond., 1884-1900. 24 vols. - - 13.--_English Historical Society Publications._ Lond., 1838-50. - 27 vols. - - 14.--Mason, A. J., _The Mission of St. Augustine to England - according to the Original Documents_. Camb., 1897. - - 15.--Haddan, A. W., and Stubbs, W., _Councils and - Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain and - Ireland_. Lond., 1869-71. 3 vols. Some transl. and fine - Eng. notes. - - 16.--Johnson, J., _A Collection of the Laws and Canons of the - Church of England_ (to 1519). Oxf., 1850. - - 17.--Foxe, J., _Acts and Monuments_. Lond., 1563. Best ed. by - Pratt and Stoughton. Lond., 1877. 8 vols. - - 18.--Gee, H., and Hardy, W. J., _Documents Illustrative of - English Church History_. Lond., 1896. - - 19.--Colby, C. W., _Selections from the Sources of English - History_. Lond. and N. Y., 1899. - - 20.--Lee, G. C., _Leading Documents of English History_. Lond., - 1900. - - 21.--Stevens, H. M., and Adams, G. B. _Select Documents of - English Constitutional History_, N. Y., 1901. - - 22.--Univ. of Pa., _Translations and Reprints_, ii., No. 7. - - II.--FRANCE: - - 1.--Masson, G., _The Early Chroniclers of France_. Lond., - 1879. - - 2.--Gregory of Tours, _Ecclesiastical of the Franks_. Univ. of - Pa. Tr. announced. - - III.--GERMANY: - - 1.--Boniface, _Works_. A few letters translated in preface of - Giles, _Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae_. - - Bibliographical note:--Much valuable material for England has - not yet been translated into English. For France, Spain, - Germany, Scandinavia and the Slavic lands practically all - the material is in Latin. Some of the chief sources are: - Pertz, _Monumenta_; Mansi, _Sacrorum_; Migne, - _Patrologiae_; Niebuhr, _Corpus Byzantinae_; Jaffe, - _Monumenta_ and _Regesta_; Potthast, _Regesta_; Bolland, - _Acta_; Pelzel and Dabrowsky, _Rerum Bohemic._; Huebner, - _Inscriptiones Britanniae Christianae_. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Aikman, J. L., _Cyclopaedia of Christian Missions_. Lond., - 1861. - - 2.--Allen, J. R., _Monumental History of the Early British - Church_. Lond., 1889. - - 3.--Bliss, E. M., _Encyclopaedia of Missions_. N. Y., 1891. 2 - vols. - - 4.--Briggs, F. W., _Missions: Apostolic and Modern_. Lond., - 1864. - - 5.--Burkitt, F. C., _Early Christianity outside of the Roman - Empire_. Camb., 1899. - - 6.--Charles, Mrs. R., _Early Christian Missions in Ireland, - Scotland and England_. Lond., 1893. - - 7.--Choules, J. O., and Smith, T., _Origin and History of - Missions_. Bost., 1842. 2 vols. - - 8.--Hole, C., _Early Missions to and within the British - Isles_. Lond., 1888. _Home Missions in the Early Mediaeval - Period._ Lond., 1889. - - 9.--Kingsmill, J., _Missions and Missionaries_. Lond., 1853. - - 10.--Maclear, G. F., _Apostles of Mediaeval Europe_. Lond., - 1869. _History of Christian Missions during the Middle - Ages._ Camb., 1863. - - _Conversion of the Celts._ Lond., 1879. - - _Conversion of the Slavs._ Lond., 1879. - - _Conversion of the English._ Lond., 1879. - - _Conversion of the Northmen._ Lond., 1879. - - 11.--Merivale, C., _Conversion of the West_. N. Y., 1879. 5 - vols. _The Conversion of the Roman Empire._ Boyle Lect. - Lond., 1864. _The Conversion of the Northern Nations._ - Boyle Lect. Lond., 1865. - - 12.--Newell, E. J., _St. Patrick_. Lond., 1878. - - 13.--Smith, F., _The Origin and History of Missions_. Bost., - 1842. - - 14.--Smith, G., _Short History of Christian Missions_. N. Y., - 1884. - - 15.--Smith, R. T., _The Church in Roman Gaul_. Lond., 1878. - - 16.--Smith, T., _Mediaeval Missions_. Edinb., 1880. - - 17.--Snow, T. B., _St. Gregory the Great_. Lond., 1892. - - 18.--Summers, W. H., _Rise and Spread of Christianity in - Europe_. N. Y., 1894. - - 19.--Taylor, A. T., _How Christianity Conquered the Roman - Empire_. - - 20.--Walrond, T. F., _Christian Missions before the - Reformation_. Lond., 1873. - - 21.--Wyse, J., _Missionary Centres of the Middle Ages_. Lond., - 1872. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adeney, ch. 8. Alzog, ii., ch. 1. Anderson, J., _Scot. in Early - Chr. Times_. Butler, ch. 46-49. Cheetham, ch. 14. Coxe, Lect. - 2, sec. 28-30; Lect. 4, sec. 1-3. Crooks, ch. 31. Darras, i., - 54, 269, 329, 333-336, 399; ii., 254. Doellinger, ii., ch. 2; - iii., ch. 1. Foulkes, ch. 5-10. Fisher, 45 _f._, 145 _f._, 163. - Gieseler, 2d pd., sec. 107, 108, 122-126, 134; 3d pd., sec. 16, - 37-40, 44. Gilmartin, i., ch. 24-26. Godkin, _Hist. of Hung._ - Godwin, _Hist. of Fr._ Greene, _Hist. of M. A._ Guericke, sec. - 65-68. Hardwick, ch. 1, 5, 9, 13. Hase, sec. 148-156. Hore, ch. - 6, 8. Hurst, i., 556-599, 619. Kurtz, i., 397-401, 440-482; - ii., 1-13. Mahan, bk. 4, ch. 12. Masson, _Early Chroniclers of - Fr._ Milman, i., bk. 3, ch. 2; ii., bk. 4, ch. 3-5. Moeller, - i., 535-541. Neander, iii., 1-84, 271-346. Pressense, bk. i., - ch. 1. Robertson, bk. 2, ch. 13. Schaff, pd. 3, ch. 1, pd. 4, - ch. 3. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[229:1] Matt. xxviii., 19, 20. - -[229:2] Ignatius, _Letter to the Ephesians_, ch. 10. See Smith and -Cheetham, art. on "The Heathen." - -[229:3] An illustration of what must have been a common practice is -found in the case of Eusebius, the Bishop of Vercelli, who made his -cathedral church the centre of a wide missionary field. - -[230:1] Matt. x., 34. - -[231:1] Neander, _Light in Dark Places_, 417. - -[232:1] Philostorgius, _Eccl. Hist._, ii., 5. - -[232:2] To do that Ulfilas had to invent an alphabet. Whether he -translated the whole Bible or only a part of it is unknown, since only -fragments of his work have come down to us. See Schaff, _Companion to -the Greek Testament_, N. Y., 1883, 160; Sozomen, _Eccl. Hist._, ii., 6; -Philostorgius, _Eccl. Hist._, ii., 5; Scott, _Ulfilas, Apostle to the -Goths_, Lond., 1885. - -[232:3] Theodoret, _Eccl. Hist._, v., 30. - -[234:1] On the conversion of the Burgundians, see Socrates, _Eccl. -Hist._, ii., 30. - -[234:2] Richter, 36, n. 6; Bouquet, iv., 49. See Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. -6. - -[235:1] Perry, _Franks_, 488. - -[235:2] Bede, i., 47; Lingard, i., 46; Haddan and Stubbs, i., 22-26; -Pryce, _Anc. Brit. Ch._, 31; Tertullian, _Against Judaeos_, 7; Gildas; -Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 8. The early history of the British Church is -obscure. By the second century the Gospel had spread through the -southern parts of the island. Three British bishops attended the Council -of Arles, 314, and others were present at the Council of Sardica in 347 -and the Council of Rimini in 359. - -[235:3] Bede, i., 22. - -[235:4] _Ibid._, ii., ch. 1. - -[235:5] Bede, i., 25. See _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, 2d ser., xii., -_Epistles_; Haddan and Stubbs, iii., 5; Cheney, _Readings in Eng. -Hist._, N. Y., 1908, 46-52; Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 9; Thorne, _Chronicles -of St. Augustine's Abbey_; Stanley, _Memorials of Canterbury_. See -Allies, _Hist. of Ch. in Eng._ - -[236:1] Bede, i., 26. See Green, _Short Hist. of Eng. People_, ch. 1, Sec. -1. - -[236:2] He went over to Arles, France, to be consecrated. Bede, i., 27. - -[236:3] Bede, i., 32. - -[237:1] Until about seventy-five years previous Rome herself had used -the same method of calculation. Dionysius Exiguus, a Scythian monk, who -instituted the practice of dating events from the birth of Christ, -invented the new method the latter part of the fifth century. See Cutts, -_Aug._, 132. - -[237:2] Skene, ii., 9; Killen, _Eccl. Hist. of Ire._, i., 57. - -[237:3] Bede, iii., 5. - -[237:4] Bede, v., 21. The Greeks shaved the head completely. See Cutts, -_Aug._, 136. - -[237:5] Bellesheim, _Hist. of Cath. Ch. in Scot._, Edinb., 1887-89, 4 -vols., i., 86. - -[238:1] Warren, _Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Ch._, Lond., 1881. - -[238:2] Haddan and Stubbs, iii., 40. - -[238:3] This incident is regarded as an interpolation in Bede's History. -Hook, _Archbishops of Canterbury_, i., 68, 69. - -[239:1] Bede, ii., 2. - -[239:2] _Ibid._, iii., 25, 26. - -[240:1] Greene, _Short Hist. of Eng. People_, ch. 1, Sec. 1. _Cf._ Love, -_Early Eng. Ch. Hist._, Lond., 1893, p. 94. - -[240:2] Hunt, _Eng. Ch. in M. A._, Lond., 1889; Ingram, _Eng. and Rome_, -Lond. and N. Y., 1892; Newell, _Hist. of Anc. Brit. Ch._, Lond., 1887; -Alexander, _The Anc. Brit. Ch._, Lond., 1889; Cathcart, _The Anc. Brit. -and Irish Churches_, Phil., 1893; Soames, _The Lat. Ch. during -Anglo-Sax. Times_, Lond., 1848. - -[240:3] Todd, _St. Patrick the Apostle of Ireland_, Dub., 1864; Sherman, -_Loca Patriciana_; Wright, _The Writings of St. Patrick_, Lond., 1889, -2d ed., 1894; Stokes, _Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, Lond., 1887; -Cusack, _Life of St. Patrick_; De Vinne, _Hist. of Irish Prim. Ch._, N. -Y., 1870; Killen, _Eccl. Hist. of Ire._, Lond., 1875; Stokes, _Ireland -and the Celtic Ch._, Lond., 1886; Olden, _The Ch. of Ireland_, Lond., -1892; Sanderson, _St. Patrick and the Irish Ch._, N. Y., 1895. - -[240:4] Bede, iii., 13, 19, 21. - -[241:1] Haddan and Stubbs, ii., 103; Forbes, _The Kalendars of Scottish -Saints_; Robertson, _Statuta Ecclesia Scoticanae_; Cunningham, _Ch. Hist. -of Scot._; McLaughlin, _The Early Scot. Ch._; Reeves, _Life of St. -Columba_; Skene, _Keltic Scot._ - -[241:2] Adamnan, _Life of St. Columba_ (ed. by Reeves and Skene); Smith, -_Columba_; Duke of Argyle, _Iona_; Montalemb., iii., 99; _Transl. and -Reprints_, ii., No. 7; Skene, ii., 52. - -[241:3] Calderwood, _Hist. of Kirk of Scot._, Edinb., 1842-49, 8 vols.; -Gordon, _Eccl. Chron. for Scot._, Glasg., 1867, 4 vols.; Lightfoot, -_Leaders in the Northern Ch._, Lond., 1890; Dowden, _The Celtic Ch. in -Scot._, Lond., 1894. - -[242:1] Montalembert, ii., 463. - -[243:1] Univ. of Pa., _Transl. and Rep._, ii., No. 7; see Maclear, -_Apostles of Med. Europe_, 57-72. His life and works are in Migne, vol. -80. - -[243:2] Migne, vol. 113. See _Dict. of Christ. Biog._ - -[243:3] Smith, _Mediaeval Missions_, 112. - -[243:4] Migne, vol. 101. See _Dict. of Christ. Biog._ - -[244:1] Bede, v., 10. - -[244:2] Mabillon, iii., 341-348; Maclear, _Apostles of Med. Europe_, -104-109. - -[244:3] See _Dict. of Christ. Biog._ - -[244:4] His original name was Winfried. At the wish of Pope Gregory II. -he changed it to Boniface in 723. See Cox, _Life of Boniface_, Lond., -1853; Hope, _Boniface_, Lond., 1872. - -[245:1] Discredited by Rettberg, _Kircheng. Deutschl._, ii., 514. -Mabillon, iii., 341, gives an interpolated life. See Maclear, _Apostles -of Med. Europe_, 104. - -[246:1] This oath was similar to that taken by Italian bishops. Neander, -v., 64-67. - -[246:2] Jaffe, _Mon. Magunt._, 157. - -[248:1] Rettberg and modern scholars deny the tradition. - -[248:2] J. A. Giles edited the works of Boniface in 2 vols., in 1844. -His disciple Willibald of Mainz wrote his life. Pertz, _Mon._, ii., 33. -Maclear, _Apostles of Med. Europe_, ch. 8. One of his sermons, on "Faith -and the works of love," is given in translation in Neale, _Mediaeval -Preachers_. - -[248:3] A famous monastery founded by Boniface. - -[249:1] Bede, v., 10. - -[249:2] In 785, two of the most powerful Saxon chiefs, Wittekind and -Abbio, submitted to baptism with Charles the Great as sponsor. - -[250:1] Bede, v. - -[250:2] The patron saint of Nuremberg. - -[250:3] Jaffe, _Mon. Alc._, Ep. 13. - -[250:4] Denmark at this time was divided into many petty kingdoms. - -[251:1] Maclear, _The Conversion of the Northmen_. Merivale, _Conversion -of the Northern Nations_. - -[252:1] _Heimskringla: Chronicle of the Norse Kings._ Tr. by Laing, -Lond., 1844, rev. ed. by Anderson, Lond., 1889, 4 vols. Also tr. by -Morris and Magnusson, Lond., 1891, 2 vols. New ed. by York Powell. See -Carlyle, _The Early Kings of Norway_, Lond., 1875, and Boyesen, _The -Story of Norway_, N. Y. and Lond., new ed., 1890. - -[252:2] The complete record of these early days is given in the _Biskupa -Sogar_, ed. by Prof. Vigfusson, and pub. by the Icelandic Lit. Soc., 2 -vols., 1858-61. See Elton, _Life of Laurence, Bishop of Halar_, Lond., -1890; Maccall, _The Story of Iceland_, Lond., 1887. - -[253:1] See Winsor, _Nar. and Crit. Hist. of Am._, i. - -[254:1] Seized with remorse Mistiwoi tried to make amends, but his -subjects abandoned him. He passed the remaining days of his life in a -Christian monastery. - -[254:2] Tozer, _The Ch. and the East. Emp._, ch. 7. - -[255:1] There are practically no original sources in English concerning -the Slavic missions. Pelzel and Dabrowsky, _Rerum Bohemic. Scriptores_, -contains most of the documents. - -[256:1] Mansi, _Coll. Concil._, xv., 401-434; Harduin, _Coll. Concil._, -v., 353-386. - -[257:1] Thwrocz, _Chronica Hungarorum_ in _Scriptores Rerum -Hungaricarum_, Vienna, 1746-8, i. - -[257:2] The best collection of sources is Stritter, _Memoriae populorum -olim ad Danubium_, etc., Petropoli, 1771, 4 vols.; Karmasin, _Hist. of -Rus._; Mouravieff, _Hist. of the Ch. of Rus._, Oxf., 1862; Stanley, -_Lects. on the E. Ch._, ix.-xii., Lond., 1862. - -[259:1] Muir, _Annals of Early Califate_; Oakley, _Hist. of Saracens_; -Conde, _Dominion of Arabs in Spain_; Freeman, _Hist. and Conquest of -Spain_. - -[259:2] See Chap. xxi. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -SEPARATION OF THE ROMAN AND GREEK CHURCHES - - OUTLINE: I.--Relation of the Greek and Roman Churches before - 325. II.--Effect of the Arian Controversy on the situation. - III.--The history of image worship. IV.--Character and results - of the Iconoclastic Controversy. V.--Final separation. - VI.--Resemblances and differences between the two churches - VII.--Sources. - - -Rome conquered Greece by military force (146 B.C.); meanwhile Greece -made a more thorough conquest of Rome by ideas. While there were many -significant differences in language, customs, education, and -institutions, yet religiously they were united in a twofold way: (1) by -a common paganism, and (2) by Christianity. The East was philosophical, -contemplating, metaphysical, and keen in discrimination; the West was -practical, legal, and aggressively conservative. This difference in -temperament was destined to have marked historical results.[265:1] While -the West produced the mediaeval Church, the East remained comparatively -stationary. When the seat of Roman empire was removed from the Eternal -City to Constantinople in 330, it appeared as if the eastern world had -again become triumphant. - -A divergence between the churches of the East and the churches of the -West, can be detected in the Christian philosophy and Christian theology -from the beginning. The differences became more pronounced as the years -passed by. The Arian Controversy (see Ch. IX.) produced the first crisis -in the breach between Roman and Greek Christianity. The victory won by -the West over the East was only temporary, however, because in the end -the powerful state was arrayed on the side of the Eastern Church. The -adoption of the "filioque" clause to the Nicene Creed by the Western -Church, gave mortal offence to the Greeks. The doctrine of purgatory was -another irreconcilable difference. Theoretically the Church was still -united: (1) in the Emperor who ruled both wings of the old Empire; (2) -in the Pope who pretended to rule over the East and the West; and (3) in -the fundamental Christian principles. While there were still many -resemblances, the differences were also becoming well marked in Church -polity and organisation, in dogma, in rites and ceremonies, in -monasticism, and in missionary activity. - -Among the matters in dispute was the growing differentiation of opinion -on the question of the marriage of the clergy. The Roman Church was much -more strict in the enforcement of celibacy. The two churches refused to -agree on the same universal councils, and, of course, as a result, -accepted an unequal number of canons as valid. Neither could they agree -on the proper day for celebrating Easter. There were also many minor -differences in reference to such trivial things as the tonsure, the -beard, priestly garments, and Lent. Another stumbling-block was set up -when the dispute arose over the sacramental bread in the eucharist. In -the ninth century the Western Church departed from the earlier practice -of using fermented bread and insisted on the unleavened bread as in the -Jewish passover. - -The second crisis in the separation arose in connection with the -Iconoclastic dispute. In the ancient religions, image worship appeared, -but usually in the second stage of development. Max Mueller contends that -in India "the worship of idols is a secondary formation, a later -degradation of the more primitive worship." The ancient Persians had no -images.[267:1] The same was true of the ancient Greeks.[267:2] The -earliest statue in Rome, that of Diana, was between 577 and 534 -B.C.[267:3] The old Germans had neither temples nor images of their -invisible gods.[267:4] Among the Jews, too, reference to images seemed -to point to a later period of their history.[267:5] From the time of the -Maccabees, however, a strong antipathy to images of all kinds -developed.[267:6] Hence Origen asserted of the Jews that "there was no -maker of images among their citizens; neither painter, nor sculptor was -in their state."[267:7] The Jewish Christians, therefore, were imbued -with a strong dislike to all images. Many heathen converts, likewise, -fully appreciating the great difference between the Gospel and the -idolatrous religion which they had forsaken, had the same feeling. -Consequently, it may be said that the early Christians universally -condemned all heathen image worship and all customs connected with it. -The adoration of the reigning Emperors was especially denounced.[268:1] -Christians were at first too poor and obscure to adorn their meeting -places with art. In fact, the pagans accused them of having "no altars, -no temples, no known images." - -There is evidence, however, that the use of images by the Christians -began comparatively early and that it was more marked in the art-loving -East than in the West. Irenaeus (2d cent.) says that a secret sect, the -Gnostics, "possess images, some of them painted, and others formed of -different kinds of material. . . . They crown their images and set them -up along with the images of the philosophers."[268:2] But these Gnostics -were heretics. Emperor Alexander Severus (222-235) had images of several -characters of Scripture including Jesus, in his _Lararium_. But he was a -pagan. The catacombs of the second, third, and fourth centuries are -covered with paintings of sacred emblems, such as the lamb, olive -branch, Christ carrying the cross, anchor, ship, fish, sower, cross, -Christ with the lost sheep on his shoulder, bottle of wine, and other -representations.[268:3] These emblems were used in the first instance in -private houses. The first undisputed proof of the use of art in public -worship among the orthodox is found in a decree of the Synod of Elvira, -Spain, in 306, that "pictures ought not to be placed on a church lest -that which is worshipped and adored be painted on walls."[268:4] -Tertullian (b. 150) says that the communion cup usually bore a -representation of the Good Shepherd.[269:1] He likewise says that the -formation of the cross with the hand was very common. "At every journey -and movement, at every coming in and going out, at the putting on of our -clothes and our shoes, at baths, at meals, at lighting of candles, at -going to bed, at sitting down, whatever occupation employs us, we mark -our forehead with the sign."[269:2] Clement of Alexandria early in the -third century mentions the dove, fish, ship, lyre and anchor as suitable -emblems for Christian signet rings.[269:3] Constantine had the cross set -up beside his own statue, in 312, after the defeat of Maxentius.[269:4] -He also had a costly cross in his palace[269:5] and had the emblem -engraved on the arms of his soldiers.[269:6] Before the middle of the -fourth century, Bible manuscripts were beautifully illuminated and -illustrated. This evidence shows that the use of images in worship began -in the second century and increased with the growth of the Church until -by the fourth century it was a marked institution in Christendom. There -were three distinct phases of its development: (1) the use of the cross; -(2) the employment of emblems and symbols; (3) the appearance of -portraiture and pictorial images. - -The growth of image worship from the fourth to the eighth centuries was -due to certain explainable causes. The victory of Christianity under -Constantine brought a wholesale conversion of pagans to the new faith, -wealth, power, and extraordinary activity in building churches. What was -more natural than that the architectural and artistic ideas of the day -should be employed in beautifying them? The Christian Emperor himself -set the example of using sacred pictures by embellishing his new capital -with religious representations, such as Daniel in the Lion's Den and -Christ as the Good Shepherd. Constantine's successors in showering their -favours upon the Christians, cultivated this practice. It must be -remembered, too, that Christianity had become more material and worldly -than it was in the Apostolic Age. The conversion of the masses to -Christianity was merely nominal and external. What was more natural than -that they should bring with them their pagan ideas and love for show and -ostentation, and that they should clamour for a material representation -of their new faith? - -Following popular opinion and obeying private demands, the clergy -themselves became champions of the use of images. In the West, Pope -Gregory the Great gave his official sanction to the institution. Along -with the use of images grew up, out of the spiritual worship of saints -and martyrs, the worship of their relics and their images, and -pilgrimages to the scenes of their labours. The ignorance and -superstition of the period supplied an excellent atmosphere for this -marvellous evolution. It appears, then, that the Christian Church, -planted in the home of paganism, supported largely by converts from -paganism, in a barbarous, credulous age such as that, naturally -developed and abused the use of art in worship. - -Poetry, music, painting, sculpture, and architecture all are -unquestionably legitimate handmaids of religion and may be made most -serviceable. But the use of images for ornament, instruction, and -enjoyment is one thing; the worship of images is quite another thing. -In the Middle Ages only a few lofty souls here and there took the true -view. Pictures were put into churches not as objects of art, but as aids -and objects of worship. The pictures were reverently kissed, bows and -prostrations were made before them, candles and lamps were used to -illuminate them, and incense was burned to honour them. - -During this period, we have a number of excellent illustrations of image -worship. Constantine used art to beautify his new capital in the East, -and particularly to adorn his palace. Constantia, his sister, asked -Eusebius for an image of Jesus.[271:1] The veneration of the cross -became especially pronounced after its adoption by Constantine, and it -was used in all religious ceremonies as an emblem of the victory of -Jesus over sin and the devil. According to Jerome the sign of the cross -was made, as it is to-day, in witness to written documents.[271:2] -Emperor Julian (361) taunted the Christians thus: "Ye worship the wood -of the cross, making shadowy figures of it on the forehead, and painting -it at the entrance to your houses." St. Chrysostom (b. 347) wrote: - - The sign of universal execration, the sign of extremest - punishment, has now become the object of universal longing and - love. We see it everywhere triumphant. We find it in the - houses, on the roofs and the walls; in cities and villages; on - the markets, the great roads and in the deserts; on mountains - and in valleys; on the sea, on ships; on books and on weapons; - on wearing apparel; in the marriage chamber; at banquets; on - vessels of gold and silver; in pearls; in pictures on the - walls and on beds; on the bodies of brute animals that are - diseased; on the bodies of those pestered by evil spirits; in - the dances of those going to pleasure; in the associations of - those that mortify their bodies.[272:1] - -Nilus, a disciple of Chrysostom, permitted the use of the cross and -pictoral Bible stories in the churches, but opposed images of Jesus and -the martyrs. - -Churches began to be decorated in the fourth century, and in the fifth -paintings and mosaics were introduced. Constantine had "symbols of the -Good Shepherd" placed in the forums of Constantinople.[272:2] The Holy -Ghost was commonly represented as a dove over the altar or the -font.[272:3] The Nestorian Controversy and the Eutychian discussion -helped to introduce pictures of the blessed Virgin and the Holy Child, -Jesus. St. Cyril advocated the use of images in the fifth century so -clearly that he has been called the "Father of image worship." By the -fifth century, churches[272:4] and Church books, palaces and huts, and -cemeteries were covered with images of Christ and the saints painted by -the monks, while representations of the martyrs, monks, and bishops were -found everywhere. Even pictures of the Trinity were in common use. In -the East, women decorated their dresses with personal images and -pictures, such as the marriage feast of Cana, the sick man who walked, -the blind man who saw, Magdalene at the feet of Jesus, and the -resurrection of Lazarus. Portraits of Peter and Paul covered the walls -at Rome. Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Epiphanius, Gregory the Great, and -many others of the Fathers, testified to the widespread employment of -images both for public and for private worship. The ceremony of kissing -the image, of burning incense to it, of bowing before it, and of praying -to it, was gradually developed and became very marked in the sixth -century. The climax, however, was reached in the eighth century when the -paint was literally scraped off the images and put into wine to make it -holier, and when the consecrated bread was laid upon the image for a -special blessing.[273:1] - -When the portrait phase of image worship developed, pictures of -miraculous origin were produced and superstitious practices began to -abound. Not a few pictures of sacred characters were attributed to Luke. -Others were described as "the God-made images, which the hand of man -wrought not." It was but a short step to attribute miracles and cures to -these images of divine origin.[273:2] To the wonder-working pictures was -ascribed motion, speech, and action. Out of such conditions direct -idolatry could easily develop. - -The theory of the educated concerning images differed very much from -that of the ignorant. The images were worshipped by the masses because -it was believed that such worship drew down the saint into the image, an -idea which came from the pagan belief concerning the statues of Jupiter -and Mercury. Leontius, Bishop of Neapolis, near the end of the sixth -century, said: "The images are not our gods; but they are the -representations of Christ and his saints, which exist and are venerated -in remembrance and in honour of these, and not as ornaments of the -church."[273:3] To a hermit who asked for some pious symbols, Pope -Gregory the Great sent a picture of Jesus and images of the Virgin Mary, -St. Peter, and St. Paul, with this admonition: - - I am well aware that thou desirest not the image of our - Saviour that thou mayest worship it as God, but to enkindle in - thee the love of Him whose image thou wouldst see. Neither do - we prostrate ourselves before an image as before a deity, but - we adore Him whom the image represents to our memory as born - or seated on the throne; and according to the representation, - the correspondent feelings of joyful elevation, or of painful - sympathy, are excited in our breasts.[274:1] - -Images were put into churches "only to instruct the minds of the -ignorant." Again, he explained the use of images thus: "It is one thing -to worship a picture and another to learn from the language of a picture -what that is which ought to be worshipped. What those who read learn by -means of writing, that do the uneducated learn by looking at a -picture."[274:2] - -The most eloquent of all the apologists of images, John of Damascus, -gave this explanation: - - I am too poor to buy books and I have no leisure for reading. - I enter the church choked with the cares of the world. The - glowing colours attract my attention and delight my eyes like - a flowering meadow; and the glory of God steals imperceptibly - into my soul. I gaze on the fortitude of the martyr and the - crown with which he is rewarded, and the holy fire of - emulation kindles within me and I receive salvation.[274:3] - -It must be remembered that, however clearly the teachers of the Church -might see the difference between the right use of images to instruct the -unlettered and to excite a spiritual feeling, on the one hand, and a -superstitious worship of images, on the other, the ignorant masses did -not make the distinction in either thought or practice, and therein lay -the great abuse. - -From the death of Gregory the Great in 604 until the outbreak of the -Iconoclastic Controversy in 716, twenty-five Popes ruled in Rome. With -several exceptions they were ecclesiastics of no historical importance. -To say that they lost nothing of the ground gained by Gregory the Great -is to say much for them. But in addition they made some progress in the -evolution of the mediaeval Church. On this question of the use of images -in worship they uniformly continued the policy of Gregory the Great. - -Opposition began as early as the use of images. Irenaeus in the second -century (167) denounced the practice.[275:1] Tertullian (192), quoting -the second of the Ten Commandments, severely denounced all use of images -as sinful.[275:2] Clement of Alexandria (192) took the same view.[275:3] -Origen also based his opposition to the practice upon the Jewish -interpretation.[275:4] Minucius Felix (220) argued that man was the -image of God, hence there was no need of any artificial -representations.[275:5] Lactantius (303) held that since the spirit of -God could be seen everywhere, His image "must always be -superfluous."[275:6] Arnobius (303) took the same view.[275:7] -Christians were told to carry God and His Son in their hearts and not -to attempt to procure their images. The Spanish Synod of Elvira (306) -excluded images from the churches.[276:1] The early Fathers, taken -altogether, looked with but little favour upon the misuse of images in -worship. Eusebius, in replying to the request from Constantia for an -image of Christ, wrote a famous letter in opposition to the practice -which virtually became the platform of the Iconoclastic party.[276:2] -St. Augustine (393) declared that "It is unlawful to set up such an -image to God in a Christian temple."[276:3] Epiphanius (d. 402) with his -own hands tore down a curtain which had an image on it in a little -village church in Palestine. This seems to be the first act of -Iconoclasm.[276:4] Asterius (d. 410), Bishop in Pontus, opposed wearing -Bible pictures on clothing and told his people to wear the image of -Christ in their hearts.[276:5] Xenius (end of sixth century), the -Monophistic Bishop of Hierapolis, destroyed the images of the angels in -his church and hid those of Jesus.[276:6] In 518, the clergy of Antioch -complained to the Patriarch of Constantinople that their Patriarch had -melted down the images of gold and silver hung over the font and the -altar.[276:7] Serenus, Bishop of Marseilles, early in the seventh -century, threw the images out of his churches. Pope Gregory the Great -praised him for his zeal, but still justified the use of images.[276:8] -The Jews and the Mohammedans in the seventh century fiercely assailed -the Christian veneration of images as idolatry. This crystallised the -Iconoclastic elements of opposition into a party. Finally, in the eighth -century, the secular head, Leo III., the Isaurian (716-741), championed -the Iconoclastic cause. His son, Constantine V. (741-775), carried it -forward. The Synod of Constantinople in 754 officially condemned the use -of images,[277:1] and this marks the climax of the movement. - -It was not long now before there appeared in Christendom two distinct -parties: (1) The Iconolatrae, or image worshippers, who were composed of -the leading churchmen like Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, and -John of Damascus in the East; the monks, the common clergy, and the -masses of the common people in the East, and Pope Gregory II. and the -powerful Church of the West. (2) The Iconoclasti, or image breakers, who -included the Emperor and his civil officers; his army, made up mostly of -barbarians and Asiatic heretics[277:2]; a few churchmen like Anastasius, -who succeeded the deposed Germanus, actuated by political motives; and -the Carolingian rulers in the West. - -The conflict was begun by Leo III., the Isaurian, a soldier of fortune, -who through ability as a warrior had won the imperial crown,--a powerful -ruler in falling Greece,--active, sincere, illiterate, honest, despotic, -and unwise. Ambition to convert the Jews, Mohammedans, and Montanists -made him feel keenly the sting of their sarcastic attacks on -images.[277:3] One of his advisers, Beser, was a converted Mohammedan, -who had held numerous interviews with Islam leaders. As a zealous -supporter of the Catholic Church, Leo no doubt sincerely desired to -restore the primitive simplicity of Christian worship. As monarch and -priest, he believed himself called upon by God to root out idolatry. He -was undoubtedly a noble puritan in his purposes and motives and called -himself a second Josiah. - -In 726, he issued the first edict against images, authorising their -destruction[278:1] and the next year the exarch promulgated it in -Ravenna and the West. This was opposed by the patriarch, Germanus, and -most of the clergy; hence, it was enforced only in a few places where -the bishops supported the Emperor. The following incident will -illustrate the popular indignation. Imperial officers were sent to -destroy a fine image of Jesus above the bronze gate of Constantinople, -which the people regarded with unusual reverence. A ladder was put up -and a soldier mounted it to take the figure down. A crowd of women -watching the act begged that the image might be given to them. Instead, -the soldier struck the figure in the face with a hatchet. The women were -enraged, pulled down the ladder, and killed the soldier. The Emperor -sent troops to quell the tumult and to carry off the image, and in its -place he had a cross set up with these words on it: "The Emperor could -not suffer a dumb and lifeless figure of earthly materials, smeared over -with paint, to stand as a representative of Christ. He has, therefore, -erected here the sign of the cross."[278:2] - -Pope Gregory II., upon receipt of the edict, called a synod at Rome to -consider it (726). The synod condemned the Iconoclastic heresy and -confirmed the use of images.[279:1] In 727, the Pope wrote his first -letter to the Emperor.[279:2] It was arrogant and dogmatic, without tact -or persuasiveness. It was full of the most ludicrous historical -blunders, and gave some fantastic interpretations of the Bible. In it, -the Pope justified the use of images, threatened the Emperor with the -power of the West, and told him that his portrait, once honoured -throughout Italy, had been destroyed everywhere. In the second letter, -the Pope plainly told the Emperor: "Doctrines are not the business of -the Emperor, but of the bishops." He declared furthermore that the whole -world was cursing the Emperor. "The very children mock thee! Go into a -school and say 'I am an enemy of images'; the scholars will hurl their -tablets at your head."[279:3] John of Damascus aimed two brilliant and -powerful orations at the Emperor in which is found perhaps the best -defence of image worship. He declared that the pictures were the "books -of the unlearned."[279:4] The professors of the University at -Constantinople declared their opposition to the edict.[279:5] The -inhabitants of Greece used the edict as an occasion for rebellion to -secure fiscal and administrative reforms, and even went so far as to -proclaim a rival Emperor. - -Leo met all this opposition firmly. The Patriarch Germanus was deposed -(730) while Anastasius was put in his place, and the various outbreaks -were at once subdued with a strong hand. An effort was made to either -capture or kill the Pope. The University of Constantinople was closed -and the professors arrested; the Greek rebels were defeated and their -leaders beheaded; and an effort was made to stop the popular John of -Damascus. Leo then promulgated his second edict in 730 for the complete -abolition of image worship. Anastasius, the puppet patriarch, at once -countersigned the edict, and thus gave it ecclesiastical sanction. In -the East it was generally enforced. All images were removed from the -churches and burned; the painted walls were whitewashed over; only the -cross and the crucifix were left; but still the Iconolatrae were far from -being subdued. Meanwhile opposition in the West grew stronger. Gregory -III., the last Pontiff to be confirmed in his election by the Eastern -Emperor, called a council and excommunicated all Iconoclasts.[280:1] In -revenge, Leo sent a fleet against the Pope, which was wrecked, and also -extended the rule of the Patriarch of Constantinople over papal -territory in Greece and southern Italy. This action led the Pope to -begin negotiations with Charles Martel,[280:2] and that opened a new -chapter in the rise of the mediaeval Church and in the world's history. - -In 741, Leo was succeeded by his son, Constantine V., only twenty-two -years of age, a ruler and general of ability, but of low tastes and vile -habits. He became a zealous persecutor of image worship, an idol of the -Iconoclasts, and won the victory for their party. His policy was to -continue his father's work. Consequently in 754, he called a universal -council in Constantinople. Although it was the largest assembly ever -held up to that time, 338 bishops being present, yet neither the Pope, -nor the patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem sent -representatives. Hence, it was not recognised as oecumenical. The use -of images and pictures was condemned as idolatry, and even the crucifix -was put under the ban. "The godless art of painting" was proscribed, and -the leaders of the image worshippers, Germanus, John of Damascus, and -George of Cyprus, were anathematised.[281:1] Backed up by these -measures, the Emperor resolved to root out the evil for ever. All images -were ordered destroyed; all pictures were taken out of the Church books; -all paintings on the church walls were removed; churches were decorated -with trees, fruits, and the chase; transgressors were cruelly punished; -and the citizens of Constantinople had to take an oath never again to -worship an image.[281:2] - -The contest was renewed under Empress Irene (780-802), a young, -beautiful, ambitious, wicked Grecian, who favoured image worship. First, -she proclaimed toleration to both parties; then denied it to the -Iconoclasts. The highest civil dignities were given to the clergy and -monks; and the Patriarch of Constantinople became her prime minister. At -their suggestion, no doubt, she called the Council of Nicaea in 787 to -undo the work of the Council of Constantinople (754). There were present -375 bishops, and Pope Hadrian sent two representatives, but the three -eastern patriarchs were unable to send proxies, so two eastern monks -were appointed to sit and vote for all the patriarchs.[282:1] The -decrees of the Council of Constantinople were nullified because -heretical, and the Iconoclasts anathematised. Then image worship was -defined and authorised.[282:2] Many Iconoclastic bishops were induced to -renounce their heresy, and were freed from the ban. Finally, an image -was brought into the council and fervently and reverently kissed by all -present, after which the council adjourned. - -Leo the Armenian, who seized the throne in 813, was unfriendly to -images. He called a synod of Constantinople in 815 in which the acts of -the second Council of Nicaea (787) were nullified. He forbade the -lighting of lamps and burning of incense before the images and had them -elevated in the churches out of the reach of the people in order to -prevent their worship. But Leo's widow, Theodora, restored the usages. -Thus, after a long, bitter struggle, images were finally restored in the -churches with great pomp and ceremony in 842. The "Festival of -Orthodoxy" is still celebrated on February 19th in the Greek Church. - -After the great victory had been won for images, both the Latin and the -Greek Churches continued their use. The puritanical Iconoclastic -Controversy was in a certain sense the forerunner of the ruthless -destruction of paintings and statues in England, Holland, and Germany -during the Reformation. The Council of Trent passed finally on the -doctrine and use of images in the Catholic Church.[282:3] - -As a result of this controversy, the Eastern Church was greatly weakened -through dissensions, checked in the growth of its organisation, robbed -of its independence, made a mere tool of the state, reformed and -purified even though image worship finally prevailed because it was -better understood, and compelled to recognise the power of the Pope. - -The Western Church, on the other hand, was forced to define the right -and wrong use of images and was weakened somewhat by a schism like that -in the Eastern Church, because the Frankish Church opposed the worship -of images East and West. Pepin had the subject discussed in a synod near -Paris (767), in which sat legates from Rome and Constantinople. It was -decided that "images of saints made up or painted for the ornament and -beauty of churches might be endured, so long as they were not worshipped -in an idolatrous manner." Charles the Great, aided by Alcuin, published -the Caroline books denouncing all abuses in the worship of images, -though tolerating them for ornamentation and devotion.[283:1] The cross -and relics, however, were commended (790).[283:2] The synod of -Frankfort, held in 794, rejected the recommendations of the seventh -oecumenical Council of Nicaea and condemned image worship.[283:3] A -synod of Paris in 827 renewed the action of 794.[283:4] These doctrines -were continued by Agobard of Lyons, Claudius, Bishop of Turin, the -Waldenses in Piedmont, and the Lollards in England.[283:5] - -Furthermore, the controversy enabled the Pope of Rome to declare his -universal supremacy in more sweeping terms than ever and to make it -good in the West. The rise of the Papacy, as the dominating force in the -Church of the West, made the rupture inevitable and permanent. The -series of protests in the East against the assumptions of the See of -Rome prevented any complete and absolute recognition of the supremacy of -the chair of St. Peter. As the years passed, the Eastern Church saw that -independence could be secured against the sweeping imperial claims of -Rome only by a declaration of total separation. The relations between -the East and West were likewise affected in another sense, because they -were separated politically when Charles the Great became Emperor of the -West (800), and were separated religiously when the allegiance of the -Pope was transferred from the eastern authority to the newly created -western Emperor. - -The growing estrangement between the Greek and Roman Churches, which had -its origin in a fundamental difference in character, temperament, and -ideas, became conspicuous in the fourth century, reached an incurable -stage in the ninth century, and culminated in the eleventh century. Pope -Nicholas I. in 863 deposed Photius from the office of Patriarch of -Constantinople. Photius, in the counter synod held in 867, returned the -compliment by deposing the Pope for heresy and schism.[284:1] - -The gulf between the East and West became practically irreparable when -Nicholas I., standing firmly on the Petrine theory and backed up by the -Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, wrote to Emperor Michael: - - You affirm that you and your predecessors have been accustomed - to command us and ours; we utterly deny it. . . . The Roman - Church encompasses and comprehends within herself, she being - in herself the universal church, the mirror and model of that - which she embraces within her bosom. Moreover, this vessel was - shown to Peter alone, and he alone was commanded to kill and - eat; as in like manner, after the resurrection, he alone of - all the apostles received the divine command to draw to the - shore the net full of fishes. And if unto us he committed that - identical commission--which is verily and indeed so - committed--to embrace in our paternal arms the whole flock of - Christ, is it to be believed that we surrender to you any one - of those sheep whom he hath given into our keeping?[285:1] - -In 1054, the Pope excommunicated the patriarch and his whole Church for -censuring the faith of Rome. The courtesy was solemnly returned by -Constantinople against the Roman Church. Other eastern patriarchs -adhered to the See of Constantinople and the rupture was complete. The -sack of Constantinople by Latin Christians in the fourth crusade -(thirteenth century) widened the breach. At the Council of Lyons, 1274, -delegates of the Eastern Empire abjured the schism, by receiving the -Nicene Creed with "filioque" in it and by swearing to conform to the -Roman faith and to accept the supremacy of the Pope, but the eastern -patriarchs refused to do so. When, in 1439 at the Council of Florence, -the Eastern Emperor and churchmen signed a compact of reunion, they were -induced to acknowledge the Pope as the "successor of Peter the chief of -the apostles, and the vicar of Christ, the head of the whole Church, and -father and teacher of all Christians, to whom plenary power was given -by our Lord Jesus Christ to feed, rule, and govern the universal -Church." Other differences were patched up. The Pope, for his part, -agreed to induce the rulers of the West to go to the defence of the East -against the Turks, but failed to make his promise good. The people of -the East were sorely disappointed and forced the repudiation of the -agreement. In 1453, however, Constantinople fell a prey to the -Mohammedan Turks, and the strength of the Eastern Church was broken. In -modern times, papal absolutism and eastern stagnation have prevented the -reunion.[286:1] - -In conclusion, the differences and resemblances between the Greek and -Roman Churches to-day might be stated. The Greek Church rejects the -filioque in the Latin creed; repudiates the immaculate conception of the -Virgin Mary (1854), and denies the infallibility of the Roman Pope -(1870). All the clergy are "popes" in the Greek Church and the lower -clergy are permitted to marry. The Greek Church gives and the Roman -Church withholds the communion wine from the laity. The Greek Church -uses leavened, and the Roman Church unleavened bread in the Eucharist. -The Greek Church holds to the trine immersion in baptism, repetition of -Holy Unction in illness, and infant communion. There is a difference in -rites of worship, in language, in art, in architecture, and in the -vestments employed. But both hold the fundamentals in the Nicene Creed; -both accept all the doctrinal decrees of the seven oecumenical -councils from 325 to 787; both practise image worship[286:2]; both -accept the mediaeval doctrine against which the Reformation protested; -both believe in tradition and the Bible; both believe in the seven -sacraments; both teach transubstantiation; both offer masses for the -dead and the living; both sanction priestly absolution; both have three -orders of ministry; both are episcopally organised on a hierarchical -basis; both have rites and ceremonies that are identical, or at least -similar. All things considered, therefore, it seems that the -resemblances are far more striking than the differences. - -From now on, interest in Church history centres in the Roman Church of -western Europe. The undignified quarrel over images gave the Pope an -occasion to declare his absolute independence of eastern imperial rule. -That fact gave a new bent to the Roman Church, forced upon it a more -genuine unity, compelled it to devote all its energies to the great -problems in the West, and enabled it to attain its acme under Innocent -III. in the thirteenth century. Had the unsatisfactory relationship with -the Eastern Church not been severed the history of the mediaeval Church -in western Europe would have been very different. The separation must be -regarded, therefore, as a factor of no small moment in that process. -While the effective missionary efforts, having their source and purpose -in Rome, were winning all western Europe to a recognition of the Pope's -sovereignty, it was very essential that he should completely accomplish -his independence of Constantinople so that he would have a free hand to -work out the problems of the Western Church. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--See Chapter IX. - - 2.--John of Damascus, _On Holy Images_, Transl. by M. H. Allies. - Lond., 1898. See _Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers_, ix., ch. - 11-16. - - 3.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source Book for Mediaeval History_. N. - Y., 1905. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Bury, I. B., _A History of the Later Rom. Emp._ Lond., - 1889. 2 vols. - - 2.--Finlay, G., _History of the Byzantine and Greek Empires - from 716 to 1453_. Lond., 1854. - - 3.--Hefele, C. J., _History of the Councils_, v., 260. Edinb., - 1871-96. - - 4.--Howard, G. B., _The Schism between the Oriental and - Western Churches_. Lond., 1892. - - 5.--Neal, J. M., _History of the Holy Eastern Church_. Lond., - 1850-73. - - 6.--Oman, C. W. C., _Story of the Byzantine Empire_. N. Y., - 1892. - - 7.--Stanley, A. P., _Lectures on the History of the Eastern - Church_. Lond., 1883. - - 8.--Tozer, H. F., _The Church and the Eastern Empire_. N. Y., - 1888. - - 9.--Wells, C. L., _The Age of Charlemagne_. N. Y., 1898. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adeney, ch. 9. Alzog, ii., ch. 5, p. 138 _f._, 322 _f._ Blunt, - i., ch. 9. Bouzique, i., ch. 2. Brock, ch. 12-23. Butler, ch. - 36, 51, 52, 53. Coxe, Lect. 4, sec. 5. Darras, ii., 310, 324, - 464. Doellinger, iii., ch. 2, sec. 2, 3, 8, 9. Fisher, 63, 117, - 158. Foulkes, 264 _f._ Gibbon, ch. 49, 60. Gieseler, ii., 172, - 199-208. Gilmartin, i., ch. 33. Guericke Sec. 37, 73. Hardwick, - ch. 7. Hase, sec. 140. Hore, ch. 7, 10, 11. Hurst, i., - 510-525. Jennings, i., ch. 8. Kurtz, i., 403-412. Milman, ii., - ch. 7-9. Milner, i., 445-446. Moeller, ii., 13-17, 127, 222. - Mosheim, bk. 3, cent. 8, pt. 2, ch. 3. Neander, ii., 283-296; - iii., 198. Newman, i., 386, 423. Robertson, bk. 3, ch. 4, 7. - Schaff, sec. 100-106. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[265:1] Tozer, _The Ch. and the East. Emp._, 172. - -[267:1] Herodotus, bk. 1, 132; Strabo, 732. - -[267:2] Schoemann, _Griech. Alterthuemer_, ii., 197; see Alex., _Strom._, -i., ch. 5, Sec. 28; ch. ii., Sec. 77. - -[267:3] Preller, _Roman Mythology_, i.; Plutarch, _Numa_, c. 8; Aug., -_City of God_, iv., ch. 31. - -[267:4] Grimm, _Teutonic Myth._, i., 104. - -[267:5] Ex. 20:4, 5; 25:18-20; 26:1; 32:4; 36:35; Deut. 4:15-18; 5:8, 9; -32:17; Gen. 31:19; Judg., 17:5; 18:30; Hos. 3:4; Zach. 10:2; 2 Kings -13:24; 1 Sam. 19:13, 16; Lev. 17:7; Ps. 106:37; 1 Kings 6:23, 32, 35; -Isa. 40:44; 30:22; Joseph., _Antiq._ xv., 8, 12; xviii., 3, 1. - -[267:6] Joseph., _Antiq._, xv., ch. 8, Sec. 1-2; _Jewish Wars_, i., ch. 33, -Sec. 2-3. - -[267:7] _Against Celsus_, iv., 31. - -[268:1] Rev. 15:2. - -[268:2] _Her._ i., ch. 25, 6; Aug., _Her._ ch. 7. - -[268:3] Northcote and Brownlow, _Roma Sotteranae_; Northcote, _Epitaphs -of the Catacombs_. - -[268:4] Hefele, i., 151. - -[269:1] _De Pud._, 7, 10. - -[269:2] _De Cor. Mil._, c. iii.; _Ad. Uxor._, ii., 5. - -[269:3] _Paed._, iii., 11, Sec. 59. - -[269:4] Euseb., _Eccl. Hist._, ix., 9. - -[269:5] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., 49. - -[269:6] Sozomen, _Eccl. Hist._, i., 8. - -[271:1] See Book iv., Letter 30. - -[271:2] _Comm. on Ezek._, ix., 4. - -[272:1] _Contra Judae. et Gentil._, Sec. 9; see Neander, ii., 286. - -[272:2] Euseb., _Life of Const._, iii., 49. - -[272:3] Kugler, _Handbook of Painting_. - -[272:4] Smith and Cheetham, art. on "Images," p. 816 _ff._ - -[273:1] _Imper. Decr. de Cultu Imag._, 618, ed., Goldast, Frankf., 1608. - -[273:2] Greg. of Tours, _Mirac._, i., 22, 23; _Apol._ in Act 4, _Conc. -Nic._, ii.; Labb. vii., 240. - -[273:3] _Apol._ in _Act 4_, _Conc. Nic._, ii.; Labb., vii., 237. - -[274:1] Book ix., Letter 52. - -[274:2] _Epist. ad eund._, ix., 9. See _Ep._, vii., 111. - -[274:3] _On Holy Images_, ii., 747. - -[275:1] _Adv. Her._, i., c. 25, Sec. 6. - -[275:2] _De Spect._, c. 23; _Adv. Herm._, c. 1; _De Idolatr._, c. 4. - -[275:3] _Pratrept._, c. 4, Sec. 62; _Strom._, vii., c. 5, Sec. 28. - -[275:4] _Adv. Celsus_, iv., Sec. 31; viii., Sec. 17. - -[275:5] _Octav._, c. 9. - -[275:6] _Instit._, ii., c. 2; _Epit._, c. 25. - -[275:7] _Adv. Gent._, iii. - -[276:1] Can. 36; Mansi, ii., 264. See Hefele, i., 151. - -[276:2] _Dict. of Christian Biog._, 198; Mansi, xiii., 313. - -[276:3] _De Fide et Symbolo_, c. 7. - -[276:4] Migne, ii., 517-527. - -[276:5] Kurtz, i., 364. - -[276:6] Fleury, l., xxx., 18. - -[276:7] _Ib._, l., xxx., 39. See Smith and Cheetham, art "Images." - -[276:8] Bk. xi., Ep. 13. Read Neander, iii., 199 ff. - -[277:1] These images were mosaics, frescoes, and movable flat icons like -those found in the East to-day. It is very unlikely that statues were -used in this early period. - -[277:2] Finlay, i., 387; ii., 27-29. - -[277:3] In 722 he ordered the Jews and Montanists to be baptised by -force. - -[278:1] Hefele, iii., 376. - -[278:2] Neander, iii., 213. - -[279:1] Mansi, xii., 267. - -[279:2] Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source Book for Mediaeval History_, No. -41; _Dict. of Christ. Biog._, art. on Leo III.; Mansi, xii., 960. - -[279:3] Mansi, xii., 959; Hefele, iii., 389-404. Milman quotes this -letter as the first, ii., bk. 4, ch. 7. - -[279:4] _Orat._, ii., Sec. 10. - -[279:5] Finlay, ii., 36. - -[280:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 42. - -[280:2] _Ibid._, No. 43. - -[281:1] The Greek Church regards this as the seventh oecumenical -council. Finlay, ii., 57. - -[281:2] Hefele, iii., 421. - -[282:1] Neander, iii., 228; Hefele, iii., 460, 549; Schlosser, 279. - -[282:2] Mansi, xiii., 378; Hefele, iii., 486. - -[282:3] Session xxv., Dec., 1563; Schaff, _Creeds_, ii. See _Cath. -Encyc._ - -[283:1] See Smith and Cheetham, art. on "Images," for brief extracts in -English; Mombert, ch. 12. - -[283:2] Schaff, iv., Sec. 104; Neander, iii., 233; Gieseler, ii., 66; -Hefele, iii., 694. - -[283:3] Gieseler, ii., 67; Hardwick, 78. - -[283:4] Mansi, xiv., 415; Hefele, iv., 41. - -[283:5] Schaff, iv., Sec. 105. - -[284:1] See Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, iii., 348-423; Milman, bk. v., -ch. 4; Neander, iii., 553-586; Gieseler, ii., 216. The Sources are given -in Mansi, xvi., and Hardouin, v.-vi. - -[285:1] This remarkable letter is given in full in Baronius, ed. by -Pagi, ann. 867, note to Sec. 4. Parts are translated in Greenwood, -_Cathedra Petri_, iii., 364-371. - -[286:1] Howard, _Schism between the Orthodox and West. Churches_, Lond., -1802. - -[286:2] The Eastern Church uses only the "icon," a flat representation. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -RELATION OF THE CHURCH AND STATE UP TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE -CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE - - OUTLINE: I.--Church and state before Constantine. II.--Church - and state from Constantine to 476. III.--Period of the - Ostrogothic rule (476-532). IV.--Reunion of Italy with the - Eastern Empire. V.--Alliance between the Papacy and the - Franks. VI.--Restoration of the Empire in the West in 800. - VII.--Effect of the rise of national states on the Church. - VIII.--Sources. - - -By the theory of the Roman constitution, the Emperor was not only an -autocrat in all political matters, but was also the Pontifex Maximus of -religions[289:1]; consequently, all foreign religions must conform to -the constitution or else perish as illegal. The political philosophy of -early Christianity in reference to the Roman Empire was not very clearly -defined. Jesus taught charity and love, gave the Golden Rule as the law -of life, but apparently was indifferent as to civil government. He took -no part in political discussions; said "My kingdom is not of this -world"; disparaged worldly power and wealth, and advised the rich young -man: "Sell all thou hast and give it to the poor." He did recognise the -duty of tribute to the state, however, saying "Render unto Caesar the -things that are Caesar's," but did little more. The Apostles continued -the teachings of Jesus, emphasised equality and brotherhood; organised -the Church on a communistic, democratic basis; and were likewise -indifferent to wealth and property. They too, recognised the state and -its essential institutions. Slaves were told to obey their -masters.[290:1] Paul was very particular to explain the obligation of -Christians to the state and said: "Let every soul be subjected unto the -higher powers. For there is no power but of God."[290:2] He advised the -payment of taxes as a just requisition.[290:3] And he himself, when -arrested for disturbing the peace, appealed to Rome.[290:4] Peter -likewise advised Christians to obey "every ordinance of man for the -Lord's sake; whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto governors, as -unto them that are sent by him."[290:5] - -The early Church Fathers made no additions to the political science of -Jesus and his Apostles. Apparently no questions of seriously conflicting -allegiance arose during the whole of the first century. As individuals -these early Christians no doubt performed all the duties and paid all -the contributions demanded by the Empire. From a strictly legal -standpoint, however, the Church was not incorporated among the -recognised cults, that is, it was not, like Judaism, a "religio licita." -Nevertheless, it was not disturbed for some years.[290:6] Things must -have gone along, for the most part, in a customary manner. Pliny's -letter to Trajan (about 111) describes the Christians in Bythinia as -law-abiding. With the rapid territorial and numerical increase of -Christianity, the state was forced to take cognisance of it and the -inevitable conflict occurred. The Christians refused to conform to Roman -worship and persecution resulted. Persecution in time produced, on the -part of many Christians, a refusal to perform the duties of civil and -military service, but it cannot be proved that such hostility was -universal. Indeed there is much evidence to show a general disposition -to compromise with imperial demands.[291:1] - -With respect to the general duty of obeying the law of the Empire the -Fathers of the ante-Constantine period were quite unanimous in their -approval. In fact they boasted of their political loyalty and denied all -accusations to the contrary. Justin Martyr said that "wherever we are we -pay the taxes and the tribute imposed . . . as we were instructed to do -by Him," and "while we worship God alone in all other matters, we -cheerfully submit ourselves to you, confessing you to be the kings and -rulers of men." Irenaeus asserted: "we ought to obey powers and earthly -authorities, inasmuch as they are constituted not by the devil, but -God." These passages, and many others, which are undoubtedly typical, -show that it was the persuasion of the Church that conformity was a -general obligation. That this fealty was appreciated is seen in the fact -that the Church, at least in the time of Emperor Alexander Severus -(222), was permitted to own lands, to erect churches, to elect officers -openly, and to send officials to court.[291:2] It was not, however, -until 312 that these rights were legalised. One must never lose sight -of the fact that it was both very easy and very natural for the clergy -and the people to accommodate themselves to the new order of things, and -to recognise in these new relationships a reproduction of the theocratic -constitution of God's subjects under the old covenant. Indeed it was -practically impossible for the masses who came to march under the cross -in those days to conceive of a Church without some relation to the -state. To-day to a modern man's eyes appears only the antagonism between -the Church and state. - -There was a most striking contrast, from the standpoint of political -science, between the Roman and Christian religions. The Roman Emperor -identified religion with the state; Christianity separated God from -Caesar. The Roman religion was restricted to earth; Christianity made the -world to come the most important part of life. The Roman religion was -only for Romans; Christianity was as wide as the world. Roman paganism -fell and the Roman Empire perished, but Roman Christianity, clothed in -their form, arose on their ruins to rule the world for more than a -thousand years.[292:1] - -Constantine legalised Christianity, but thereby subjected it to the -state. He had no idea whatever of surrendering to it any of his -autocratic prerogatives. He became virtually the Pontifex Maximus[292:2] -of his new religion by controlling those who performed the sacred rites, -and by defining its faith, discipline, organisation, policy, and -privileges. He enacted legislation for Christianity just as his -predecessors had for paganism. The Church recognised its subjection to -the Emperor without a complaint and permitted him to appoint and depose -its officers, to call and dismiss synods and councils, like Arles (314) -and Nicaea (325), and almost to replace the Holy Ghost itself in -determining the proceedings.[293:1] This marked a revolution in the -relation of the Church to the Empire, for each made a conquest of the -other. - -It has been customary for Church historians quite generally to -characterise the union of the Church and state under Constantine as an -unmitigated curse that gave birth to a multitude of evils in the Church -which led directly to the Reformation. That contention is one-sided and -unfair. Whether the Church and state be regarded as both divine, or both -human, or one human and the other divine, the historical fact remains -that their union was absolutely necessary and inevitable. When all the -forces and factors of the time are carefully and duly considered, it is -impossible to conceive of any other solution of the problem in the -fourth century.[293:2] That the union did paganise and materialise the -Church no one can deny,[293:3] but in compensation the Empire was -Christianised and spiritualised. The resultant was mediaeval Christianity -and the ecclesiastical Empire. The Church, without the strength it -received from the state, could not have met the barbarians of the North, -the Mohammedans of the South, and the heretics within, and successfully -conquered the first, held the second in check, and subdued the third. -Much of what we enjoy to-day along the lines of culture, law, and -religion is due in great measure to that alliance. After the time of -Constantine the Church becomes such a vital and integral part of the -life of Europe that history for a thousand years must be viewed through -the eyes of the Church and estimated by her standards. - -In the two centuries which intervened between the time of Constantine -and that of Justinian, imperial legislation directly affecting the -Church in all its institutions made rapid progress. The successors of -Constantine continued his policy. Imperial sanction was necessary for -the validity of every important act in connection with the Church. -Councils were called and dismissed in the name of the sovereign, and -their proceedings were not valid without his approval. At the Council of -Tyre (335), a portion of the bishops appealed to the Emperor's -commissioner to settle the dispute about the Arian question, but he -declared that the question must be submitted to his imperial master for -final decision since it was his province to legislate on all matters -concerning the Church.[294:1] Constantius vetoed a portion of the canons -of Remini (360).[294:2] The Emperors Theodosius II. and Valentinian III. -likewise rebuked the Council of Ephesus (431), and dictated its -procedure.[294:3] The Council of Chalcedon (451) was also told to hurry -up its work because the imperial commissioners present were needed in -state affairs.[294:4] During this period, however, it is possible to -detect pretensions on the part of the Bishop of Rome to the right to -call and preside over councils.[294:5] Here began the conflict over -ecclesiastical sovereignty which was to end in a complete victory for -the Roman Church. - -The later Emperors similarly exercised the right to decide all disputed -points of doctrine, discipline, and elections. They nominated, or at -least confirmed, the most influential metropolitans and patriarchs. Thus -in 377, the Emperor's representative decided between two rival claimants -to the apostolic see of Antioch.[295:1] Again, the Roman prefect decided -between two rival claimants to the chair of St. Peter, Ursinus and -Damasus, in favour of the latter, and punished adherents of the -former.[295:2] When rival Popes appealed to Honorius, he appointed a -temporary Pope until he could examine into the case. Then he decided in -favour of Boniface I. and issued an edict to prevent the recurrence of -such a state of affairs.[295:3] The Emperor was the court of last appeal -in all ecclesiastical cases. This was recognised by a council of Rome -held by Ambrose in 378, which requested of Emperor Gratian that when a -Roman bishop was accused, he might always be tried by the imperial -council.[295:4] The best evidence, however, of the subordination of the -spiritual to the temporal authority in this period is found in the -legislation. The whole field of Church government and ecclesiastical -life and all the relations, duties, morals, and acts of the clergy are -covered in the civil laws of the time. Even heresy was put to flight by -imperial edict.[295:5] - -During the period of Ostrogothic rule in Italy from 476 to 552, the -Roman Church made a few weak efforts to assert her independence. We -find, for instance, a Roman synod, held in 502, resolving that no layman -has a right to interfere in Church matters. But the Arian Ostrogothic -rulers declared that they had succeeded to the Roman Empire's power over -the Church. Indeed the Theodosian Code was practically incorporated in -the Visigothic Code in 506 by Alaric II. Consequently, Odoacer issued a -decree forbidding the alienation of Church property. Theodoric in 498 -decided between two rival claimants to the Papacy, Symmachus and -Lawrence, giving the former the papal chair and the latter a -bishopric.[296:1] When a synod was called later to try Symmachus (501), -it was convened in Theodoric's name. Theodoric even appointed a -"visitor" to reform the abuses in the Church. He sent Pope John I. to -the eastern Emperor on an embassy, and on his return, dissatisfied with -his work, threw him into prison, where he died. Athalaric instructed -Pope John II. how to prevent simony in episcopal and papal -elections.[296:2] - -Under Justinian the Great (527-565), who by conquest reunited Italy with -the eastern Empire in 552, the Popes and the Western Church were again -subjected to the eastern rule. Like the Patriarch of Constantinople the -Pope was now the nominee of the Emperor and could be removed at the -pleasure of the prince. Sylverius, made Pope by the Arian Goth -Theodatus, was therefore deposed and exiled by the Emperor's successful -general, Belisarius, and a new Pope was chosen. Vigillus, a favourite of -the Empress, installed as Pope by Belisarius (537), was peremptorily -summoned to Constantinople to answer for his conduct. There a synod was -called, and he was excommunicated. His successor, Pelagius I., was -apparently appointed directly by the Emperor. Justinian, like -Constantine, exercised the right to legislate for every phase of Church -life.[297:1] His theory was that "human and divine authority," that is -civic and ecclesiastical law, "combining in one and the same act," -formed "one true and perfect law for all."[297:2] He meant to exercise a -spiritual power very much like the temporal power he wielded. Hence he -insisted that the election of a Pope in Rome by the clergy, senate, and -people should not be valid until confirmed by him. This practically -reduced the Pope of Rome to the position of eastern bishops. The -organisation of the Church was guarded and regulated.[297:3] The -property of the Church was protected. The jurisdiction of the clergy was -clearly defined and minutely regulated as an extension of civil power. -In all cases the Emperor was the court of final decision. - -This arbitrary interference with the affairs of the Western Church by -the imperial authority at Constantinople brought the papal hierarchy to -the brink of ruin. The clergy were alarmed at this invasion of the -sacred canons of the Council of Chalcedon, and the unity of the Western -Church, which had been so strong for several centuries, was seriously -threatened. The clergy of Gaul "silently withdrew from, or boldly -renounced their communion with Rome; the Illyrian episcopacy prepared to -follow their example"; and Africa became defiant.[298:1] Even the -Italian provinces like Venetia and Liguria became disaffected. Pope -Pelagius I., indebted to the Emperor for his office, was forced to beg -the intervention of the secular arm to compel the ecclesiastical rebels -to continue true to their allegiance to the See of Peter. Sorrowful -indeed was this spectacle to those who could recall the palmy days of -Leo the Great, Felix, Gelasius, and Hormisdas, who had imposed their -will on all ecclesiastics, had planted the banner of Roman supremacy in -every corner of Christendom, and had even imposed their laws on princes. -But it must be remembered that the theory on which Roman leadership -rested had not been assailed, and was soon to reassert itself. - -In the election of a Pope in 577, the Roman clergy resumed their -independence and ventured to consecrate and to inaugurate a successor -without even waiting for imperial license. Hence Pelagius II. was the -first independently elected Pontiff since the Byzantine conquest of -Italy. He reasserted the universal primacy of the Bishop of Rome in a -bold tone, and declared that anything done without papal authority was -null and void.[298:2] Meanwhile the disaffection in the West had given -way to pronounced loyalty to Rome. - -Even Pope Gregory the Great did not question the supremacy of the -temporal power. He acknowledged the Emperor as his "earthly master" and -said that God had given the ruler dominion even over the -priesthood.[299:1] When Emperor Maurice renewed an old edict prohibiting -monasteries from receiving soldiers as monks (593), Gregory timidly -objected, but quieted his conscience by saying: "What am I but a worm -and dust thus to speak to my masters? . . . I have done what was my duty -in every particular; I have obeyed the Emperor and have not hushed in -silence what I felt to be due to God."[299:2] He attempted, however to -carry out the spirit of the law.[299:3] But Gregory the Great was -willing to compromise the substantial prerogatives of his office. As the -subject of the Emperor, he could yield a point. As Pope he stood as firm -as a rock, yet was too wise to provoke a disruption which could bring -nothing but injury to the unity and power of the Church. - -Popes, like patriarchs, were required to keep an "agent" at the eastern -court. The Emperors continued to insist on the right to confirm all -papal elections, and, of course, this practically put the election into -their hands, as is shown by the elevation of so many "agents" to the -papal throne, viz., Vigillus, Pelagius I., Gregory the Great, Sabinian, -etc. The Popes, on their installation, were expected to pay tribute to -the eastern Emperor.[299:4] Even in questions of doctrine, the Emperor -might enforce his will by exiling an obstinate Pope, as in the case of -Martin I. (655). - -During the period from 552 to 800, the papal power was growing stronger -all the time, and only awaited a favourable opportunity to issue a -declaration of independence. The Italians hated both the Greeks and -Lombards as foreign masters. Between the two stood the Pope as the only -representative of Italian nationality and the sole champion of Italian -independence. The Papacy was in theory democratic, and celibacy made a -dynasty impossible. The occasion for a declaration of independence was -the Iconoclastic Controversy; the leaders were Gregory II. and Gregory -III., who formally excommunicated Emperor Leo and his hierarchy; and the -new ally to make the independence good was the family of Pepin in Gaul -and Germany. After 772, the papal documents do not bear the name of the -eastern Emperor.[300:1] - -The seventh and eighth centuries in European history reveal the elements -of religious and political life in a state of incessant and violent -fermentation. Sudden changes took place in the relative position of -nations. The old Empire was disintegrating and new kingdoms were -appearing. During this period of political transformation, the Church -was the only system that persisted in the old channel that it had -created for itself. The Papacy, though not yet an acknowledged kingdom -in the world, still stood among the political powers as a self-existent -organisation, exercising an influence over princes and subjects. The -governments were isolated, divided, anarchical. In the Church alone was -there unity, order, method, organisation, and supreme purpose. There -alone was found facility of communication and cordial interchange of -views. The Popes of Rome kept up a constant intercourse with all nations -from Asia to the Atlantic and constituted the one recognised unifying -force in Europe standing for the highest ideals of the age along all -lines. - -Up to this period the See of Rome had gone far toward establishing an -ecclesiastical monarchy. Every principle of an unlimited religious -autocracy had been asserted and to a considerable extent established. -The outward machinery for this spiritual absolutism had been created and -partially put in motion. But many obstacles to the smooth working of the -system were still encountered. Chief among these impediments was the -strong arm of the eastern Empire. Until the fetters of political -dependence were broken, the Papacy could never accomplish its great -mission. - -Hitherto the Church of Rome had assumed a political headship on many -occasions, but it was the result of some accidental emergency and soon -disappeared. Nevertheless the experience gained in this exercise of -secular authority created an ambition on the part of the Roman Pontiffs -for political independence, furnished precedents for future claims, and -led the Italians to believe that the head of the Church could give them -efficient government in temporal affairs as well as spiritual. The great -problem before the successors of St. Peter at this time was how to -manage the ecclesiastical ascendency already gained over the Western -Church, so as to render it serviceable in securing that political -self-existence so essential not only to maintain the ground already won -but also to realise their high hopes in other directions. At this -juncture a combination of external causes, unparalleled in the world's -history, came in to favour the emancipation of the Papacy from the last -feeble bonds of a nominal dependency and to permit of the assumption of -temporal sovereignty virtually if not in recognised title. This meant -the realisation of the mediaeval Church. - -Emperor Leo's attempt to abolish the worship of images in Christendom -provoked a rebellion in Italy headed by the Pope. Luitprand, seeing his -opportunity as King of the Lombards, fell on the exarchate as the -champion of images and on Rome as the supposed ally of the Emperor. The -Pope, perilously placed between a heretic and an invader, appealed for -help to a Catholic chief across the Alps who had just saved Christendom -by defeating the Mohammedans on the field of Poitiers. Gregory III. -excommunicated the eastern Emperor and begged Charles Martel to hasten -to the succour of the Holy Church. Here the Roman Pontiff leads a -political revolt against his legitimate sovereign and appeals to a -foreign power to make the revolt successful. The Bishop of Rome has -stepped into the position of a temporal prince with the political future -of Italy in his hands. - -The alliance of the Papacy with the Franks marks a new epoch not only in -Church history, but in the history of western Europe. These Franks -settled in northern France about 250, and began to Germanise the Celtic -and Romanic races and institutions found there. But the current of Roman -civilisation was so strong that the Franks were swept into it before -they realised it. Under Clovis, they were converted directly to Roman -Christianity.[302:1] With the aid of the Roman Christians, he was able -to conquer the Arian princes of the western Goths, Burgundians, and -Bavarians. He and his successors gave the Church much property, -acquiesced in the papal claims, and helped to extend the papal power -throughout the West, though they ruled the bishops and clergy as their -vassals.[303:1] Clovis, himself, convoked synods and enacted Church -laws. Later rulers followed these precedents.[303:2] Thus the way was -prepared for a successful alliance between the Frankish ruler and the -Papacy.[303:3] - -The house of Pepin was to play an important part in this new -arrangement. In 622, Pepin of Laudon, a zealous champion of -Christianity, was made mayor of the palace in Austrasia. Pepin of -Herstal, grandson of the first Pepin, became in 688 a mayor of the -palace for all France (d. 714). He succeeded in making the office -hereditary in his family. A series of infant kings[303:4] made the mayor -virtually king. Pepin viewed the Church as a powerful ally, and fostered -missionaries. Under him, twenty bishoprics were founded, and the Church -secured large territorial possessions.[303:5] - -Charles Martel, after a contest of four years, succeeded to his father's -office in 718. He ruled France with the hand of a master, Christianised -the Frisians on the north by force, aided Boniface, the apostle of the -Germans, defeated the Saracens at the battle of Tours (732), and drove -them back into Spain.[303:6] On the death of Theodoric IV. (737), -Charles ruled the Franks directly without setting up another puppet -king. Pope Gregory III. in 739 sent him the keys of St. Peter's grave, -with the offer of the sovereignty of Rome and Italy in return for aid -against the Lombards.[303:7] This proffered alliance was refused, but -Charles offered to mediate between the Pope and the Lombards.[304:1] He -dealt with Church endowments as with any other part of the royal domain. -He gave to his liege Milo the archbishoprics of Rheims and Treves, and -to his nephew Hugh the archbishoprics of Rouen, Paris, and Bayeau with -several abbeys. When he died in 741, "he divided his kingdom between his -sons"--a proof that not only the office of mayor of the palace, but also -that of king, had become practically hereditary in his family; yet -Charles Martel had never assumed the title of king. - -The actual alliance of the Pope with the Franks was consummated with -Pepin the Short. The occasion for the compact was the Iconoclastic -Controversy in the East, and the change of dynasty in the West. Pepin -the Short accepted what Charles Martel had refused. He ruled Neustria, -while Carloman, his brother, ruled Austrasia (741-747). When Carloman -became a monk (747), Pepin was left as the sole ruler of all France, but -still under a phantom Merovingian king. In 751, with the consent of the -Franks in their annual assembly, two churchmen were sent to Rome to ask -Pope Zacharias, acting in the capacity of an international arbiter, -whether the real king ought not to take the name of king. The Pope -answered in the affirmative, and thus authorised the usurpation.[304:2] -Thus a new prerogative of the Holy See came into active existence. The -next year the assembly of Soissons elected Pepin and his wife King and -Queen of France. Childeric III., the Merovingian weakling, was shorn of -both his royal hair and his royal crown, and shut up in a monastery. -Boniface in all probability then anointed the head appointed by the -Pope to wear the French crown.[305:1] - -Through this alliance, the Pope expected to make the declaration of -independence from the eastern Empire good, to increase and extend papal -power in the West, to establish a precedent for deposing and enthroning -kings--a significant thing for the future,--and to gain material help -against the Arian Lombards who were threatening Rome.[305:2] In 753, -Pope Stephen II., who succeeded Zacharias (752), fled to France from the -Lombards to implore aid from Pepin against them. In sack-cloth and -ashes, he threw himself at the King's feet and would not rise until his -petition was granted.[305:3] The Pope himself now solemnly anointed -Pepin and his family with royal power, at St. Denis, and made him and -his two sons patricians of Rome.[305:4] After that Pepin called himself -"by the grace of God, King of the Franks." - -Pepin repaid the Pope by making two excursions into Italy against the -Lombards. He took an army to Italy in 754, defeated the Pope's enemies, -and compelled them to sign a treaty respecting the rights and territory -of the Roman See, but the Franks had scarcely recrossed the Alps before -the promises were broken. Pepin, therefore, entered Italy a second time -(755), called thither by the famous letter purporting to be from St. -Peter himself.[306:1] The Lombard power was effectually broken. The -towns and lands of the exarchate and Romagna, claimed by both the -Lombards and the eastern Emperor, were given to the Pope.[306:2] This is -the famous "Donation of Pepin" by which his envoy laid the conquest of -twenty-two cities at the shrine of St. Peter, and thus began the -temporal power of the Pope.[306:3] The act of donation is lost.[306:4] -The Pope had owned tracts of land all over the Empire before, but now he -becomes through this gift a temporal sovereign over a large part of -Italy known as the "Patrimony of St. Peter," or the "States of the -Church," which continued until 1870, when it was absorbed into the new -kingdom of Italy. This act changed the whole later history of the -Papacy[306:5] and provoked a long controversy with the secular powers of -Europe. Pepin continued to labour to build up the Church in France by -restoring confiscated Church property,[306:6] by undertaking needed -reforms in discipline and organisation,[306:7] and by giving material -assistance and valuable relics to many religious foundations. - -This alliance between the most powerful representative of the Germanic -world and the leader of Roman Christendom in the West was one of the -most eventful coalitions in the history of Europe.[307:1] It was the -event upon which all mediaeval history turned. It created a new political -organisation in western Europe with the Pope and German Emperor at the -head. For centuries, it affected every institution in western Europe. -After Pepin, each new Pope sent a delegation with the key and flag of -Rome and the key of St. Peter's tomb to the Frankish rulers for -confirmation of the election and to give the king the oath of -allegiance. Thus, the strongest western king assumed the same -prerogative over the Church which the eastern Emperor had exercised. -Pepin's policy was followed by Charles the Great, the German Emperors, -the Austrian Emperors, Napoleon the Great, and Napoleon III. - -The next important step in the relations between Church and state was -the restoration of the Roman Empire in the West in 800 by Charles the -Great,[307:2] the son of Pepin. Charles was born in 742, and received -the education of a warrior. At the age of twelve, he was anointed king, -with his father and brother, by Pope Stephen II. (754). As a boy, he -participated in military expeditions and gained considerable renown for -his ability, his independence, and his prowess. When his father died in -768, he ruled jointly with his brother Carloman, whom he apparently -hated very bitterly, and with whom he quarrelled continually, until 771, -when Carloman died and Charles assumed his rule as King of all the -Franks. - -The first problem which engaged his attention was to strengthen and -extend his kingdom. This he accomplished by almost incessant military -expeditions, of which he made fifty-three. His domain was extended -north, east, and south. The Bretons were subdued on the north; the -Saxons on the east were conquered after cruelly murdering 4000 -prisoners, laying waste their land with fire and sword, and -transplanting 10,000 families elsewhere in Germany and in Gaul.[308:1] -The Slavs beyond the Saxons,[308:2] the Bavarians in the south-east, the -Saracens and Basques in the south,[308:3] the Avars in Pannonia,[308:4] -and the Lombards in Italy, were all subjugated. The result of this -military activity was that Charles ruled over France, nearly all of -Italy, a large part of Germany, Holland and Belgium, and a corner of -Spain. Then by shrewd marriage alliances, he cemented these conquests. -He married his dukes and counts to the princesses of powerful lords and -kings, and he personally took as his wife, in turn, a Lombard, a -Swabian, an east Frankish, an Alemannian princess, and even proposed -marriage to the eastern Empress. He assumed the crown of Lombardy in -773. All parts of this vast realm were held together by a complete -system of royal laws regulating the whole life of his people even in the -minutest details.[308:5] - -Charles, as "Patrician of Rome," was no less active in religious lines. -He inherited the alliance with the Papacy and continued it. He protected -the Church against the Saracens in Spain, the pagans to the north and -east, the Arian Lombards in Italy, and the eastern Emperors. After -freeing the Papacy from the Lombards in 774, 781, and 799, he renewed -the "Donation of Pepin" and made some valuable additions.[309:1] He -viewed the Pope, however, as merely the chief bishop in his realm. In -796 Pope Leo III. sent him the key and flag of Rome and the key of St. -Peter's tomb as tokens of submission; and three years later the same -Pope fled to Charles for safety and succour. He reformed and reorganised -the Church in his kingdom and made himself its real head. He carried on -the missionary labours of Boniface by converting the Saxons at the -sword's point, and by forcing Christianity upon the Avars. He preached -to the whole hierarchy, held Church councils, and even admonished the -Pope. He refused to champion the Pope's cause in the Iconoclastic -Controversy, but took a sane middle ground with a leaning toward -iconoclasm. In a council at Frankfort, he presided, and had the council -legislate on discipline and even on dogma (794).[309:2] - -The career of Charles as Emperor of the Roman Empire in the West -(800-814) must now be considered.[309:3] - -Many causes seemed to be operating to open up this new field for his -masterly ability. A woman, having put out the eyes of her son, was -ruling in the East, contrary to the Roman constitution. Charles had -carved out an Empire with his sword and was undisputed master of the -West. He was the recognised Emperor in power, if not in name. He had -become the defender of the Church and the protector of the Pope. To -assume the imperial crown was not nearly so radical or unnatural an -act, then, as it might seem. In 799, when Pope Leo III. fled from the -Roman mob to Charles at Paderborn, Charles gave him royal entertainment, -promised aid, notified his Frankish diet of his intentions (Aug., 800), -crossed the Alps with an army, and entered Rome in joyous triumph (Nov., -800).[310:1] There he held a solemn synod in St. Peter's to investigate -the causes of the riot which had driven the Pope out, and also the -charges made against him. The Pontiff was freed of all guilt.[310:2] - -The reward for Charles's friendly protection soon came. On Christmas -eve, 800, while he was kneeling in prayer before the altar of St. Peter, -the Church being crowded with the clergy, soldiers, and common people, -the Pope suddenly put a golden crown upon the king's head, while the -Romans shouted: "To Charles Augustus, crowned by God, great and pacific -Emperor of the Romans, life and victory." The Pope then adored him as -Emperor Augustus by bowing the knee as his first subject. The drama was -concluded by anointing Charles and his son Pepin with the sacred -oil.[310:3] - -Whether or not this was a surprise to Charles is a disputed question. He -pretended to be greatly surprised, even angered, at the Pope's trick, -and declared that he would not have gone to Church had he known of -it.[310:4] There seems to be little doubt about its being premeditated -by the Pope. The probability is that no surprise was ever more carefully -prearranged on both sides. It is easy to imagine the possibility of its -being planned out at Paderborn over the wine cups and venison stews. It -was very clearly a fine piece of acting on the part of both the Pope and -the king. Certainly every act of the two men for some time previous -pointed directly and unmistakably to that result.[311:1] If we can -believe Charles's own repeated assertions, the exact time and manner may -have been unknown to him, but for years, perhaps as early as 785, -Charles had spoken of the possibility. Alcuin, the great confidant of -Charles in educational and religious matters, knew of the plan before -800. It had naturally often been suggested to the king by his own -officers and nobles and most likely urged by the Popes themselves.[311:2] -In fact the history of both the Frankish dynasty and the Papacy for some -years had been steadily tending to this result as a climax. - -The coronation itself was significant for many reasons. Constitutionally -it made the Pope and Charles traitors to the eastern Emperor. Charles -apparently realised this, and, again being a widower, proposed marrying -Irene, the eastern Empress, in order to unite the two parts of the -Empire and thus avoid trouble.[311:3] But so frequently had the Pope and -the Romans broken their allegiance to the East, that this act was not -generally viewed as a rebellion. Furthermore, they assumed that they -stood upon the lofty ground of right in making the transfer. Henceforth, -in the western lists of Emperors, Charles was made to follow Constantine -VI. as the sixty-eighth successor of the first Roman Caesar.[311:4] In -812, the eastern Emperor was induced to recognise his western brother's -imperial title. The old Roman Empire was now restored in the West on a -Germanic rather than a Roman basis, a fact which revealed the new and -decisive Germanic element in the West. Both the Emperor and the Pope -were benefited beyond measurement by the change, and it is difficult to -say which the more. A Frankish ruler and his family had become the -successors of the Caesars. The Pope assumed that he had created the -Emperor and henceforth insisted upon the necessity of papal consecration -to the validity of imperial power.[312:1] The Pope had received a -powerful defender and a master who laboured unceasingly to build up the -Church. The foundation was laid for the two rival theories of the -relation of Church and state, viz., the papal theory and the imperial -theory. Henceforth, both Pope and Emperor have a new meaning and a -different career. A new chapter in mediaeval history and in European -civilisation was introduced. Christmas 800 "was the most important day -for the next thousand years of the world's history."[312:2] - -The results of the rule of Charles as Emperor (800-814) will now be -considered: - -1. _Religious._ As Emperor, Charles regarded himself, like the early -Caesars, as the head of the Church. Hence he spent the winter of 800-801 -in settling religious affairs in Italy. He insisted on rigid obedience -in the hierarchy and the subjection of all ecclesiastical authority to -the imperial will. "The Church had to obey him, not he the Church." The -Pope was his chief bishop in his capital city, but always treated with -filial respect and consideration. The bishops were his sworn vassals, -like counts. The appellate power of Rome was never once used during his -rule. He held the appointment of the higher clergy in his own hands, -though after 803, he permitted the appearance of a popular -election.[313:1] He issued edicts on Church matters with as much -authority as in purely secular affairs. In fact, in his laws the -political and religious are so blended that they can hardly be -separated.[313:2] His conception of the relation of the Church and state -has played a vital part in the history of Europe down to the present -time. That relationship was stated by Charles in these words: "It is my -bounden duty, by the help of the divine compassion, everywhere to defend -outwardly by arms the Holy Church of Christ against every attack of the -heathen and every devastation caused by unbelievers, and inwardly to -defend it by the recognition of the general faith. But it is your duty, -Holy Father, to raise your hands to God, as Moses did, and to support my -military services by your prayers."[313:3] It is very evident that in -his mind the old Roman idea of the relation of Church and Empire was -dominant. The connection of Church and state, which Constantine founded, -he established on a firmer basis. The initiative and decision of all -ecclesiastical cases were in his hands.[313:4] He called Church councils -and presided over them just as he summoned his privy council. The -council of Arles (813) sent him its canons to be changed and ratified -at will.[314:1] Discipline, faith, and doctrine all came within his -jurisdiction. He even put _filioque_ into the Nicene Creed against the -Pope's remonstrances (809).[314:2] In short, he organised, systematised, -and controlled the Church in all its branches as a necessary part of his -theocracy.[314:3] He ruled as a David, or a Josiah rather than an -Augustus or a Constantine. Churchmen of ability held seats in the civil -assemblies and were given important political positions. The Church was -forced to contribute soldiers and money to maintain the Empire,[314:4] -although the clergy themselves in 801 were forbidden to participate in -military life. At the same time, he gave the Church for the first time -the legal right to collect tithes, bestowed rich gifts, and endowed -monasteries, splendid churches and cathedrals. No wonder a satirical -priest complained that the power of Peter was confined to heaven, while -the Church militant was the property of the king of the Franks. - -The Pope and clergy gladly acquiesced in the usurpation of Charles as -they did in that of Constantine and even gave him the papal title of -"Bishop of Bishops" and "David." The grateful Pope Adrian in a council -of fifty-three bishops gave him the right to name successors for the -Holy See.[314:5] This was little more, however, than the transference to -Charles of a right exercised by all the eastern Emperors. Stephen IV. -decreed that no Pope could be elected save in the presence of imperial -delegates (815).[314:6] Pope Paschal III. had the great patron of the -Church canonised. Even the Patriarch of Jerusalem recognised him as the -head of Christendom and sent him the keys of the Holy Sepulchre on Mount -Calvary and the flag of the city.[315:1] - -2. _Political._ Charles clearly differentiated between his office as -king and as Emperor. In recognition of his new dignity, he laid aside -his German royal costume, and donned the Roman imperial tunic, chlamys, -and sandals.[315:2] He ordered that "every man in his whole realm be he -clergyman or be he layman, shall renew to him as Emperor the vow of -fidelity previously taken to him as king," and that "those who have not -yet taken the former vow, shall now do likewise, even down to boys -twelve years of age" (802).[315:3] Rome was the capital of his Empire; -Aachen, of his German kingdom. He divided his Empire among his three -sons as kings, but the death of two of them left Louis both king and -Emperor.[315:4] The Empire which he carved out with the sword was now -unified and ruled by imperial law instead of tradition and custom. His -Empire embraced all western continental Europe except central and -southern Spain and southern Italy. It included Germans as well as -Romans, Slavs, Celts, and Greeks, and was held together by an imperial -army.[315:5] It united the Teutonic civilisation with the Romanic on a -Christian basis. It was divided into twenty-two archbishoprics. - -Charles, as the new Constantine of the West, was the absolute sovereign -of this realm. His laws covered every detail in the whole life of his -people.[316:1] Bishops were forbidden to keep falcons; nuns must not -write love letters; the kind of altar pieces used in Churches was -specified; priests were not to wear shoes in divine services. A pure -life was ordered for monks. Instructions were given to farmers for -feeding hens and roosters; the kind of apples to be grown was -prescribed; wine-presses and not feet-presses were to be used. Even the -prices of food and of clothes were regulated by law--a fur coat, it was -decreed, should sell for thirty shillings, a cloth coat for ten -shillings.[316:2] The Empire was divided into districts and marks, ruled -over by imperial "missi" and counts, who executed their master's -will.[316:3] Yet notwithstanding these magnificent and successful -efforts to thwart the Teutonic tendencies to localisation, each tribe -was permitted to retain its own laws, its hereditary chiefs, and its -free popular assemblies of freemen. - -Charles never recognised the validity of the papal theory of the right -of the Pope to crown and depose kings by virtue of his own coronation in -800. When he associated his son Louis with him in rule (813), Louis -entered the Church with the king's crown already upon his head. Charles -then ordered him to take the royal crown off and put on an imperial -crown which lay on the Church altar. Neither the Pope's presence nor his -sanction was asked. After Charles's death, however, the Pope carried the -crown of Constantine to Germany and coronated Louis with it (816), and, -before that time, his biographer does not call him Emperor.[317:1] - -3. _Educational._ The reign of Charles the Great stands out as the sun -between the intellectual night that preceded and the daylight that -followed his rule.[317:2] He employed the Church as the best means for -furthering the education of his Empire. The clergy and monks became the -teachers and writers; the monasteries and churches were used as the -seats of learning--the schoolrooms and schoolhouses. He issued important -educational laws which practically created a very crude public school -system and required all boys to have a general elementary education. His -purpose was to make good Christians and good subjects.[317:3] The centre -of his whole educational system was his famous "Court School," the very -heart of Christian culture in Europe. In it, called from every section, -were the leading scholars, divines, poets and historians of Europe. In -addition to helping to educate the young princes of the country, they -engaged in important literary activities. They compiled a German -grammar, collected old German songs and minstrels, corrected the Latin -Bible, wrote the Caroline books, collected manuscripts, revived the -classics, and studied the Church Fathers.[317:4] - -A careful analysis of the character of Charles the Great shows that he -was a sincere Christian and faithful churchgoer, a great almsgiver and -very kind to the poor, and a man who devoted his life to the upbuilding -of a Christian civilisation.[318:1] Yet he was guilty of deeds which a -higher conception of Christian morals condemns as un-Christian. He -sacrificed thousands of lives to his passions and ambitions; for thirty -years he waged a war of extermination against the Saxons and murdered -more than 4000 prisoners in cold blood. Like Mohammed, he made his -motto, submission to Christianity or death. Christians of that day, for -the most part, pronounced his policy right, although some of the -greatest, like Alcuin, denounced it. He had nine wives and concubines, -and, like Henry VIII. of England, had little conscience in disposing of -them. He was not highly cultured, yet he spoke Latin with ease and knew -some Greek. When an old man, he learned to write and deserves great -credit for the manner in which he encouraged education. He cultivated -the society of the most cultured men in Europe and from them imbibed -much. At meals he had read the heroic deeds of his ancestors, or some -work of the Church Fathers like Augustine's _City of God_. As a warrior -and statesman, only Alexander the Great, Julius Caesar, and Constantine -before his day can be compared with him. He was the first and greatest -of all the German Emperors. Since his time, only Otto the Great, Peter -the Great, Frederick the Great, and Napoleon the Great, have any claim -to rank as his peers. The Moses of the Middle Ages, he left an indelible -stamp of his genius on Germany and France, continues to be the only -common hero of both of these great nations, and through them modified -the whole western world.[318:2] - -Eight years before his death, Charles the Great made his three sons -kings.[319:1] This act would have proved fatal to the Empire. Charles -must have known from the writings of Gregory of Tours, the dangers of -such an arrangement. The division made among his sons was unnatural, -because it lacked unity in race and territory, but the death of Charles -and Pepin, the eldest and second sons, prevented imperial suicide. -Charles the Great then solemnly crowned the surviving son, Louis, as -Emperor in 813. Louis the Pious (814-840) sought to preserve both the -Carolingian practice of division and the integrity of the Empire. At -Aachen, in 817, to prevent the Empire's being "broken by man lest -thereby a scandal, to the Holy Church might arise," Louis made his -eldest son, Lothair, co-Emperor, and, with the consent of the people, -crowned him.[319:2] The younger sons were made kings but _sub seniore -fratre_. Their territorial districts were clearly defined and elaborate -instructions were given about their various relations.[319:3] In 819, -Louis married again and soon a fourth son, Charles the Bald, appeared to -complicate matters (823). Louis then made a new division of the Empire -in order to provide for the new claimant.[319:4] A long list of -territorial changes, and disgraceful, ruinous, internecine wars -resulted. - -Louis the Pious died in 840, and was succeeded by Lothair as sole -Emperor. His brothers, Louis and Charles (Pepin was now dead), rebelled -against him and forced him to restrict his possessions to Italy and a -narrow strip running from Italy to the North Sea (843). But Lothair, -tired of the cares of this life retired to a monastery in 855 after -dividing his imperial territory among his three sons. - -As a result of the Carolingian policy of division, the Empire so -skilfully constructed by Charles the Great, was almost destroyed. -Division of rule meant division of resources. The successors of Charles -the Great were men of inferior ability. His son, Louis the Pious, was a -weak, easily influenced ruler and completely under the thumbs of the -clergy. He made some noble efforts to reform the court, but only aroused -the enmity of the aristocracy. Lothair, Louis II., and Charles the Bald -were Emperors of as short-sighted a policy and of as little ability. -Civil wars were almost incessant; nobles held in subjection by the great -Charles reasserted their independence; the Northmen,[320:1] Slavs, -Hungarians[320:2] and Saracens began to make disastrous inroads; -imperial laws were disregarded; and by the end of the ninth century, the -Empire of Charles the Great was little more than an empty title hardly -worth fighting for.[320:3] - -Another significant result of the decline of the Carolingian Empire was -the rise of modern states. By the treaty of Verdun in 843,[320:4] Louis -the German (d. 876) was given Germany east of the Rhine; Charles the -Bald (d. 877) received what is approximately France of to-day; and -Lothair as Emperor (d. 855) was left Italy and a narrow strip to the -North Sea with the two capitals in it. To confirm the treaty of Verdun, -Louis and Charles with their followers, took the famous Strassburg -oaths.[321:1] Louis and the French army took the oath in Latin; Charles -and the Germans took it in German; and this is the first recognition in -Europe of differences of race and language as a basis for political -action.[321:2] The treaty of Meersen[321:3] in 870 completed the -separation of Italy, Germany, and France by dividing the "strip of -trouble" given to Lothair in 843. Here was the beginning of mediaeval and -modern France, Germany, and Italy. The Carolingian Empire virtually -ended with Charles the Fat (888). Disintegration soon divided Europe -among a multitude of petty feudal sovereigns with warring policies and -interests.[321:4] - -Ecclesiastically, the Papacy was immediately strengthened. The supremacy -of the state over the Church, which Charles the Great established and -which Louis the Pious had inherited, but did not use to much -advantage,[321:5] was removed. This release from secular control -furnished an excellent occasion and opportunity for the rapid growth of -the papal theory which culminated in the lofty claim of Pope Nicholas I. -to independence of imperial control and supremacy over it. Again and -again the Pope was called upon to act as arbitrator in the disputes and -wars. The power of bishops and metropolitans was likewise increased and -for a similar reason, but the general decline in civilisation carried -the Church inevitably with it. The anarchy and confusion which resulted, -formed an excellent cover for the promulgation of the Pseudo-Isidorian -Decretals. Ultimately the Papacy was weakened by the decline of the -Empire and the rise of national states, because there was a tendency to -create national churches and to set up kings who questioned the Pope's -claim to political supremacy. Indirectly it led to the Protestant -Revolution. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--_New Testament._ - - 2.--_New Testament Apocrypha._ - - 3.--The Church Fathers. See Chap. X. - - 4.--Henderson, _Historical Documents of the Middle Ages_. Bohn. - Lib. - - 5.--Univ of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_, iv., No. 1, 2; - v., 4, 5. - - 6.--Eginhard, _Life of Charles the Great_. Tr. by S. E. Turner. - N. Y., 1880. - - 7.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_, vol. i. - - 8.--Thatcher and McNeal, _Source Book for Mediaeval History_. - - 9.--Ogg, _Source Book of Mediaeval History_. - - 10.--_Theodosian Code._ - - 11.--_Justinian Code._ - - Bibliographical Note:--Nearly all the important sources for a - study of this subject are in Latin. Among them are, - Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum_; Jaffe, _Regesta - Pontificum_; _Corpus Juris Canonici_; _Corpus Juris - Civilis_; Pertz, _Monumenta Historica Germania_; Niebuhr, - _Corpus Byzantinae_; Migne, _Patrologia_; Potthast, - _Bibliotheca Historica Medii AEvi_. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Allies, T. W., _Church and State as Seen in the Formation - of Christendom_. Lond., 1882. - - 2.--Armitage, W., _Sketches of the Church and State in the - First Eight Centuries_. Lond., 1888. - - 3.--Bryce, _The Holy Roman Empire_. Var. eds. - - 4.--Bury, J. B., _The Later Roman Empire_. Edinb., 1889. 2 - vols. - - 5.--Carr, A., _The Church and the Roman Empire_. Lond., 1887. - - 6.--Church, R. W., _Relations between Church and State_. - Lond., 1881. _Beginnings of the Middle Ages._ Lond., - 1895. - - 7.--Croke, A. D., _History of the Church under the Roman - Empire_ (to 476). Lond., 1873. - - 8.--Cutts, E. L., _Charlemagne and His Times_. Lond., 1878. - _Union of Church and State._ Lond., 1881. - - 9.--Emerton, E., _Introduction to the Middle Ages_. Bost., - 1888. _Mediaeval Europe._ Bost., 1894. - - 10.--Fisher, H. A. L., _The Mediaeval Empire_. - - 11.--Geffcken, H., _Church and State_. Lond., 1877. 2 vols. - - 12.--Gibbon, E., _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_. Var. - eds. - - 13.--Gierke, O., _Political Theories of the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1900. - - 14.--Greenwood, A. D., _Empire and Papacy in the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1896. - - 15.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_. Lond., 1859-72. 5 vols. - - 16.--Gregorovius, F. A., _Rome in the Middle Ages_. Lond., - 1900. - - 17.--Gosselin, J. E. A., _Power of the Pope During the Middle - Ages_. Lond., 1853. - - 18.--Hardy, E. G., _Christianity and the Roman Government_. - Lond., 1893. - - 19.--Hodgkin, T., _Italy and Her Invaders_. Oxf., 1892-9. - _Charles the Great._ Lond., 1896. _Theodosius._ Oxf., - 1889. _Theodoric._ N. Y., 1891. - - 20.--Hussey, R., _Rise of the Papal Power_. Lond., 1863. - - 21.--Hergenroether, J. A. G., _The Catholic Church and the - Christian State_. Lond., 1876. 2 vols. - - 22.--James, G. P. R., _History of Charlemagne_. Lond., 1832. - - 23.--Lea, H. C., _Studies in Church History_. Phil., 1869. - - 24.--Mann, H. K., _The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle - Ages_. Lond., 1905. - - 25.--Manning, H. E., _The Temporal Power of the Vicar of Jesus - Christ_. Lond., 1862. - - 26.--Mombert, J. I., _History of Charles the Great_. N. Y., - 1888. - - 27.--Oman, C. W. C., _The Dark Ages_ (476-918). Lond., 1893. - - 28.--Pressense, E. de, _History of Church and State_. Lond., - 1869. - - 29.--Tozer, H. F., _The Church and the Eastern Empire_. Lond., - 1888. - - 30.--Wells, C. L., _The Age of Charlemagne_. N. Y., 1897. - - 31.--Workman, H. B., _Church of the West in the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1898. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Alzog, ii., 92-104, 184. Butler, ch. 30, 31, 55, 56, 57. - Chantrel, pd. 3, ch. 1. Cheetham, ch. 9. Crooks, ch. 24, 33. - Doellinger, i., ch. 1, sec. 9-10; ii., ch. 5, sec. 1; iii., ch. - 4, sec. 1. Dunning, 131-160. Fisher, 161, 168, 244. Gieseler, - i., 191-204, 419; ii., 71, 119, 153, 220, 237. Gilmartin, i., - ch. 31-32. Guericke, i., sec. 69; Guizot, i., ch. 7-12. - Hardwick, ch. 6, sec. 2. Hase, 134-146, 171-173. Hurst, i., - 161-180, 325-341, 410, 427, 473-495. Jennings, i., ch. 6, 8. - Kurtz, i., 235-247, 483-488. Leavitt, ch. 1-12. Mahan, bk. 4, - ch. 13. Milman, ii., 4, 130, 429; iii., 1-109. Moeller, ii., - 1-2, 84-93, 99-108. Mosheim, bk. 3, pt. 2, ch. 2, sec. 7-13. - Neander, iii., 1-112, 174-195; v., 117-132, 144. Robertson, - i., 294-297, 486, 517; ii., 122-149. Robinson, ch. 4, 6, 7, 8. - Schaff, ii., 90; iii., 203-264. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[289:1] Justinian, _Inst._, i., ii., 6. - -[290:1] Eph. vi., 5; Col. iii., 22; Tit. ii., 9; 1 Pet. ii., 18. - -[290:2] Rom. xiii., 1-7; _cf._ Heb. xiii., 17; 1 Pet. ii., 13. - -[290:3] Rom. xiii., 6-7. - -[290:4] See Tertullian, _Lib. ad Scap._, for a later recognition of the -divine right theory. - -[290:5] 1 Peter ii., 13, 14. - -[290:6] Tertullian, _Apol._, c. 5 and 26. - -[291:1] Tertullian, _Apol._, c. 34; c. 42; _De Corona Milit._, c. 11; -_De Idololatria_, c. 17. See Milman, bk. ii., ch. 7. - -[291:2] Milman, ii., 231; Gibbon, ch. 16. - -[292:1] Ranke, _Hist. of the Popes_. - -[292:2] The title was used down to the time of Gratian in 380. - -[293:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 15. - -[293:2] See Schaff, iii., Sec. 13. - -[293:3] _Ibid._, Sec. 22, 23. - -[294:1] Harduin, i., 543; Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 13 _ff._ - -[294:2] Cod. Theod., lib. xvi, tit. ii., 1, 15. - -[294:3] Harduin, i., 1538. - -[294:4] _Ib._, ii., 559. - -[294:5] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 15. - -[295:1] Theodoret, v., 3. - -[295:2] Socrates, iv., 29. - -[295:3] Goldast, _Const. Imp._, iii., 587; Harduin, i., 1238. - -[295:4] Harduin, i., 842. - -[295:5] The laws relating to the Church passed between the time of -Constantine and the promulgation of the Theodosian Code in 438 are -mostly contained in the sixteenth book of that code. The laws passed -between 438 and 534 are found in the Justinian Code which was published -in revised form in that year. See Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 16. - -[296:1] Goldast, iii., 95, 615. - -[296:2] Cassiodorus, _Varior._, ix., 15. - -[297:1] These laws are found in the Justinian Code and in the Novellae, -and cover the period from 534 to 565. Excellent translation by Moyle, -Oxf. 1889. - -[297:2] Novellae, 42. - -[297:3] The 134th Novella is a small code in itself. - -[298:1] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, ii., 163. - -[298:2] Baronius, _Ann._, 587, Sec. 5. - -[299:1] Bk. ii., letters 62, 65. - -[299:2] Bk. iii., letter 65. Comp. bk. v., letter 40. Greenwood, -_Cathedra Petri_, ii., 233. - -[299:3] Bk. vi., letter 2. - -[299:4] Anastasius, _Biblioth._, No. 81. - -[300:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 31. - -[302:1] See Ch. XII. - -[303:1] Hardwick, _Hist. Christ. Ch. in M. A._, 54. - -[303:2] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 84-87. - -[303:3] Richter, 36. - -[303:4] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 120. - -[303:5] Bede, v., 10; Migne, vols. 86-88. - -[303:6] Waitz, iii., 23, note 3. - -[303:7] _Cf._ Thatcher and McNeal, No. 43. - -[304:1] Richter, i., 200. - -[304:2] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 120; Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 14; Pertz, -i., 136. - -[305:1] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 14; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 6. - -[305:2] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 122. - -[305:3] Pertz, i., 293; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 44. - -[305:4] _Ib._, No. 6; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 122; Migne, lxxi., 911. -The title of "patrician" was introduced by Constantine. It was the name -of a rank, not of an office, and was next to that of Emperor and consul. -Hence it was usually conferred upon governors of the first class, and -even upon barbarian chiefs whom the Emperor might wish to win. Thus, -Odoacer, Theodoric, and Clovis had all received the title from the -eastern court. Later it was even given to Mohammedan princes. It was -very significant now that the Pope assumed the imperial right to confer -it, because it was plainly an illegal usurpation. It made Pepin -practically the viceroy of Italy and the protector of the Papacy. (See -Smith and Cheetham.) - -[306:1] Migne, lxxxix., 1004; see Robinson, _Readings_, i., 122; -Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, iii., 388. - -[306:2] Muratori, iii., 96; Migne, cxxviii., 1098. - -[306:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 45. (Baronius, _Ann._, 755; Migne, -cxxviii., 1099.) See Wiltsch, _Geog. and Statistics of the Ch._, i., -264. - -[306:4] Gibbon, ch. 59. - -[306:5] See "Donation of Constantine" in Henderson, 319. - -[306:6] Waitz, iii., 364. - -[306:7] Pertz, _Leg._, i., 24; Mansi, xii.; Migne, xcvi., 1501. - -[307:1] Adams, _Mediaeval Civilisation_, 127. - -[307:2] The best account of Charles the Great in English is Mombert's. - -[308:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 129; Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 16, 17. See -Mombert, ch. 3, 4. - -[308:2] Mombert, ch. 11. - -[308:3] _Ibid._, ch. 5. - -[308:4] _Ibid._, ch. 7. - -[308:5] See Waitz. Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 18, 19. - -[309:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 46; Wiltsch, _Geog. and Statistics of -the Ch._, i., 265; Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, ii., 415. - -[309:2] See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 47. - -[309:3] Doellinger, _Empire of Charles the Great_. - -[310:1] _Cf._ Thatcher and McNeal, No. 48. - -[310:2] _Ibid._, No. 49. Robinson, _Readings_, i., 131. - -[310:3] _Ibid._, i., 134. Thatcher and McNeal, No. 48; Ogg, _Source -Book_, Sec. 20; Mombert, ch. 14. - -[310:4] Eginhard, Sec. 28. - -[311:1] Muratori, ii., 312; Waitz, iii., 174, note. - -[311:2] Doellinger, _Empire of Charles the Great_. - -[311:3] See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 13, 14. Bryce, 61-62. - -[311:4] Waitz, iii., 184, note. - -[312:1] Ludwig II. was led to admit that right in 871. Thatcher and -McNeal, No. 51, 52. - -[312:2] Doellinger, _Empire of Charles the Great_. - -[313:1] Gratian, _Decret._, Dist. 63, Can. 22; Lea, _Stud. in Ch. -Hist._, 81, 89, 90. - -[313:2] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 63. - -[313:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 47. - -[313:4] _Hincmari Inst. Reg._, ch. 34 and 35. - -[314:1] Harduin, iv., 1006. - -[314:2] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 64-65. - -[314:3] Bryce, _Holy Rom. Emp._, 65. - -[314:4] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 22; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 136. - -[314:5] This is now regarded by some authorities as a forgery. Lea, -_Stud. in Ch. Hist._ - -[314:6] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 38; Gratian, _Decret._, Dist. 63, -Can. 28. - -[315:1] _Ann. Laur._, 188. - -[315:2] Milman, _Hist. of Lat. Christ._, ii., 459. - -[315:3] Emerton, _Med. Europe_, 7; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 140. - -[315:4] Charta Divisionis, 806. - -[315:5] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 135-137. - -[316:1] _Translations and Reprints?_ Henderson, 189. - -[316:2] Lecky, ii., 259. - -[316:3] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 21; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 9; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 139. - -[317:1] Eginhard, _Ann._, 813. Read the case of Louis and Lothair 817. -Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 42. - -[317:2] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 23; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 10, 11, 12. - -[317:3] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 144, 145; _Transl. and Reprints_; -Mullinger, _Schools of Charles the Great_. - -[317:4] Mombert, ch. 10. - -[318:1] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 15; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 7; Mombert, -ch. 6. - -[318:2] See Eginhard for the best pen picture of the personal appearance -and habits of this wonderful man. Robinson, _Readings_, i., 126. - -[319:1] Louis, the youngest, had Aquitaine, Gascony, Septimania, -Provence, and a part of Burgundy. Pepin, the second son, had Italy, -Bavaria, Almania, and a part of the Alpine country. Charles, the eldest, -received all the rest--old France, Thuringia, Saxony, and Frisia. - -[319:2] Henderson, 201. - -[319:3] Emerton, 18, 19. - -[319:4] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 50. - -[320:1] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 27; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 15, 20; -Robinson, _Readings_, i., 150-155, 157, 163. - -[320:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 21. - -[320:3] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 26, 28; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 158. - -[320:4] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 17, 18; Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 25. - -[321:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 16; Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 24; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 433. - -[321:2] Emerton, _Med. Europe_, 26-28. - -[321:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 19. - -[321:4] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 22, 23, 24, 25. - -[321:5] He did insist, however, upon his dominion over Rome and over the -Pope as his vassal. Pope Stephen IV. at once caused the Romans to swear -fealty to the Emperor and ordained that the consecration of the Pope -must take place in the presence of the imperial ambassadors. His son -Lothair was crowned Emperor in Rome and repeatedly repaired thither to -protect the Holy See. Another son, Louis, was also anointed king by Pope -Sergius in Rome. This act strengthened the papal claim to control -elections to secular power. In 871 Louis II. acknowledged his divine -right to imperial rule to be derived from papal sanction. Another step -was taken when the council of Aix-la-Chapelle deposed Emperor Lothair -(842). - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS AND THE PAPAL CONSTITUTION - - OUTLINE: I.--What were the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals? - II.--Condition of Europe when the Decretals appeared. - III.--Purpose of the forgery. IV.--Character and composition. - V.--Time, place, and personality, of authorship. - VI.--Significance and results. VII.--Nicholas I. and papal - supremacy. VIII.--Decline of spirituality in the Church. - IX.--Sources. - - -The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals[326:1] were a curious collection of -documents, both genuine and forged, which appeared in western Europe -about the middle of the ninth century under the name of Isidore -Mercator, to give the Church a definite, written constitution. They were -a stupendous forgery--the most audacious and pious fraud ever -perpetrated in the history of the Church--worked out with admirable -skill and consummate ingeniousness. Forgery was a common thing in those -days, and it was generally believed that all things which upheld the -doctrines and prerogatives of the Church of God were allowable.[326:2] - -When these false letters appeared, the Empire of Charles was falling to -pieces under his wrangling grandsons. Anarchy and confusion were -rampant; might was the only recognised law. Feudalism with its -decentralising influences was rapidly prevailing throughout Europe. The -Church also reflected this sad state of affairs. The Pope was reduced to -a vassal of the Emperor. Metropolitans were in league with the political -rulers and even helped to plunder the bishoprics and oppress the -priests. The bishops were masterly secular princes and landed nobles; -hence their persons had lost their sanctity, and they were persecuted by -their archbishops and robbed by their sovereigns. The Bishop of Lyons -wrote: "No condition of man whether free or unfree is so insecure in the -possession of his property as the priest. . . . Not only the estates of -the Church, but even the churches themselves are sold." The lower clergy -suffered from the tyranny and lawlessness of the day; the laity were -similarly demoralised. The synod of Aachen in 836 protested against the -contempt into which the clergy had fallen with the ungodly laity. The -age, too, was not critical. In fact, it was an impious thing to -disbelieve anything connected with the Bible, the Church, or with sacred -tradition. It was an era of superstitions and legends. No period, -therefore could have been better adapted than that for the promulgation -of such a magnificent system of fabrications. - -There are divergent theories as to the purpose of these falsified -epistles: (1) Some maintain that the sole object was to give the Church -a constitution of a definite form and character. (2) Others hold that -the intention was to present unquestionable proof of the papal theory of -supremacy by filling in the fatal gap between the time of Jesus and -Constantine. It was dangerous to make the origin of the Church -dependent upon an Emperor's fiat; hence, it was necessary to elevate -the See of Rome by clothing the Pope with antiquity, spiritual majesty, -and supreme authority.[328:1] Venerable Rome was made to furnish the -necessary documents from St. Peter onward to supplement the Bible and -the Church Fathers with manufactured tradition. (3) Still others assert -that the object was to give the Church a general code of discipline in -the anarchy and confusion of the time.[328:2] (4) Most scholars believe, -however, that the real motive was to free the bishops from their -dependence upon the state, upon the metropolitans, and upon the -provincial synods which were under the control of the rulers.[328:3] - -The motive for the publication of this code of decretals is thus stated -by the authors themselves: - - Many good Christians are reduced to silence, and compelled to - bear the sins of others against their own better knowledge, - because they are unprovided with documents by which they might - convince ecclesiastical judges of the truth of what they know - to be the law; seeing that though what they allege may be - altogether right, yet it is not heeded by the judges unless it - be confirmed by written documents, or by recorded decisions, - or made to appear in the course of some known judicial - proceeding. - -The object of the compilation may be found also in these words: - - We have likewise inserted the decretal epistles of certain - apostolic men--that is, of Clement, Anacletus, Evaristus, and - others who are their successors, indeed as many as we have - been able to find, down to Pope Sylvester; after these we - have annexed the rest of the decretals of the Roman prelates - down to Gregory the Great, together with certain epistles of - that pontiff; in all which, by virtue of the dignity of the - Apostolic See, resides an authority equal to that of the - councils; so that, the discipline of the ecclesiastical order - being thus by our labours reduced and digested into one body - of law, the holy bishops may be instructed in the entire "rule - of the fathers"; and thus obedient ministers and people may be - imbued with spiritual precedents, and be no longer deceived by - the practices of the wicked. For there are many who by reason - of their wickedness and cupidity bring accusations against the - priests of the Lord, to their great oppression and ruin. - Therefore the Holy Fathers did institute laws, which they - called holy canons, which, however, the evil-minded have often - made the instruments of unjust charges, or even possessed - themselves of the goods of the innocent. - -The canons were insufficient to meet the evils of the day. Some remedy -must be found of equal if not greater authority. The decretals of the -Roman Pontiffs were seized for this holy purpose. Many such decretals -were known to the Church. But there was a fatal hiatus of two centuries -and a half after the founding of the See of Peter. That chasm must be -bridged over by documents which would prove that the divine headship of -Peter was consciously exercised by all his successors. With such -indisputable evidence the supremacy of Rome would be established beyond -question, and the entire hierarchy would be benefited. The ascendancy of -the Church over the state would be established. Papal sovereignty would -be acknowledged. Episcopal independence of secular control would be -secured. - -The sources of the Isidorian Decretals, now satisfactorily determined, -were: the writings of the Church Fathers, particularly Rufinus (d. 410); -the works of Cassiodorus (b. 470); Jerome's Vulgate; the _Liber -Pontificales_; the general theological literature down to the ninth -century; various collections of laws like _Breviarium Alaricianum_, the -_Lex Visigothorum_, and the Frankish capitularies; the genuine archives -of the Church like papal letters and decretals, Church canons, and -minutes of Church councils; the correspondence of Archbishop Boniface -(d. 754); and the forgeries. - -Before this collection appeared there had been several others formed in -the Western Church:[330:1] - -1. Dionysius Exiguus, a Scythian, who lived at Rome as a monk in the -sixth century, made a collection of the fifty Apostolic Canons; decrees -of the Eastern and African Church councils from 375 to 451; and letters -of Popes from 314 to 498. This collection was used by Charles the Great -as a basis in part for the Frankish laws. - -2. Isidore of Seville, early in the seventh century, made a second -collection, very much like the first one just described. - -3. Then Isidore Mercator, about the middle of the ninth century put out -a third collection which embraced those by Exiguus and Isidore of -Seville and included all the forgeries. This last collection opens with -a preface, then has a spurious letter from Aurelius to Damasus, and a -forged answer; a selection from the fourth council of Toledo; a list of -councils; and two spurious letters from Jerome to Damasus, with replies. -After these documents the collection proper begins. It consists of three -parts. The first includes the fifty Apostolic Canons; fifty-nine -spurious decretals from Clement to Melchiades (90-314); a treatise _On -the Primitive Church and the Council of Nicaea_; and the spurious -"Donation of Constantine."[331:1] The second part opens with a genuine -quotation from the Spanish collection of the decretals of the Greek, -African, Gallic, and Spanish councils down to 683. The third part also -begins with a quotation from the _Hispania_ and then gives the decretals -of the Popes from Sylvester (d. 335) to Gregory II. (d. 731), of which -thirty-five are forged and others contain many interpolations; and, -finally, the _Capitula Angilramni_. - -Evidences of fraud are to be found in the uniformity of language, the -impurity of style, the use of words of a late origin for an earlier -period, many clumsy anachronisms, the total absence of all proof of the -authenticity of the early decretals, the evident effort to meet -contemporary prejudice, and the fact that there is no knowledge of the -existence of the forged letters until incorporated in this collection. -Many absurdities also appear: for instance, Roman bishops of the second -and third centuries write in Frankish Latin of the ninth century in the -spirit of post-Nicene orthodoxy and about the mediaeval relationship of -the Church and state. These early bishops quote the Vulgate of Jerome as -amended under Charles the Great. Pope Victor (202) writes a letter to -Bishop Theophilus of Alexandria (383) about a second-century -controversy. Pope Anacletus speaks of patriarchs, metropolitans, and -primates long before they arose. Pope Melchiades, who died in 314, -mentions the Nicene Council which was held in 325. Pope Zephyrinus (218) -appeals to the laws of Christian Emperors before Constantine was born. - -Just how soon they were discovered to be forgeries, is a question that -has aroused considerable discussion. Pope Nicholas I. must have known -that they were false, but they suited his purpose so well that he -sanctioned them. Some of the Latin bishops saw through the forgery, but, -for various reasons, kept silent. A few of the Frankish bishops -denounced them and objected to their reception as law. Even Hincmar, -although he did so much to establish them, declared them to be spurious -and called them a "mouse-trap" and a "cup of poison with the brim -besmeared with honey." The synod of Rheims in 991 opposed the Isidorian -principles. Stephen of Tournai (d. 1203) called them into question. -Peter Comester in his _Historia Scholastica_ (twelfth century) granted -the ingeniousness of the author. Dante alluded to the fiction and -grumbled about the "Donation of Constantine" in these words: - - Ah, Constantine! of how much ill the cause-- - Not thy conversion, but those rich domains - That the first wealthy Pope received of thee.[332:1] - -Nicholas of Cusa questioned their authenticity.[332:2] Chancellor Gerson -of the University of Paris, boldly asserted that the Papacy was founded -on fraud.[332:3] Marsiglio of Padua[332:4] and Wiclif took the same -view. Johannus Turrecrenta was skeptical about them.[332:5] Erasmus -pronounced against them. The authors of the _Magdeburg Centuries_ -conclusively proved in detail their fraudulent character. Calvin took -the same view,[333:1] and De Moulin and Le Conte helped to establish the -fact of forgery. David Blondel, a Reformed divine, made the exposure -unquestionable against the attempted vindication of the Jesuit, Torres. -Still since it is so difficult to separate the true from the false, -their influence was perpetuated beyond this period. It was not an easy -thing for an infallible Church to abandon ground once assumed. The -fruits of the forgery could not be surrendered. Catholic and Protestant -historians alike now agree, however, that they were for the most part -fictitious. - -There has been a wide divergency of view as to the place, time, and -authorship. A few earlier scholars[333:2] held that they originated in -Rome. This is now rejected by all modern scholars, because their arrival -in Rome is almost exactly known. One year Pope Nicholas I. is ignorant -of them, the next he asserts their authenticity.[333:3] They were -probably carried to Rome by Rathod in 864.[333:4] Many contemporaries -believed that they came from Spain as the work of Isidore of Seville, -but it is generally acknowledged now that they were created in the -Frankish Empire because the language swarms with Gallicisms, the style, -phrases, and words are of the Frankish period, and the frequent use of -the correspondence of Boniface shows that the archives of Mayence were -consulted. It is probable that the first collection was made at Mayence, -and the later and larger collection may have been made at Rheims. - -In matter of time, they seem to have been an evolution beginning with -the collection of Dionysius Exiguus in the sixth century, increased by -Isidore of Seville in the seventh century, amplified by Isidore Mercator -(Pseudo Isidore) with forgeries in the ninth century, and appeared in -their final form in the eleventh century.[334:1] Their frequent -contradiction and disregard of well-known history suggests a composition -covering years. Some of the forgeries were undoubtedly used by Charles -the Great, and the Donation of Constantine is perhaps still -older.[334:2] Passages from the Council of Paris held in 829 are -literally quoted, hence the collection by Isidore Mercator must have -been made after that date. On the other hand, the collection was used in -857 by the French synod of Chiersy,[334:3] in 859 by Hincmar of Rheims, -and in 865 by Pope Nicholas I.[334:4] The conclusion can be drawn, then, -that the collection of Isidore Mercator must have appeared sometime -between 829 and 857. Furthermore, the frequent complaint about -ecclesiastical disorders, the deposition of bishops without trial, -frivolous divorces, and frequent sacrilege, best fit the period of civil -war and confusion among the grandsons of Charles the Great. - -There is likewise divergence of opinion as to the authorship. The name -of the compiler, Isidore Mercator, led to the early erroneous belief -that Isidore of Seville, the eminent canonist, was the author; and, -consequently, when the mistake was established, the author was dubbed -"Pseudo Isidore," a name used to the present day. Scholars differ widely -in their efforts to identify this "Pseudo Isidore" and suggest -Benedictus Levita, a deacon of Mayence, whose _capitularium_ of 847 -agrees in certain passages with the decretals[335:1]; Rathod of -Soissons[335:2]; Otgar, Archbishop of Mayence (d. 847), who led the -clerical rebellion against Louis the Pious[335:3]; Ebo, Archbishop of -Rheims, also a clerical rebel against the Emperor[335:4]; -Riculfus,[335:5] Archbishop of Mayence (784-814); and Aldrich.[335:6] -The authorship, it is apparent, is not established beyond question. -Indeed there are many reasons for believing that these documents were -the product not of a single individual, but of a joint effort. The -constant repetitions, the frequent contradictions, the lack of unity, -the differences in style and phrases suggest this conclusion. It is -quite probable that the leading churchmen in Germany and France in the -middle of the ninth century shared the authorship.[335:7] Gieseler holds -that Riculfus (784-814) brought the genuine Isidorian collections from -Spain, that Otgar enlarged and corrupted them at Mayence (826-847), that -Benedictus Levita copied them; and this may have been the case. - -They were eagerly received by the Church, and for various reasons Pope -Nicholas I. (853-867) gave them papal sanction and used them to extend -his power. He led the Church to believe that they were among the most -venerable and carefully preserved documents of the papal archives. -Backed up by them, he asserted his jurisdiction over both East and West; -in fact, the whole world. To the eastern Emperor he wrote, "We by the -power committed to us by our Lord through St. Peter, restore our brother -Ignatius to his former station, to his see [at Constantinople], to his -dignity as patriarch and to all the honours of his office."[336:1] At -the same time he exalted the power of excommunication and used it to -humble both princes and prelates; he forced Lothair II. to restore his -divorced wife; he humbled the great Hincmar by reinstating the deposed -Bishop Rathod of Soissons; he subjected both metropolitans and bishops -to his rule; he deposed the archbishops of Cologne and Trier and made -the Pope ubiquitous through the system of legates. Well could the old -chronicler say: "Since the days of Gregory I. to our own time, sat no -high priest on the throne of St. Peter to be compared to Nicholas. He -tamed kings and tyrants, and ruled the world like a sovereign. To holy -bishops and the clergy he was mild and gentle; to the wicked and -unconverted a terror, so that we might truly say a new Elias arose in -him." - - It is evident [wrote the great forerunner of Hildebrand] that - Popes can neither be bound nor unbound by any earthly power, - nor even by that of the Apostle if he were to return upon - earth; since Constantine the Great has recognised that the - pontiffs held the place of God on earth, the Divinity not - being able to be judged by any man living. We are then - infallable and whatever may be our acts, we are not - accountable for them but to ourselves.[336:2] - -This is generally held to be spurious now, but the spirit of it may be -said to be true. The archbishops eagerly accepted the decretals because -they hoped to profit by their doctrines. Instead, however, through them -they were subjected to the Pope and largely lost their independence. -They were gladly received by the bishops, since by them they hoped to -gain independence both of the tyrannical metropolitans and of the state. -They were welcomed by the lower clergy and laity in general without a -question because they came from a source so high in authority as the -Pope and the bishops. - -These forged decretals gave the Papacy a definite constitution; the -Petrine theory was now proved by indisputable historical evidence--the -ideal Papacy was made a fact from the very first. In fact the charge -given by Peter to Clement, when the primate Apostle transmitted his -power to a successor, is found in very characteristic language. The -powers and relations of the whole dogmatic hierarchy from top to bottom -were defined. The Popes from St. Peter on were made the parents and -guardians of the faith of the world, and the legislators for it, and -also the supreme judges in all cases of justice. In short this -constitution logically completed the Petrine theory. The metropolitans -were curtailed in their prerogatives and subjected to the Pope. -Metropolitan courts were reduced to committees of inquiry. All original -jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes was transferred to Rome. No -metropolitan could call a synod now without the Pope's consent. The -metropolitans' power over the bishops was greatly decreased and they -were separated from the Pope by newly created primates. The bishops, in -their turn, as ambassadors of God were made independent of both the -state and the metropolitans, but subjected to the Pope. Peter and the -other Apostles furnished the example for this arrangement. All episcopal -cases were taken out of secular courts[337:1]; all secular cases could -be carried to episcopal courts[338:1]; all laymen as well as lower -clergy were excluded from episcopal synods. Bishops were made -practically immune by the great difficulty of bringing accusations. In -the trial of a bishop, the accuser had to have seventy-two duly -qualified witnesses and if he failed to prove his case he and not the -bishop was liable to punishment. At any time the bishop could break off -proceedings by appealing the case directly to the Pope. The priesthood -was definitely separated from the laity as the _familiares Dei_. They -were the _spiritales_; the laity the _carnales_.[338:2] Priests were -also freed from secular control and placed above it. They, in like -manner, enjoyed certain immunities which made it no easy matter to -proceed against them. - -At the same time, the relations of Church and state were defined more -clearly. Ecclesiastical power was now held to be supreme over secular -power and that change was a pronounced revolution. "All the rulers of -earth," it was dogmatically affirmed, "are bound to obey the bishop and -to bow the neck before him."[338:3] Imperial control of the Church, -exercised for eight centuries, was declared to be a usurpation which -entailed disputes and wars. The state was represented as unholy, the -Church as holy. That proposition struck the sword of justice out of the -hand of the temporal prince and removed the clergy from the reach of the -secular law. Clergy were freed from political courts and the laymen were -excluded, in theory at least, from participation in Church legislation. -In short these decretals carried the papal theocracy far beyond any -claims made up to that time by the Popes themselves. It was left to -Gregory VII. and Innocent III. to make the claim a living reality. - -These decretals formed a part of the _Corpus Juris Canonici_ for six -hundred years and supplied a complete set of laws concerning Church -lands, usurpation and spoliation, ordinations, sacraments, fasts, -festivals, relics of the cross and of the Apostles, schism and heresy, -the use of holy water and the chrism, the consecration of churches, the -blessing of the fruits of the field, sacred vessels, garments, etc. In -this way society was influenced and modified in all its ramifications. -Both the civil and ecclesiastical polity of Europe was affected for -centuries to follow. Over and over again they were quoted to prove papal -omnipotence against temporal authority. For the purpose of illustration, -the decretals were replete with personal incidents and had in them many -beautiful axioms of sincere and vital religious truth. The whole tone of -the composition was pious and reverential. Pope, bishop, and lower -clergy all gained by this shrewd and specious defence of the Papacy. The -priesthood actually constituted the Church. - -In this period of ignorance and lawlessness, while the Empire -established by Charles the Great was disintegrating, the Papacy rapidly -forged to the front as the champion of united Christendom; and to this -end the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals contributed powerfully. How much was -contributed that was actually new may be a question. Whether the history -of the Church would have been the same had they not appeared is a -disputed point. Whether the Pope without them could have become the -greatest ruler of western Europe by the middle of the ninth century is -not clear. Whether the Papacy would have had a world-wide political -interest from this time on without them is a question still unsettled. - -Nothing better illustrates the immediate fruits of the Pseudo-Isidorian -Decretals than the pontificate of Nicholas I. In the year 858 he was -unanimously chosen Pope by the Emperor, and the clergy and people of -Rome. He had been the friend and minister of Sergius II. and Leo IV. -amid all their dangers and difficulties. His trying experiences -qualified him for the responsible office. His personal qualities had won -him many friends. Consequently there was general rejoicing when, in the -presence of the Emperor and the Romans, he was inaugurated. Three days -after the solemnity, the Emperor Louis II. entertained Pope Nicholas I. -at a state-banquet and then withdrew a short distance from the city -walls to receive the return-visit on the following day. As the Pope, -escorted by the clergy and nobility, approached the imperial camp, Louis -met him, dismounted from his horse, and conducted the Pope's palfrey the -length of a bow-shot, after the ordinary custom of a bridle-groom. A -sumptuous feast was then served in the imperial tents, and the Emperor -again escorted Nicholas a like distance on his return. The Pontiff, on -parting, descended from his horse, embraced Louis, and kissed him. "And -thus," says the chronicler, "they lovingly took leave of each other." - -This imperial self-humiliation had beneath it a purpose. Louis II. hoped -to extend his dominion beyond the borders of Italy, to which his -brothers had reduced him, and desired the assistance of Rome. Nicholas -I. was not averse to meddling in worldly affairs. Backed up by the false -decretals, with precedents created by his sainted predecessors, with -political confusion and secular wrangling as his ally, with his own -boldness and clear intellect as his guides, he plunged into mundane -affairs without hesitation. Ability and opportunity won for him one -success after another. The first conquest he made was in humiliating the -Italian primates of Milan, Aquileia, and Ravenna, and in making the -Italian clergy directly dependent upon Rome. Emperor Louis II. was -forced to bow to papal authority in this matter, although hitherto the -creation of new bishoprics had rested with the temporal lord. - -Again when the bishopric of Hamburg was destroyed by the Normans, King -Louis of Germany translated the dispossessed Bishop Anschar to Bremen. -Now the Archbishop of Cologne claimed jurisdiction over Bremen and -declared that the temporal power could not dismember an ecclesiastical -jurisdiction. Both parties agreed to refer the case to Rome. Nicholas I. -confirmed the separation and ratified the transference of Anschar. -Charles the Great would have settled the case himself. Another victory -was thus won in the name of Pseudo-Isidore. The policy of breaking down -all interposition between the successor of Peter and the episcopacy had -been clearly set forth. - -A test of this principle came in the case of Hincmar, the able and -powerful Archbishop of Rheims. In 861 he summarily suspended Rathod, -Bishop of Soissons, for disobeying the sentence of a provincial synod in -reinstating a priest whom he had unjustly expelled. Rathod at once -appealed to the Pope and asked permission of Hincmar to go to Rome to -present his suit. Hincmar refused the request and called Rathod before a -second synod for contempt, when he was degraded from his office and -imprisoned in a monastery. Once more Rathod made a touching appeal to -Nicholas I.[342:1] who forthwith rebuked Hincmar and ordered him to -restore Rathod to his see, and to send him to Rome. King Charles the -Bald was ordered, "by his love to God and his duty to the Holy See," to -see that the order was enforced. Both Hincmar and Charles refused and -Rathod remained a prisoner for two years. Papal power was on trial, but -Nicholas I. was equal to the situation. At last Charles was persuaded to -intervene. Rathod was released and sent to Rome, but was not reinstated -in his bishopric. The Pope reinstated him to office. To prove his -authority he quoted the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, which the Frankish -clergy had framed to insure their own independence.[342:2] Hincmar -remonstrated, but in the end was forced to apologise and obey. "Thus," -complained Hincmar, "was a criminal, solemnly deposed by the unanimous -judgment of five ecclesiastical provinces of this realm, reinstated by -the Pope, not by ordinary canonical rule, but by an arbitrary act of -power, in a summary way, without inquiry, and against the consent of his -natural judges." Metropolitan independence was crushed, the royal power -was forced to obey by the awful threat of excommunication, and papal -supremacy was triumphant. Truly a new epoch had appeared in the rise of -the mediaeval Church, when the Pope could proudly declare that "the -privileges of the Holy See are the panoply of the Church and title-deeds -of him who is the supreme lord of the priesthood for the government of -all in authority under him and for the comfort of every one that shall -suffer wrong or injury from subordinate powers"[343:1]; that "the -action of synods, general or provincial, might be peremptorily arrested -by a simple appeal to Rome . . . at any stage of the proceeding"; that -every bishop must give lawful obedience to the "King of Bishops"; and -that "any one, without exception of person, who shall disobey the -doctrine, mandates, interdicts, or decretals, published by the Apostolic -Bishop on behalf of the Catholic faith, the discipline of the Church, -the correction of the faithful, the reformation of evil-doers, and the -discouragement of vice, let him be accursed."[343:2] - -In dealing with the schismatic, heretical Eastern Church, however, all -careful reserve vanished and without fear or caution the Roman Pontiffs -assert their prerogatives in a clear, decisive, and peremptory tone. In -the Photian schism at Constantinople, Nicholas I. assumed the right to -decide which of the two claimants to the patriarchate was legitimate. To -Photius, who had secured the office by imperial aid, the Roman pontiff -wrote a letter which up to that time was unsurpassed for supreme papal -arrogance: - - Our Lord and Saviour . . . established the foundations of his - church upon the Rock Peter. . . . Now upon this foundation the - appointed builders have from time to time heaped many precious - stones, till by this unwearied diligence the whole building - has been perfected into indissoluble solidity. . . . Since - this church of Peter is the head of all churches, it is - imperative upon all to adopt her as their model in every - matter of ecclesiastical expediency and institution. . . . - From her all synods and all councils derive their power to - bind and to loose.[343:3] - -The pontificate of Nicholas I., who died in 867, marks the acme of -papal power during this period. The history of the Western Church, -controlled by Rome, during the latter part of the ninth and the tenth -century, covers a period of unparalleled corruption and debility--"a -death-sleep of moral and spiritual exhaustion." The Papacy as a -constructive spiritual force almost disappears from view. The lofty -ideas of Leo I., Gregory I., and Nicholas I.--their magnificent -ambitions for the Church, their imperial rule, and their commanding, -aggressive spirit--all disappeared. The causes may be found in weak, -wicked, worldly Popes, in anarchy and political confusion in Italy, and -in feudalism. The Church was reaping the reward of a close alliance with -the state. All the gains made by the Church during this epoch were of a -secular character. The moral and spiritual powers of Latin Christianity -lay dormant beneath a mass of corruption, self-seeking, and worldly -passions which covered them and nearly extinguished them. The marvellous -vitality of the organisation of the Church alone saved her from -disintegration in that period of decentralisation. The spirit of the -Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, from this standpoint, had become the saviour -of the Church. The next force that appeared in western Europe to rescue -the Church from the low state of spiritual degeneration to which she had -fallen was, strange to say, the Holy Roman Empire under the guidance of -another mighty German ruler. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--Roberts and Donaldson, _Ante-Nicene Christian Library_, ix., - pt. 2, p. 144 _ff._ Has letters of six Popes. - - 2.--Schaff, _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, viii., 601. - - 3.--Henderson, _Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages_, - 319. Contains the Donation of Constantine. - - Bibliographical Note:--There is no complete collection of these - False Letters in English. Migne, _Patrologiae_, cxxx., - contains the first complete collection. The famous - letters of Pope Nicholas I. are in vol. cxix. The latest - and best collection is by Hinschius, Leip., 1863. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _Fables Respecting the Popes in the - Middle Ages_. N. Y., 1872. - - 2.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_. Lond., 1859. Bk. vii., - viii. - - 3.--Janus (Doellinger), _The Pope and the Council_. 1869. - - 4.--Lea, H. C., _Studies in Church History_. Phil., 1883. Pp. - 43-102. - - 5.--Lee, G. C., _Hincmar_. Balt., 1897. _Am. Soc. of Ch. - Hist._, viii. - - 6.--Newman, J. H., _Essays, Critical and Historical_. Lond., - 1888. II., 271-5; 320-35. - - 7.--Oman, C., _The Dark Ages_. Lond., 1893. - - 8.--Prichard, J. C., _Life and Times of Hincmar_. Lond., 1849. - - Bibliographical Note:--The best special discussions are not in - English. Among them are, Blondel, _Pseudo-Isidorus et - Turrianus Vapulantes_. Geneva, 1628; Theiner, _De - Pseudoisidor. canonum collectione_. Bres., 1826; Kunst, - _De Fontibus et Consilio Pseud. collect._ Goett., 1832; - Wasserschleben, _Beitraege zur Geschichte der falschen - Dekretalen_. Bres., 1844; Weizsaecker, _Hinkmar und - Pseudoisidor_, 1858; Schroers, _Hincmar Erzbischof von - Rheims, sein Leben und sein Schriften_. Freib., 1884; - Phillips, _Kirchenrecht_. Reg., 1845. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, 234. Allen, 50. Alzog, ii., 194-211. Butler, ch. 61-62. - Coxe, lect. 5, sec. 4-6. Creighton, i., 12. Crooks, 331. - Darras, iii., 18. Doellinger, iii., ch. 4, sec. 7. Emerton, 76. - Fisher, 24, 169. Fitzgerald, ii., 28-54. Foulkes, ch. 7. - Gieseler, ii., 324. Gilmartin, i., ch. 37. Greenwood, iii., - ch. 6, 7. Hase, 184. Hurst, i., 494. Jennings, i., ch. 8. - Kurtz, i., 511. Milman, iii., 58, 190. Milner, ii., 190. - Moeller, ii., 160-164. Mosheim, i., 187, 414, 420. Neander, - vi., 101, 110, 117, 122, 128. Robertson, bk. 4, ch. 1. Schaff, - iv., 266-273. Sheldon, ii., 122. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[326:1] A decretal, in the strict canonical sense, is an authoritative -rescript of a Pope given in reply to some question propounded to him, -just as a decree is an ordinance enacted by him, with the advice of his -clergy, but not drawn from him by previous inquiry. See Gieseler, pd. 2, -ch 3; _Cath. Encyc._ - -[326:2] Janus, _The Pope and the Council_; Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, -46. - -[328:1] Theiner. - -[328:2] Moehler. - -[328:3] Kunst, Wasserschleben, Doellinger, Moeller, Hatch. - -[330:1] Other collections had been made in the East. See Smith and -Cheetham, art. on "Canon Law." - -[331:1] Henderson, 319. - -[332:1] _Inferno_, bk. xix., 112-118. - -[332:2] _De Concordia Catholica_, bk. iii., 2. - -[332:3] _De Reform. Eccl._, c. 5. - -[332:4] _Defensor Pacis_, ii., c. 28. - -[332:5] _Sum. Eccl._, vol. ii., 101. - -[333:1] _Institutes_, iv., 7, 11, 20. - -[333:2] Febronius, Eichorn, Theiner, Roestell, Luden. - -[333:3] Mansi, xv., 694. - -[333:4] Kurtz, i., 82. - -[334:1] Niedner, p. 397. - -[334:2] Hardwick, _Church History_, 148, note. - -[334:3] _Mon. Ger._, i., 452. - -[334:4] Mansi, xv., 694. - -[335:1] Blondel, Kunst, Walter, Densiger. - -[335:2] Phillips, Gfroerer. - -[335:3] Ballareni, Gieseler, Wasserschleben. - -[335:4] Weizsaecker, Von Noorden, Hinschius, Richter, Boxman. - -[335:5] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 48. - -[335:6] Doellinger. - -[335:7] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 49. - -[336:1] Schaff, iv., 275. - -[336:2] De Cormenin, _Hist. of the Popes_, 248. - -[337:1] Alex., _Ep._, i., ch. 5; Felix, _Ep._, ii., ch. 12. - -[338:1] Anacletus, _Ep._, i., ch. 4; Marcellinus, _Ep._ ii., ch. 3. - -[338:2] Kurtz Sec. 86, ii., No. 2. - -[338:3] Clement, _Ep._, 1. - -[342:1] Baronius, _Ann._, 863. - -[342:2] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, bk. vii., ch. 2. - -[343:1] Bouquet, vii., 391. - -[343:2] Pertz, i., 462. - -[343:3] Greenwood, _Cathedra Petri_, bk. vii., ch. 6. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -ORGANISATION, LIFE, AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE CHURCH, SIXTH TO NINTH -CENTURY - - OUTLINE: I.--Organisation of the papal hierarchy. II.--Moral - condition of the clergy and laity. III.--Great activity and - wide influence of the Church. IV.--The ordeals and the Church. - V.--Church discipline--excommunication and interdict--and - penance. VI.--Worship--the mass--preaching--hymns. VII.--The - sacraments. VIII.--Relics and saints. IX.--Sources. - - -The Roman Catholic Church, based on the Bible and tradition, satisfying -the religious needs of the age, and moulded by the historical forces of -the period, changed from the democratic, apostolic Church to the -powerful monarchial hierarchy of the Middle Ages, by a natural, -historical process. The Pope, the Bishop of Bishops, stood at the head -of the well organised hierarchy as the source of faith, the supreme -law-giver, the distributor of justice, the resort of last appeal, and -the grantor of offices, honour, and favours. He came to hold the balance -of power in the world-politics and claimed supremacy in secular affairs. -To enforce his will he had an army of priests and monks, the sanctity -and prestige of Peter's Chair, and the formidable weapons of -excommunication and interdict. To assist him in his multitudinous -duties, an extensive papal court had been gradually built up. - -Just below the Pope in the hierarchy came the archbishops, or primates, -or metropolitans.[348:1] After the third century, the term metropolitan -in the East meant the bishop who lived in the capital of a province. The -Council of Nicaea recognised the office and gave the metropolitan the -right to ordain bishops.[348:2] The Council of Antioch clearly defined -the jurisdiction of the metropolitan.[348:3] He ruled the suffragan -bishops, conducted episcopal elections, confirmed and ordained bishops, -called and presided over annual episcopal synods. Somewhat later he came -to exercise the right of deciding appeals.[348:4] Gradually the name and -prerogatives were extended to the West, where about the seventh century -the metropolitans were very powerful,[348:5] but by degrees they lost -their power when secular princes, like the Merovingian kings, usurped -their functions. Even the bishops adopted the short-sighted policy of -preferring to have their superior at Rome instead of in their own -province. Under the Carolingians, especially Charles the Great, and the -Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, however, they regained something of their -earlier prestige. But they were subjected to the direct control of the -Pope and existed as useful intermediaries between Rome and the ordinary -bishops. In that limited sphere of activity, however, there were still -many important duties left to the metropolitan of the Middle Ages. As -early as the sixth century the Pope at Rome, as patriarch, claimed the -right to sanction the election of a metropolitan by the clergy of the -province, and bestowed the "pallium" upon the candidate. The -metropolitans, it must be remembered, were not generally separated from -archbishops in the early history of the Church. When the differentiation -did evolve, the archbishop became superior to the metropolitan. - -The title archbishop was unknown in the Church before the fourth -century. At first it was used as a sign of honour without implying -superior jurisdiction over bishops. Perhaps Athanasius first used it in -speaking of Bishop Alexander of Alexandria. Then Gregory Nazianzen -applied it to Athanasius himself. Soon it came to be used in connection -with the bishops of the most important sees in the East. Liberatus gave -all the patriarchs the title of archbishops. The Council of Chalcedon -even applied the name to the mighty patriarchs of Rome and -Constantinople. When the Empire was divided into dioceses, which in turn -were subdivided into provinces, an exarch or vicar was placed in the -capital of each diocese. In conscious imitation, the Church established -ecclesiastical exarchs or patriarchs in these local capitals. Archbishop -was a common title for this office. The archbishop ordained the -metropolitans, convened diocesan synods, received appeals from the -metropolitan and his provincial synod, and enforced discipline in his -diocese. In the West in the seventh century Isidore of Seville ranked -the archbishop higher than the metropolitan. The precise distinction -between the two offices, however, was not very clear and, finally, was -lost entirely. These officers usually sided with the secular authorities -against the Pope and tended to favour the organisation of national -Churches with patriarchs at their head. They attempted likewise to -subject the bishops and priests to their rule and thus curtail the power -of the Pope. The Popes, however, saw the danger and sought to avert it -by appointing several archbishops in each country, and bestowing upon -one of them the title of "primate" with the delegated powers of the Holy -See. Thus England had the archbishops of Canterbury, the oldest (seventh -century) and most important,[350:1] and of York (eighth century). -Germany was ruled by the archbishops of Mayence, who was "primus" and -who served as imperial chancellor until the time of Otto the -Great,[350:2] Trier (eighth century), Cologne (eighth century), Salzburg -(eighth century), Hamburg-Bremen (ninth century), and Magdeburg (tenth -century).[350:3] France possessed the archbishops of Rheims, who was -recognised as primate,[350:4] Aix, Aux, Bordeaux, Bourges, and Rouen. In -Italy the Pope had a continual struggle with the archbishops of Milan, -who claimed as their founder the apostle Barnabas, Aquileia, and -Ravenna. The use of the title primate does not come into ordinary use, -it seems, until after the appearance of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. - -Next in the hierarchy came the bishops. They resented, as a general -rule, the pretensions of both the metropolitans and the archbishops and -recognised the Pope as their friend and superior. Since all western -Europe was divided up into episcopal dioceses, with one bishop in each -diocese, they were both very numerous and very powerful, particularly -in local affairs. - -For the first five centuries of the Christian era the election of -bishops in the Church followed one general pattern. The neighbouring -bishops nominated while the local clergy and laity approved the election -and gave the requisite testimony of character. But with the evolution in -the organisation of the Church, and as a result of the close alliance -with the state, a series of important changes occurred. (1) With the -rise of the metropolitans there appeared a new factor in the selection -of a bishop. The metropolitan usually conducted the election, and -confirmed and ordained the candidate. This came to be regulated by -Church canons. (2) With the ascendancy of the state over the Church the -selection of bishops was practically transferred to the laity. At times -Emperors alone nominated. After the sixth century, the right of royal -assent was generally acknowledged. It was but a short step to convert -that secular assumption into a right of nomination. Thus the ruling -power had come to control the election of bishops quite generally -throughout the mediaeval Church. Among the chief qualifications for the -office were, in addition to a good character, an age limit of fifty -years, ordination as priest, or at least as deacon, and membership in -the local clergy. But these requirements were often broken and waived. - -The bishop occupied an office of arduous duties and grave -responsibilities. It might be said that he was the powerful ruler of his -province. He administered all the Christian sacraments. He enforced -discipline. He received all income and offerings, and managed all the -ecclesiastical business of his diocese. He exercised the power of -ordination and confirmation, and thus perpetuated the Christian -ministry. He did all the formal preaching and by visitation kept an -oversight of the whole Church under his care. He was the natural medium -of communication to and from his people and clergy. He was also an -important factor in the local synod and served as the ecclesiastical -judge of his district. All such matters as liturgy, worship, alms, -dedication of churches, patronage, and protection of minors, widows, and -the unfortunate came under his jurisdiction. Nor did his cares end here. -Through the synod he helped to rule the province and through the general -council he participated in the government of the Church at large. - -The bishops controlled the priests, who were found in every section of -Christendom in the sixth century, and who came into vital touch with the -masses of the laity. As early as the third century, indeed, all churches -began to conform to a single type. The independence of the presbyter of -the early Church disappeared with the rise of the episcopal system. The -subordination of the priest became, by the sixth century, complete. This -result was inevitable because of the rise of the synodal system, the -assimilation of the organisation of the Empire, and the development of -the parochial system, which subdivided the diocese into smaller sections -in the hands of priests.[352:1] The priests administered the sacraments -to the people to whom they were the very bread of life and the means of -salvation, heard them in their confessions, inflicted penances and gave -them counsel, baptised their children, confirmed them, watched over all -their deeds on earth, closed their eyes in death, and prepared them for -the world to come, and even through prayers and masses interceded for -their forgiveness in purgatory. Working side by side with the priests -were the countless monks and nuns fairly swarming over western Europe, -who also came into intimate touch with the masses. They were the -teachers and preachers of the common people. In the hands of these -priests and monks rested almost entirely the humane and charitable -institutions of the Middle Ages. The true religion of Jesus was likewise -in their hands rather than in the hands of the higher clergy. - -At the bottom of the hierarchical pyramid were the laity, who by the -twelfth century included all the people of western Europe, except a -portion of Spain. Both canon law and imperial law forbade their -performing any sacerdotal functions and ordered them "to be obedient to -the order handed down by the Lord." - -From the standpoint of morality,[353:1] this period was one of -pronounced contrasts. Christian virtues and heathen vices, the strictest -asceticism and the grossest sensuality, tyranny and crude democracy, all -existed side by side with apparently no serious conflicts. It was an age -of anarchy, confusion, lawlessness, immorality, and highway robbery on -land and sea, accompanied by boldness, chivalry, and heroism. In the -East, the Church had to contend with "the vices of an effete -civilisation and a corrupt court." In the West, many of the old Roman -vices were continued and even invigorated by fresh barbaric blood. It -would be difficult to imagine anything more corrupt than the Merovingian -court.[353:2] Of the whole period Gibbon declares that it would be -impossible "to find anywhere more vice or less virtue." - -The people at this time might be called more religious than moral. A -little piety would cover a multitude of sins in the eyes of even the -best. A whole life of wickedness and evil-doing was all wiped out and a -home in heaven assured by the building of a church, monastery, shrine, -or hospital, or by deeding property to the Church, or by doing some -pious deed. An exaggerated belief in the supernatural and miraculous was -universal. A physical hell, heaven, devil, and angels were just as real -to the people as the earth, day and night, the sun and moon, and the -seasons. The worship of saints and relics was very common, and -particularly in favour with the most wicked. The seventh century had -more saints than any preceding, except possibly the fourth. Under these -circumstances, it was not uncommon to find good used as a cloak for evil -and the greatest apparent sanctity united with the worst -licentiousness.[354:1] - -The clergy led society and set moral standards which the masses followed -without question. They embraced all social ranks from the sons of kings -to the sons of slaves. Politically they shared with the kings and nobles -the rule of the people. The upper clergy had huge estates like the -landed nobles, and were, in fact, recruited largely from the younger -sons of noblemen. The clergy were everywhere immune from taxation and -military service. Charles the Great and his successors gave them all the -privileges granted by the Eastern Emperors from Constantine on. They -could not be tried or sued before civil courts, but had their own -tribunals. They were supported by the income from landed estates, gifts -from the pious, and legally established tithes. Morally, they were as a -rule superior to their flocks, although there are many disgraceful -exceptions. Europe was cursed at this time with tramp priests without -churches who swarmed over Europe demanding a livelihood because of the -sanctity of their office. Contrary to law, bishops wore swords and lost -their lives on battle-fields--even Popes engaged in warfare.[355:1] -Drunkenness was not infrequent among the clergy and licentiousness was a -common complaint against them.[355:2] The minutes of Church synods are -full of censures and punishments for clerical sins and vices like -fornication, intemperance, avarice, hunting and hawking, gambling, -betting, attending horse races, going to theatres, keeping houses of -prostitution, and others.[355:3] Celibacy was the prescribed rule of the -West, but many of the clergy were either married or lived with -mistresses. Hadrian II. was married before he became Pope and his -son-in-law murdered both the Pope's wife and daughter (868).[355:4] But -there were of course many noteworthy examples of purity in all ranks of -the clergy. Married laymen upon entering the priesthood or a convent -gave up their wives. The lowest depths, perhaps, were reached in the -tenth and eleventh centuries, when even the Popes themselves, who should -have stood for all that was best, set the example for the greatest evil. -Reform did not appear until the coming of the monastic order of Clugny, -the German Emperors, and the Hildebrandine Popes. - -The Church, however, during this trying, formative period was the moral -ark of safety for Europe. It fought vice and encouraged virtue. It was -the only promoter of education and culture. It taught the Apostles' -Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, and along with them -were learned lessons of faith and duty. It emphasised both the need and -importance of prayer, fasts, charity, pity, hospitality, and other -virtues. Its ideals were always high--far above the masses of the Church -members--though in practice the clergy did not always conform to the -ideals. The Church was the one great light that pointed the people of -this epoch to a brighter day and a better civilisation. The sanctity of -the home life for the laity and of celibacy for the priests was -asserted. Divorce was seldom permitted.[356:1] Woman's position and -property rights were advanced. The Virgin Mary was constantly extolled -as the incarnation of womanly purity, love, and devotion. Much wise and -ennobling legislation on the subject of marriage was enacted. There are -many instances, too, where the head of the Church, or one of his -officers, bravely protected injured innocence, even against kings. -Polygamy, concubinage, secret marriage, the marriage of relatives, and -marriage with Jews, heathen, or heretics were forbidden.[356:2] - -The Church inherited the patristic conception of Rome in regard to -slavery. Jesus had made no direct reference to the social organisation. -St. Paul, however, spoke of the relations of slave and master.[356:3] -"The world into which Christianity was born recognised slavery -everywhere."[357:1] The early Church tolerated slavery, but emancipation -was held to be an act of Christian charity[357:2]; hence converted -Christians often freed their slaves on baptism.[357:3] The Church -Fathers recognised the institution of slavery as a moral wrong -established on a legal basis, but called Christian slaves brothers. -Lactantius told Constantine that slaves were brothers in Jesus.[357:4] -Ambrose suggested that the slave might be even superior to his -master.[357:5] Augustine held that slavery was a sin which originated in -the Noachian curse, but that Christ's sacrifice freed slaves, -consequently the curse would disappear.[357:6] - -The mediaeval Church, inheriting the patristic view, sought not to -abolish slavery, but to ameliorate it. Masters were requested, -therefore, to provide spouses for their slaves.[357:7] Prayers were -offered up constantly for the removal of their hardships.[357:8] They -were granted all the Church feast and fast days.[357:9] Among the -Christians there were many acts of manumission.[357:10] Constantine and -his successors enacted many laws favourable to slaves.[357:11] The -barbarian invasion, however, postponed for a thousand years the general -emancipation of slaves. The Church itself was a slave-owner and slaves -were found on the lands of convents, bishops, and Popes.[358:1] Even -one of the Popes, Calistus, had been a slave.[358:2] But at the same -time the Church was always an asylum for slaves and sought to protect -them from cruel masters. Gregory the Great declared that all slaves held -by Jews were free[358:3] and also emancipated heathen slaves upon -turning Christian.[358:4] Thus both by precept and example the Church -was the one great force paving the way for the gradual abolition of -slavery.[358:5] - -The Church, as the great advocate of peace and order, strove to abolish -family feuds, blood-revenge, and private wars by substituting legal -action and legal penalty against the author of crime.[358:6] The synod -of Toledo in 693 forbade duels and private feuds.[358:7] The synod of -Charroux in 989 and the Bishop of Puy in 990 proclaimed the "Peace of -God."[358:8] The synod of Poitiers in 1004, in proclaiming the "Peace of -God," decided that law should replace force in determining questions of -justice. The synod of Limoges in 1031 issued an interdict against bloody -feuds. The Church everywhere sought to have disputes settled by fines -rather than fighting, by arbitration rather than litigation, by -witnesses rather than by duels. The efforts of the Church in this era of -lawlessness, of wanton bloodshed, and of insecurity of property, to -maintain peace and to secure justice form one of the most glorious -chapters in her remarkable career. The Popes wrote letters and published -encyclicals to recommend vows and habits of concord to all Christian -nations. Great councils were called to spread abroad ideas of amity and -brotherly love. The clergy preached it and enthusiastic monks went from -village to village to proclaim it in the name of the "Prince of Peace." -A veritable crusade of peace swept over Europe, and denounced war as -anti-Christian. Brotherhoods of the Peace of God were formed to curb the -militant feudal barons and to protect commerce, agriculture, women, -children, travellers, strangers, and holy clerks. When the whole -ecclesiastical machinery of the Church, with its power to withhold -salvation gained through the holy sacraments and with its mighty weapons -of excommunication and interdict, was wielded in behalf of peace, it was -a force that could not easily be resisted.[359:1] To the Church, -therefore, must be given the credit of making the first determined -effort to limit, if not to abolish, the ravages of private war. - -The famous "Truce of God," which originated in Aquitania in 1033, marks -a new era.[359:2] Private war was the curse of the Middle Ages and the -Church made an effort to check the evil. According to its provisions, -bishops and abbots were to see to it that all feuds should cease from -Wednesday evening till Monday morning. The penalty for violating the -truce was at first excommunication, but later expulsion from a -bishopric, loss of a benefice or property, severance of the right hand, -decapitation, scalping, and other punishments were added. Archbishop -Raimbald of Arles with other bishops and abbots asked the Church in -Italy in 1041 to adopt the "Truce of God."[360:1] Pope Nicholas II. -(1059) and Alexander II. (1068) made public proclamation of the peace, -and, as a result of all these endeavours, it soon spread over -France,[360:2] Italy,[360:3] Burgundy, Spain, and Germany.[360:4] Rulers -were not slow to sanction and to enforce these peace measures. Emperor -Henry IV. issued an edict in 1085 to enforce the "Truce of God" under -frightfully severe penalties.[360:5] Pope Urban II. in the Council of -Clermont, held a decade later, made it the general law of the -Church.[360:6] The time was extended to the periods between Advent and -Epiphany, Ash Wednesday and Easter, Ascension Day and Pentecost.[360:7] -Various festivals and vigils were also included. If strictly enforced -the "Truce of God" would have given Christendom peace for about 240 days -out of the year. Its operation was preceded by the ringing of bells. The -first Lateran Councils (1121, 1139, 1179) confirmed it and made it a -part of the _Corpus Juris Canonici_. The "Truce of God" later helped to -produce the "land peace" in various parts of the Empire.[360:8] - -The Church sanctioned and used the "judgment of God" or the ordeal as a -better means of obtaining justice than by war.[361:1] This process of -justice was not new, but had prevailed in the Orient and among the Celts -and Teutons. It rested on this fundamental principle that the accused is -guilty until he proves himself innocent and that God, as the source of -justice, will protect the innocent. "Let doubtful cases," ran a -Carolingian capitulary, "be determined by the judgment of God. The -judges may decide that which they clearly know, but that which they -cannot know shall be reserved for divine judgment. He whom God has -reserved for His own judgment may not be condemned by human means." - -There were four different kinds of ordeals: by water, by fire, by -battle, and by some sacred emblem.[361:2] The ordeal by hot water was -the oldest form in Europe.[361:3] It typified the deluge and hell. -Hincmar of Rheims appears to have recommended it first. The accused was -compelled, with naked arm, to find a stone or ring in a kettle of -boiling water, or merely to thrust his arm into it. If his arm was -scalded he was guilty, if not, innocent.[361:4] The ordeal by cold water -was probably introduced by Pope Eugenius II. (824-827). The theory was -that pure water will not receive a criminal, hence it was believed that -the guilty would float and the innocent sink. The accused, therefore, -was bound and thrown into the water, but held by a rope with which to -pull him out.[361:5] - -The ordeal by fire was performed either by hot iron or stones, or by a -pure flame of fire. The accused was compelled to walk barefooted over -six or twelve red-hot ploughshares, or to carry a piece of red-hot iron -in his bare hand nine feet or more. The unburned, of course, were -innocent.[362:1] Or the accused was asked to stick his hand into a -flame, or walk with bare feet and legs through the fire.[362:2] - -The battle ordeals were very old and widespread in Europe although not -introduced into England until the Norman Conquest. They were used for -both personal and international disputes. The right to contest was -usually restricted to free men, but the young, sick, old, female, and -clergy could furnish substitutes. Here again God, the Judge in all these -cases, gave victory to the innocent.[362:3] The Church regarded this -form of ordeal with disfavour. Both councils and Popes declared boldly -against it. Innocent II., Alexander III., Clement III., Celestine III., -and Innocent III. were outspoken in their opposition. It was expressly -forbidden the clergy to engage in these combats without special license. -Christian burial was even refused to those who fell in such combats. -Civil law enforced the ecclesiastical opposition and thus gradually -secured the elimination of the evil. This ordeal did not die out until -the sixteenth century. - -The sacred ordeals had to do with religious emblems. In the ordeal of -the cross both the accused and the defendant stood before a cross with -uplifted arms while special divine service was performed, or the arms -were extended in the form of a cross. The arms of the guilty person -dropped first. Pepin first used it for divorce cases (752). Charles the -Great extended it to territorial disputes (806). Louis the Pious -abolished it in 816 because it brought the holy symbol into disrepute. -The eucharist was likewise employed to protect the innocent and punish -the guilty. The synod of Worms in 868 enjoined it upon bishops and -priests accused of murder, adultery, theft, and sorcery. In the trial -the eucharist was swallowed with this adjuration from the priest: "May -this body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be a judgment to thee this -day." In the famous encounter of Hildebrand and Henry IV. at Canossa, -the Pope challenged the Emperor to undergo this ordeal, but the wily -German refused.[363:1] A use was also made of relics for similar -purposes--a test that was probably of ecclesiastical origin. The accused -placed his hands on the sacred relics and made an oath of his innocence. - -The Church played a very conspicuous part in all these ordeals. Church -councils sanctioned them[363:2] and the clergy favoured them.[363:3] Not -infrequently they were used to further the interests of the Church and -to punish heretics. Priests usually prepared the contestants by fasts, -prayer, and special service, presided over the trial, and pronounced -judgment in God's name. This method of securing justice, however, -provoked considerable opposition within the Church. As early as the -sixth century Bishop Avitus of Vienne opposed the battle ordeal in the -Burgundian Code. St. Agobard of Lyons (d. 840) wrote two enlightened -treatises against the duel and the whole system of the ordeal.[364:1] -Occupants of St. Peter's Chair like Leo IV., Nicholas I., Stephen VI., -Sylvester II., Alexander II., Alexander III., Celestine III., Honorius -III., all condemned the institution.[364:2] The famous fourth Lateran -Council held under Innocent III. in 1215 forbade the use of religious -ceremonies in these trials and thus practically abolished the -institution. Secular rulers also sought to end the practice. -Unfortunately, the Inquisition, which employed methods somewhat similar -to the ordeal, followed too closely in its wake. - -Perhaps the most important service of the Church to the civilisation of -the Middle Ages was the extensive cultivation of charity, "the queen of -the Christian graces."[364:3] Both the example and teachings of Jesus -served as a model and were supplemented by the words and work of the -Apostles, particularly Paul. In the early Church charity was a cardinal -principle.[364:4] At first the remnants of the eucharistic feasts were -employed as sources of relief to the poor and needy; later free-will -offerings given to the bishop and collections taken in the churches were -employed to the same end. Usually seven deacons distributed these -contributions to the poor, sick, and needy in each congregation.[364:5] - -In Rome the organisation of charity was begun comparatively early. The -parish was introduced in the third century and in the fourth century -Pope Anastasius divided Rome into fourteen "regions" and in them founded -and endowed deaconries. Gregory the Great in the sixth century created -seven districts in Rome ruled over by seven deacons and an archdeacon, -built a hospital in each district, controlled by a deacon and a steward -for the poor, sick, and orphans; and formed thirty parishes with -thirty-six priests. He sold his extensive possessions and gave the -proceeds to charity. Many of the great Fathers of the Church made -similar sacrifices and never wearied of enjoining the duty of charity on -Christians. The churches of Rome had large estates, especially in -Sicily. One third of their income was given quarterly to -charities.[365:1] Pope Gregory the Great also made monthly distributions -of food to the poor, and each day sent part of his meals to feed the -needy at his door. This model arrangement for charitable purposes in the -capital of Christendom was copied quite extensively elsewhere and -enlisted the services of thousands of priests, monks, and nuns in all -sections of western Europe. - -After Constantine legalised Christianity, charity became institutional -and endowed, first in the East, then to the westward.[365:2] Perhaps the -first public hospital was founded in Rome by Fabiola, a Roman lady, in -the fourth century. St. Pammachus established another in the Eternal -City. Paulinus built one in Nola. Still others were planted in Naples, -Sicily, and Sardinia. Poorhouses, orphanages, and homes for the aged -were likewise begun in this early period. As Christianity was spread -over Europe by the missionary monks these charitable institutions were -planted by it to help and comfort thousands in this period of war, -famine, and pestilence, and to remain as the choicest heritage to the -modern from the mediaeval Church. In theory, mediaeval charity was made -one of the chief acts of piety, the most certain means of salvation, and -perhaps emphasised too much the benefits to the donor and to his dead -relatives, rather than to the worthy recipient. - -Church discipline originated in the "power of the keys" and in the -control of the sacraments. In the early Church it was a "purely -spiritual jurisdiction."[366:1] After Constantine, however, it touched -the civil and social status of the delinquents. During the entire Middle -Ages it was a tremendous power because it was believed that the Church, -ruled by the divinely appointed Pope and his army of ecclesiastics, was -the "dispenser of eternal salvation" and that exclusion from her -communion without repentance incurred eternal damnation. Discipline was -administered either directly by the Pope or by the bishops and their -representatives, the archdeacons, or in each congregation by the priest. -Civil authorities aided the Church in enforcing discipline. Charles the -Great ordered the bishops to hold annual public synodical courts to try -cases of incest, murder, adultery, robbery, theft, and other vices -contrary to God's laws.[366:2] The clergy and laity alike were -investigated. Seven irreproachable synodal judges from each congregation -reported to the synod on the state of morals and religion.[366:3] -Similar synods were held in Spain and England and soon came to be -common throughout Europe. The ordinary penalties inflicted were fines, -fasting, pilgrimages, scourging, imprisonment, and deeds of charity. -Obstinate cases incurred excommunication. The penalties inflicted on the -clergy were more severe than those on the laity.[367:1] About the same -time developed the practice by which the priest heard the -confessions[367:2] of his flock and doled out the punishment for their -private offences. But by the ninth century confession to a priest had -not yet become compulsory. - -The most severe punishment on the individual was excommunication.[367:3] -It could be pronounced by the Pope against a layman, either king or -common man, or against a bishop or priest; or by a bishop against a -layman or a priest. Its operation was direct and its effects severe. It -cut the excommunicate off from the sacraments which alone could insure -his salvation and subjected him to temporal punishments. As long as he -was under the ban, he was a social outcast, like an outlawed criminal or -a dangerous wild beast, debarred from all social greetings, food, -shelter, and all intercourse. To kill him was not murder and he was left -to die in lonely starvation. By the secular law, too, he lost all civil -rights, could be seized and thrown into prison, and forfeited to the -state all his property.[367:4] His whole family, likewise, were subject -to the same disabilities.[367:5] If a king, his subjects were all -released from allegiance to him. He was consigned to everlasting -punishment, often with the most terrific curses, which were frequently -written down with sacred wine and ink. This terrible fate dangled over -the head of every member of the Church, dead as well as alive, but, of -course, it followed only after the proof of guilt had been established -in a careful, formal trial and after earnest entreaties to repent had -been made. The theory, however, was too often abused.[368:1] With -sincere repentance the punishment ceased and absolution followed.[368:2] - -There are examples almost without number of the employment of -excommunication, but a few conspicuous examples will suffice to show its -operation. Ambrose in 383 excommunicated Maximus for murdering Gratian, -the Emperor.[368:3] Gregory the Great excommunicated Archbishop Maximus -of Salona and forced him to repentance (600).[368:4] The Archbishop of -Sens (seventh century) launched the curse against unknown robbers of his -church.[368:5] Pope Benedict VIII. excommunicated the despoiler of the -monastery of St. Giles.[368:6] There were very many cases against kings, -criminals, heretics, etc., and the punishment was even applied to -animals. Thus in 975 the Archbishop of Treves excommunicated the -annoying sparrows. Caterpillars which were ravishing the diocese of Laon -were put under the ban in 1120 by the bishop. Even St. Bernard, on an -occasion which may have been justifiable, pronounced an anathema in 1121 -on a swarm of flies which bothered him while he was making a pious -speech.[369:1] Not only was this ecclesiastical cudgel used with the -most telling effects in enforcing the law of the Church upon the -disobedient and unbelieving, but it was not infrequently abused for -personal revenge and spite or for other low motives.[369:2] - -The interdict was another form of punishment, issued by a Pope or a -bishop, against a city, diocese, district, or country, and involved the -innocent along with the guilty. It had a counterpart among the barbarian -tribes which made the family responsible for the crimes of individual -members. This may have been its origin, for the Church adopted the same -idea in applying excommunication to the barbarians. It began in a mild -form as early as the fifth century, but ere long was a common -punishment. The city of Rouen was put under the interdict in 586 for the -murder of its bishop.[369:3] The Bishop of Laon in 869 pronounced the -interdict on his diocese, but Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims removed it. -The synod of Limoges enforced the "Truce of God" in 1031 by this -means.[369:4] Gregory VII. applied it to the province of Gnesen to -punish King Boleslaw II. for the crime of murder, and Alexander II. in -1180 thus afflicted all Scotland because the ruler expelled a papal -bishop. Innocent III. in 1200 suspended it over France, because of the -marital faithlessness of Philip Augustus, and for six years enforced it -in England (1208) to humble King John. Its operation was very severe. -All religious worship was suspended, the churches were closed, priests -refused to perform marriage and burial ceremonies, the people were -ordered to fast as in Lent and were forbidden to shave or cut their -hair.[370:1] Only the sacraments, of baptism and extreme unction could -be administered and then always behind closed doors. Penance and the -eucharist could be extended alone to the mortally sick. All inhabitants -of the afflicted region were ordered to dress in mourning, fast, and act -in humility. Church bells were tolled at certain hours in the day, when -all people were to fall upon their knees in prayer for the removal of -the causes of the interdict. With such thunderbolts as the -excommunication and interdict in the hands of the great High Priest of -the Church, which could be hurled at will against any individual or -people, and when the people blindly and unquestionably submitted to -them, it can be seen how the power of the Papacy was augmented and the -subjection of the clergy and laity alike increased. - -The mass was the very centre of all Church worship. Pope Gregory I. -established its mediaeval form. The celebration of the mass was the -bloodless sacrifice of Christ to God for the world's sins, a -reconciliation of heaven and earth, of benefit to the living and to the -pious dead. It is no wonder then that the mass was celebrated several -times daily with the greatest ritualistic pomp and display. Masses for -the dead, too, became popular as the doctrine of purgatory -developed[370:2] and were usually celebrated as solitary masses. Lullus -even ordered masses and fasts in order to obtain good weather.[370:3] -The dogma of transubstantiation while generally held had not yet become -Church law. Church worship throughout western Europe was conducted in -Latin, and consequently was little understood by the masses of the -laity. - -Although preaching was not a necessary part of the regular Church -service, still it was not an unusual feature. Pope Gregory I. frequently -preached with great earnestness, although his successors did not follow -his example. Bishops were required to preach, but their negligence was -proverbial.[371:1] The priests were commanded to explain to their people -the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the nature of the -sacraments. The models recommended were the homilies,[371:2] and the -sermons of Gregory I.[371:3] The vernacular was used of course in all -preaching and cathedral instruction. - -The Church hymns of this period reflect the Christian life and worship. -In the Latin Church the hymns are divided into three periods: the -patristic epoch to Gregory I. (d. 604); the mediaeval epoch to Damiani -(d. 1073); and the classical epoch to 1300. These Latin hymns possess -much fervour and some genius, and have a very pronounced character. Most -of them were inspired by the Blessed Virgin and next in favour came the -saints. There were many beautiful products like _Te Deum -Laudamus_.[371:4] In the early churches no organ was used.[371:5] Pope -Vitalian (657-672) probably first employed one, while Pepin and Charles -the Great both received presents of this instrument from the East. After -the eighth century it was generally used during the Middle Ages.[372:1] -Church bells gradually came into use after the time of Constantine and -were very numerous during this period.[372:2] - -The origin of the term sacrament is not very clear. The Latin -_sacramentum_ meant the military oath of allegiance and the early -Fathers apparently used it in that sense.[372:3] It was also spoken of -as _mysterium_ in the New Testament.[372:4] _Sacramentum_ was thus early -united with _mysterium_ to denote the solemn, instructive, semi-secret, -external religious rites of worship. Augustine's definition, "the -visible form of invisible grace," or "a sign of a sacred thing," has -become classic and was accepted for centuries. The number of sacraments -was an evolution. Tertullian mentions but two, the eucharist and -baptism. Cyprian spoke of a third, confirmation. The Vulgate apparently -added a fourth, marriage.[372:5] Augustine mentioned the Lord's Supper -and baptism particularly as sacraments but used the word in many other -applications. The old "sacramentaries" of the eighth century and later -extend the word sacrament to a great variety of rites such as blessing -of the holy water, dedicating churches, etc., and have prayers and -benedictions for the same. Robanus Maurus (d. 856) advocated four and -Paschasius Rodbertus (d. 865) two sacraments, while Dionysius -Areopagite believed in six and Peter Damiani (d. 1072) enumerated -twelve. Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141) asserted that there were thirty, -but Peter Lombard (d. 1164) and Thomas Aquinas (1274) fixed on seven as -the number, though they were not officially adopted by the Church until -1439. - -The sacraments were the means of grace and spiritual food for the soul. -They met the child at birth in baptism, accompanied him in life, and -closed his eyes with extreme unction in death. - -The most important of the sacraments was the eucharist. This solemn -festival seems to have been at first a regular meal, probably the -principal meal of the day in each family, at which the commemorative -breaking of bread and partaking of the cup was a part. Subsequently, -however, the local congregation met on this common basis. Certain abuses -which resulted[373:1] led to the early separation of the agape, or -love-feast, from the ministration of the eucharist of the bread and -wine. Henceforth the eucharist became a distinct institution celebrated -soon with solemn pomp by the priesthood alone. It was regarded as the -symbol of unity among believers and of communion with the Deity. It -became the test of Christian fellowship and membership. In the hands of -the mediaeval priesthood, it was a most effectual power, since the Church -could withhold it and thus make those deprived of it outcasts certain of -eternal damnation. Because of its grave importance, the Church made -participation frequent and obligatory--and even administered it to -infants and to the dead. In the early Church the eucharist was -celebrated every Lord's Day and on the anniversaries of the martyrs. -Later it was offered every day and after the time of Leo the Great -several times a day as a daily sacrifice for daily sins. The celebration -of the eucharist was called the mass--the culmination of all Christian -worship--to which, however, only those fully initiated into Church -membership were admitted.[374:1] - -Baptism was likewise a very important sacrament. Although there is no -evidence that Jesus ever performed the rite, still the New Testament -shows that the Apostles and evangelists did.[374:2] Immersion and -sprinkling were both early employed. The priest of course performed the -rite, though in cases of urgency any person using the proper formula -could do so. The effects produced by baptism were: regeneration; the -infusion of sanctifying grace; the gifts of faith, hope, and charity; -the remission of all sin, both original and actual, and also of all -penalty due to sin, both temporal and eternal. Because of the great -efficacy and the indelible character imparted by this sacrament, also -its absolute necessity to salvation, it was common for catechumens to -postpone the rite until the end of life drew near--as did Constantine -the Great--for then it would wipe away all past records. Elaborate -ceremonies in connection with baptism early developed. Candidates for -the rite, called catechumens, were forced to undergo a long course of -instruction. They could not witness the mysteries of the eucharist, but -were dismissed after the response and genuflections. After baptism, -which was administered usually on great Church festivals, especially -Whitsunday, the catechumens were received, given Christian name, turned -to the west to renounce the "devil and his works," exorcised by the -priest, anointed with holy oil, and instructed in the fundamentals of -Christian doctrine. Often an entire day was consumed in these -ceremonies. The act of baptism with consecrated water was performed at -the entrance to the church and usually the baptised received a white -garment in token of his purity.[375:1] Beautiful baptisteries were early -built either within the church or very near to the entrance. - -In the Apostolic Church baptism was invariably connected with the -imposition of hands.[375:2] Later, however, the two acts were separated. -The laying on of hands in point of time came soon after the rite of -baptism.[375:3] All priests could baptise, while only the bishops could -perform the ceremony which gradually developed into the sacrament of -confirmation. The permanent separation of baptism and confirmation did -not occur, it seems, until the thirteenth century. The rite of baptism -was ordinarily performed only in special baptismal churches and at -certain stated periods. In popular opinion the baptised were placed -under the protection and consecration of the divine power. The rite also -signified subjection to the Church. - -Penance was a sacrament and a pronounced institution of the Church of -the Middle Ages. The New Testament has in it but little on the subject -of discipline.[376:1] In the early Church penance was exclusively -spiritual, was not compulsory but had to be sought, occurred but once, -was extended only to baptised communicants, always followed public -confession before the whole congregation, and varied with the offence. -The penitents removed all ornaments from their persons, dressed in -sackcloth, the men shaved their heads and faces and the women wore -dishevelled hair, put ashes on their heads, abstained from baths and all -normal pleasures, and lived on bread and water. They were divided into -four classes: (1) The weepers, who could only stand at the church doors -and beg for prayers. (2) The hearers, who could enter the church for the -scripture lesson, but had to leave before the eucharistic service began. -(3) The kneelers, who could witness the first part of the eucharistic -office and then departed with the catechumens. (4) The standers, who -could remain during the whole service but were not permitted to -communicate. - -Out of these earlier conditions, penance came to be regarded as a -sacrament instituted by Jesus for removing sins committed after baptism -but involving contrition of heart and private confession to a priest as -prerequisites,[376:2] and for the performance of good works, such as -fasting, almsgiving, pilgrimages, endowing institutions of the Church, -self-flagellation, etc. The priest then solemnly absolved the penitent. -The Middle Ages produced regular "penitential books,"[376:3] that is, a -code of penalties for sins like drunkenness, fornications, avarice, -perjury, murder, heresy, idolatry, and other crimes. These regulations -were compiled from the Church Fathers, the Church synods and councils -down to the seventh century, and other collections of authoritative -sources. Nearly every diocese had its own special penitential code, but -the general character and spirit were essentially the same all over the -Church. Out of the system of penance grew the practice of indulgences, -which was simply the substitution of a payment in money for the penance. -Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury is usually credited with originating -the principle of penance and the institution of indulgences,[377:1] but -the system did not gain prominence until the time of the -Crusades.[377:2] - -Ordination was the sacrament of the hierarchy by which baptised persons -were consecrated to perform the duties of priesthood. Like baptism it -conferred an indelible character, hence could not be repeated. The -sacrament of extreme unction was at first merely the use of consecrated -oil to heal the sick.[377:3] But before long such veneration was -bestowed upon the holy oil that as early as the fourth century people -broke into the churches and stole the oil out of the lamps in order to -use it for the working of miraculous cures. It was employed not alone by -the priests, but by all Christians. It did not really become a sacrament -until the time of Peter Lombard. Marriage was also held to be a -sacrament, through which the priesthood controlled legitimacy, -inheritance, and the validity of wills. - -Out of pagan idolatry, hero-worship, and the veneration for the martyrs -of the early Church grew both the practice of saint-worship and the use -of relics. The day of the martyr's death was made a festival and the -place of his burial was sanctified. It was believed that the martyrs had -the power to intercede with the Divine Powers for the answer of prayers. -Churches and shrines were built over the tombs of the martyrs, or their -bones were carried into churches. These relics were thought to possess -miracle-working power. Those places not blessed with relics felt it to -be a great disadvantage, consequently imported the remains of martyrs -and saints to meet the need. Regular calendars of saints appeared and -children were named after them with the expectation of lifelong -protection and assistance from the patron. - -By the fourth century it was believed that the blessed martyrs, through -communion with our Lord, shared in his attributes of omnipresence and -omniscience. Prayers in behalf of the saints changed to prayers to them -for help. This transition was particularly easy for those who were won -from paganism because they were already accustomed to similar practices. -A festival of All Saints was instituted by Pope Boniface IV. in 610, -when the Pantheon was dedicated as a Christian church, though it was not -commonly observed until the ninth century, when Louis the Pious made it -general in the Empire. The festival of All Souls supplemented it in the -tenth century and became very popular. Every day in the calendar was -dedicated to one saint or more. Down to the tenth century individuals -renowned for some pious deed or for some suffering on account of the -Christian faith were exalted to sainthood by the voice of the people -with the consent of the bishop. Later, however, the bishops nominated -the saints and the Pope conferred the honour. The first instance of -papal canonisation was that of Ulrich, the Bishop of Augsburg, by John -XV. in 973. Pope Alexander III. (1170), in the period when the Papacy -was becoming all-powerful, seized this great prerogative into his own -hands.[379:1] Each nation, district, city, and individual church had its -saint. The fame of the saints was perpetuated by legend, hymn, painting, -sculpture, and the sacred edifices built to their memory and honour. -Consequently the tales and beliefs connected with the saints produced -most of the literature of the Middle Ages--the poetry, the song, the -history, and the subject of common thought, conversation, and feeling. - -Closely connected with saint-worship was the universal use of sacred -relics and a belief in their miraculous power. The dominant interest of -popular piety circles around the saints and their relics. The relics in -the church were the greatest treasure of the community, and the -reliquary was the choicest ornament of the private room of the lady, in -the knight's armory, in the king's hall, and in the bishop's palace. The -use of relics and images developed comparatively early in the life of -the Church.[379:2] By the time of Constantine the practice was common -and approved by the Fathers. In fact, so wild were the people of the -West for relics that imperial law had to prohibit the cutting of the -corpses of martyrs into pieces for sale.[380:1] The great Ambrose -refused to consecrate a church which had no relics. When the Pantheon -was dedicated by Pope Boniface IV. twenty-eight cartloads of bones of -martyrs were transferred to that building from the various -cemeteries.[380:2] The seventh oecumenical council of Nicaea (787) -forbade bishops to dedicate a church without sacred relics under penalty -of excommunication. Traffic in relics became a regular business. St. -Augustine reproved the wandering monks for selling bogus relics. Gregory -the Great refused to send relics of St. Paul to the Empress of -Constantinople, yet he very jealously distributed the filings of the -chain of St. Peter. The relics increased until western Europe was full -of them and every community had miracle-working wonders--the products of -excessive piety, fraud, and credulity. All Christians believed in relics -for it was an impious thing to doubt. The wood of the true cross "grew -into a forest"; the nails were very numerous; at Sens was found the rod -of Moses; at Aachen the swaddling clothes of Jesus; at other points a -feather plucked from the wing of the angel Gabriel, the tears of Jesus, -the milk of the Virgin, the emblems of the Passion, a piece of wood from -the temple which St. Peter intended to build on the Mount of Olives; and -the bones, hair, teeth, and garments of saints without number. These -relics were employed to convert the heathen,[380:3] to heal diseases, to -ward off danger,[380:4] to punish the wicked, to protect the innocent, -and to bring good luck and general blessing. - -The worship of Mary the Mother of Jesus became very pronounced after -the fourth century. Tertullian put Eve and Mary alongside of Adam and -Jesus. She was called the Blessed Virgin and the Mother of God. The -festival of the Annunciation held in the fifth century soon led to the -festival of the Purification of Mary, or the Candlemas of Mary. About -the end of the sixth century developed the feast of the Ascension of -Mary, to be followed the next century by the celebration of the birthday -of Mary. High above all the saints and martyrs was the rapturous -adoration of the "Queen of Heaven." After Gregory the Great the Virgin -played a constantly increasing part in the Church of the West. Churches -were erected in her honour everywhere and every church had at least a -chapel consecrated to Our Lady. - -Hell, heaven, and purgatory were very real indeed to the mediaeval mind. -Their location, form, and inhabitants were known exactly through -mediaeval credulity. Devils and angels were in constant communication in -one way or another with the inhabitants of earth. All these forces and -influences formed the mediaeval mind and produced the mediaeval -civilisation. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--The Church Fathers. See Chap. X. - - 2.--The Acts of Church Councils. See Chap. IX. - - 3.--The Early Church Historians. See Chap. XIII. - - 4.--Gee, H., and Hardy, W. J., _Documents Illustrative of English - Church History_. Lond., 1896. I., 59. - - 5.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the Middle - Ages_. N. Y., 1892. - - 6.--Ogg, _Source Book_. - - 7.--Robinson, J. H., _Readings_, i. - - 8.--Thatcher and McNeal, _Source Book_. - - 9.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_. - - Bibliographical Note:--The original sources for this phase of the - history of the Church are nearly all in Latin: 1.--Migne, - _Patrologia_. 2.--Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum - Collectio_. 3.--Pertz, et al., _Monumenta Germaniae - Historica_. 4.--Muratori, L. A., _Rerum Italicarum - Scriptores_. Med., 1723-51. 28 vols. 5.--Jaffe, - _Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum_. 6.--Watterich, - _Pontificum Romanorum_. 7.--Duchesne, _Le Liber - Pontificalis_. 8.--Bouquet, M., _Rerum Gallicarum et - Francicarum Scriptores_. Paris, 1868 _ff._ 23 vols. - 9.--_Rerum Historica Britannica_. Lond., 1858 _ff._ - 10.--Jaffe, _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_. - 11.--Potthast, A., _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_ - (1198-1304). 12.--Pflugh-Harttung, J. v., _Acta - Pontificum Romanorum Inedita_. Tub., 1881. Stutg., - 1884-8. 13.--Mirbt, _Quellen zur Geschichte des - Papsttum_. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Andrews, W., _Curiosities of the Church_. Lond., 1891. - - 2.--Balmes, J., _European Civilisation: Protestantism and - Catholicism Compared in their Effects on the Civilisation - of Europe_. Lond., 1849. - - 3.--Baring-Gould, S., _Curious Myths of the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1869. - - 4.--Bethune-Baker, J. F., _The Influence of Christianity on - War_. Camb., 1888. - - 5.--Brace, C. J., _Gesta Christi_. Lond., 1886. - - 6.--Buckle, H. T., _History of Civilisation in England_. N. - Y., 1878. 3 vols. - - 7.--Cox, G. W., and Johns, E. H., _Popular Romances of the - Middle Ages_. Lond., 1880. 2 vols. - - 8.--Cunningham, _The Growth of the Church in its Organisation - and Institutions_. Lond., 1886. - - 9.--Cutts, E. L., _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1872. - - 10.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _Fables Respecting the Popes of the - Middle Ages_. N. Y., 1872. - - 11.--Hatch, E., _The Growth of Church Institutions_. N. Y., - 1887. - - 12.--Lacroix, P., _Manners, Customs, and Dress of the Middle - Ages_. Tr. N. Y., 1874. _Military and Religious Life in - the Middle Ages._ Lond., 1879. - - 13.--Lea, H. C., _Studies in Church History_. Phil., 1869. - _Superstition and Force._ Phil., 1871. _Sacerdotal - Celibacy._ Bost., 1884. _Auricular Concession and - Indulgences._ Phil., 1896. 3 vols. - - 14.--Lecky, W. E. H., _European Morals_. N. Y., 1877. (To 9th - cent.) - - 15.--Lewis, _Paganism Surviving in Christianity_. N. Y., 1892. - - 16.--Maitland, S. R., _The Dark Ages_. Lond., 1845. - - 17.--Marshall, _Penitential Discipline of the Primitive - Church_. - - 18.--Poole, R. L., _History of Mediaeval Thought_. Lond., 1872. - - 19.--Trench, R. C., _Lectures on Mediaeval Church History_. N. - Y., 1878. - - 20.--Walcott, M. E. C., _Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals_. - Lond., 1872. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, _Civ._, ch. 3. Addis, ch. 7. Adeney, ch. 11, 12. Alzog, - ii., 111-118, 243-256, 257-292. Bouzique, ii., ch. 2, 3. - Butler, ch. 32, 33, 36-39, 58, 60, 64. Cheetham, ch. 13. Coxe, - lect. 1-4. Doellinger, ii., ch. 5, sec. 11-20; iii., ch. 4, sec. - 2, 3, 5, 7. Fisher, 110, 155, 175. Foulkes, ch. 5-11. Gieseler, - ii., 310, 318, 420, 431-446. Gilmartin, i., ch. 12-15, 36, 40. - Guericke, sec. 76-80. Kurtz, i., 352-396, 496-514, 516-526. - Milman, bk. 3, ch. 5. Moeller, ii., 111-121, 210-221, 292-320, - 321-345. Neander, ii., 661-678; iii., 91-106, 123-141, 425-456. - Pennington, ch. 2. Robertson, ii., 186-244, 493-546. Schaff, - iv., 326-355, 379-470, 571-581, 621. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[348:1] Hatch, _Growth of Church Institutions_, Lond., 1887, 121; Smith -and Cheetham, art. on "Metropolitan." - -[348:2] Canon VI. See IV. See also Canon XIX of Council of Antioch. - -[348:3] Canon IX. - -[348:4] Cod. Justin, i., 4, 29. - -[348:5] Guizot, _Hist. of Civ. in Fr._, ii., 46. - -[350:1] See article on Theodore Torens in _Dict. of Nat. Biog._ - -[350:2] Boniface (d. 735) was the greatest. - -[350:3] Hauck, _Kircheng. Deutschl._, ii. - -[350:4] This office was held by Hincmar (d. 882), the greatest man of -his time. Prichard, _Life and Times of Hincmar_, 1849; Noorden, -_Hincmar, Erzbischof von Rheims_, 1863. - -[352:1] Hatch, _Growth of Church Institutions_, contends that the parish -was of German origin, and not Roman. - -[353:1] _Acta Sanctorum_; Greg. of Tours, _Hist. of France_; _Mon. -Ger._; Mansi; Harduin; Hefele, iii., iv.; Lecky; Guizot; Balmes. - -[353:2] Greg. of Tours; Milman; Lecky; Hallam; Gibbon. - -[354:1] Butler, _Lives of Saints_; Lecky. - -[355:1] Schaff, iv., 331. - -[355:2] Greg. of Tours. - -[355:3] Hefele, iii., 341. - -[355:4] _Ibid._, iv., 323. - -[356:1] See the effort of Nicholas I. to protect the divorced wife of -King Lothair. Greenwood, bk. vii., ch. 4. - -[356:2] Lecky, ii., 335; Schaff, iv., 333; Brace, ch. 11. - -[356:3] Philem. 10-21; 1 Tim. vi., 1-2; Eph. vi., 5-7; Col. iii., 22; -Tit. ii., 9; 1 Pet. ii., 18. - -[357:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 524. - -[357:2] Lactantius, _Inst. Div._, vi., 12; _Apostolic Constitutions_, -iv., 9. - -[357:3] Baronius, _Ann._, 284, No. 15. - -[357:4] _Inst. Div._, v., 14, 15. - -[357:5] _De Joseph Patriarch._, ch. iv., Sec. 20, 21. - -[357:6] _City of God_, xix., 15. - -[357:7] _Apostolic Constitutions_, viii., 38. - -[357:8] _Ibid._, viii., 13, 19. - -[357:9] _Ibid._, 39. - -[357:10] Sozomen, i., 9. - -[357:11] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 542. - -[358:1] Gregory I., _Ep._, x., 66; ix., 103. - -[358:2] Hefele, iii., 611. Slaves and serfs were admitted to priesthood. -Leo I. objected to the practice (letter 4). - -[358:3] See letters of Gregory I., iv., 9, 21; vi., 32; vii., 24; ix., -36, 110. - -[358:4] For a statement of his attitude toward slavery and for an -example of his manumission, see book vi., letter 12; book viii., letter -21. - -[358:5] Balmes; Brace, ch. 21; Schaff, iv., 334; Lecky, ii., 66. - -[358:6] Brace, ch. 12. - -[358:7] Hefele, iii., 349. - -[358:8] Thatcher and McNeal, Nos. 240, 241. - -[359:1] Brace, ch. 13. - -[359:2] Hefele, iv., 698; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 242. - -[360:1] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 39. - -[360:2] Thatcher and McNeal, Nos. 240-244. - -[360:3] _Ibid._, No. 248. - -[360:4] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 187; Thatcher and McNeal, Nos. -245-250; _Transl. and Rep._, i., No. 2. - -[360:5] Migne, cli., 1134; Henderson, 208. - -[360:6] Munro, _Urban and the Crusaders_; _Transl. and Rep._, i., No. 2, -p. 8. - -[360:7] Thatcher and McNeal, _cf._ Nos. 243 and 244. Hefele, iv., 696. - -[360:8] Fisher, _Med. Europe_, i., 201; Thatcher and McNeal, Nos. -248-250. - -[361:1] Lea, _Superstition and Force_. - -[361:2] Ogg, _Source Book_, Sec. 33. - -[361:3] Lea, _Superstition and Force_, 196. There are references to this -form in the Salic Law. - -[361:4] Greg. of Tours, quoted in Lea, 198; Thatcher and McNeal, No. -234. - -[361:5] For cases, see Lea, 228, 229; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 236, 237. - -[362:1] Lea, 201; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 235. - -[362:2] Peter Ingens and the monk Savonarola were examples. Lea, 209. - -[362:3] Lea, 75-174, gives cases. - -[363:1] For other cases, see Lea; Thatcher and McNeal, Nos. 238, 239. - -[363:2] Mainz, 880, Tribur, 895, Tours, 925, Auch, 1068, Grau, 1095, -etc. - -[363:3] Hincmar, Burckhardt of Worms, Gregory VII., Calixtus II., -Eugenius II., St. Bernard, etc. - -[364:1] Given in Migne, civ., 113, 250. - -[364:2] Read Lea, 272. - -[364:3] Lecky, ii., 84; Uhlhorn, _Christ. Char. in the Anc. Ch._, bk. -iii. - -[364:4] Chastel, _Historical Studies in the Influence of Charity_. Tr., -Phil., 1857. - -[364:5] Schaff, ii., 374; Justin Martyr, _Apol._, i., ch. 67. - -[365:1] Milman, ii., 117. - -[365:2] Smith and Cheetham, _Dict. of Christ. Antiq._, art. "Hospitals." - -[366:1] Matt. xviii., 15-18. - -[366:2] Gieseler, ii., 55. - -[366:3] Moeller, ii., 115. - -[367:1] Milman, i., 551. - -[367:2] See _Cath. Encyc._ for the origin of the confessional. - -[367:3] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 236. - -[367:4] _Ibid._, 296, 416. - -[367:5] _Ibid._, 393. - -[368:1] Lea, 264, 266, 303, 343, 345, 347, 362, 382, 421. - -[368:2] The anathema was used in a sense and manner similar to -excommunication. See _Cath. Encyc._ for an excellent discussion. - -[368:3] Lea, 282. - -[368:4] _Ibid._, 298. - -[368:5] _Ibid._, 303. - -[368:6] _Ibid._, 337; Schaff, iv., 377. - -[369:1] Lea, 428. - -[369:2] _Ibid._, 416; Gregory the Great, bk. ii., Letter 34. - -[369:3] Greg. of Tours, bk. viii., ch. 31. - -[369:4] Gieseler, ii., 199, n. 12; Hefele, iv., 693-695; Schaff, iv., -380. - -[370:1] Harduin, vi., 885. - -[370:2] Gregory I. is usually credited with introducing this mass. - -[370:3] Moeller, ii., 113. - -[371:1] Hefele, iii., 758, 764; iv., 89, 111, 126, 197, 513, 582; Mansi, -xiv., 82. - -[371:2] _Mon. Ger. Scrip._, vi.-ix., 45-187; Wattenbach, _Deutschl. -Geschichtsq._, i., 134. - -[371:3] Hefele, iii., 745. - -[371:4] Stephenson, _Latin Hymns of the An.-Sax. Church_; Trench, -_Sacred Latin Poets_; Chandler, _Hymns of the Prim. Ch._; Mant., _Anc. -Hymns from the Rom. Breviary_; Cazwell, _Lyra Catholica_; Neale, -_Mediaev. Hymns_; Schaff, _Christ. in Song_. - -[371:5] This is the practice of the Greek Church to-day, and also in -several Protestant bodies. - -[372:1] Hopkins and Rimbault, _The Organ, its Hist. and Const._, 1855. -See art. in Smith and Cheetham. - -[372:2] See art. in Smith and Cheetham. - -[372:3] Tertullian, _Ad. Mort._, iii.; Vulgate iii., 16; Rev. i., 20; -xxviii., 7. - -[372:4] Rom. xvi., 25; 1 Cor. xiii., 2. - -[372:5] Eph. v., 22. - -[373:1] 1 Cor. ch. xi. - -[374:1] The catechumens, pagans, and heretics were not admitted. From -the words used in dismissing the catechumens, when the mysteries were -about to be celebrated,--_Ite, missa est_,--probably arose the use of -the word "mass." - -[374:2] Acts ii., 38-41; viii., 16, 37, 38; xix., 3-5; Matt. xxviii., -19. - -[375:1] This robe, after being worn for some time, was frequently hung -up in the church after the ceremony to remind the baptised one of his -new status. - -[375:2] Acts viii., 12-17, xix., 5, 6. - -[375:3] Council of Elvira (306), canon 38. See Tertullian for one of the -earliest explanations. - -[376:1] Matt. xviii., 17, 18; 1 Cor. v.; 2 Cor. ii., 6-10. - -[376:2] Mansi, _Coll. Concil._, xiv., 33d canon of Council of Chalons -(813). - -[376:3] The best known of these books was compiled under the direction -of Theodore, the Archbishop of Canterbury (669-690). It is given in -Haddan and Stubbs, iii., 173. The Venerable Bede also made a similar -collection. _Ibid._, 326. See quotations in Schaff, iv., 374. See -Marshall, _The Penitential Discip. of the Prim. Ch._, Lond., 1814; new -ed. in _Lib. of Cath. Theol._, Oxf., 1844. - -[377:1] Haddan and Stubbs, iii., 371. - -[377:2] See Green, _Indulgences_, etc., Lond., 1872, and Gibbings, _The -Taxes of the Apost. Pen._, Dub., 1872. - -[377:3] See Mark vi., 13; Jas. v., 14, 15; Tertullian, _Ad. Scap._, 4; -Chrysostom, _Hom._, 32. - -[379:1] Mabillon, _Act. St. Benedict_, v., Pref.; Mansi, xix., 169-179. - -[379:2] See Chap. XIV. for a full account of the origin of -image-worship. - -[380:1] Cod. Theod., ix., 17, 7. - -[380:2] This statement is given in Baronius. - -[380:3] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 305. - -[380:4] Greg. of Tours, bk. i., ch. 84. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY - - OUTLINE: I.--Decline of the Empire under the later - Carolingians. II.--Preparations to restore the Empire on a - German basis. III.--Otto the Great creates the Holy Roman - Empire. IV.--Holy Roman Empire attains its height under Henry - III. V.--Results of the creation of the Holy Roman Empire. - VI.--Sources. - - -The Empire created by Charles the Great rapidly declined under the later -Carolingians. The causes for this dissolution were: - -1. The principle of division of rule, which was practised before the -time of Charles the Great, and endorsed by him, produced five divisions -of the Empire within thirty years. This was fatal to stability and -permanency. - -2. The disintegration of the Empire into national states resulted from -the growing differences of race, language, institutions, and -laws.[384:1] - -3. Powerful feudal dukedoms arose such as Bavaria on the Danube, the -barrier against the East; Swabia on the upper Danube and Rhine; -Franconia on the Rhine and Main north of Swabia; Saxony on the Ems, -Weser, and Elbe north of Franconia; Burgundy, a kingdom south-west of -Swabia; Aquitania in southern France; Brittany in north-western France; -Normandy in northern France; and others. - -4. The rulers who succeeded Charles the Great were, as compared with -him, men of very inferior ability. - -5. The poor roads made it almost impossible to keep in touch with all -parts of the wide Empire. The well-built roads of the Romans had -generally fallen into decay, simply because there was no longer a corps -of trained engineers to keep them up. - -6. The scarcity of money likewise prevented the ruler from securing the -services of a great body of able officers, and also made it impossible -for him to support a standing army to enforce his will everywhere. - -7. The barbarian invasions from the east and the north brought in the -Northmen, Slavs, and the Hungarians, while the Saracens were attacking -Italy and southern France.[385:1] - -Before the ninth century closed, the territorial unity of the Empire of -Charles the Great was broken up. Charles the Bald (875-877) ruled France -as king, held Italy as Emperor, and sought to gain control of Germany -but was prevented by death from doing so. Charles the Fat (881-888) held -Germany as king, controlled Italy as Emperor, and was invited to assume -the French crown because Charles the Simple, a weak-minded boy of six, -could not cope with the marauding Northmen. Charles the Fat, the last -legitimate East Frankish male descendant of Charles the Great, accepted -the proffered throne (885) and thus reunited all the parts of the Empire -of Charles the Great except Burgundy. But Charles the Fat was too weak -to hold the reins of government over so vast an area. He bought off the -Northmen by a disgraceful treaty (886) to the disgust of the French, was -driven out of Italy (887), and then, deposed and deserted by his German -subjects, he crawled off to an unregrettable death on his Swabian -estates (888).[386:1] This was the last union of France and Germany -under one ruler until Napoleon the Great carved out his vast Empire in -western Europe. - -When the line of the Carolingian rulers, called into existence by papal -coronation in 800, ended with the death of the last legitimate -descendant in the male line, Charles the Fat, in 888, a new problem -confronted western Europe. The right of appointing a new Emperor -reverted to Rome and the Pope. The Empire of Charles the Great fell -asunder and from it emerged four kingdoms.[386:2] West France chose Odo -of Eudes as king. East France, or Germany, elected Arnulf. The kingdom -of Burgundy was divided between two rival rulers. Italy, except the -southern part which was still loyal to Constantinople, was also divided -between the parties of Berengar of Friuli[386:3] and Guido of -Spoleto.[386:4] The former was chosen king by the estates of Lombardy, -the latter was crowned Emperor by the Pope Stephen VI. and not long -afterwards, to insure the permanency of the imperial title in his -family, had his son Lambert crowned co-Emperor in 894 by Pope -Formosus.[386:5] - -Of all the various knights who appeared in different parts of the -Empire immediately after 888, the strongest and most able was Arnulf, a -bastard nephew of Charles the Fat, but a warrior of renown, who was -raised on the East Frankish throne by the disgusted nobles in 888. A -descendant of Charles the Great, he was, for a very brief period, looked -upon as the head of the Carolingian Empire. Odo of Eudes, the Count of -Paris, placed his royal crown in the hands of Arnulf and received it -back as a royal vassal. Berengar of Italy also did homage to Arnulf and -received his kingdom as a fief. Soon, however, local kings set up by the -people arose and Arnulf restricted his rule to Germany and Italy.[387:1] -He defeated the predatory Northmen, checked the inroads of the warlike -Magyars, and by storming Rome compelled the Corsican Pope Formosus to -crown him as Emperor (896).[387:2] Then he turned his attention to the -boy Emperor in Italy, the Duke of Spoleto, but was smitten by disease -and hastened back to Germany (d. 899).[387:3] Italy was thus left to -sixty years of tumult and anarchy. With the death of his son, Louis the -Child, in 911, the Carolingian dynasty passed away in Germany. In 987 -the powerful French barons set aside the Carolingian heir and elected -Hugh Capet, the Duke of France, as king of the feudal monarchy and the -Archbishop of Rheims crowned him.[387:4] The Carolingian Empire was at -an end. For more than half a century now the imperial crown was a -reward in the Pope's hands to be bestowed upon this or that Italian -noble for "value received."[388:1] - -The first half of the tenth century seemed to be the very nadir of -political order and conscious culture. It is almost impossible for a -modern mind to comprehend the torrents of barbaric destruction sweeping -in over western Europe from all sides. As compared with the Teutonic -invasion of the Roman Empire five centuries before, the onslaught was -more sudden and fiercer while the internal resistance was much more -poorly organised and consequently weaker. For several centuries these -forces had been gathering. Charles the Great had held the torrent in -check. But not long after the dissolution of his Empire the onslaught -began. The merciless Saracens roamed the Mediterranean Sea as its -masters, laid waste the Christian seacoast towns, and even sacked Rome -itself, the seat of Empire and Christian rule. The Danes and Northmen -swept the North Sea, the English Channel, the Atlantic coast, and -pierced France and Germany by their rivers, almost to the heart, -killing, robbing, and taking captives. They even boldly passed Gibraltar -into the Mediterranean and fell upon Provence and Italy, where they left -an indelible impression. - -Meantime on land the Slavic barbarians, the Wends, the Czechs, and the -Obotrites, rebelled against the German yoke and threatened the whole -north-eastern border of the Empire. Behind them were the Poles and -Russians. Farther south came the unruly Hungarian tribes which "dashed -over Germany like the flying spray of a new wave of barbarism, and -carried the terror of the battle-axes to the Apennines and the -ocean."[389:1] These blows from all sides knocked out the foundations of -the imperial structure, already weakened to the point of dissolution by -internal decay, and it fell. As a result reliance for protection on a -common defence and imperial organisation was abandoned. Feudalism -replaced the Empire. The strong built fortress castles, the weak became -their vassals. Local authorities--counts, dukes, lords, bishops, and -abbots--saw new duties and new opportunities. They took a firmer hold, -converted a delegated into an independent power, a personal into a -territorial jurisdiction. Recognition of a distant, weak imperial or -royal authority was only nominal and feeble at that. The grand dream of -a mighty, universal Christian Empire was being rapidly lost in the -decentralising forces, and in the increasing localisation of all powers. -During this period of weakness and confusion, the mediaeval Church, -instead of standing forth as the source of strength and intelligence, -instead of making further gains of a political and ecclesiastical -character for the See of St. Peter, seemed to fall into "a death-sleep -of moral and spiritual exhaustion."[389:2] The Papacy as a religious -organisation almost disappears from view. The commanding spirits of -Gregory the Great and of Nicholas the Great were utterly forgotten. The -victories gained through the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals were not -followed up. A really great Pope at this time might easily have realised -all the dreams of Innocent III., but none such wore the papal tiara. - -With the death of Louis the Child (911), Germany was confronted by a -serious problem.[390:1] Would the powerful German dukes set up -independent kingdoms? Or would they invite Charles the Simple, the -genuine Carolingian sovereign of France, to include Germany in a -reunited Frankish empire? Or would they create a German monarchy on an -independent basis? The German nobles met at Forchheim to consider the -situation. Charles the Simple was not even thought of--a significant -fact, because it showed that the imperial idea was at a low ebb in -Germany. The instinct of nationality was beginning to be felt. The -nobles urged the beloved and honoured old Duke of Saxony, Otto, to -accept the crown of a feudal monarchy, but he declined and urged the -election of Conrad of Franconia. Conrad accepted the responsible honour -and was crowned and anointed by the Archbishop of Mainz without -reference to the papal power. His reign (911-918) was filled with wars -against the powerful dukes who objected to the rigid enforcement of his -royal rights and the consequent curtailment of their prerogatives. The -clergy, on the contrary, upheld the king because they clearly saw that -their interests would be best cared for by a simple, strong government. -When Conrad died (918) he had made little headway toward the creation of -a powerful centralised monarchy.[390:2] - -The nobles of Saxony and Franconia met in 919 and chose Henry, the son -of Conrad, Duke of Saxony, as king (919-936).[390:3] To the Archbishop -of Mainz, who wanted to crown him, Henry said: "Enough for me that I am -raised so far above my sires as to be chosen and called king through -the grace of God and your devotion; let the sacred unction and crown be -for better men than I." Had he seen too much of kings crowned and ruled -by priests? At least his action pleased the whole assembly. By wise -concessions he forced Swabia and Bavaria to accept him as king and rewon -Lorraine as a part of the German kingdom. He thrust back the terrible -Magyars, conquered the Danes, and humbled the Bohemians. He reformed and -reorganised the military system and protected the kingdom by building -fortified towns along the northern and eastern frontiers. When he died -all the German people were under one rule, peace reigned throughout the -kingdom, feudalism had received a check, trade was flourishing, the -position of the freemen was improved, and the German kingdom had been -established on a firm basis independent of the Empire. But death alone, -perhaps, prevented him from claiming the imperial crown.[391:1] - -Under Otto the Great, however, the old Empire was to revive and become -very active, but on a German foundation. The traditions of the -Carolingian house, the Italian puppet Emperors, the Papacy, and the law, -philosophy, theology, and education of the day all helped to keep the -idea of Empire alive.[391:2] Otto, born in 912, was the son of the Saxon -king Henry I. and Matilda, who traced her descent to Charles the Great. -He spent his youth at the court and in the wars of his father, and was -regarded as haughty, overbearing, and ambitious. He married Edith, the -daughter of the King of the Anglo-Saxons (929). - -When Henry I. died in 936 the nobles and bishops met at Aachen in the -old cathedral and formally elected Otto I. as King of Germany. As Otto -entered the cathedral a few weeks later to be coronated the Archbishop -of Mainz cried out: "The man chosen by God, nominated by our master -Henry, and declared king by all the princes." He was then crowned, -anointed, and girded with the royal sword by the Archbishop. In the -coronation festival that followed the German dukes for the first time -acted as the king's servants. The coronation was very significant -because it showed Otto's attitude toward the Church, indicated the lofty -position of the royal crown and the subjection of the dukes, revealed -the possibility of a strong, united German kingdom under right -management, and proved the popularity and opportunity of Otto I. as King -of the Germans.[392:1] - -Otto took Charles the Great as his model and sought to transform the -loose federal state of his father into a strong, compact monarchy by -reducing the power of his vassals. By quelling the various rebellious -dukes Otto made them his own appointees, and was recognised as the -master of the German nation. The name "Deutsch" began to be applied to -his subjects and their tongue. He manifested no less activity in foreign -affairs as is shown in his invasion of France to compel homage from Hugh -the Great, his son-in-law; in his conquest of the Slavs between the Elbe -and the Oder; and in his reduction of the unstable Danes to submission. - -Otto was ready now to give his attention to Italian affairs. Adelaide, -the beautiful young widow of the son of King Hugh of Provence, had -refused to marry Adalbert, the son of Berengar II., King of Lombardy, -hence was cast into prison and cruelly treated. She escaped with the -aid of the Bishop of Reggio and appealed to the mighty German sovereign -for deliverance.[393:1] Otto, touched with chivalrous sympathy, and -seeing an opening for the realisation of imperial ambitions, marched -with a great force into Lombardy (951). Berengar was forced to hold his -kingdom as a vassal of the German crown. Otto, a widower at this time, -then married his fair protegee. Civil war in Germany compelled him to -give up his journey to Rome, however, and instead to return home. Otto's -son, Ludolph, who feared that his father's recent marriage with the fair -widow might deprive him of the German crown, plotted with the old -Archbishop of Mainz and discontented German nobles, to secure the -throne. The resulting war involved the whole kingdom and shook Otto's -power and ability to the roots. The approach of a common foe, however, -the terrible Magyars, led the nation to rally around Otto. In the -decisive battle of Lechfeld (955) the Huns were effectively checked and -began to settle the lands which they still occupy.[393:2] Otto was now -unquestionably the most powerful monarch in Europe. Such rulers as Louis -IV. of France and the King of Burgundy sought his friendship and aid. -His own people began to call him "The Great." - -The way seemed to be open at last for the realisation of Otto's imperial -dreams. He was a descendant of Charles the Great in the female line. He -was the complete master of a large part of the Empire with the northern -capital in it. He had already taken the crown of Lombardy. On the -battlefield of Lechfeld (955) his victorious troops saluted him as -"Imperator Augustus, Pater Patrae."[394:1] He had likewise proved himself -a most worthy champion of the Church by allowing the Church to crown -him; by enriching the German Church, giving it a better organisation, -and subjecting it to his will; and by labouring zealously to convert the -heathen on his borders.[394:2] - -Italian affairs called him thither a second time. Berengar after -recovering his throne was ruling as a tyrant in the north and had -violated a portion of the patrimony of St. Peter. Mohammedan corsairs -were devastating the south. The rest of Italy was full of anarchy and -desolated by the feuds of a crowd of petty nobles most of whom were -scrambling for the imperial crown. A row of inferior Popes had brought -the Papacy itself into disrepute. Thus the solicitations of his family, -the approval of his people and nobles, the cry of the oppressed -Italians, the expectation of the nobility, and the request of Pope John -XII. and influential churchmen, all impelled him to realise his own -wish. - -Therefore, in 957, Otto sent Ludolph with a large force against -Berengar. The Crown Prince died in the midst of victory. Then Otto had -his little son crowned as Otto II. in 961 and crossed the Alps with a -big army. All resistance vanished before this new Charles the Great. In -a general diet of the Lombard kingdom Berengar was deposed and at Pavia -the German monarch was formally crowned "King of Italy." Early in 962 he -triumphantly entered the Eternal City. The Pope gave him hearty -greeting, held services of thanksgiving, and gave a great feast in his -honour. On the following Sunday the imperial coronation occurred in the -church of St. John Lateran.[395:1] The King promised to protect and -defend the Church[395:2]; the Pope to be an obedient subject of the -Emperor; and the people to choose no future Pope without Otto's consent. -Otto was then anointed by the Pope, the imperial crown was put on his -brow, the imperial robe was adjusted, and the imperial sword was buckled -on while the populace shouted "Long live Otto, Emperor Augustus." The -head of that race which Charles the Great had converted by the sword had -revived the Empire, the policy, and the traditions of that renowned -ruler. - -The papal policy of Emperor Otto I. was soon revealed. He granted to the -Church the most famous and the most important "constitution" since that -of Lothair (824) in which all the grants of Pepin, Charles the Great, -and Louis the Pious were confirmed and the rights of the Emperor in -papal elections clearly defined.[395:3] Otto had no sooner reached -northern Italy to subdue the irrepressible Berengar and his sons, -however, than Pope John renounced his allegiance to his new master, -conspired with Berengar, and even incited the heathen Magyars to invade -Germany.[395:4] The Emperor refused to believe these plots until -confirmed by his own messengers and even then excused the young Pontiff -by remarking: "He is only a boy; the example of good men will reform -him."[395:5] He then hastened to Rome to begin that work. - -Pope John at once sent legates to Otto promising amendment and accusing -the Emperor of having broken his solemn promise. Otto excused his -actions and, after the custom of the age, challenged the Pope to settle -the dispute either by the wager of a solemn oath or by the ordeal of -battle. Both offers were refused and Otto took Rome. John "seized most -of the treasures of St. Peter and sought safety in flight."[396:1] Otto, -at the request of the Roman clergy and people, called an ecclesiastical -council in St. Peter's to try him (963). John XII. was proved guilty of -the whole category of mediaeval crimes: celebrating mass without -communing himself, ordaining a bishop in a stable, accepting bribes for -ordination, consecrating a ten-year-old bishop, neglecting the repair of -churches, being guilty of adultery and incest, making the Lateran a -brothel, going out hunting with the nobles, putting out the eyes of his -own godfather, Benedict, cruelly murdering the archdeacon John, setting -fire to houses like Nero, wearing the armour of a warrior in Rome, -drinking to the devil's health, neglecting matins and vespers, never -signing himself with the cross, and even invoking the aid of Venus, -Jupiter, and other demons when gambling. - -Thrice John was summoned to appear before the council in order to clear -himself of the charges. At the request of the council the Emperor wrote -a letter addressed to the "Pontiff and Universal Pope John" asking him -to appear: - - Having arrived in Rome on the service of God, and having - inquired of your sons the bishops and clergy, and of the - people of your Church, why you have forsaken them, such - scandalous and obscene things have been reported to us - concerning you, that if the like had been told us of a common - mountebank we should have hesitated to repeat them. But that - you may not be wholly ignorant of what it is that is said of - you, we will specify a few of these things only; for if we - would enumerate all, the daylight would fail before we would - make an end of writing. Know, then, that you are accused--not - by individuals but by the unanimous voice of clergy and - laity--of homicide, sacrilege, perjury, and incest. It is also - said of you, that in your sports you have called upon the - names of Jupiter, Venus, and other demons of the old world. We - therefore do earnestly entreat your paternity that you delay - not to return to Rome, and to purge yourself from these - heinous crimes, and if perchance you should stand in fear of - the rude multitude, we are ready to pledge our oath that - nothing contrary to canonical rule and order shall be done - against you.[397:1] - -But the fiery young Pope contemptuously replied: "John, bishop, the -servant of all the servants of God, to all the bishops: We hear that you -design to elect a new Pope. If you do, in the name of Almighty God I -excommunicate you and forbid you to confer orders or to celebrate mass." -In a spicy answer Otto asked John to mend both his Latin and his morals, -and promised him a safe conduct to the council, but "the Pope was gone -out hunting" and did not receive it. The council then formally deposed -John as a "monster of iniquity" and unanimously chose the papal -secretary, a layman, as Pope Leo VIII.[397:2] Thus the new Emperor had -deposed one Pope, by what must certainly be pronounced an illegal -method, and had elected another--a power never claimed by Charles the -Great.[398:1] This, apparently, was Otto's interpretation of his oath to -protect the Holy See. The ancient relation of the Empire to the Papacy -was thus re-established. - -The Romans, fickle as usual, soon wearied of a German yoke, and, at a -favourable opportunity, broke out in furious rebellion against the -Emperor and his Pope, but were subdued with terrible revenge. When at -length Otto left Rome to capture Berengar's son Adalbert, they at once -attacked the defenceless Pope and recalled John XII., who wreaked sweet -and cruel vengeance on the leaders of the imperial faction. An -obsequious synod reversed all the decrees of deposition. When John XII. -was killed in crime, the Romans, without consulting the Emperor as they -had promised, at once elected Pope Benedict V. Once more Otto appeared -before Rome with a huge army to assert his rights and to enforce his -policy. The city surrendered, the new Pope begged for mercy, and was -banished to Germany. Leo VIII. was recalled. "When I drop my sword, I -will drop Leo," boasted the Emperor. The Emperor's sword had come to be -the basis of papal power. A Church council was summoned and declared -that the Emperor had a full right to the kingdom of Italy, that he could -name his successor, and that the election of a Pope must accord with his -will. After that great victory Otto returned to Germany, where his -approval was soon asked for the election of Leo VIII.'s successor, the -respectable John XIII. Again the customary rebellion against the new -occupant of St. Peter's chair recalled Otto to Rome. There he remained -five years and won a distinct victory for both his papal, and his -imperial policy. - -Otto's foreign policy as Emperor was not unlike that of his great -predecessor, Charles the Great, and his renowned successor, Napoleon the -Great, namely, to unite the East and the West. The hand of an eastern -princess was wooed for himself but without success.[399:1] His son -proved a better lover and married the ambitious Theophano (972).[399:2] -The Empire was extended by conquests. Lotharingia was won without war. -The restoration of the West Franks to the Empire was attempted. Burgundy -became a vassal kingdom.[399:3] The Danes, Slavs, and Magyars were held -in subjugation. An effort was made by Otto to extend his sway over -southern Italy. - -Like Charles the Great, Otto gave considerable attention to education. -Germany, at that time being on the frontier, was inferior in culture to -Italy, Spain, France, and England. Otto, who knew the Frankish and -Slavic dialects, attempted to learn Latin late in life. He attracted a -number of educated men and celebrated wits to his court such as -Widukind, the historian; Ratherius, the theologian; Luitprand, the -humourist and diplomat; Gerbert, the omniscient scholar; Archbishop -Bruno, Otto's brother and a great classical scholar; and John of Gorz, -the grammarian and Bible student.[399:4] Learning was not appreciated, -however, and these scholars were looked upon with jealousy and -suspicion.[399:5] - -The resemblances and differences between Otto the Great and Charles the -Great were very striking. Both were Teutons--one a Frank, the other a -Saxon. Both as kings carved out the foundations for an Empire with the -sword. Both were coronated as Emperor at Rome by the Pope and posed as -champions of the Church. Both assumed the Italian crown. Both used the -same method in propagating Christianity among the heathen on their -borders. Both assumed the right to rule the Church from Pope to priest. -Both subjected the powerful nobles and established an absolute, personal -government, though Otto's position in Germany and Europe was less -commanding and less autocratic than his predecessor's. Both produced an -intellectual renascence. Both deserve to be called the "Great." But -neither their kingdoms nor their Empires were coterminous, though their -capitals were identical, namely, Rome and Aachen. Otto's Empire was -founded on narrower geographical limits, hence had a less plausible -claim to be the heir of Rome's universal dominion. Charles tried one -Pope, while Otto deposed two and had his own candidates elected. Otto -took more pains to preserve his Empire than Charles. Otto's Empire was -less ecclesiastical and also less Roman. Charles ruled all the Franks -and Italy, Otto only the Eastern Franks and Italy. Charles ruled over -Latin Christendom, while Otto only a portion of it. Charles was head of -the "heerban"; Otto of a feudal state. Otto produced no great -capitularies like Charles. Otto's Empire was less splendid, but more -peaceful, prosperous, and lasting, because placed on a better social -basis. Otto's own life and court were on a far loftier plane than was -true of Charles, yet Charles was both the greater warrior and the -greater statesman. The Roman Empire of Charles after one hundred and -fifty years was revised as the Holy Roman Empire of Otto. The latter was -substantially as well as technically the continuation of the former. - -Otto I., before making his journey to Rome in 961, had his son Otto II. -crowned King of Germany at Aachen.[401:1] Six years later (967) he was -coronated at Rome as Emperor. He was educated by Ekkehard of St. Gall, -the court chaplain, in literature, history, and science, and by Count -Huodo in knightly accomplishments. For the age his moral character was -exceptionally high and he possessed refined, scholarly tastes. In 971 he -married Theophano, a royal princess of the Eastern Empire.[401:2] When -Otto I. died in 973 in the Saxon monastery at Memleben, Otto II., at the -age of eighteen, became sole king and Emperor for ten years. - -Otto II. continued his father's domestic policy of breaking down the -power of the German dukes. In foreign affairs he subdued the rebellious -Danes (974), held the Bohemians in check, invaded France and took -Lorraine (978), subjected Poland to German rule (979), and attempted to -drive the Greeks and Saracens out of southern Italy; but his early death -prevented the fulfilling of his threat to reunite Sicily with the -Empire. - -His papal policy was a continuation of that of his father. When the -papal usurper Boniface VII. imprisoned and strangled Pope John XIII. and -then fled with the Church treasures to Constantinople (974), young Otto -set Benedict VII. on the chair of St. Peter and assured him a quiet -reign for nine years. Upon the Pope's death (983) the youthful Emperor -elevated the Bishop of Pavia to the papal throne as John XIV. When Otto -II. died at the premature age of twenty-eight in Verona after "a short -and troubled reign,"[402:1] Boniface VII. returned from the East to -Rome, murdered the Pope, and reassumed the papal tiara unresisted. The -usurper died in eleven months, however, and then the cowardly Romans -avenged themselves on his dead body.[402:2] - -Otto II. left behind him a son of three and a very active widow. The -young heir to the honours and burdens of the German crown and to the -imperial throne likewise had his mind filled with the glorious history -of Greece and the Eastern Empire by his Grecian mother. John the Greek -inspired within him a love for the classics. Bernard, a German monk, -gave him a monastic education which showed itself during the remainder -of his life. Gerbert, a Clugniac monk, the greatest scholar of his day, -taught him history, literature, rhetoric, and science, and fired him -with a holy, ascetic zeal to become a great, just Christian Emperor. - -During Otto III.'s minority (983-996) the government was wielded by his -mother Theophano (984-991) and his grandmother Adelaid (991-996). At the -age of sixteen the last of the Ottomans, half Saxon and half Greek, the -plaything of women, scholars, and monks, the pious young dreamer of a -world Empire, started for Rome to be crowned Emperor (996). His father -had had him elected king at Verona in 983 and coronated at Aachen. On -his way now to the Eternal City, accompanied by a coterie of German -nobles and churchmen, he stopped at Pavia to receive the homage of the -Lombard princes. At Ravenna a messenger from the Roman clergy, senate, -and people announced the death of Pope John XV. and asked Otto to name a -successor--a very significant fact. The young ruler appointed his cousin -and court chaplain, Bruno, who became the first German Pope. Bruno was -only twenty-four, but noted for his piety, austere morals, and fiery -temper. He hastened to Rome and was installed with great joy as Gregory -V. "The news that a scion of the imperial house, a man of holiness, of -wisdom and virtue, is placed upon the chair of Peter," wrote Abbo of -Fleury to a friend, "is news more precious than gold and costly -stones."[403:1] This was the first instance where a northerner, a -German, was elevated to the See of St. Peter. A few weeks after the -papal coronation Otto entered Rome and received the imperial crown from -the youthful Pontiff. He held a council to settle Church affairs and -called a diet of civil authorities to settle the government and then -returned to Germany. - -Within a year, however, a rebellion in Rome against Gregory V. recalled -Otto III. (997). The Pope had fled to Pavia, called a council, and -excommunicated the leader of the insurrection, Crescentius. An anti-Pope -had been elected, John XVI., formerly the Emperor's teacher and a court -favourite. Otto reached Rome with a large army, caught the fleeing papal -usurper, deposed him, put out his eyes, cut off his nose and ears, and -sent him through the streets of Rome on an ass. Crescentius was -beheaded, and with him a dozen conspirators.[404:1] Gregory V. was -restored to his dignity only to die within a year (999). As his -successor Otto chose Gerbert, his old teacher, who became Sylvester II., -the idealist and reformer.[404:2] - -Otto III. was occupied a great deal with dreams about a world Empire. He -inherited from his mother the ambition to rule the East and from his -father the right to rule the West. His teachers inspired him with a -desire to become the Christian Emperor of the world with the Pope as his -chief assistant, and coloured his whole career by giving him a monastic -view of life. He made frequent visits to sacred shrines where he -remained weeks at a time. In Rome he built his palace purposely beside a -monastery. The idea of a holy crusade to Jerusalem was in his mind. He -felt called upon to reform the Papacy, which he enriched by large grants -and strengthened by privileges, and he selected most of his chief -officials from the churchmen. He called himself the "servant of Jesus -Christ" and the "servant of the Apostle." - -After having taken Rome and appointed two Popes, Otto attempted to put -his imperial fancies into practice. Rome was made his permanent -residence and capital from which to rule the world as "Emperor of the -Romans." On the Aventine a great palace was built--a thing not even -thought of by Charles the Great. The ceremonies of the Byzantine court -were introduced--a long retinue of servants, an imperial guard, and a -very formal etiquette. The young ruler refused to eat with his nobles -and loved to sit proudly on a gaudy throne arrayed in costly purple -while his servants meekly satisfied every whim. He likewise aped the -Roman Emperors in magnifying the office of patrician and city prefect, -by calling himself "Consul" and by thinking of reviving the senate. -Dreaming of conquests beyond the seas, he appointed a naval prefect. -Germany and Italy were united under one chancellor and each ruled with -troops from the other. Germany,[405:1] Lombardy, Greece, Naples, and the -rest of the world were to be reduced to subject provinces of the -restored Empire. To receive the sacred sanction of his most renowned -predecessor, Charles the Great, for these mighty ideas, Otto III. opened -his tomb in the cathedral at Aachen in the year 1000 and from the body -of the powerful Teuton carried away holy relics.[405:2] - -Early in 1000 the turbulent Romans broke out in a fresh rebellion and -the world Empire was destroyed about as easily as a child's house of -blocks. Besieged for three days in his palace, Otto at last addressed -the discontented mob in these words: - - Are you my Romans? For you I left my country and my friends. - For love of you I have sacrificed my Saxons and all the - Germans, my blood. I have adopted you as my sons; I have - preferred you to all. For you I have had stirred up against me - the envy and hatred of all. And now you have rejected your - father; you have destroyed my friends by a cruel death; you - have excluded me whom you should not exclude, because I will - never suffer those to be exiled from my affections whom I - embrace with paternal love.[406:1] - -Soon he fled from Rome never to return, and tried to raise an army in -Germany but failed. The Germans refused to sacrifice their blood and -wealth for a useless chimera and even threatened to elect a new king. -Then he appealed to Italy for assistance, but Venice alone promised aid -and that was small. Otto III.'s universal rule dwindled to the little -mountain of Paterno--like Napoleon's St. Helena--and there he died in -1002 in the arms of the faithful Sylvester II. at the age of 22, -childless and deserted, and his body was carried over the Alps to rest -by the side of Charles the Great. And the youthful Pope survived the -young Emperor just a twelvemonth. - -The direct line of Otto the Great was at an end. Henry II., the Saint, -who was in Otto III.'s service in Rome (1001) and received the royal and -imperial insignia at the young Emperor's death pending a new election, -claimed the German throne as the next in descent.[406:2] By satisfactory -promises to the lay and secular princes he defeated his rivals and was -crowned German King at Mainz (1002). - -In his political policy Henry II. followed in the path already formed. -He subdued the strong internal foes in Germany, pacified the -neighbouring peoples, provided for the union of Burgundy with Germany, -assumed the iron crown of Lombardy, and accepted the imperial crown at -Rome in 1014. His ecclesiastical policy was very pronounced. He was a -devout and ascetic champion of the Papacy and stood stoutly for reforms -such as the abolition of simony, the denunciation of the marriage of -priests and the correction of monastic abuses. He urged the enforcement -of these necessary changes through a general council and laboured for -peace. In all these endeavours he had the sincere co-operation of Pope -Benedict VIII. The bishopric of Bamberg was created during this rule. - -Conrad II. (1024-1039) aimed to build up a powerful centralised Germany -and through it to rule the Empire. Though compelled to fight formidable -internal conspiracies all his life, yet he succeeded in making the crown -the recognised and respected authority in Germany. Like Otto I. he used -the lesser nobles to curb the power of the greater nobles. He forced -obedience to his royal laws everywhere. To perpetuate his rule and to -establish the principle of kingly heredity he had his son and heir, -Henry III., crowned and coronated at Aachen (1028). Since political -power depended largely upon landed wealth Henry III. received both the -Duchy of Bavaria (1029) and the Duchy of Swabia (1038). - -The foreign policy of Conrad II. was equally wise. He made friends of -the powerful King Canute and his Danes by marrying Henry III. to -Canute's daughter. The Polish King was reduced to a vassal duke and -Bohemia and Lucatia were won back, while the Bulgarians were effectually -held in check. He assumed the crown of Burgundy, which became an -integral part of Germany (1032) and gave the crown to his son (1038). -Early in his rule (1026) Conrad had entered Italy and assumed the iron -crown of Lombardy. Then he made his way to Rome in 1027 on Easter day -and was there crowned Emperor by Pope John XIX. in the presence of a -great multitude of Romans and Germans. Through the Normans he then -extended his imperial sway over southern Italy, but ten years later he -was forced to make a journey to Rome to reconquer that part of his -Empire. - -In Germany Conrad II. ruled the clergy with a rod of iron, filled -bishoprics for purely political ends, and used the Church to build up -his royal powers. In Lombardy he won over the clerical party at that -time hostile to the Pope, and thus smoothed his march to Rome. In John -XIX. he found one of the worst examples of the utter worldliness into -which the successors of Peter could degenerate. John XIX. before his -election had been only a business man, but he was a brother of the -presiding Pontiff Benedict VIII., and a member of the powerful Tusculan -family. By dint of money[408:1] he won the office and in one day was -hurried through all the clerical orders and installed into power (1024). -Hoping for a powerful ally, John XIX. had invited Conrad II. to Rome. A -great Lateran Synod followed the coronation of Conrad II. on Easter -day,[408:2] but apparently nothing was said about reforms in the Church, -although badly needed. When Conrad died in 1039 the German Empire had -reached its pinnacle of greatness. No sovereign since Charles the Great -had exercised such powers, for the German and Italian princes were -subject to the imperial crown and the clergy were dependent upon it. - -Henry III. (1029-1056) came to the German throne with brighter prospects -than any of his predecessors. What a field for an Alexander, a Caesar, or -a Napoleon! What an opportunity to cut Germany loose from the Empire -and make her the greatest power in Europe! The Polish monarchy was -falling to pieces; Hungary was rent by the pagan and Christian parties; -Canute's northern empire had broken down; Italy, chronically subdivided, -was awaiting a master; and the young king was also Duke of Bavaria, -Franconia, and Swabia. Hindesheim, a contemporary, declared that no one -in the Empire mourned the loss of Conrad because such better things were -expected of his son, one of the most highly cultured young men of the -age.[409:1] - -Henry III. continued the policy of Otto I. by seeking to increase the -power of the crown at the expense of the petty rulers. Hence duchies -were given to his relatives or to loyal vassals. The lesser nobility and -the commons were used to counteract the influence of the lords and -princes. His reign, in consequence, was disturbed by no serious -insurrections. The border states were subdued--Bohemia in 1041 and -Hungary in 1044.[409:2] To keep the peace and put down feuds the Truce -of God was proclaimed in 1041 throughout Germany. All feuds were to -cease from Wednesday eve till Monday morning and absolution from sin was -the reward for keeping the Truce.[409:3] Those who purposely broke it -were penalised. Burgundy extended it to the periods between Advent and -Epiphany, and from Septuagesima to the first Sunday after Easter. Henry -III. soon made himself master of Italy and like many a predecessor -assumed the iron crown of Lombardy and then established his supremacy -over the Normans in the south. Out of a rule of seventeen years he -spent but sixty-four weeks in Italy. In 1046 he was coronated Emperor -at Rome and made Patrician. - -Like Charles the Great and Otto the Great Henry III. assumed the -headship of the Church. The Papacy, at that time, was a three-headed -monster which needed a Hercules to slay it. Benedict IX., another member -of the Tusculum family, elected Pope when a boy of eighteen (1033), had -led a life of indescribable crime and, in consequence, had been driven -from the city (1044) but returned and in 1046 held the Vatican.[410:1] -Sylvester III. was elected anti-Pope when Benedict IX. was driven out -and lived in St. Peter's. Gregory VI. literally bought the papal throne -of Benedict IX. (1045) for 1000 pounds of silver and bribed the people -into approval. He took up his residence at St. Maria Maggiore.[410:2] -Learning of these disorders, Henry III. went to Italy and in 1046 held -the Council of Sutri in which Gregory VI. acknowledged his guilt, -divested himself of his papal insignia and begged forgiveness. Benedict -IX. and Sylvester III. were declared usurpers, simoniacs, and intruders, -hence they were deposed. Benedict IX. hid himself for future trouble, -Sylvester III. returned to his bishopric and Gregory VI. was sent into -exile in Germany. The Bishop of Bamberg, a German, was chosen Pope in a -council held in Rome and assumed the title of Clement II. (1046) and -immediately coronated Henry III. and his wife with the imperial -honours.[410:3] This is the beginning of a series of German Popes who -were to do much to purify and strengthen the Church. Before Henry died -three such Popes were elected. Clement II. soon assembled a council in -Rome to extirpate simony and to that end had several canons enacted. But -his reign of less than a year, was too short to accomplish much. Henry -III. died in 1056 with his great Empire full of trouble from border wars -and rebellious nobles. The Empire was on the wane and his son took up a -crown of difficulties. - -On Germany the effects of the creation of the Holy Roman Empire were -very marked. It established the recognised right of the German King to -wear the Italian and imperial crowns and made Aachen, Milan, and Rome -the coronation cities. It tended to weaken the allegiance of the Germans -to their king when he became Emperor and spent most of his time, -together with German wealth and blood, in Italy. It fused the German -King and the Roman Emperor into a product different from either and -effected the whole subsequent history of both Germany and the Empire. -The two systems were very different: one was centralised, the other -local; one rested upon a "sublime theory," the other grew out of -anarchy; one was ruled by an absolute monarch, the other by a limited -monarch; one was based on the equality of all citizens, the other -founded on inequality. As a result of the fusion both offices lost and -won certain attributes and the product was a "German Emperor" who was -the necessary head of feudalism which became so deeply rooted that it -took ages to throw it off. To help on the process of disintegration Otto -the Great allowed the five great duchies to be subdivided and thus -created a second order of nobility and greatly increased the number of -nobles. In short Germany was weakened, impoverished, divided, and -stunted. The denationalisation of Germany was continued until 1870. -What might not have been the splendid career of Germany had Otto the -Great and his successors devoted their time and talent to the creation -of a powerful German national state as did the French and English kings? -It must be added, however, that this peculiar relation with Italy opened -the way for learning, art, and a more refined civilisation in the North -and that, in turn, Germany became the schoolmaster of Poland and Bohemia -and perpetuated the language, literature, and law of Rome. - -On Italy the Holy Roman Empire left a deep and permanent impression. It -gave Italy a long line of foreign rulers who seldom cared much for her -real interests and only sought to exploit her for selfish ends. It -prevented the establishment of a powerful national state as a republic, -or as a monarchy, under some native noble, or a Pope, until 1859. On the -contrary it encouraged decentralisation and local division of the -people. Italy became the scene, cause, and victim of countless wars and -invasions by foreign rulers; or of innumerable local contests which -sapped the nation of all strength and ambition. - -On the Empire the results were plainly seen. The Empire of the Caesars -and of Charles the Great was revived on a German basis with a German -Emperor and kept alive till 1806 when Napoleon dealt it a death-blow. -Its earlier extent and later claims were never realised. It was forced -into a continual struggle for its existence with the Italian republics -and German dukes, with the Papacy, and with the national states of -Europe. The three theories about the relation of the world-empire to the -world-church received final development. - -1. The Holy Empire, or ideal theory, united the Church and the state, -the cross and the sceptre, to attain their legitimate boundaries, -namely, the world. Hence the Papacy and the Empire were but two sides of -the same thing and their two heads co-operated to rule the same regions -and peoples, but in different spheres. The Pope ruled the souls of men; -the Emperor their bodies; but both were necessary, equal, and -established by God. It was a confusion of these two powers and ideas -that produced such mediaeval anachronisms as churchmen who were worldly -princes with large estates, who led their flocks to war, and who became -the prime ministers of kings; and secular rulers who appointed Church -officials and called and presided over councils. This was the theory -held by dreamers and theorists, but it was never realised. - -2. The papal theory made the Pope alone God's representative on earth -and maintained that the Emperor received his right to rule from St. -Peter's successor. For historical proof of the genuineness of this -position attention was called to the power of the keys, the Donation of -Constantine, the coronation of Pepin, the restoration of the Empire in -the West. Such figures as the sun and the moon, the body and the soul, -etc., were used with telling effect by the clerical party who advanced -this theory. It was upheld by Nicholas I., Hildebrand, Alexander III., -Innocent III., and culminated with Boniface VIII. at the jubilee of 1300 -when, seated on the throne of Constantine, girded with the imperial -sword, wearing a crown, and waving a sceptre, he shouted to the throng -of loyal pilgrims: "I am Caesar--I am Emperor." - -3. The imperial theory put the Emperor above the Pope as God's -vice-regent on earth and reduced the Pope to the position of chief -bishop in the Empire. It was held that historical evidence to support -this position could be found in the Jewish theocracy; the words of Jesus -and the apostles about civil power; the seniority of the Empire over the -Papacy; the attitude of Constantine and later Emperors; the work of -Charles the Great, Otto the Great, and their illustrious successors. -This theory was defended by the Emperors, kings, civil lawyers, and -members of the imperial party. - -So far as the Papacy was concerned the Holy Roman Empire created a rival -world-ruler with whom for five hundred years the Popes were in almost -endless strife. Under powerful rulers like Otto the Great the Papacy was -subjected to the Empire more absolutely than in the day of Charles the -Great. Under the great German Emperors much was done to reform the -Church and to advance its interests and influence in the world. Each -Emperor took a coronation oath to defend and protect the Church against -heretics, schismatics, infidels, pagans, and all other enemies, and that -obligation was as a rule faithfully and loyally kept. But all things -considered was the Papacy stronger or weaker, better or worse, for the -creation of the Holy Roman Empire? Does the fact that the Papacy -declined with the decay and death of the Empire suggest a necessary -dependence of the former on the latter? - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - I.--IN ENGLISH: The materials available in English are scarce - and very unsatisfactory. A few documents will be found - in the following: - - 1.--Balzani, U., _Early Chronicles of Italy_. Lond., 1883. - - 2.--Henderson, _Select Historical Documents of the Middle - Ages_. - - 3.--Ogg, _Source Book of Mediaeval History_. - - 4.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_, i., ch. 12. - - 5.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source Book for Mediaeval History_. - - 6.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_. - - II.--IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES: The primary sources not in English - are very extensive.[415:1] The chief collections are: - - 1.--Altmann, W., and Bernheim, E., _Ausgewaehlte Urkunden zur - Erlaeuterung der Verfassungsgeschichte Deutschlands im - Mittelalter_. Berl., 1891. - - 2.--Baronius, _Annales_, vols. xiii.-xix. Luca, 1738. 35 vols. - - 3.--Boehmer, J. F., _Fontes rerum Germanicarum_. Stuttg., - 1843-68. 4 vols. - - 4.--_Die Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit._ 2d ed. - Berl. and Leipz., 1885 _sqq._ 90 vols. - - 5.--Doeberl, M., _Monumenta Germaniae selecta ab a. 768 usque - ad a. 1250_. Munch., 1889-90. - - 6.--Jaffe, P., _Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum_. Berl., - 1864-73. 6 vols. _Regesta Pontificum Romanum_ (to 1198). - Berl. 1851. - - 7.--Lehmann, H. O., _Quellen zur Deutschen Reichs-und - Rechtsgeschichte_. Berl., 1891. - - 8.--Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio_, xviii. - - 9.--Migne, vol. 142. Glaber, _Historia sui temporis_. - - 10.--Mirbt, _Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttum_. - - 11.--Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_. Med., 1723-51. 28 - vols. - - 12.--Pertz, et al., _Monumenta Germania Historica_, 1826 _ff._ - - 13.--Pflugh-Harttung, _Acta Pontificum Romanorum_. Tub., - 1881-8. 3 vols. - - 14.--_Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum Scholarum._ - Hanover, 1840 ff. 42 vols. - - 15.--Stumpf, K. F., _Die Kaiserurkunden des X., XI., und XII., - Jahrhunderts Chronologisch verzeichnet_. Innsb., 1865-83. - - 16.--Waitz, G., _Urkunden zur Deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte - im 11 und 12 Jahrhundert_. Keil, 1886. - - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Bryce, J., _The Holy Roman Empire_. Rev. ed., 1904. - - 2.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _The Empire of Charles the Great and - His Successors_. Lond., 1894. - - 3.--Dunning, W. A., _History of Political Theories_. N. Y., - 1901. Vol. i. - - 4.--Emerton, E., _Mediaeval Europe_. Bost., 1896. - - 5.--Fisher, H. A. L., _The Mediaeval Empire_. Lond., 1898. 2 - vols. - - 6.--Gierke, O., _Political Theories of the Middle Ages_. - Camb., 1900. - - 7.--Greenwood, A. D., _Empire and Papacy in the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1896. - - 8.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_. Lond., 1859-72. 6 vols. - - 9.--Gregorovius, F., _History of the City of Rome in the - Middle Ages_. Lond., 1903. Vol. iii. - - 10.--Lea, H. C., _Studies in Church History_. - - 11.--Maitland, S. R., _The Dark Ages_. 2d ed. Lond., 1845. - - 12.--Oman, C., _The Dark Ages_. Lond., 1898. - - 13.--Tout, T. F., _The Empire and the Papacy_. Lond., 1898. - - 14.--Turner, S. E., _Sketch of the Germanic Constitution_. N. - Y., 1888. 26-80. - - Bibliographical Note:--Some of the best books on this subject - are in German. So far no translations have appeared. - Among many may be mentioned:--Dresdner, _Kultur- und - Sittengeschichte der italienischen Geistlichkeit_ 1890. - 2.--Giesebrecht, W. V., _Geschichte der deutschen - Kaiserzeit_. Braun., 1895. i.-ii. 6 vols. 3.--Hauck, A., - _Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands_. Leip., 1887-1900. Vol. - iii. 4.--_Jahrbuecher der Deutschen Geschichte._ Berlin, - 1862 ff. 5.--Langen, _Geschichte der roemischen Kirche_. - Vol. iii. 6.--Richter, G., and Kohl, H., _Annalen der - Deutschen Geschichte im Mittelalter_. Halle, 1873-90. - 7.--Waitz, G., _Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte_. Kiel, - 1844 _ff._ 8 vols. 8.--Watterich, _Pontificum romanorum - vitae ab aequalibus conscriptae_. 1862. 2 vols. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, ch. 7, 8, 10. Alzog, ii., 107-111. Butler, ch. 31, - 55-57, 62. Chantrel, ch. 3. Coxe, Lect. 4, sec. 20-25. Crooks, - ch. 33. Darras, ii., 358, 580. Doellinger, iii., ch. 4, sec. 1; - ch. 5, sec. 2-3. Fisher, pd. 5, ch. 2; pd. 6, ch. 2. Gibbon, - ch. 49. Gieseler Sec. 21, 22, 24, 27. Gilmartin, i., 31. Hallam, - ch. 1, pt. 1; ch. 3, pt. 1. Hardwick, ch. 4, sec. 2; ch. 10, - sec. 2. Hase, sec. 170-192. Hore, ch. 12. Kurtz, i., 436-438, - 483-495, ii., 25-52. Milman, bk. 5, ch. 7, 11, 12, 13. - Moeller, pd. 2, ch. 2. Mosheim, cent. 9, 10. Neander, pd. 4, Sec. - 2. Schaff, pd. 4, ch. 4. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[384:1] See Strassburg oaths (842), and treaties of Verdun (843) and -Meersen (870). Given in Thatcher and McNeal, No. 16-19; Ogg, Sec. 24. - -[385:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 158 _ff._; Thatcher and McNeal, No. -20, 21. - -[386:1] Pertz, i., 405. - -[386:2] See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 22. - -[386:3] He was a great-grandson of Charles the Great through his mother -Gisela, a daughter of Louis the Pious. - -[386:4] He was by birth a Neustrian Frank and also claimed descent from -Charles the Great. He had large estates in Lorraine as well as central -Italy. - -[386:5] Pope Formosus had a rather checkered career. He was Bishop of -Porto and papal legate. John VIII. had excommunicated him for political -motives. Marinus restored him to power. He was the first Pope to be -elevated from another see to that of Rome. Moeller, ii., 172. - -[387:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 22. - -[387:2] _Ibid._, No. 23. - -[387:3] Emerton, _Med. Europe_, 94. - -[387:4] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 195; Ogg, Sec. 29. - -[388:1] Bryce, _Holy Rom. Emp._, ch. 6, p. 83. - -[389:1] Bryce, _Holy Rom. Emp._, 79. - -[389:2] Greenwood, bk. viii., ch. 1. - -[390:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 245. - -[390:2] _Saxon Chronicle_, quoted in Emerton, _Med. Europe_, 102. - -[390:3] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 247. - -[391:1] Bryce, _Holy Rom. Emp._, 77; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 26. - -[391:2] Bryce, _Holy Rom. Emp._, ch. 7. - -[392:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 27; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 249. - -[393:1] Pertz, iv., 328, 330. - -[393:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 28. - -[394:1] Pertz, iii., 459. - -[394:2] Hauck, _Kircheng. Deutschl._, i., 69. - -[395:1] Bryce, 88. Fisher, _Med. Emp._, i.; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 29. - -[395:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 53. - -[395:3] _Mon. Ger. Hist. Leges_, ii., 177; Watterich, i., 675; Thatcher -and McNeal, No. 54. - -[395:4] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 253. - -[395:5] Luitprand, _Hist. Ottonis_, ch. 5. - -[396:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 29. - -[397:1] Greenwood, bk. viii., 477; Gregorovius, _Rome in M. A._, bk. -vi., 346. - -[397:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 55. - -[398:1] Greenwood, bk. viii., 483. - -[399:1] Henderson, _Select. Hist. Docs._, 442, gives the highly amusing -account of the ambassador Luitprand. - -[399:2] Bryce, ch. 9. - -[399:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 30, 31. - -[399:4] Maitland, _Dark Ages_, 499. - -[399:5] Hauck, iii., 333. Archbishop Bruno was thought to be in league -with the devil. William of Hirschau wrote an elaborate apology for -classical learning as an appendix to his work on astronomy. - -The trick played by Henry II. on Bishop Meinwerk of Paderborn -illustrates the prevailing ignorance of Latin. Henry II. had "fa" erased -from the mass for the dead. The Bishop did not understand Latin so -offered up a prayer for he and she mules.--Fisher, _Med. Emp._, ii., 90. - -[401:1] Uhlriz, _Otto II. und Otto III._; _Jahrb. d. Deutsch. Reiches_. - -[401:2] Bryce, ch. 9; Henderson, 442. - -[402:1] He was buried in St. Peter's and is the only German Emperor -sleeping on Roman soil. - -[402:2] Milman, _Lat. Christ._, iii., 189; Greenwood, bk. viii., 497. - -[403:1] Mabillon, _Act. Ord. St. Benedict_, vi., 30; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 259. - -[404:1] Milman, ii., 481. - -[404:2] See Chap. XVIII. - -[405:1] Thacher and McNeal, No. 289. - -[405:2] Hodgkin, _Italy and her Invaders_, viii., 273; Mombert, _Charles -the Great_, 485. - -[406:1] Fisher, _Med. Emp._, ii., 203; Mombert, _Charles the Great_. - -[406:2] Henry II. was the great-grandson of Otto I. - -[408:1] Glaber, I., i., ch. 4. - -[408:2] Rudolph, King of Burgundy, and Canute, King of England and -Denmark were both present at the coronation. - -[409:1] Steindorff, _Jahrb. d. Deutsch. Reichs unter Heinrich III._ - -[409:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 32. - -[409:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 242, 243. - -[410:1] Schaff, iv., 298; Milman, ii., 505. - -[410:2] Muratori, iii., 2, p. 345; Hefele, iv., 707; Giesebrecht, ii., -643. - -[410:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 57. - -[415:1] See Potthast, _Wegweiser_. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -PREPARATIONS FOR THE HILDEBRANDINE REFORMATION - - OUTLINE: I.--Decline of the Papacy after Nicholas I. - (858-867). II.--Reform efforts before the time of Hildebrand. - III.--The youth and education of Hildebrand. IV.--The - Hildebrandine Popes. V.--Sources. - - -Nicholas I., through the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, had raised the -Church above the state, made the Pope supreme in the Church, and -inaugurated needed reforms.[418:1] From Nicholas I. to Hildebrand -(867-1049), for about two centuries, the Popes as a rule were men of -very ordinary ability and education. Many of them gained the papal -office by crime, or force, or bribery, and used it for corrupt purposes. -Most of the fifty Popes and six anti-Popes of this period were Italians. -The chair of St. Peter was far more political and worldly than -spiritual. The latter part of the ninth century Rome saw twelve Popes -elected in twenty-three years. Hadrian II. (867-872), an ex-married man -with a family, connected with many a domestic scandal,[418:2] succeeded -Nicholas I., and defended the papal pretensions with ability and -dignity. Then followed John VIII. (872-882), an active, passionate, -shrewd prelate, who was killed by a relative covetous of the papal -throne with its wealth and influence. Stephen VI. (896-897) in revenge -caused the body of Formosus, his predecessor, to be exhumed, clad in -pontifical robes, seated on the pontifical throne, tried by a synod, -deposed as a usurper, the fingers with which the pontifical blessing was -given cut off, and thrown into the Tiber. He, himself, was cast into -prison and there strangled to death (897). - -During the tenth century the Papacy was a reflection of the chaotic, -anarchistic condition of the state, the demoralisation and depravity of -society, and the ignorance, superstition, and crime of the day.[419:1] -The head of the Church had lost all dignity and independence, and the -office had become a prey to greed, force, and intrigue. Most of the -Popes ended their careers in deposition, prison, or murder. The -Marquises of Tuscany and the Counts of Tusculum ruled the city of Rome -and dictated the election of Popes for more than half a century. -Three bold, beautiful, wealthy Roman women,--Theodora and her two -daughters--Marozia and Theodora--filled the chair of St. Peter with -their lovers and their bastards.[419:2] This period has been given the -significant name of pornocracy. John X. (914-928), the first -warrior-Pope, lead an army against the Saracens and defeated them. He -was imprisoned and murdered by the wicked Marozia (928). John XII. -(955-963) was governor of Rome and frequently appeared dressed as a -soldier.[419:3] The Papacy was openly bought and sold for money. -Benedict VIII. and John XIX. were both indebted for their elevation to -acknowledged bribery, and the latter was only a layman when elected but -in one day passed through all the requisite clerical degrees and thus -qualified for the high office. The most conspicuous case was that of -Gregory VI. who paid one thousand pounds in silver for the empty -honour.[420:1] The office of the Papacy practically became hereditary. -Laymen as well as churchmen were elected. Benedict IX. (1033-1045) -ascended the papal throne at the age of ten and thought of marrying in -order to transmit his infamous rule.[420:2] - -The higher clergy in this period of disorder were for the most part -secular princes. They ruled large tracts of land, possessed and -exercised royal prerogatives, and were granted immunities and privileges -such as market rights, coinage, tolls, feudal judicature, etc. -Furthermore they assumed secular titles and offices. The leading -statesmen of the day were chosen from the clergy. Louis the Infant made -the Abbot of Corvey a count (900), and gave the Bishop of Tours the same -title (902). Henry I. made the Bishop of Tule also the Duke of Tule -(928).[420:3] Otto I. gave his own brother, the Archbishop of Koeln, the -duchy of Lorraine and made him Count of Brandenburg and Magdeburg. Otto -III. and Henry III. also made many such grants to churchmen. These -higher clergy were married in many cases, or lived with mistresses, and -had families. After the time of Otto I. they began to counteract the -power of the nobles, hence they were made more and more dependent upon -kings, who claimed the right to appoint them, who invested them with -their power, and to whom they swore allegiance. They appeared at the -court of the king like nobles, and in the event of war led their troops -in person to the battlefield. Depositions for alleged disloyalty were -very common. As the bishops became more involved in secular affairs they -naturally neglected their spiritual duties. Simony crept in as a -consequence and was shamefully practised. Often the worst fitted instead -of the best prepared persons were given the coveted sinecures. It was -but natural that the moral example set by the Pope should reveal itself -in the lives of the clergy. - -Greedy hands were raised against the monasteries, and their rich lands -were frequently given as fiefs to laymen.[421:1] The abbots began to -strive for worldly reputation and power. Hence the old discipline was -neglected, and disorders and excesses of all kinds prevailed among the -monks and nuns.[421:2] The common priests and monks were probably better -as a rule than either Popes or bishops, still in too many cases they -were prone to follow the example set by their superiors. The laity were -undoubtedly on a lower moral and intellectual plane than the -priesthood.[421:3] Consequently few complaints were made by them against -the sins and crimes of Popes, bishops, abbots, and priests. The -denunciation of flagrant abuses and the cry for reform, as far as there -was any, came from the better clergy. Of the eighty councils held in -France during the eleventh century, every one denounced the lawlessness -of the laity and the unchastity and simony of the clergy.[422:1] - -The manifold corruptions of the tenth century and the first part of the -eleventh produced a clergy that had almost forfeited its spiritual -character. Religion was a cloak for immorality, for licentious -self-indulgence, and for corruption and venality which can scarcely be -equalled in the entire history of the Christian Church. It was a matter -of common notoriety that France and Germany were addicted, almost equal -to Italy, to a shameless traffic in ecclesiastical offices and -preferments. - -The most startling picture of the condition of the clergy comes from the -pen of Desiderius, Abbot of Monte Cassino, who later became Pope Victor -III.: - - The Italian priesthood, and among them most conspicuously the - Roman pontiffs, are in the habit of defying all law and all - authority; thus utterly confounding together things sacred and - profane. During all this time the Italian priesthood, and none - more conspicuously than the Roman pontiffs, set at naught all - ecclesiastical law and authority. The people sold their - suffrages for money to the highest bidder; the clergy, moved - and seduced by avarice and ambition, bought and sold the - sacred rights of ordination, and carried on a gigantic traffic - with the gifts of the Holy Ghost. Few prelates remained - untainted with the vile pollution of simony; few, very few, - kept the commandments of God, or served him with upright - hearts; following their chiefs to do evil, the great - sacerdotal herd rushed headlong down the precipice into the - quagmire of licentiousness and profligacy: priests and - deacons, whose duty it was to serve God with clean hands, and - with chaste bodies to administer the sacraments of the Lord, - took to themselves wives after the manner of the laity; they - left families behind them, and bequeathed their ill-gotten - wealth to their children; yea, even bishops, in contempt of - all shame and decency, dwelt with their wives under the same - roof--a nefarious and execrable custom, prevailing, alas! most - commonly in that city where the laws, thus shamefully set at - naught, first issued from the sacred lips of the Prince of the - Apostles and his holy successors.[423:1] - -When Otto III., the last of the Saxon Emperors, died, the Papacy had -become, apparently, merged in the state. The initiative of the Pope in -all important matters seemed to flow from imperial rather than -pontifical prerogative. The arbitrary erection of all sorts of -ecclesiastical foundations, the unquestioned secular appointment to the -highest offices in the Church, and the legislation by the state in -ecclesiastical affairs, all point to a closer fusion of the two powers -than since the year 476. But there was no deliberate intention to -encroach upon ecclesiastical right. The alliance was reciprocally -advantageous. There could be no Emperor without a Pope, and no Pope -without an Emperor. The causes for this ascendancy of the temporal power -were: (1) the decay of ecclesiastical organisation and discipline; (2) -the disruption of society and the confusion of political matters in -Italy and Europe generally; (3) the rise of the power and ambition of -the German sovereigns; (4) the social demoralisation of the age--the -wide-spread incontinence, perjury, venality, rapine, bribery, theft, and -murder which infected the Church to its heart's core. Until these -humiliating and devitalising forces were remedied, the Church could not -hope to attain independence.[423:2] - -Several distinct efforts at reform were made before the time of -Hildebrand, first by the German Emperors and secondly by the German -Popes. Henry the Fowler (918-936) declared that he would abolish simony -but failed to do so. Otto the Great (936-973) deposed the criminal Pope -John XII., elected Leo VIII. in his place, and honestly intended to -improve the Papacy. Otto III. (983-1002), a great religious enthusiast, -desired to reform the Church through good Popes. Hence he chose Bruno, a -man of piety and morality, as the first German Pope, and then appointed -Gerbert renowned for sanctity and learning. Henry II., called the Saint -(1002-1024), was the first genuine imperial reformer. He opened a -campaign in Germany against simony and the marriage of the clergy. He -reformed the monasteries by destroying or uniting small monasteries, by -abolishing abuses, and by confiscating lands. With the King of France he -agreed to hold a great council at Pavia to cure the evils in the Church -both north and south of the Alps (1023). Notwithstanding these efforts -little real reform was accomplished. Henry III. (1039-1056), thoroughly -imbued with Clugniac zeal for reformation, had Leo IX. hold a big synod -at Mainz (1049) in which simony was denounced, marriage of the clergy -condemned, and local prelates ordered to abolish both evils. Personally -this ruler was wholly free from simony and waged an unrelenting war -against the abuse both in Italy and in Germany.[424:1] He deposed three -bishops for sins and crimes. He appointed a series of Clugniac puritans -to the papal chair[424:2] and thus paved the way for Hildebrand. - -The German Popes were very active in reformatory efforts. Gregory V. -(996-999), who was Bruno[425:1] of the royal house of Germany, appointed -by Otto II., renowned for piety and of unblemished character, assumed a -lofty, dignified attitude as Pope and soon made his power felt in -Europe. He purified the papal court as far as possible and suppressed -the independence of the French clergy, but died too soon to realise his -hopes of reformation. - -Gerbert, or Sylvester II. (999-1003),[425:2] born of poor parents, was -educated as a teacher first in the Clugniac cloister of Aurillac and -then taken by Count Borrel of Barcelona to Spain, where he studied -mathematics and the natural sciences in the Mohammedan schools. There -Bishop Hatto took a fancy to him and invited him to go to Rome where -Pope John XIII. noticed him and recommended him to Otto the Great (971). -The Emperor sent him to Rheims to be instructed in logic (972). The -Archbishop Adelbert of Rheims soon made him a teacher in the cathedral -school. There he taught the writings of Aristotle, the Latin classics, -and the sciences. Boethius was his favourite author and science his -"darling study." He had many pupils from far and near and gained great -fame for his scholarship.[425:3] - -In those days nearly every great man was drawn into the Church, not -alone because his services were needed, but also for the reason that in -that field were the greatest opportunities for advancement. Otto III., -therefore, made Gerbert Abbot of Gabbia, but he soon resigned the -position (982). Nine years later he was chosen Archbishop of Rheims -(991).[426:1] In this new office he was kept very busy. He had a council -pass an edict which was practically a declaration of independence.[426:2] -He formed a confession of faith which was not considered orthodox.[426:3] -His severe code of morals offended the looser clergy and aroused the -jealousy of others. Consequently a party was organised against him -composed of the clergy, Emperor, and Pope; and the papal legate held a -court in Germany which deprived him of his episcopal functions.[426:4] -Thus driven from office, he joined the court of Otto III. to cast his -spell over that young idealist. In 996 he went with him down to Italy -where he was soon elevated to the Archbishopric of Ravenna and invested -with the insignia of his office by Gregory V. (998). Upon the death -of Gregory V., in 999 Otto III. elevated him to that important -office[426:5] as Sylvester II. He surrendered his heretical ideas and -became the great forerunner of Hildebrand in attacking simony, in -denouncing clerical abuses, in subjecting the higher clergy to his will, -and in compelling obedience from the secular powers. To Stephen of -Hungary he gave a king's crown and made him primate (1000).[426:6] He -suggested the crusades and laboured with Otto III. for the realisation -of the world Empire. After his death in 1003 he soon became the subject -of all sort of wild legends. - -Benedict VIII. (1012-1024) was elevated to the Papacy as a reform Pope -by Henry II. and the German party, though he was not a German. He -belonged to the Clugniac reform party and was a brave, independent Pope -who joined the Emperor in assailing simony and in sanctioning the -celibacy of the clergy. Clement II. (1046-1047) was made Pope by Henry -III. after deposing three rival Popes. He held a Roman synod which -condemned simony for the future, forbade the practice by churchmen, made -the penalty for disobedience excommunication, and endeavoured to -eradicate the evil in Italy and Germany.[427:1] - -The reform efforts of the Popes were supplemented by the reforming -monastic orders. St. Nilus (910-1005), a Greek born in Calabria, after -his wife's death in 940 entered the monastery of St. Mercurius, where he -soon gained renown for his tortures, piety, and studies. Becoming -disgusted with the monastic practices, he left the convent and wandered -about as a hermit, taking St. Anthony as his model. His fame soon spread -abroad so that when he made a pilgrimage to Rome he was greatly honoured -there and even consulted by Gregory V. and Otto III. It was not long -before he gained a large following of ascetics in Italy and with them -founded several cloisters which were models of lofty zeal and -piety.[427:2] - -Another monk of this period imbued with the desire for reformation -within the Church was St. Dunstan (924-988), the son of a West Saxon -noble, educated in the monastic school of Glastonbury, and trained at -court.[427:3] He early adopted the life of a monk, became a hermit, -studied the Scriptures and made bells, and was given to prayers and -visions. Appointed Abbot of Glastonbury in 945, he began to reform the -monastic life by restoring the early purity and simplicity. Becoming too -much absorbed in the politics of his day and thereby coming under the -displeasure of the king, he was banished to Flanders in 956 where he -first learned of St. Benedict's rule. Two years later, however, he was -recalled to England and soon appointed Archbishop of Canterbury. Then he -went to Rome to receive the pallium and, returning to his native land, -put himself at the head of the reform party. He sought to replace the -seculars by monks, to introduce the Benedictine rule, to enforce -celibacy, to prevent concubinage, to require all priests to learn -trades, and to forbid the clergy to hunt, hawk, play dice, get drunk, -and scold. - -The monastery of Clugny grew out of the urgent need of monastic reform. -It was founded in 910 by Duke William of Aquitaine to honour Peter and -Paul and was put under the immediate control and direction of the -Pope.[428:1] Bruno (d. 927) was made the first abbot. He was a -Burgundian who had already gained renown as a monastic leader. A -modified St. Benedict's rule was introduced into the new monastery which -absolutely forbade the possession of private property, prohibited the -eating of quadrupeds, enforced a silence which resulted in the -development of a sign language, required psalm singing and Bible -reading, and demanded unquestioned obedience. Before Bruno's death six -cloisters had been founded. Odo (927-941), a pupil and follower of -Bruno, succeeded him.[428:2] He was a man of great energy and unusual -spirituality, and outlined the literary work of the order. From Pope -John XI. he obtained the permit to unite more cloisters under his rule -and to accept monks from unreformed monasteries. Before his death he had -restored the ancient cloister life in countless monasteries over France -and in Italy. Under succeeding abbots, Aymar (941-948), Majola -(948-994), Odilo (994-1048), and Hugh (1048-1109), reforms were extended -to German cloisters and to English monasteries; social and economic -reformatory results were produced; the Truce of God was promulgated; and -the reform spirit was spread throughout the Church, particularly in -reference to simony, celibacy, and concubinage, and uncanonical marriage -of the laity. At its height Clugny ruled over two thousand monasteries -and produced such Popes as Hildebrand, Urban II., and Pascal II. After -the thirteenth century the order began to decline and finally the French -Revolution swept it out of existence.[429:1] - -The Camaldolites grew out of an Italian reform movement independent of -Clugny though no doubt related to it.[429:2] It came into existence at -the end of the tenth century when the Clugniac movement had already -reformed many of the Italian monasteries. The fundamental idea of this -order was to reform the monastic evils of Italy by reviving the -strictest form of ascetic life. The hermit, Simeon, St. Dominicus of -Foligno, and St. Nilus were worthy, inspiring examples. Traditions of -the Greek monastic fathers still lingered in southern Italy and in the -Apennines land may have had some influence. St. Romould, born at -Ravenna in 950 of a rich noble family, was the real founder. After -leading a gay youth, at the age of twenty, he entered a Benedictine -monastery to atone for his father's sin in murdering a relative, which -crime he witnessed with his own eyes. He intended to remain only forty -days but stayed three years, yet found no peace for his soul. Then he -turned hermit, practised the severest tortures to defeat the devil, -travelled from place to place, gained great fame, had a crowd of -followers wherever he went, organised them and appointed a leader, and -then moved on to a new field of labour. As his life drew near its close, -he retired to Camaldoli in the Apennines, and hence the name of the -place was given to his order (1018). To govern these little bands St. -Benedict's rule, modified by eastern asceticism, was used. The monks -lived in single cells, but had a common meeting place for worship and -for eating. Wine and meat were forbidden, and all days except Thursday -and Sunday were fast days. The monks were barefooted and went about in -silence with hair and beard uncut, performing the duties of farmers and -makers of nets and baskets. Some of the more ascetic lived for years -without leaving their cells. They were the first to use assistants as -servants. St. Romould had a great influence on his age and was called a -prophet and a miracle worker. He induced men like the Doge of Venice to -take up the monastic life and was visited by the young Otto III. (999). -He sent missionaries to Russia and Poland, and went himself to Hungary -with twenty-four monks, but was compelled by illness to return to Italy. -He preached with great power against the immoral, simoniacal, and wicked -clergy, the monastic abuses, simony, and the marriage of churchmen. -After his death in 1027, his work was carried on by his disciples and -the order has lived on through the varying vicissitudes of succeeding -centuries.[431:1] - -The Vallombrosians originated in Tuscany in 1040 as an outgrowth of the -Camaldolian reform movement. St. John Gualbert, the scion of a noble -Florentine family, was the founder. Sent by his father to kill the -murderer of his brother, he spared his life, when he made the sign of -the cross with his arms. On his return to Florence, entering the little -Church of San Miniato to pray before an image of Jesus, the figure -nodded its head in approval of his act of mercy. As a result in 1038 he -became a monk and soon joined St. Romould. Two years later he determined -to found an order of his own at Vallombrosa. Followers enough came to -begin his organisation and they were put under St. Benedict's rule -modified to meet his ideas. Candidates were put on a year's probation -and members were divided into three classes,--the religious, the serving -brethren, and the laity. When he died in 1073, seven cloisters had been -established in Italy, and when the founder was made a saint in 1193 they -numbered sixty. - -The monastery of Hirshau was established in the Black Forest of -Germany.[431:2] William of Bavaria began the reformation there in 1065 -by freeing the monastery from secular control, drawing up a constitution -for it on reform lines, patterning its policy after the Clugniac -movement, and introducing lay brethren. From Hirshau reformation spread -over a large part of Germany, and these reform cloisters strongly -supported the lofty programme of Gregory VII.[432:1] - -Peter Damiani was born in Ravenna of poor parents in 1006 and early left -an orphan. As a boy he had a hard life, but was educated by a brother at -Ravenna, Faenza, and Parma. Then he became a teacher and gained wealth -and fame as an instructor in grammar and rhetoric at Ravenna. Suddenly -at the age of twenty-nine resolving to become a monk, he entered a -monastery at Fonte Avellano where he excelled the old monks in -intemperate tortures, studied the Scriptures and preached, and wrote a -biography of St. Romould. At the age of thirty-seven he was chosen abbot -and then introduced St. Romould's Benedictine rule, which made fasting -and torture a regular system. Each psalm was to be recited accompanied -by one hundred lashes on the bare back and the whole psalter with one -thousand five hundred lashes. This practice soon became a regular craze -and was taken up later by the Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the -Flagellants. He permitted his monks to read the Scriptures and the -Fathers, encouraged them in performing hand work, but cut them off -wholly from the world. He soon became the recognised leader of the -reform party in Europe. He denounced his age as worse than that of Sodom -and Gomorrah; demanded a reformation of monasteries, of all the clergy, -and of the Church in general; dedicated his life to a crusade against -simony and marriage of the clergy; and condemned in the clergy the -practice of bearing arms as Leo IX. did in driving back the Normans -(1053). Damiani was too big a man to remain in obscurity, hence he -became Bishop of Ostia and in 1058 was made Cardinal. In the papal -court he was a very prominent personage, serving as legate on many an -important mission, and in 1061 was almost chosen Pope. He was the -spiritual counsellor and censor of seven Hildebrandine popes, and called -himself the "Lord of the Pope" and Hildebrand's "Holy Satan." He won the -confidence of Henry III. and exercised great control over Henry IV. He -died in 1072 just a year before Hildebrand became Pope.[433:1] - -Next to Peter Damiani both in time and importance comes Hildebrand. From -the scanty sources concerning his youth it is known that he was born in -Tuscany at Saona about 1020 of parents in humble circumstances. His -father's name was Bonizo, but whether he was of Teutonic or Roman race, -or whether his occupation was that of a carpenter, a farmer, or a -goatherd, are unsettled questions. His mother is unknown, but she had a -brother who was Abbot of St. Mary's on the Aventine in Rome and one of -the twenty churchmen who helped the Pope celebrate mass. To that uncle's -monastery in the Eternal City young Hildebrand was early sent and there -studied Latin, rhetoric, mathematics, music, dialectics, and the Church -Fathers. There too he became imbued with the venerableness of Holy Rome -and the sacred authority of the Chair of St. Peter, so that in the -stormy days of his old age he could write that St. Peter had nourished -him from childhood. Under these surroundings it was but natural that he -should decide to be a monk. Soon he was driven to ascetic severities, -probably by the corruptions and abuses thrust upon him from all sides. -In this monastery he met such men as Odilo, Abbot of Clugny, leader of -the reform movement in France, who was accustomed to make St. Mary's his -stopping place when in Rome; Archbishop Laurentius of Amalfi, who may -have taught him the classics; and Archpresbyter John Gratian, a teacher -in St. Mary's, who later purchased the papal crown and became Pope -Gregory VI. - -Abbot Odilo, favourably impressed with the young monk's ability and -piety, took him to Clugny, where he completed his studies, practised the -severe discipline of the Benedictines, and became grave and puritanical. -The life of a monk probably affected Hildebrand as later it did Luther. -He seems to have travelled some in Germany--perhaps even visited the -court of Henry III. for his order. He may have completed his novitiate -at Clugny. From this reform atmosphere Hildebrand returned to Rome when -three Popes were claiming the apostolic seat and the Papacy was in its -depths of humiliation. Gregory VI., one of the trio, Hildebrand's old -teacher, who had bought the office for 1000 pounds in silver, made the -young monk his chaplain. Soon he saw the German Emperor, Henry III., -come to Rome, hold a council, depose the three Popes, exile his master -to a German monastery, and in 1046 elect a new Pontiff. True to his -unfortunate friend, Hildebrand followed him to Germany to see him die in -1048 of a broken heart and then, apparently, he returned to -Clugny.[434:1] - -Pope Clement II., raised to the papal chair by Henry III. (1046), died -within a year and Damasus II. followed him in twenty-three days. The -Roman people then prayed the Emperor to name a new papal sovereign and -he chose his cousin Bruno Pope in the Diet of Worms in 1048 and had him -assume the pontifical insignia. This was a new method of election and -certainly a dangerous precedent. Bruno was a German, born at Alsace in -1002, well educated and at twenty-four elected Bishop of Toul. He joined -the Clugniac reform party and enforced reformation in his diocese. He -served the German king on several delicate secular missions, -particularly to Burgundy and France, and gained a reputation as a good, -clever, honest, brave, devout man. When elected to this high office he -was a matured man, handsome, tall and stately, with a strong frank face, -and was a general favourite. As a pilgrim he had often gone to Rome and -was familiar with the conditions there. His biographer said of the -times: "The World lay in wickedness; holiness had disappeared; justice -had perished; truth had been buried; Simon Magnus lorded it over the -Church, whose bishops and priests were given to luxury and -fornication."[435:1] In Rome the churches were neglected and in ruins, -sheep and cattle went in and out of the broken doors, and the monks and -clergy were steeped in immorality.[435:2] - -Bruno asked Hildebrand, who appears to have been at the Diet of Worms, -to go with him to Rome, but that austere monk replied, "I cannot -accompany you because, without canonical institution, and by the royal -and secular power alone, you are going to seize upon the Roman Church." -If that statement is correct, it shows Hildebrand's ideas of the -relation of Church and state twenty-five years before he became Pope. -Bruno was persuaded, put off the papal robes, and declared that he would -not accept the papal crown save by the free election of the Roman -clergy and people. Then the two started for Rome as barefooted pilgrims -and many a legendary tale has grown up about that journey, which took -two months. At length reaching Rome, these two pious churchmen were -heartily welcomed by the Romans and Bruno was chosen Pope in a great -gathering in 1049 and coronated as Leo IX. - -With Leo IX. began that new policy of reformation and purification of -which Hildebrand was the genius and Innocent III. executor. The spirit -of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and of Clugny were to be united and to -predominate. To reform the curia was the first step of the new Pope. He -did this by surrounding himself with good men like Hildebrand, Peter -Damiani, Cardinal Humbert, and Archbishop Halimand of Lyons. His next -move was to abolish the flagrant evils in the Church such as simony, the -violation of celibacy, unjust tithing of the laity, uncanonical -marriages of the laity, and lay investiture. These various reforms were -to be inaugurated through Church synods, such as the annual Easter -synods in Rome, national synods, and local synods. Leo IX. presided over -eleven of these synods in person and travelled incessantly through -Italy, France, and Germany to enforce the reforms, to root out heresy, -to settle disputes, to make appointments, and to manage Church affairs. -To enforce his measures in southern Italy he led an army of Italians and -Germans against the Normans in 1053, but was defeated and taken -prisoner, whereupon he put all the Normans under the ban. They begged -their sacred captive to remove the dreaded curse but he refused until -they should kiss his feet and recognise the rights of the Church. When -he died in 1054, beloved by all Christendom, he had accomplished more -in the way of reformation than any Pope since Nicholas I. and he left -behind him a new religious enthusiasm soon to be felt all over -Europe.[437:1] - -Leo IX. had entrusted papal affairs to Hildebrand until a new Pope -should be elected, hence all eyes were on him and his friends wanted to -make him Supreme Pontiff. But he saw the time was not ripe for his work -and refused. Hildebrand then headed a delegation to ask the Emperor -Henry III. to confirm the nomination of Gebhard, Bishop of Eichstaedt, a -friend and relative. After the imperial nomination at Mainz, Gebhard -went to Rome, was there elected in due canonical form as Pope Victor II. -(1055), and immediately took up Hildebrand's sweeping reform -policy.[437:2] Formerly he had advocated a national Church and was a -master of Clugniac politics. Now, however, he accepted the papal theory -in its entirety. With the Emperor he held a council at Florence which -forbade the alienation of Church property, enacted rules of discipline, -and determined matters of doctrine.[437:3] To cure abuses of the French -clergy he sent Hildebrand to France, who succeeded in humbling the -bishops guilty of simony.[437:4] Victor II. himself held a council at -Tours to discuss the imperial claims of Ferdinand the Great of Spain and -Henry III. of Germany, thus assuming that it was his prerogative to act -in the capacity of arbiter. He went to Germany in 1056 to see Henry III. -die, to hold the centrifugal forces in check in behalf of Henry IV., and -to thwart the ambition of Mamno of Cologne and Adelbert of Bremen to -establish a northern patriarchate. The following year he returned to -Italy and there soon died (1057), beloved throughout all Christendom. - -Five days after the death of Victor II. the Romans, not waiting for the -return of Hildebrand, who was still absent on papal business, chose -Cardinal Frederick of Lorraine Pope and jubilantly inaugurated him -(Aug. 2, 1057). The new Pontiff, who took the name of Stephen IX., was -an old enemy of Henry III., had been made Cardinal and Chancellor by -Leo IX., had been sent to Constantinople to heal the breach between -the East and the West (1054), and had been appointed Abbot of Monte -Casino (1057).[438:1] Since he was elected without the consent of -the German imperial party, Hildebrand, elevated to the dignity of -cardinal-archdeacon, was sent north to appease the Queen Regent. Stephen -IX. manifested his sincere desire to carry forward the work of -reformation. Allied with him to accomplish this work were Hildebrand, -the greatest man in Rome, and Damiani, the leader of the reform party, -whom he appointed Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia. This trio no doubt would -have made great headway in the reform propagandism had not the Pope died -so soon (Mar. 29, 1058). Before death stilled his tongue, however, he -made his court promise not to elect a successor without the advice of -Hildebrand, who was still absent in Germany. - -The party of nobles in Rome, not heeding the wishes of Stephen IX., -immediately elected as Pope Benedict X., and every friend of reform was -driven from the city. Hildebrand upon returning to Rome secured the -elevation of Gerhard, Bishop of Florence, to the papal chair and -inaugurated him without difficulty, whereupon Benedict X. surrendered -and was pardoned, though degraded and confined for life within the -precincts of St. Maria Maggiore.[439:1] The new Pope, Nicholas II., -practically allowed Hildebrand to dictate his policy. First he sought to -free the Church from imperial domination and to elevate it above the -state. The death of Henry III. (1056) and the coronation of his son of -six as Henry IV. removed a powerful barrier to that object. Germany was -divided into an imperial and anti-imperial party. In this condition -Italian influence could be used as the determining factor in German -politics, hence the states of Italy were forced to recognise the -over-sovereignty of the Pope. - -In the next place Nicholas II. endeavoured to regulate the papal -elections so as to prevent a repetition of the election of Benedict X. -and at the same time to eliminate the influence of the Emperor. The -Lateran Council held April 13, 1059, attended by the Pope and one -hundred and thirteen bishops,[439:2] many abbots, and a vast concourse -of priests and deacons, after condemning Benedict X., prohibiting -simony, denouncing lay investiture, and decreeing celibacy to be the law -of the Church, created the College of Cardinals.[439:3] The election of -the Pope was now put into the hands of the Roman cardinal-bishops,[439:4] -who were to submit their nominee to the lower clergy and the people for -approval. This practically excluded both the Roman nobles and the Roman -Emperor. This edict was the greatest revolution ever attempted in the -hierarchy. It was an effort to give the Papacy a constitution which -would make it independent. An election by any hands but the cardinals' -could now be called unconstitutional or uncanonical. And any person who -attempted to resist or impugn the regulation was to be smitten with an -awful curse: - - Let him be damned by anathema and excommunication, and be - counted among the impious in the resurrection of condemnation; - may the wrath of Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and the fury of - the Apostles Peter and Paul, whose Church he shall dare to - disturb, be poured out upon him in this life and in the life - to come; may his habitation be made desolate, so that there - may be none to inhabit his tents; may his children be made - orphans, and his wife a widow; he and his sons; and may he beg - his bread, and be driven out of his habitation; may the usurer - consume his substance, and the stranger reap the fruit of his - labours; may the world be at war with him, and all the - elements array themselves against him; and may the merits of - all the saints at rest confound him, and even in this life - hold the sword of vengeance suspended over him.[440:1] - -The history of the cardinals is very interesting. The word cardinal -seems to come from _cardo_, a hinge, and contains the idea of principal -or important.[440:2] The term was early applied to the priests of the -first dioceses in Rome and in 308 there were twenty-five in the Eternal -City. Under Gregory I. (604) the word was plainly and commonly used. -Stephen IV. in 771 extended the title to suburban dioceses. Anastasius' -life of Leo III. (died 816) seems to indicate the germs of a College of -Cardinals. It was not, however, until the time of Nicholas II. that the -institution was definitely created. The number of cardinals varied -greatly--thirty in the twelfth century, seven in the thirteenth century, -twenty-four by the act of the Council of Basle, thirteen in 1516, -seventy-six in 1559, and finally Sixtus V. fixed the number once for all -at seventy to correspond with the seventy elders of Israel.[441:1] The -number, however, was seldom complete. - -The paternal solicitude and indefatigable labours of Nicholas II. for -the restoration and maintenance of the unity and authority of the Church -met with unexpected success. All western Europe, even distant countries -like Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Iceland, felt the firm hand of this -strong Pope. In Milan Peter Damiani humbled the mighty archbishop and -lesser ecclesiastics to repentance for simony and immorality. Robert -Guiscard, King of the Normans, acknowledged papal suzerainty.[441:2] -From many standpoints he must be accounted the greatest Pope between -Gregory the Great and Gregory VII. - -The death of Nicholas II. (1061) gave the College of Cardinals an -opportunity to employ the new method of electing the Pope. Hildebrand -first sent Cardinal Stephen as a messenger to the Empress Regent to -secure her approval of the election, but she refused to receive him -because she felt that the royal prerogatives had been encroached upon by -the Lateran Council and besides she hoped to carry out her own plans of -election. Hildebrand, after waiting some time, resolved to take the -initiative and summoned the College of Cardinals. The right of the -young king was tacitly waived and a new Pope called Alexander II. -elected. The Empress called a counter-council at Basle in which the -regulation creating the College of Cardinals was revoked, the election -of Alexander II. was declared null, and in his place the Bishop of Parma -was made Pope Honorius II. The German Pope attempted to take Rome by -force (April, 1062), did gain an entry, but was soon defeated by Godfrey -of Tuscany and forced to flee. A civil revolt in Germany soon led to the -recognition of Alexander II. and the Empress Regent sought absolution -from him and shortly afterwards entered a Roman convent. The continued -quarrel between these two rival claimants of St. Peter's Seat gave a -momentary check to reformation in the Church. But the battle over papal -election had been won. The Church was no longer ruled by the state. -Truly could it be said of Hildebrand "he found the Church a handmaid and -left her free." The contest over simony, lay investiture, and celibacy, -however, remained to be carried on by the great successor of Alexander -II. It was this same Pope Alexander II. who gave William of Normandy the -right to assume the crown of England, for which he exacted a yearly -tribute. He also appointed the archbishops for England. Lanfranc of -Canterbury ably seconded the reformatory exertions of the Pope and set -himself firmly against the sale of benefices and the unchastity of the -clergy. Nicholas II. likewise declared that papal bulls had the same -force as acts of councils--the first expression of that kind. Peter -Damiani was sent into France to correct the morals of the clergy and to -enforce discipline in the Church. Later he made a similar trip to -Germany. Had not death claimed Nicholas so soon (Apr. 21, 1073) he -would probably have carried out his intentions to reform the wicked -young German king, who was called to Rome to answer for his conduct, -and to punish his councillors, whom he did excommunicate. He bequeathed -that difficult work, however, to one more able than he for its -accomplishment. - -Charles the Great and Otto the Great both called councils in Rome to try -Popes. But now the Pope has attained such a pre-eminence that he cites -the Emperor to appear before him to justify his conduct. Verily the -Papacy, with the aid of Damiani and Hildebrand, had got out of the -quagmire which almost engulfed it in the tenth and the eleventh -centuries. At the same time the imperial right to choose Popes, which -had so long been exercised and which had been recognised again and again -by the Popes themselves, was taken out of the Emperor's hands and -entirely controlled by the Roman cardinals. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the - Middle Ages_. N. Y., 1892. - - 2.--Gee, H., and Hardy, W. J., _Documents Illustrative of - English Church History_. Lond., 1896. - - 3.--Neale, J. M., _Mediaeval Preachers_. Lond., 1856. - - 4.--Thatcher and McNeal, _Source Book for Mediaeval History_. N. - Y., 1905. - - Bibliographical Note:--The primary material for this subject is - practically all in Latin. The most valuable collections - are: Migne, _Patrologia_, vols. 119-145; Pertz, - _Monumenta_; Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum_; _Rolls - Series_; Muratori; _Bouquet_. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Baring-Gould, S., _Lives of the Saints_. Lond., 1897-8. - 15 vols. - - 2.--Bowden, J. W., _Life and Pontificate of Gregory VII._ 2 - vols. Lond., 1840. I., 73-283. - - 3.--Bryce, J., _The Holy Roman Empire_. Various eds. Rev. ed., - 1904. - - 4.--Butler, A., _Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and Saints_. - Dub., 1866. 12 vols. - - 5.--Fisher, H., _The Mediaeval Empire_. - - 6.--Greenwood, A., _The Empire and the Papacy in the Middle - Ages_. - - 7.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_. Ch. 4. - - 8.--Greisley, Sir R., _Life and Pontificate of Gregory VII._ - Lond., 1832. Introduction. - - 9.--Lea, H. C., _History of Sacerdotal Celibacy_. Rev. ed. - - 10.--Maitland, S. R., _The Dark Ages_. Lond., 1889. - - 11.--Montalembert, Count de, _The Monks of the West_. Lond., - 1896. 7 vols. - - 12.--Stephens, W. R. W., _Hildebrand and His Times_. N. Y., - 1888. - - 13.--Villemain, A. F., _Life of Gregory VII._ Lond., 1874. 2 - vols. - - 14.--Vincent, M. R., _The Age of Hildebrand_. N.Y., 1896. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, ch. 10. Allen, ii., ch. 3. Alzog, ii., 228-241. - Bouzique, ii., bk. 3, ch. 1. Butler, ch. 63-65. Creighton, i., - ch. 1, pp. 11-16. Doellinger, iii., ch. 3, sec. 2-3; ch. 5. - Emerton, ch. 7. Fisher, pd. 5, ch. 3. Foulkes, ch. 11. - Gieseler. Gilmartin, i., ch. 41, 42. Guericke. Hase, sec. - 177-180. Hurst, i., 473, 701, 739, 753. Jennings, i., ch. 10; - ii., ch. 11. Kurtz, sec. 92, 96, 97, 98. Milman, ii., bk. 5, - p. 409. Milner, cent. 9, ch. 3; cent. 11, ch. 2; cent. 12, - cent. 13. Moeller. Neander, iii., 346-456. Newman. Riddle, - ii., ch. 4, 5. Robertson, bk. 4, ch. 6; bk. 5, ch. 1. Schaff, - pd. 4, ch. 4, sec. 63-66. Tout, ch. 5. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[418:1] See Chapter XVI. - -[418:2] The Pope's wife was still living at the time of his election. -His daughter, a maiden of forty, was abducted by the son of Bishop -Aresenius. When threatened with punishment, the abductor murdered the -Pope's wife and daughter. See Schaff, iv., 277. - -[419:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 245. - -[419:2] Alzog, ii., Sec. 187; Hefele, iv., 575; Gregorovius, iii., 282; -Pertz, v., 297; Migne, vol. 136, 827, 852; Robinson, _Readings_, i., -251. - -[419:3] See Chapter XVII. - -[420:1] See Chapter XVII. - -[420:2] Jaffe, 50; Hefele, iv., 707. - -[420:3] Boemer, _Regesta_, v., 3. See Hauck, iii., 57-59. But it must be -remembered that among these wicked Popes there appeared here and there a -Pope distinguished for purity of life. Such were John IX. (898-900), -Benedict IV. (900-903), Anastasius III. (911-913), Leo VI. (928-929). - -[421:1] Gieseler, ii., 332. - -[421:2] Mansi, xviii., 270. - -[421:3] Alzog, ii., Sec. 200. - -[422:1] Alzog, ii., Sec. 200. - -[423:1] Greenwood, bk. ix., ch. 3. - -[423:2] _Ibid._, bk. x., ch. 1. - -[424:1] Read his address to the Council of Pavia in Fisher, _Mediaeval -Empire_, ii., 68. _Cf._ Greenwood, bk. ix., ch. 3, 4. - -[424:2] Clement II., Damascus II., Leo IX., Victor II. Thatcher and -McNeal, No. 57. - -[425:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 259. - -[425:2] Migne, vol. 139, p. 85; Olleris, _Oeuvres de Gerbert_. - -[425:3] _Mon. Ger. Hist._, ii., 561. - -[426:1] _Mon. Ger. Hist._, iii., 658. - -[426:2] Milman, ii., 491. - -[426:3] _Ibid._ - -[426:4] Milman, ii., 493; Schaff, iv., 290. - -[426:5] Milman, ii., 496. - -[426:6] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 56. - -[427:1] Mansi, xix., 625. - -[427:2] Migne, vol. 120, p. 9-166; _Mon. Ger. Hist._, iv., 616; Neander, -iii., 420; Butler, _Lives of the Saints_. - -[427:3] Hook, _Lives of Archbishops of Canterbury_; Green, _Conquest of -England_; _Dictionary of National Biography_; Milman, bk. viii, ch. 1; -Butler, _Lives of the Saints_; Lea, _History of Sacerdotal Celibacy_. - -[428:1] Henderson, 329; Ogg, Sec. 42. - -[428:2] Maitland, _Dark Ages_. - -[429:1] Duckett, _Charters and Records Illust. of the Eng. Foundations -of the Ancient Abbey of Clugny_ (1077-1534). - -[429:2] Migne, vol. 144, p. 953; Mabillon, iii., iv. - -[431:1] Mabillon, _Ann. Ord. Benedict._, iii., iv., gives his life by -Peter Damiani; Sachur, _Die Cluniozenser bis zur Mitte des 11th Jahrh._; -Heimbucher, _Die Orden u. Kongregat. der Kath. Kirche_. - -[431:2] _Mon. Ger. Hist._, xii., 209. - -[432:1] Giseke, _Die Hirschauer waehrend des Investiturstreites_, 1883. - -[433:1] Migne, vol. 144, p. 145; Vagler, _Peter Damiani_; Neukirch, _Das -Leben des Peter Damiani_; Neander, iii., 382, 397; Hefele, iv.; Cooper, -_Flagellation and the Flagellants_; Schaff, iv., 787. - -[434:1] _Cf._ Greenwood, bk. ix., ch. 4. - -[435:1] Bruno, _Vita S. Leonis IX._ - -[435:2] Mansi, xix., 705. - -[437:1] A large number of legends soon sprang up about Leo IX. - -[437:2] Bonizo, ii., 804; Muratori, iv., 403. - -[437:3] Harduin, vi., 1039. - -[437:4] _Ibid._; Bonizo, 806. - -[438:1] Greenwood, bk. x., ch. 1, p. 156. - -[439:1] Greenwood, bk. x., ch. 1, p. 160. - -[439:2] Henderson, 361. - -[439:3] Mansi, xix., 898. - -[439:4] Bowden, i., 200; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 59; Henderson, 361; -Alzog, Sec. 190. - -[440:1] Greenwood, bk. x., ch. 1, pp. 162, 163. - -[440:2] Alzog, Sec. 194. - -[441:1] Bull _Postquam_, 1585. - -[441:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 58. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -GREGORY VII. AND HIS WORK - - OUTLINE: I.--Condition of the Church in 1073. II.--Election of - Hildebrand as Pope. III.--Gregory VII.'s matured papal theory - and reform ideas. IV.--His efforts to realise his ideals. - V.--The investiture strife. VI.--Conclusions. VII.--Sources. - - -In 1073 the Church had been raised from the lowest condition to a -comparatively high moral plane by the imperial reforms, the labours of -earnest German Popes, the Clugniac reformation, and the Hildebrandine -Popes. The papal crown was no longer the plaything of a Roman noble, nor -the tool of the German Emperor, but had become largely independent of -both and a mighty power in Europe. This change was due to the character -of the Emperors and Popes, to the religious enthusiasm of the age, to -the political confusion in Germany, and to the labours of Hildebrand, -particularly in creating the College of Cardinals. A positive reform -movement had also been started in the Church, but it remained to be -continued and completed. The time, therefore, seemed ripe for the work -of a great Pope like Hildebrand. - -For twenty-five years Hildebrand had been the power behind the papal -throne. He had largely moulded the policy of eight successive Popes, he -was the recognised champion of reformation in the Church, he had -developed the constitution of the Papacy, he had managed the finances of -Rome, he had become the greatest statesman and the shrewdest churchman -in Europe, and he had formed a powerful party to champion his ideas. - -Alexander II. breathed his last April 21, 1073. Hildebrand directed that -the next three days should be devoted to fasting, charity, and prayer, -while the dead Pontiff was being interred, after which the regular -election of a Pope would follow. The next day the funeral rites were -being celebrated in the old church of St. John Lateran. The ancient -structure was crowded to overflowing and Hildebrand, as archdeacon, was -conducting the services, when suddenly a cry burst forth from the crowd, -"Hildebrand, Hildebrand shall be our Pope. St. Peter chooses our -Archdeacon Hildebrand." Rushing to the pulpit, Hildebrand implored -silence, but his voice was drowned in the uproar. - -Then Cardinal Hugo came forward, and said: - - Well know ye, beloved brethren, that since the days of the - blessed Leo, this tried and prudent archdeacon has exalted the - Roman See and delivered this city from many perils. Wherefore, - since we cannot find any one better qualified for the - government of the Church, or the protection of the city, we, - the bishops and archbishops, with one voice elect him as - pastor and bishop of your souls. - -The crowd approved by shouting, "It is the will of St. Peter. Hildebrand -is Pope."[446:1] Then the cardinals led the popular favourite, -protesting still and in tears, to the throne of St. Peter, and invested -him with the scarlet robe and the tiara as Gregory VII. Like Charles the -Great in 800, Gregory VII. pretended to be greatly surprised at this -election, which certainly was irregular, if not uncanonical, because the -customary three days had not yet elapsed, the people had nominated and -the cardinals had ratified--a complete reversal of the decree of -1059,--and the Emperor had not been consulted at all. - -Hildebrand immediately assumed all the duties of his office, but at the -same time wrote to Henry IV. stating all the circumstances attending his -election and saying that he would refuse consecration until the Emperor -should approve of his elevation.[447:1] The assertions that he asked -Henry IV. not to confirm his election and that he threatened to punish -the king if made Pope are very improbable.[447:2] Henry IV. was in a -dilemma. He knew that Hildebrand had robbed him of the rights enjoyed by -his father and predecessors; consequently the German nobles and -simoniacal bishops urged him to annul the election and thus nip the -violence of Hildebrand in the bud. He realised the strength of the -Hildebrandine party, on the other hand, and feared the results of an -open rupture with it in the unsettled condition of Germany. The -diplomatic move of Hildebrand, however, seemed to offer a way for -surrender under the garb of victory. Therefore Henry sent a trusted -representative to Rome to demand an explanation of the illegal election -of the Pope. Hildebrand simply stated that the office had been thrust -upon him and that he had refused inauguration until the Emperor should -consent to his election. Hence the Emperor was forced to confirm the -action and forthwith sent his chancellor to witness the installation -(June 30th) of Gregory VII.[447:3] - -The papal philosophy of Gregory VII. was based upon the -Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. His conception of the Pope is summed up in -the famous _Dictatus Papae_ in which he makes the successor of St. Peter -God's representative on earth, the absolute sovereign of the Church, and -the supreme feudal lord of the world.[448:1] This ideal he sought to -realise in every particular. The clergy, according to his theory, were -wholly dependent upon the Pope's will and must be absolutely free from -every vice and worldly influence in order that they might labour only to -save men's souls. Hence, he believed in the great need of reformation -and in the correction of all abuses. The laity, from Emperor to slave, -were entirely subjected to the Pope and his clergy in both temporal and -spiritual matters, and therefore must render absolute obedience to the -commands of the Church. In his reform policy as Pope, Gregory showed -himself more hostile than ever against the crying evils of simony and -the marriage or concubinage of the clergy. But twenty-five years of -effort to cure these evils in the Church had taught him that the real -cause of all the other evils was the subjection of the clergy to secular -power. The solemn denunciations of simony by the Lateran councils were -_nil_ as long as kings and nobles offered each ecclesiastical office for -sale to the highest bidder. It was useless to order the clergy to give -up their luxurious habits and live in ascetic purity as long as they -were tools of a licentious aristocracy. Therefore the papal ax must be -laid at the very root of the evil, namely, lay investiture and the -secular control of the clergy. - -In his first efforts to realise his lofty ideal, Gregory VII. desired to -unite all Christendom under the suzerainty of the Pope and through this -submission to conquer the world for God. On the very day of his -consecration (April 30th) he sent Cardinal Hugo to Spain to replace the -Gothic with the Roman ritual and thus to secure Spain as a papal -fief.[449:1] A few days later he journeyed in person to southern Italy -to secure renewal of the submission of the Normans. When Guiscard -refused to comply with his demands, the Pope called on William of -Burgundy for troops. Finally he had the Council of Rome excommunicate -Guiscard and all his followers and thus forced their fealty.[449:2] He -assumed feudal authority in Bohemia.[449:3] The Patriarch of Venice was -sent to Constantinople to restore the friendly relations between the -Greek and Roman churches.[449:4] He compelled the Italian nobles to -swear to him the oath of allegiance.[449:5] He corrected the church of -Carthage,[449:6] attempted to win over Swen, the King of Denmark, and -forbade the King of Norway to interfere in Danish affairs.[449:7] He -treated the King of Hungary as a vassal and rebuked him for recognising -the King of Germany as his overlord.[449:8] Between the Duke of Poland -and the King of Russia he mediated and had the latter go to Rome to be -crowned.[450:1] He forced the French King to promise obedience.[450:2] -He voluntarily sought to act as arbiter between the German King and the -Saxons.[450:3] He demanded Peter's pence from William the Conqueror. The -pence was paid, but the oath of loyalty was refused. "I have not nor -will I," said William, "swear fealty which was never sworn by any of my -predecessors to yours."[450:4] He wrote an open letter to Christendom -advocating a general crusade against the Mohammedans.[450:5] He asserted -his right to end war and to dictate the terms of peace.[450:6] He -declared it to be his duty to compel all rulers to govern their people -in righteousness on pain of deposition.[450:7] In short, no region was -too remote or too barbarous not to come within his idea of -ecclesiastical unity and of papal suzerainty.[450:8] - -As soon as elected Gregory VII. began to purify the Church by urging the -bishops to enforce the laws against simony and celibacy which had been -practically dead letters.[450:9] The King of France was called to -account for his simoniacal practices and under threat of excommunication -forced to promise reformation.[450:10] Early in 1074 a great reform -council was summoned to meet in Rome.[450:11] Four famous reform decrees -were enacted: (1) Churchmen guilty of simony were forbidden to -officiate in religious services. (2) Buyers of church properties were -ordered to restore them and the traffic was prohibited for the future. -(3) Priests guilty of marriage or concubinage were debarred from -exercising clerical functions. Their blessings would be curses and their -prayers sins. This was opposed to "once a priest always a priest." Later -Wycliffe, Luther, and other reformers used this same idea with telling -effect. (4) Laymen were commanded not to receive ministrations from -clergymen guilty of violating these ordinances. Altogether these reform -measures were the most radical yet passed. These revolutionary edicts -were sent to the archbishops of the various countries with instructions -to put them into immediate execution. A special delegation was sent to -Henry IV. to inform him of the results of the council. It was headed by -the Empress Agnes, Henry's mother, now a nun.[451:1] A solemn pledge was -secured from the German King to execute the reform measures and to -dismiss the five councillors, who had been put under the ban by -Alexander II. - -It will now be necessary to see how these reforms were received in -the various countries. Celibacy will be considered first.[451:2] -Historically this institution runs back through the Christian era to the -Jewish period. Jewish priests married, but were forbidden to marry -harlots, profane women, or widows.[451:3] The New Testament contains no -absolute prohibition of marriage. The Apostles married[451:4]--even -Peter--and the leaders of churches were advised to take unto themselves -wives,[452:1] but many passages were soon interpreted to favour -celibacy.[452:2] The renunciation of all worldly enjoyments and the -exaltation of the ascetic life above the social led to voluntary vows of -celibacy as early as the second century. It was not long until the -Church came to believe that the unmarried condition was the better for -the clergy.[452:3] This belief soon developed a contempt for marriage; -and the Popes Calixtus I. (221) and Lucius I. (255) are said to have -forbidden the marriage of priests. In 385 the Bishop of Rome enjoined -celibacy on all the clergy, and Innocent I., Leo the Great, and -succeeding Popes followed the same policy. In the fourth century Church -councils took up the question, and the East and the West began to -diverge on the subject. All over western Europe councils and synods -approved celibacy and sought to force it upon the Church over and over -again. Civil law stepped in to confirm these papal and synodical -decrees. - -In 1073, although celibacy had been the law of the Church for a thousand -years, it had never been universally enforced. The Hildebrandine Popes -and the Clugniac reformers had made strenuous efforts to execute the -reform edicts but had largely failed. In Italy, nearly all the clergy -were married in Naples, while Lombardy, Florence, and Ravenna championed -the institution; even in Rome itself the clergy were largely married. -The sixty wardens in St. Peter's had wives. In Germany a majority of the -clergy were opposed to celibacy and, consequently, they were ready to -join the Emperor against the Pope. In France the Norman bishops lived -openly with their wives and families and the common priests of course -followed their leaders. This was the situation which the new Pontiff was -called upon to face. - -Gregory VII. saw that to realise his theocracy the Church must have an -open, democratic, priestly caste. Marriage would make that caste -exclusive and hereditary, hence corrupt and worldly, and would thus -cripple the Church from priest to Pope.[453:1] He believed that the -enforcement of celibacy would cut the clergy free from the state and wed -them to the Church. They would live with the Church as her protectors -and not with the world. The Church would be both their bride and their -heir. Hence he had the severe measure of 1074 passed and was resolved to -enforce it all over Christendom. But the endeavour to execute this -radical canon--to destroy an institution which many justified on both -moral and natural grounds--to rend asunder ties of the tenderest nature -on earth--"to make wives prostitutes and children bastards"--to break up -families--was strongly resisted all over Europe. - -In Germany the Pope was called a heretic and a madman for setting up -such an insane dogma against the teaching of St. Paul. To make men live -like angels was childish, it was declared, and would plunge the clergy -into worse habits. The churchmen declared that they would be men and -give up their priestly offices sooner than desert their families. -Several of the bishops headed the anti-celibacy party and openly defied -the Pope to enforce his law. The Archbishop of Mainz, as primate, called -a council at Erfurt. When he read the decree he was greeted with howls -and threats, and nearly lost his life. Other bishops who tried to -promulgate the act were treated in a similar manner. The threats of -Gregory availed nothing.[454:1] The laity, however, probably incited by -the Pope, made several outbreaks against the married priests, but -without any decisive results, and the evil went on. In France the -opposition exceeded that in Germany. A Paris synod repudiated the decree -and an abbot who defended the Pope was beaten, spit upon, and dragged to -prison.[454:2] The Archbishop of Rouen attempted to enforce celibacy but -was stoned and compelled to flee.[454:3] The Pope fairly foamed with -anger in letters to the French prelates,[454:4] but the hated edict was -not enforced. In England the Pope made no special effort to enforce this -reform measure.[454:5] Lanfranc held a council to reform the Church, but -nothing further was done.[454:6] In Spain the papal legate was menaced -and outraged by the clergy, when he tried to enforce celibacy.[454:7] In -Hungary there was shown the same refusal to conform to the new order of -things.[454:8] In Italy, Guiscard, the Norman ruler, led the -anti-celibacy party in the south and prevented the execution of the -order. In Lombardy, Florence, and Ravenna the hostility was very fierce. -Milan defiantly quoted St. Ambrose as authority for a married -priesthood.[454:9] Even in Rome itself the decree was executed only with -the greatest difficulty. But in the face of all this opposition Gregory -did not waver. Many of the reform party likewise laboured incessantly -with him to cure the evil. Ultimately, but not in his life time, the -principle he fought for was to dominate. - -Simony, one of the most wide-spread evils of the Middle Ages, originated -with Simon Magnus who wished to buy the power of the Holy Spirit with -money.[455:1] The term was gradually extended in its meaning from the -buying or selling of the power of ordination to the purchase or sale of -any ecclesiastical office or privilege. As early as the third century a -rich matron bought the bishopric of Carthage for her servant.[455:2] -This evil practice slowly grew in the Church, until Charles the Great -made Church offices objects of eager desire to the worldly, then the -crime spread to a fearful extent. The feudalisation of the Church made -the evil very common from the Pope to priest and even gave it the -appearance of legality.[455:3] Conrad II. openly offered bishoprics and -abbeys for sale to the highest bidders.[455:4] In the time of Hildebrand -the papal office itself was openly bought and sold. His own teacher, -Gregory VI., had purchased the empty honour for one thousand pounds of -silver. Archbishops purchased their sinecures and in turn compensated -themselves by selling minor benefices to their subordinates. Bishoprics -and abbacies were commonly sold to the highest bidders by the kings and -nobles. The most ordinary ecclesiastical positions and even -consecrations to the priesthood were sold. So wide-spread indeed was the -practice that it was generally viewed as normal and legitimate.[455:5] - -Opposition to the evil early appeared and, from the fourth century, -councils and synods denounced it. In 829 the Council of Paris asked the -King to destroy "this heresy so detestable, this pest so hateful to -God."[456:1] All of the good Popes from Gregory I. to Gregory VII. -attacked the abuse. Even the Emperor Henry III. attempted to root it -out.[456:2] The _corpus juris canonicis_ supplemented by the civil law -made it a crime and designated the penalties. Priests were to be -deprived of their benefices and deposed from orders; monks were to be -confined in stricter monasteries; and laymen were to be subjected to -penance. Every reformer and reform movement began by making an attack on -simony. But simony was too deeply rooted as a part of the social, -political, and religious world to be materially affected before the time -of Gregory VII., who knew that it would be impossible to realise his -earthly theocracy so long as this sin demoralised and secularised the -clergy, and subjected them to worldly control. The edict of 1074, -therefore, threw down the gauntlet and declared war.[456:3] This had -often been done before, but Gregory now attacked the chief sinners in -selling Church offices, namely, the King of France, who gave excuses and -promised amendment,[456:4] and the King of Germany, who confessed his -sin and declared his intention to repair the evil.[456:5] But this edict -like that prohibiting celibacy was not enforced simply because the -secular rulers and the clergy alike were infected with the disease. The -Pope resolved, therefore, to wage the war in person and to strike at -the very source of all simony. For success he relied upon the -thunderbolts of his office. - -The investiture strife next engaged the attention of Gregory VII. and -tested his power and ability to the utmost. Lay investiture, like so -many other practices in the Church, had its origin back in the formative -period of the ecclesiastical organisation. Under the Roman Empire the -Emperor exercised much power in the appointment of Popes and -bishops.[457:1] The Merovingians and the Carolingians, following the -earlier precedents, both exercised the right of nominating bishops in -the Frankish kingdom.[457:2] Under Charles the Great and his -descendants, prelates became identified with barons--the hierarchical -governors of the Church with the feudal dignitaries of the -Empire,--hence arose the universal custom of ratifying the episcopal -elections by regal investiture. The bishop, or abbot, when elected, gave -pledges of fidelity and devotion and later paid the feudal fee. The king -then invested him with the emblems of the office, namely, the sacerdotal -ring signifying his marriage to the Church, and the pastoral staff -indicating his protection of his flock. Then he was consecrated by the -metropolitan. When the bishop died, the ring and staff were returned to -the king, or to the local secular authority. In Germany the bishoprics -and abbacies almost ceased being ecclesiastical and became little more -than political divisions of the kingdom. They bore the same relation to -the sovereign as did the secular feudal fiefs. The holders had the -rights of coinage, toll, market, and jurisdiction; they attended court -and exercised military powers like nobles. By the time of Hildebrand -the vast ecclesiastical states all over Europe were feudalised and kings -and nobles controlled the appointment of all bishops and abbots. The -higher clergy were recruited mostly from the worldly nobility, who -united their religious with their civil duties. This lay investiture was -the cause of the wide-spread, brutalising sin of simony and must be -annihilated if the Church was to be purified, and to fulfil her high -mission on earth.[458:1] The French king and the favourites of Henry IV. -had filled their pockets through the most notorious simoniacal -dealings.[458:2] - -Before the time of Hildebrand, simony, but not lay investiture, had been -attacked. In 1063 a Roman synod forbade the clergy receiving churches -from the laymen. Milan and the German court in 1068 came into collision -about the appointment of a bishop. Hildebrand, immediately upon his -election, found occasion to praise Anself for refusing installation from -Henry IV. In 1075 he called a council at Rome and had this famous -revolutionary decree passed: - - If any one shall from henceforth receive any bishopric or - abbey from any layman, let him not be received among the - bishops or abbots, nor let the privilege of audience be - granted him as to a bishop or abbot. We, moreover, deny to - such person the favour of St. Peter and an entrance into the - Church, until he shall have resigned the dignity which he has - obtained both by the crime of ambition and disobedience which - is idolatry. And similarly do we decree concerning the lesser - dignities of the Church. Also if any Emperor, Duke, Marquis, - Count, secular person or power, shall presume to give - investiture of any bishopric or ecclesiastical dignity let - him know himself to be bound by the same sentence.[459:1] - -This edict was immediately sent to all the bishops of the Empire and no -doubt all over Christendom. It began the struggle which rent both the -Empire and the Church into two hostile parties and continued long after -Gregory VII. died in exile. It was unquestionably revolutionary, because -Pope after Pope had recognised the right of investiture by laymen and -the matter was generally treated as authorised by public law.[459:2] - -The Pope opened the skirmish through the council by citing many bishops -from Germany, England, France, and Italy to answer to him for -ecclesiastical offences, chiefly simoniacal; by continuing the curse -laid on Robert of Apulia; by threatening the King of France with -interdict, unless he repented and made reparation; by deposing the -bishops of Pavia, Turin, and Piacenza; by treating the German prelates -with unusual severity; in repeating the excommunication of the German -King's ministers; and in putting under the ban the bishops of Speyer and -Strassburg and the Archbishop of Bremen. - -The conflict centred about Henry IV., who entirely disregarded the law -of lay investiture.[459:3] He looked upon investiture as a royal -prerogative, hence he invested the Bishop of Liege (July, 1075), -appointed his chaplain Archbishop of Milan against the Pope's nominee -(Sept., 1075), named a Bishop of Bomberg without consulting Gregory -VII.,[459:4] chose the Abbot of Fulda (Dec., 1075) and also for -Lorsch,[460:1] disposed of the churches of Fermo and Spolita in the same -way, and reached the climax when he attempted to force his own candidate -into the archiepiscopal seat of Cologne.[460:2] Gregory viewed these -acts as an infraction of the King's promises and as showing contempt for -the law of the Holy See and its prerogatives. Hence he summoned the -Archbishop of Milan to Rome to answer for his intrusion.[460:3] After -the next appointments were made by the King (Dec., 1075), he wrote a -stern letter of admonition to the king.[460:4] Finally, after the -Cologne affair, the Pope cited the king to answer for his sins at Rome -before a certain date or "Be cut off from the body of the Lord and be -smitten with the curse of the anathema." The legates who carried this -information to the king were insultingly dismissed.[460:5] - -Henry IV., backed up by the German clergy and nobility and joined by the -anti-sacerdotal and anti-reform parties in Italy, felt powerful enough -to defy the command of the Pope.[460:6] To offset the summons to Rome -Henry called the Diet of Worms (Jan. 25, 1076), at which twenty-four -bishops and two archbishops were present. Cardinal Hugo, who had helped -to make Hildebrand Pope but who was now under the ecclesiastical ban, -brought forged complaints from Italy and read a false life of Gregory -VII. The Emperor and the bishops renounced their allegiance to the Pope -and formally impeached him on seven grave charges ranging from the -grossest licentiousness to the assumption of the functions of God -Himself.[461:1] The king immediately sent letters announcing this action -to the prelates and cities of Lombardy, where the news was received with -joy; to the Romans calling upon them to expel "The enemy of the Empire," -"The false Monk Hildebrand," the "Usurper of the Holy See"; and to the -Pope himself to whom the letter was delivered in the very Lateran -Council to which the king had been summoned. - -The royal herald addressed the Pope in these words: "My lord, the King, -and the bishops of the Empire, do by mouth command you, Hildebrand, -without delay to resign the Chair of Peter, for it is unlawful for you -to aspire to so lofty a place without the royal consent and -investiture." Incensed by this insolent address, the lay attendants of -the Pope would have drawn their swords upon the herald had the Pope not -covered him with his mantle.[461:2] When the tumult had subsided Gregory -spoke to the council in these words: - - Let us not, brethren, disturb the Church of God by noise and - tumult. Doth not the holy scripture teach us to expect - perilous times--seasons in which men shall be lovers of - themselves, covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, - disobedient to fathers, unthankful, unholy, not rendering - obedience to their teachers? . . . The word of God calleth to - us, "It must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man - by whom the offence cometh." And unto us it is said, in order - to instruct us how we ought to demean ourselves in the sight - of our enemies: "Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the - midst of wolves; be ye therefore wise as serpents and harmless - as doves." And what though at this very time the forerunner of - anti-Christ hath risen up in the Church, yet we, under the - instructions of the Lord and of the holy fathers, have long - since learned how duly to combine both these virtues.[462:1] - -The council now amidst the greatest indignation urged the Pope to depose -the insolent king and to put him and his accomplices under the ban. The -king was formally excommunicated and his subjects absolved from all -allegiance to him.[462:2] The churchmen who acted as the king's tools -were likewise outlawed and a letter to "all defenders of the Christian -faith" announced the curse laid on Germany.[462:3] This was the first -instance of the deposition of a king by a Pope and was based on the -false decretals and the assumption that this power was an undoubted -prerogative of the Chair of St. Peter.[462:4] As a result of this action -both Germany and Italy were divided into two great parties, the papal -and the imperial. Hoping to save himself by a counter blow,[462:5] Henry -had one of his bishops pronounce an excommunication and anathema upon -Gregory and induced a servile synod at Pavia to reiterate the curse. -Civil and ecclesiastical discord broke out throughout the Empire. -Disaffected nobles took this occasion to conspire against the king, and -to plot with the papal party. Prelates fell over each other in their -eagerness to desert the outlawed ruler and to seek reconciliation with -the Pope. The German papal party held a great convention (Oct. 14, 1076) -at Tribur on the Rhine. The king was in camp just across the river at -Oppenheim with his army. The Pope sent his representatives to purify the -convention and to guide the proceedings. All the sins of the age were -charged against the king and all allegiance to him was renounced, while -it was declared that the crown would be forfeited within a year unless -the king obtained absolution. He was ordered to retire to Speyer as a -private gentleman until the question was settled and the Pope was urged -to hasten to Germany to pass sentence on the royal head. - -Henry saw that the tide was against him and resolved to follow the one -course open to him, namely, to throw himself at the feet of the Pope and -beg forgiveness. He dismissed his court and his ministers, publicly -repudiated every act against the Holy See, promised satisfaction to the -Pope and reformation,[463:1] begged a permit to visit Rome to sue for -pardon, and started for Italy in 1077 to meet the Pope. His accomplices, -probably at his suggestion, took the same course but by another route. -Meanwhile the Pope was hastening northward to Germany. With excellent -tact and courage Henry made his way over the Alps in the midst of a very -severe winter into northern Italy, where he was given a hearty welcome, -and then hastened on to Canossa, a strong castle belonging to the -Countess Matilda where the Pope had broken his journey. Meanwhile the -companions and ministers of Henry who had fallen under the papal -displeasure outstripped the king and, with naked feet and clothed in -sackcloth, presented themselves to the Pope, humbly imploring pardon -and absolution from the terrible anathema. With some hesitation, the -Pope granted their petition. After a brief penance, the penitents were -dismissed with an injunction not to hold any communication with the -king, until he should in like manner have been released from the bonds -of the Church. - -With his natural impetuosity Henry resolved to have the humiliating -scene over with as soon as possible. To plead his case he had secured -the good offices of his mother-in-law, several powerful noblemen, the -Abbot of Clugny, and a few other influential orthodox members of the -papal party. He had even persuaded the Countess Matilda to induce the -Pope to give his case a merciful consideration. The Pope's severity was -softened by the entreaties coming from so many persons, and it was -finally agreed that the king should appear before the Pope on a certain -day; that he should fully admit his guilt; that he should express -sincere repentance for the insults he had heaped upon this successor of -St. Peter; that he should profess full contrition for all his sins and -crimes; and that he should promise to atone for all former vices by -obeying papal commands in the future and by submitting to such -conditions as the Pope should impose. Henry accepted these terms and -prepared for the act of shame and humiliation. - -On the stated day he appeared before the outer gate of the castle of -Canossa, was admitted into the outer court and told to divest himself of -every vestige of royalty. He was then dressed in a garment of sackcloth -and stood in the outer court barefooted and fasting from morn till -night. - - And thus [says the biographer of Hildebrand] for three entire - days, he ceased not, with much weeping and many supplications, - to implore the apostolic commiseration, until the bowels of - all the spectators yearned with compassion, so that with tears - in their eyes they earnestly besought the pontiff to have - mercy--nay, even so that they exclaimed against the stern - severity of the man of God as smacking of cruelty: then at - length, overborne by the solicitations of all around him, he - resolved to admit the penitent into the bosom of the Church; - but only upon terms which should either crush him effectually, - or for the remainder of his days convert him into the passive - instrument of the papal policy.[465:1] - -The stipulations of absolution accepted by Henry were: (1) That he -should appear for trial before an imperial synod to answer all charges, -and that if proven innocent should retain his crown; but if by the laws -of the Church he should be proved guilty he would surrender all claims -to the throne. (2) That until the trial, he should lay aside royalty and -perform no active government. (3) That until acquitted he should collect -no more taxes than was absolutely necessary for the sustenance of his -family. (4) That all contracts with his subjects should be invalid until -after the trial. (5) That he should dismiss from his service all -councillors designated by the Pope. (6) That if freed of guilt, he -should promise obedience and aid in reforming the Church. (7) That the -violation of any of these terms would _ipso facto_ invalidate the -absolution.[465:2] Then followed the solemn act of absolution and the -sacerdotal purgation which was taken by the Pope but declined by the -king. The king was then admitted to communion and sumptuously feasted -by the Pope, after which he was dismissed to rejoin his followers -awaiting him at the castle gate. The trying ordeal of Canossa was over. -The mighty Pope of small, wiry stature and physically weak had -compelled, by the sheer force of the spiritual weapons in his hands, the -powerful German ruler to humbly bow before him and beg forgiveness and -absolution. Apparently it was a great victory for the Pope, but the -sequel makes the result look like a defeat.[466:1] - -Henry's humiliation alienated his Lombard adherents. By opposing Rome he -had lost one kingdom; by submitting to Rome he was about to lose -another. No sooner was he beyond the castle walls of Canossa with the -heavy curse removed from his head than he began to plot to remove the -effects of his apparently disgraceful defeat. From now on the king -becomes the aggressive champion of secular supremacy, while the Pope -assumes the defensive. A trap was laid to catch the Pope at the Council -of Mantua and he was practically held as a prisoner at Canossa. -Meanwhile Henry openly violated his agreement, by assuming the rule of -Lombardy, and denounced the Pope in strong terms. The rebellious princes -in Germany, urged on by the papal party and taking advantage of this -situation, called the convention of Forscheim, and there elected Rudolph -of Swabia as King of Germany. He promised to abolish simony, to renounce -the right of investing bishops, and to recognise the law of heredity, so -was crowned March 26, 1077. Under these circumstances Henry IV., -supported by the Lombard party and the strong imperial party in Germany, -returned to his kingdom to regain his crown through civil war. Gregory -VII., hoping to profit by the situation, demanded that both kings refer -their cause to him as arbiter and, finally, when Henry proved obstinate, -in a council held at Rome in 1080 the Pope renewed the excommunication -of Henry, and again deposed him.[467:1] The German crown was bestowed by -apostolic authority upon Rudolph. In the same council the edict against -lay investiture was renewed in a harsher spirit than ever. War to the -knife was now inevitable. Rigid party lines were again formed. Henry -gradually recovered his mastery of Germany. The German clergy in June, -1080, blaming Gregory VII. for the ruinous civil war, once more -retaliated by deposing the Pope.[467:2] A council held at Brescia the -same year elected Clement III. as anti-Pope. Gregory's efforts to raise -up allies were all in vain. Henry IV. laid siege to Rome with a big army -and at last after a long struggle was master of it. Clement III. was -installed as Pope and on Easter Day, 1084, Henry IV. received as his -reward the imperial crown. Gregory VII., defeated by the German warrior -and rescued from the Eternal City with difficulty by the trusty Normans, -withdrew to Salerno to die with the curse of the Emperor on his lips, -saying: "I have loved justice and hated iniquity, therefore I die in -exile" (May 25, 1085). - -Gregory VII. was a man of unquestionable ascetic purity. The charges -made against him by his enemies are probably untrue. His relations with -Matilda, Beatrice, and Empress Agnes were of the purest character. In -his efforts and ideas he was undoubtedly sincere and firmly believed -that he really was the representative of God on earth. It must be -remembered, however, that his conceptions of veracity, justice, honour, -and charity were those of a mediaeval despot. He was one of the greatest -politicians of the Middle Ages, but a policy man controlled by the -loftiest purpose. To attain his ecclesiastical ideal, policy and -principle were one and he almost acted as though the end justified the -means. After Charles the Great and Otto the Great before him and -Innocent III. after him he had the greatest organising mind of the -Middle Ages. Few other men can compare with him. He comprehended the -grand _Civitas Dei_ of Augustine and through the false decretals he -attempted to create the great universal papal theocracy in which the -state should be subject to the Church, the Church purified and subjected -to the Pope, and the whole Church ruled by _Lex Christi_. Nature endowed -him with an indomitable will, a restless energy, a clear perception, a -dauntless courage, an imperious temper, an instinct for leadership, a -stern inflexible disposition, a haughty insolent bearing, and a power to -draw and to repulse. These native talents were intensified by monastic -education which taught him both the virtue and necessity of obedience, -trained him to subordinate all affections, opinions, and interest to the -one great object, and made him a true child of the mediaeval Church with -the highest ideas of her prerogatives and mission on earth. The -churchman completely swallowed up the man. - -Hildebrand was a wily religious autocrat and not a theologian or a -moralist. His ideas came from Augustine and Pseudo-Isidore. His -Christianity was based on tradition and historical evolution rather than -on the Bible. He denounced simony and advocated celibacy, but not on -moral grounds so much as because of his sincere conviction about their -effect on his great ecclesiastical machine. The Church to him was a -grand secular power, resting on spiritual foundations, which had to -employ worldly means against the other secular powers. Europe was a -chessboard and with the hand of a skilled master he moved kings, queens, -knights, and bishops. His schemes were worthy of the plotter--his -courage became defiance in danger--his forces were handled with -consummate skill--his fatal thrusts were driven home with his teeth -clenched--if he seemed to yield it was only to gain a greater advantage. -As Pope he was over all, the source of all law, judged by none, and -responsible to God alone. Under this conviction, intensified as the -years passed, he lived in perpetual conflict, and died a refugee from -the capital of his great ecclesiastical Empire. - -Napoleon once said: "Si je n'etais Napoleon, je voudrais etre Gregoire -VII." There were many points of resemblance between these two great -characters. Both were of obscure birth and low origin. Both possessed -the same indomitable character and threatening ambition. Both were -reformers. Gregory established a hierarchy which still lives; Napoleon -created an administration which still survives. Gregory wanted to make -the Church the master of the world; Napoleon, France. Gregory made the -_Lex Christi_ the basis of all; Napoleon, the revolution. Both wanted to -make feudal vassals of the world's rulers. Both had an indomitable -enemy--Henry IV. and England. Both used the power of excommunication. -Gregory had his Canossa; Napoleon his Moscow. Italy was invaded and Rome -sacked; France was invaded and Paris taken. Salerno and St. Helena in -each case closed the drama. - -Gregory VII. was the creator of the political Papacy of the Middle Ages -because he was the first who dared to completely enforce the -Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. He found the Pope elected by the Emperor, -the Roman clergy, and the people; he left the election in the hands of -an ecclesiastical College of Cardinals. He found the Papacy dependent -upon the Empire; he made it independent of the Empire and above it. He -declared the states of Europe to be fiefs of St. Peter and demanded the -oath of fealty from their rulers. He found the clergy, high and low, -dependent allies of secular princes and kings; he emancipated them and -subjected them to his own will. He reorganised the Church from top to -bottom by remodelling the papal curia, by establishing the College of -Cardinals, by employing papal legates, by thwarting national churches, -by controlling synods and councils, and by managing all Church property -directly. He was the first to enforce the theory that the Pope could -depose and confirm or reject kings and Emperors. He attempted to reform -the abuses in the Church and to purify the clergy. Only partial success -attended these efforts, but triumph was to come later on as a result of -his labours. His endeavour to realise his theocracy was grand but -impracticable as proved by its failure. It was like forcing a dream to -be true; yet Innocent III. almost succeeded in western Europe a little -more than a century later. The impress of Gregory VII.'s gigantic -ability was left upon his own age and upon all succeeding ages. - -The strife over lay investiture was carried on by the successors of -Gregory VII. Victor III. (1086-1087) renewed the investiture decrees but -died too soon to accomplish anything. Urban II. (1088-1099), imbued -with the zeal and ability of Hildebrand, drove Henry IV. out of Italy -and had his son, Conrad, crowned King of Italy (1093). Pope Urban gave -all his strength to the crusading mania and made little progress with -the Hildebrandine reform. Paschal II. (1099-1118), a Clugniac monk and -cardinal under Gregory VII., renewed the excommunication of Henry IV., -and plotted with Henry V. to induce him to revolt against his father -(1104) and thus to force him to surrender his crown. The aged Henry IV. -died under the awful curse of the Church and at war with this traitorous -son. Paschal II. took up the question of lay investiture, likewise, and -had the practice condemned in the Council of Troyes (1107) and -promulgated the prohibition all over Christendom. Henry V. was forced to -abjure investiture before he could again receive his imperial crown from -papal hands. At length in 1111 Paschal II. entered into an arrangement -with Henry V., who had appeared before Rome with a large army, by which -the Pope promised that clerical princes in the Empire should give up all -temporal rights and possessions received since the time of Charles the -Great. The Church and its clergy were to live on the tithes and the -gifts of pious persons. The Emperor, for his part, agreed to surrender -all claim to nomination, election, and investiture, and to guarantee to -the Papacy the full enjoyment of all its possessions and rights. This -agreement was fair and just, though the German clergy objected to such a -wholesale change without their consent. The compact was publicly -proclaimed in St. Peter's before the imperial coronation of Henry V. -(Feb. 12, 1111)[471:1] and aroused a great tumult. Therefore Henry V. -repudiated the treaty, captured the Pope, carried him together with the -cardinals off as prisoners, and wrung from him ignoble terms of peace -(Apr. 12th) which stated that the clerical princes in Germany were to -retain all their possessions, that the Emperor was to have the full -right of investiture, but without simony, and that the higher clergy -were to consecrate the nominees after their investiture.[472:1] At the -same time Paschal crowned Henry and promised never to excommunicate him. -After the Pope's release, he had a Roman synod repudiate the treaty and -of course the excommunication of the Emperor followed (1112) and civil -war was continued. - -Calixtus II. (1119-1124), a Clugniac monk of the royal Burgundian house, -settled the perplexing question of lay investiture in 1122 by the -Concordat of Worms.[472:2] The Pope agreed (1) that the election of -bishops and abbots in Germany should occur in the Emperor's presence and -without simony or violence; (2) that the Emperor should decide all -disputed elections and enforce his decisions; (3) that the Emperor -should invest with the lance and receive homage; (4) that bishops or -abbots consecrated in Italy or Burgundy should also be invested by the -Emperor and render homage within six months; (5) and that papal aid -should be given to the Emperor whenever requested. The Emperor for his -part promised (1) to surrender all investiture through the ring and the -staff to the Church; (2) to grant "canonical elections and free -consecration" in all churches in the Empire; (3) to restore "all the -possessions and regalia of St. Peter" to the Holy Roman Church; (4) to -secure the return of property held by others; (5) and to give the Pope -all needed aid and justice.[473:1] The concordat was in character, -therefore, a compromise. It spared both the Emperor and the Pope the -humiliation of defeat because now both made the appointment--one -politically, the other spiritually. The Emperor retained but half of his -former rights, yet could control the elections. The Pope gained "the -ring and staff," yet fell far short of what Gregory VII. had demanded. -The document was full of ambiguity and who was victor--Pope or -Emperor--has been a much disputed question. The concordat lasted down -through the centuries as the basis for settling all these appointments -until the dissolution of the Empire in 1806. It was frequently violated -by both Emperor and Pope, but on the whole gave general satisfaction and -determined many menacing disputes. It was modified by Lothair in 1183 so -as to permit the Emperor to send a delegate to the election. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--Colby, C. W., _Selections from the Sources of English - History_. N. Y., 1899, No. 14, 16. - - 2.--Finch, G., _A Selection of the Letters of Hildebrand_. Lond., - 1853. 40 important letters. - - 3.--Gee, H., and Hardy, W. J., _Documents Illustrative of English - Church History_. Lond., 1896. - - 4.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the Middle - Ages_. N. Y., 1892. - - 5.--Lee, G. C., _Leading Documents of English History_. Lond., - 1900. Sec. 50, 51, 52, 57. - - 6.--Ogg, F. A., _Source-Book of Mediaeval History_. N. Y., 1908. - - 7.--Robinson, J. H., _Readings in European History_. I., 266-290. - - 8.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source Book for Mediaeval History_, - 132-160. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Bowden, J. W., _Life and Pontificate of Gregory VII._ - Lond., 1840. 2 vols. - - 2.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_. IV., 139-609. Lond., - 1861. - - 3.--Greisley, Sir R., _The Life and Pontificate of Gregory - VII._ Lond., 1832. - - 4.--Gurney J. H., _Four Ecclesiastical Biographies_. Lond., - 1864. - - 5.--Lea, H. C., _Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church_. - New ed. - - 6.--McMichael, N., _Hildebrand and His Age_. Edinb., 1853. - - 7.--Schefer, G. L. I., _Historical Notice of the Life and - Times of Pope Gregory VII._ Lond., 1851. - - 8.--Stephen, Sir J., _Essays on Ecclesiastical Biography_. - Lond., 1867. - - 9.--Stephens, W. R. W., _Hildebrand and His Times_. N. Y., - 1898. - - 10.--Villemain, A. F., _Life of Gregory VII._ Lond., 1874. 3 - vols. - - 11.--Vincent, M. R., _The Age of Hildebrand_. N. Y., 1897. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, _Civ. dur. M. A._, 240 _ff._, 267, 393, 414. _Med. - Civ._, 82 _ff._ Allen, ii., ch. 3. Alzog, ii., 253-336, - 342-367, 481-510. Bryce, ch. x. Butler, ch. 70-72. Creighton, - i., 16. Crooks, ch. 33. Darras, iii., 107 _ff._ Doellinger, - iii., pd. 4, ch. 2, sec. 1. Emerton, ch. 8. Fisher, pd. 6, ch. - 1. Fitzgerald, ii., 54-67. Foulkes, ch. 2. Gibbon, v., 61, - 477; vi., 426. Gieseler, ii., sec. 23; iii. Gilmartin, ii., - ch. 1-3. Gregorovius, bk. vii., ch. 5, 6. Hallam, ii., ch. 5. - Hardwick, ch. 6, sec. 1; ch. 10, sec. 1. Hase, sec. 181. - Hurst, i., ch. 37. Jennings, ii., ch. 11. Knight, ch. 12. - Kurtz, sec. 94, 96, 101. Milman, iii., 140 _ff._ Moeller, ii., - 255-265. Mosheim, cent. 9, pt. 2, ch. 2. Neander, iv., 82, 86, - 123, 131, 134, 146, 194, 206, 233. Platina, _Lives of Popes_, - ii., 1-12. Ranke, _Hist. of Pap._, i., 29 _ff._ Riddle, ii., - ch. 4, 5. Robertson, bk. 5, ch. 1, 2. Robinson, ch. 13. Tout, - _Emp. and Pap._, ch. 5, 6. Wilkes, _Hist. of Popes_. Workman, - ch. 4. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[446:1] Muratori, iii., 304. - -[447:1] Greenwood, bk. x., p. 249. - -[447:2] Bonizo, 311. - -[447:3] The assumption of the name Gregory VII. was a blow at imperial -power, because Henry III. had deposed Gregory VI., Hildebrand's old -master. - -[448:1] Emerton, 242; Henderson, 366; Robinson, i., 274; Thatcher and -McNeal, No. 69; Ogg, No. 45. It is now pretty clearly established that -the _Dictatus_ was written about 1087 by Cardinal Deusdedit. - -[449:1] Lib., i., 7, 64; iv., 28; Bowden, i., 334; Thatcher and McNeal, -No. 69, 71. - -[449:2] Lib., i., 46, 47; Harduin, vi., 1260, 1521; Johnson, _Normans in -Europe_. - -[449:3] Lib., i., 45; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 70. - -[449:4] Lib., i., 18. - -[449:5] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 67, 68. - -[449:6] Lib., i., 22, 23. - -[449:7] Lib., vi., 13. - -[449:8] Lib., ii., 13, 63; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 72. - -[450:1] Lib., ii., 73, 74; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 73. - -[450:2] Lib., i., 35; ii., 5, 18, 32; v., 17. - -[450:3] Lib., i., 39. - -[450:4] Lee, 121; Colby, 37; Freeman, _The Norman Conquest_. - -[450:5] Lib., i., 49; ii., 31. - -[450:6] Lib., i., 39; ii., 70; vi., 13, 14. - -[450:7] Lib., ii., 51, 57; iii., 8. - -[450:8] Lib., ii., 51. - -[450:9] Lib., i., 30. - -[450:10] Lib., i., 35, 36, 75. - -[450:11] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 60, 61, 62. - -[451:1] Lib., i., 85. - -[451:2] Lea, _History of Celibacy_. - -[451:3] Levit. xxi. 7, 8, 13; Exod. xix., 15. - -[451:4] Mat. viii. 14; 1 Cor. ix., 5. - -[452:1] 1 Cor. ix., 5. - -[452:2] 1 Cor. vii., 38. - -[452:3] Hermas, i., Vis. 2, ch. 3; _Ign. to Polyc._, ch. 5. - -[453:1] Pertz, _Leg._, ii., 561; Labbe, ix., ann. 937. - -[454:1] Lib., ii., 29, 40; iii., 4. - -[454:2] Mansi, xx., 437; Mabillon, vi., 805. - -[454:3] Mansi, xx., 441. - -[454:4] Lib., ii., Ep. 5, 18, 32. - -[454:5] Lib., i., 70, 71. - -[454:6] Harduin, vi., 1555. - -[454:7] _Ibid._, vi., 1605. - -[454:8] Mansi, xx., 758, 760. - -[454:9] Greenwood, iv., 434. - -[455:1] Acts iii., 18. - -[455:2] Gibbon, ii., 457. - -[455:3] Bowen, i., 289. - -[455:4] Greenwood, iv., 277. - -[455:5] Bowen, i., 289. - -[456:1] Harduin, iv., 1302. - -[456:2] _Cf._ Fisher. - -[456:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 60, 61; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 275; -Henderson, 365. - -[456:4] Lib., i., Ep. 9, 11, 35, 75. - -[456:5] Lib., i., 29, 30. - -[457:1] See Chapter XIV. - -[457:2] Greenwood, i., 484, 485. - -[458:1] Lib., i., Ep. 92, 119; ii., 12, 18. - -[458:2] Greenwood, iv., 281. - -[459:1] Harduin, vi., 1551; Pertz, viii., 412; Lib., iii., 367; -Henderson, 365. - -[459:2] Greenwood, iv., 244, 245. - -[459:3] Henry's humble letter of 1073 should be borne in mind. Bowen; -i., 340. - -[459:4] Pertz, v., 219. - -[460:1] Pertz, v., 236, 237. - -[460:2] _Ibid._, v., 241. - -[460:3] Lib., iii., Ep. 8; Greenwood, iv., 362. - -[460:4] Lib., iii., Ep. 10; Greenwood, iv., 365; Bowen, ii., 75; Ogg, -No. 46; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 74; Henderson, 373. - -[460:5] Greenwood, iv., 365 to 369; Pertz, v., 241; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 276; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 74; Henderson, 367. - -[460:6] Greenwood, iv., 371; Bowen, ii., 81; Henderson, 372; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 279; Ogg, No. 47. - -[461:1] Pertz, ii., 44; Mansi, xx., 466; Greenwood, iv., 379; Henderson, -373; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 76. - -[461:2] Muratori, iii., 334. - -[462:1] Bowen, ii., 101; Greenwood, iv., 385. - -[462:2] Bowen, ii., 108; Greenwood, iv., 386; Harduin, vi., 1566; -Thatcher and McNeal, No. 77; Henderson, 376; Robinson, _Readings_, i., -281; Ogg, No. 48. - -[462:3] Henderson, 380; Bowen, ii., 110; Greenwood, iv., 388; Lib., -iii., Ep. 6. - -[462:4] Greenwood, iv., 389. - -[462:5] Henderson, 377. - -[463:1] Henderson, 384; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 78. - -[465:1] Henderson, 385; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 282; Thatcher and -McNeal, No. 80. - -[465:2] Henderson, 385; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 81; Ogg, No. 49. - -[466:1] Pertz. v.; Bowen, ii., 161; Greenwood, iv., 411. - -[467:1] Greenwood, iv., 507; Henderson, 388. - -[467:2] Henderson, 391, 394. - -[471:1] Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the M. A._, 405; Matthews, p. 61; -Thatcher and McNeal, No. 83, 84. - -[472:1] In 1115 the famous donation of Matilda was made. - -[472:2] Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the M. A._, 408; Thatcher and McNeal, -No. 85, 86; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 292; Ogg, No. 50. - -[473:1] At the great Lateran council of 1123 this Concordat of Worms was -confirmed. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CRUSADES - - OUTLINE: I.--The rise and spread of Mohammedanism. - II.--Positive and negative causes of the Crusades. - III.--Character and description of the Crusades. IV.--Results - and influences of the Crusades. V.--Sources. - - -Mohammedanism,[476:1] like Judaism and Christianity, had its origin in -the Semitic race. Its birthplace was in Arabia, a desert region. The -time of its appearance was the seventh century, and its founder was -Mohammed. - -The condition of Arabia at Mohammed's birth (_c._ 570) must be -understood in order to have an intelligent comprehension of this new -religion. Politically the Arabs were united in a very loose sort of -confederacy. The real government was in the hands of tribal chiefs. -Although a prey to Greek and Persian influences, yet the hardy Arabians -had never been conquered. They were divided into wandering tribes with -practices and customs characteristic of tribal relations. Few cities -were found among them and many of the conveniences of civilisation known -to peoples of fixed habitations were lacking. Through trading, begging, -and robbing these Arabs had developed a cosmopolitan spirit and -liberality. They monopolised the overland trading routes; carried on an -extensive industry in raising sheep, horses, and camels; cultivated -fruit-growing to some extent; and were very fond of holding great fairs -at which their possessions were exhibited and bartering carried on. -Educationally the Arabs were a very superior people. Arabia was the home -of the alphabet and of numbers, and had developed a perfect language. -The people had an intense love for poetry and the eloquence of their -leaders was of high order. From the Greeks they had received a knowledge -of the natural and abstract sciences. Of all the peoples therefore in -western Asia the Arabs were perhaps the most highly civilised and the -most progressive. - -Complete religious liberty and toleration were permitted among the -Arabs, hence Jews, Christians, Fire-worshippers, and Star-worshippers -were found among them. The Jews were very numerous especially in Medina. -The Christians found in Arabia were either the descendants of those -heretical sects driven from the Roman Empire in the fierce controversies -of the fourth and fifth centuries,[477:1] or monks and hermits who were -still found there in large numbers.[477:2] But Christianity made little -impression upon the Arabs. It appears in fact never to have fully -satisfied any of the Eastern peoples--at least no branch of the Semitic -race has ever taken kindly to it. - -The Arabic religion was something of a mixture between monotheism and -idolatrous polytheism. Every house had its own idol and every tribe had -its special deity, but above all these particular gods stood the -universal god, Allah, by whom the holiest oaths were sworn, in whose -name treaties were made, and yet who was worshipped least and last. -Mecca was the religious capital, having been selected by Hagar and -Ishmael, and was the home of the Kaaba, built by Abraham and his son -Ishmael, containing the famous Black Stone.[478:1] A well organised -priesthood, monopolised by the Koraish tribe, conducted worship and -performed the sacred rites, which were accompanied by a rather elaborate -ceremony. Great religious feasts were numerous, particularly in the -"holy months." By the seventh century the Arabic religion was in a very -low condition. It resembled the decrepid and effete Roman and Greek -religions in the later days of their existence. There arose everywhere, -consequently, a cry for reformation, or for a substitution, and this -demand soon crystallised into a reform party, which rejected polytheism -and preached asceticism while holding fast to a belief in Allah. It is -quite possible that the members of this party received both their -inspiration and their ideas from the Christian hermits. They were called -the Hanifs or Puritans. This wide-spread desire for reformation -indicates that Arabia was ripe for a religious revolution and that the -times were ready for the great work of Mohammed. - -In the holy city of Mecca in 570 Mohammed was born. He was connected by -blood with the Koraish tribe and from this source may have inherited -certain pronounced religious tendencies. Orphaned at six and reared by -an uncle, who was a trader, he made extensive travels of a business -character throughout western Asia. In this way he gained a cosmopolitan -education, had a wider outlook on the world than was customary, and may -have come into close touch with Judaism and Christianity. At the age of -twenty-five he entered the service of a rich widow, Chadijah, and later -married her though she was fifteen years his senior. Her wealth brought -him into prominence and gave him a commanding social and industrial -position. In his own behalf, now, he made several extensive commercial -trips. One of Chadijah's cousins was a Hanif and, like the Hanifs and -hermits in general, he was a zealous missionary. Mohammed soon fell -under the influence of him and other Puritans and soon joined these -ascetic reformers. He often retired to the mountains for prayer and -ascetic practices and the religious fermentation in his soul in a short -time produced an explosion. He early became subject to fits,--whether -epileptic, cataleptic, or hysterical is unknown,--and in these swoons -professed to have had religious visions. In one of these the angel -Gabriel appeared to him and communicated the new faith, the sum of which -was: "There is but one God and Mohammed is his prophet." - -Thus fired with a mighty mission, he began to denounce the old religion -and to propagate the new (610). His first convert was his faithful wife; -then his bosom friend, Abubekr, received the faith and next his adopted -son, Ali. With this trio of stanch believers back of him, he continued -his public preaching of the message which had come to him in Mecca, the -very heart of Arabian idolatry. When his uncle and benefactor, Abu -Taleb, tried to persuade him to desist the brave fanatic answered: -"Spare your remonstrances; if they should place the sun on my right -hand and the moon on my left they should not divert me from my course." -His converts increased among his own family and friends and also among -the poor of Mecca. His activity and radical statements aroused the -enmity of the Koraish priests who sought to either expel him or to slay -him. They soon forced him to depart from Mecca and to carry on his -propagandism among the neighbouring villages. At length, realising that -a price was set on his head, he escaped in 622 to Medina. This is called -the Hegira, or Flight, and marks the beginning of the Mohammedan -chronology. - -Medina at this time was in need of a strong ruler, so Mohammed was given -an enthusiastic reception and was soon recognised as the head of both -church and state. With this new power came a change in the method of -propagating the new religion, namely, from persuasion to the sword. Just -what the reasons for this change were it is not easy to say; perhaps the -leading motive was that of revenge. At first he began to lead marauding -expeditions against the merchant caravans of Mecca. Soon he became the -prophet warrior of the Arabs and professed to have orders from Allah to -make war upon all idolators.[480:1] With this taste of blood and power -Mohammed's character and religion both were changed. His military -enterprises were almost invariably successful. By 630 he had captured -Mecca and through the great battle of Taif he made himself master of all -Arabia. He consolidated his religion and instituted laws to govern his -people, and finally died at Mecca in 632. - -Mohammed was one of the unique characters of earth. Agreeable, true to -his friends, very simple in his domestic relations, he was deeply -religious and certainly at first a sincere reformer. His soul was full -of poetry and his intellect at times was frenzied and insane. When he -changed his method of spreading the new faith after the Hegira, it was -not due to hypocrisy, nor to the charge made that he became an impostor, -but can be explained as the outcome of a new situation and new -influences which changed both his views and his methods. Certain it is -that neither he nor any of his devoted followers for a moment questioned -the reality of the revelation which came to him, nor of the leadership -to which he was called. Although influenced by many of the evils of his -age such as deceit, revenge, and sensuality, still he must be viewed as -an honest revolutionist whose influence has changed the history of the -whole world.[481:1] - -There are certainly many striking resemblances between Christianity and -Mohammedanism. Both believe in the one eternal God; both accept the Old -Testament; both believe in a revealed religion; both accept the -historical person of Jesus; both believe in the doctrine of immortality; -and both hold in common many of the highest moral virtues. Because of -these resemblances to Judaism and Christianity it has been claimed that -Islam is chiefly a transfusion of these two older religions into Arabian -forms.[481:2] Just how far Mohammed was consciously and unconsciously -influenced by these two faiths, with the chief tenets of which he was -certainly acquainted, cannot be positively stated. From a Christian -standpoint, however, Mohammedanism has a darker side. Polygamy is -permitted, though regulated, and the marriage ties are exceedingly -loose; consequently, woman occupies a very degraded position. Slavery is -practised and encouraged. Islam commands war on all unbelievers and the -intolerant spirit which this engenders is perhaps the darkest blot on -that faith. When a comparison between the resemblances and differences -is made, however, the former seem to far outnumber the latter. - -The spread of Mohammedanism is one of the most remarkable things in -history. The means used for this propagation was the sword and the -justification is found in these words: "The sword is the key of heaven -and hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of Allah, a night spent in -arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting or prayer; whosoever -falls in battle, his sins are forgiven and at the day of judgment his -limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and cherubim." Idolators -were to be slain unmercifully, but Jews and Christians were given a -limited toleration under tribute upon submission. Before his death (632) -Mohammed had subdued all of Arabia. Under his successors a conquest was -made of Palestine (637), Syria (638), and Persia (710) in Asia. To the -westward in Africa Egypt was taken (647) and by 707 all northern Africa -was captured; and from there the movement spread inland. Europe was -invaded through Spain as early as 711 and the new faith was carried up -to northern France where the Mohammedans were repulsed in 732 in the -decisive battle of Tours. Meanwhile, as early as 672, an attack was made -upon Constantinople, but it proved unsuccessful. Islands in the -Mediterranean were taken and Italy was harassed for two centuries (9th -to 11th). Sicily was seized (827), Rome invaded (846), a colony planted -at Bari (871), Salerno besieged (873), Beneventum and Capua attacked -(874), and the Eternal City sacked by Saracens under a Norman leader as -late as 1085. In the eleventh century the Saracens still held southern -Spain and all northern Africa while the Seljukian Turks had defeated the -Saracens and had taken possession of the Holy Land. Thus "Mohammed, with -a sword in one hand and the Koran in the other, erected his throne on -the ruins of Christianity and of Rome."[483:1] The Bible and the Koran -divided the world into two parts, separated by the Mediterranean but -touching at the extremities. A conflict between these two great world -forces, each one imbued with a fanatical desire to spread its teaching, -was inevitable. - -The Crusade movement was in a certain sense the high-water mark of the -conflict. The causes of the Crusades were both positive and -negative:--the latter will be taken up first and enumerated. - -1. The spread of Islam and the consequent terror and hatred aroused in -the Christians, as shown in Spain, France, Italy, and the Eastern -Empire, produced a feeling in Europe that this great foe could be -checked and thrust back only by the union of all European nations in a -great holy war against their oppressors. This feeling was intensified by -the fact that many Christians had been captured and sold into slavery. - -2. The fall of the Holy Land, with all its sacred places, into the hands -of the "infidels," first the Saracens and then the Turks, called forth a -cry of horror and a vow of revenge from all Christendom. Roman paganism -had followed the Roman conquest to Palestine early in the Christian era. -By the fourth century, however, the cross had triumphed over polytheism -and Christian Emperors and pious persons erected splendid churches on -the holy places. Constantine and his mother Helena built churches over -the cave where Jesus was born, over the tomb where he was buried, and in -other sacred spots. It was not long until the location of every place in -the life of Jesus from his birth to his death was marked by a little -shrine, or a chapel, or a costly church. At the same time many valuable -relics were discovered such as the true cross and those of the two -thieves, the lance, the sponge, the cup, the crown of thorns, the basin -in which the disciples' feet were washed, the stone on which Jesus stood -before Pilate, the manger in which Jesus was born, and many others. It -was not long until there was a comparatively large Christian population -in Palestine made up of the native Christians, the hermits and their -followers, and the devout pilgrims who fairly swarmed to the Holy Land -from all parts of Europe. The Persian King Chosroes II. in 611 captured -Jerusalem, destroyed many churches, put ninety thousand Christians to -death, and carried off the true cross. But Heraclius in 628 defeated the -Persians, recovered the true cross and restored it to the Holy City -(629). - -The Saracens in 637 made a conquest of Palestine. These Mohammedans -manifested a peculiar reverence for Jerusalem and gave the Christians -perfect freedom on condition that the church bells should merely toll -not ring, that converts to Islamism should be unmolested, and that the -Christians should pay tribute, have a distinct name and language, -acknowledge the political sovereignty of the Caliph, use no saddles and -bear no arms, build no new churches, and remove the cross from the -outside of the church buildings. Under these restrictions the Christians -lived in comparative security until Hakam, the mad Sultan of Egypt, in -1010 attempted to destroy Christianity in Jerusalem by razing the -churches, killing many of the followers of Christ, levying a tax on all -pilgrims, and through these acts inciting persecutions of the Jew in -Europe where it was believed that he was responsible for this change. -Jerusalem was captured in 1076 by the Seljukian Turks who destroyed the -churches; robbed, insulted, and killed the Christians; replaced the -lawful toll by extortion; brutally interrupted the sacred services; and -dragged the holy patriarch through the streets by the hair and put him -in a dungeon with the expectation of securing a ransom. - -3. The enthusiasm for pilgrimages rapidly increased from the fourth to -the twelfth century. This manifestation of religious reverence appears -to have characterised all peoples at some stage of their religious -history. Jerome says that Christians began to make pilgrimages to -Jerusalem directly after the ascension. The desire to visit the scenes -of the Saviour's life spread like a contagion--it became the mania of -the Middle Ages--so that by the eleventh century a constant stream of -pilgrims was going to and from the Holy Land. The journey was made by -individuals[485:1] called "Palmers" who carried a staff, wallet, and -scallop shell and for whom there was a special ceremony conducted by the -local priest or the bishop both at departure and home-coming; by groups -of monks, or of pupils under a teacher; and by whole multitudes such as -the band of three thousand in 1054 and seven thousand in 1064. Among the -pilgrims were found all classes--kings and beggars, male and female, -priests and laity. They went either by routes overland or by sea. They -were protected by laws and were cared for in institutions along the way. -Through the endowment by pious individuals hospitals were built along -the more popular routes. Monasteries served as hotels. The pilgrims were -free from tolls and were granted many other privileges.[486:1] Charles -the Great had them protected within his Empire and had a large hotel -built for their accommodation at Jerusalem. It was believed by the -faithful that such a pilgrimage had the efficacy of expiating all sin as -a penance. A bath in the river Jordan was called a second baptism. The -pilgrim who had braved all the hardships of a trip to the land of the -Lord was upon his return a privileged character in the community. His -shirt was sacredly preserved to be used for his shroud. - -4. In addition to the hardships and difficulties of travel the pilgrim -from the seventh to the eleventh century was subjected by the Mohammedan -authorities to taxation and many indignities. Under the Turks after the -eleventh century, robbery, cruelties of all sorts, and even murder with -torture were common experiences. The report of these persecutions -produced a marked effect on western Europe,--on the clergy, the ignorant -and credulous laity, and the nobles and kings.[486:2] - -5. The mercenary hope of reward offered by a Crusade against the -Mohammedans was another powerful cause.[486:3] Merchants hoped to open -up new fields for commerce and trade.[487:1] Kings and princes expected -to win rich provinces from the Turks. The Eastern Emperor desired to -drive off a dangerous foe and to regain his lost domains in Asia Minor. -The Pope and the bishops hoped to subject the Eastern Church in -Palestine to the See of St. Peter. Merchants wished to recover the very -lucrative trade with the East which had been lost through the Turkish -conquests. Debtors and criminals desired to receive relief and pardon or -to obtain wealth in plundering the "infidels." Sinners thought of -obtaining complete pardon for past sins[487:2] and privileges for the -future. - -6. The militant spirit of the age and the love of war were aroused to -fever heat by an unquenchable thirst for the blood of the enemies of -Christianity.[487:3] Charles Martel and Charles the Great had set an -example in the relentless warfare waged by them against the Mohammedans. -After their time the Spanish nobles and kings kept up the good fight in -heroic military expeditions. Otto the Great followed the example of -Charles the Great in subduing the heathen of his frontiers by the sword. -This spirit was aroused to almost ungovernable control by the many -reports of cruelty reported on all sides by the returning pilgrims. - -7. The credulity and superstition of western Europe were an important -factor in producing the Crusades. The wildest legends were circulated -concerning the barbarities and inhumanities of the Mohammedans, the -miracles and deeds of valour, as well as the shameless abuses, in the -Holy Land. The "signs" of God's approbation of the Crusades, it was -believed were to be seen on every hand. Out of this same atmosphere grew -up the shameless traffic in relics which was rampant in Europe and -approved by the Church.[488:1] Relics from the Holy Land, associated in -one way or another with the career of Jesus, were very numerous and of -very great value. The Turkish conquest had had the effect of reducing -the quantity of relics, but of increasing the price demanded. - -Among the positive causes operating to produce the Crusades were: - -1. The sincere zeal manifested by the Popes to extend the true -faith.[488:2] Sylvester II. in 999 sounded the first trumpet calling -upon the warriors of all Christendom to recover the Holy City of -Jerusalem, but Pisa alone made some predatory incursions on the Syrian -coast.[488:3] Gregory VII. wrote a circular letter to "all Christians" -in 1074 urging them to drive the Turks out of Palestine.[488:4] He -planned to rule the Eastern Church, pledged fifty thousand troops -himself, and offered to lead the army in person, but the Norman Robert's -eastern excursion (1081-1085) was the only fruit.[488:5] Victor III. -preached a crusade in 1087 and promised a remission of sins to all who -should take part, but he apparently had not yet struck the true -crusading chord, for Pisa, Genoa, and Venice alone conducted a piratical -expedition against the African coast. It was left to Urban II. to -successfully launch the Crusade movement in 1095. He took advantage of -the crusading spirit already abroad in Europe and called the Council of -Piacenza (Italy), which was attended by four thousand clergy, thirty -thousand laity, and envoys from the Eastern Emperor. In an eloquent -address the Pope favoured a Crusade, but although many vows were taken, -the enthusiasm did not seem sufficient to warrant the beginning of the -undertaking.[489:1] Consequently another council was called to meet at -Clermont in France about six months later. Urban himself was a Frenchman -and believed that an appeal to his own people would meet with more -success. There was a mighty throng at Clermont. After devoting seven -days to Church affairs, the Pope closed the council by preaching his -famous sermon in the open air to the impatient multitude. In its results -this speech surpassed all others in the history of the world.[489:2] -Swayed by its influence the whole multitude shouted, "God wills it! God -wills it!" Then they rushed away to seize all the red cloth they could -lay their hands on from which crosses were made to be sewed upon the -bosoms of those who took the vow to wrest away from "The wicked race" -the Holy Sepulchre. Knights and foot soldiers of all ranks now turned -their attention to aid their fellow-Christians in the East and to punish -the insolent Turks. August 15, 1096, was the day set for the Crusade. -The Bishop of Pui, was made the Pope's legate and Raymond, Count of -Toulouse, was appointed to lead the laity.[490:1] The general absolution -of all sins was promised; the "Truce of God" was proclaimed and general -immunity and indulgence was given to debtors, criminals, and -serfs.[490:2] Urban II. continued his travels and everywhere addressed -the people urging them to join in the pious movement. His work must be -regarded as the immediate cause of the Crusade. - -2. The intense religious enthusiasm which had possessed Europe for two -centuries, touching all classes and degenerating into fanaticism, was -the fundamental cause. Chivalry made the Crusade a holy duty to the -Church and furnished the noblest examples of devotion. The powerful -reform spirit in the Church, growing out of Clugniac asceticism and the -Hildebrandine reformation, was an important factor in the movement. The -personal labours of some individuals supplemented the work so well -started by Pope Urban II. Conspicuous among these was Peter the Hermit, -who was formerly credited with having originated the whole Crusade -movement, but who was never in Palestine before the Crusades, did not -incite Urban, did not speak at Clermont, and did not stir up all Europe. -His work was limited to a few months and to a small part of southern -France, where he rode through the country on an ass carrying before him -a great crucifix and dramatically appealing to the feelings of the -people. His influence upon other parts of France, however, must have -been considerable and he deserves much credit for having helped to call -together the first army. Another enthusiast who laboured to spread the -movement was Robert d'Arbrissel.[491:1] In the Second Crusade this work -was performed largely by Bernard of Clairvaux. - -3. Thousands in Europe, actuated by honest motives such as the hope of -securing spiritual benefits, the wish to expiate sins, the desire to -extend Christianity, the yearning to convert the Mohammedans, and the -determination to overthrow a grave enemy to western civilisation and -progress, gave their means and their lives to this sacred undertaking. -The cries for help which came from the Christians in Jerusalem and from -the Eastern Emperor fell on sympathetic ears. All of these forces and -causes, operating in various ways, produced the most remarkable -manifestation of military power coupled with religious fervour which -Europe had yet witnessed. It seemed as if Mohammedanism itself had -spread the contagion of its own fanaticism to the followers of the -Prince of Peace.[491:2] - -In time the Crusades covered approximately two centuries from 1096 to -1291. They directly affected all Europe, northern Africa, and western -Asia. They occurred in an age when Europe was decentralised politically -by feudalism; imbued religiously with the ardour and ideals of -Hildebrand; industrially almost wholly undeveloped; educationally -ignorant and credulous; and socially controlled by monasticism and -chivalry. In the Crusades there was an arrayal of pan-Christianity -against pan-Mohammedanism, or European civilisation _versus_ Asiatic -civilisation. The Crusades were, broadly speaking, one great movement, -with a series of waves, which held the world's destiny in its results -and which was a natural manifestation of the civilisation of the day -both from the Christian and the Mohammedan sides. The purpose of the -movement was primarily to wrest the Holy Land from the Mohammedans and -to restore it to Christianity. But a great variety of secondary purposes -and motives, both good and bad, induced people to co-operate in the -enterprise. The devout, the romantic, the adventurous, the discontented, -the mercenary, the criminal, and the sinner, all took part but for -different reasons. From the standpoint of the primary purpose, the -Crusades were a failure; but viewed from their effects on civilisation -they were a success. It is difficult to reduce them to any specific -number, though for the sake of clearness they may be divided into four -major Crusades[492:1] and four minor Crusades,[492:2] with an -unclassified children's Crusade. The idea of a Crusade had been -developed by the conflict with the Moors in Spain, the heathen Saxons, -the pagan Slavs, and various heretical sects; and it was employed, after -the Crusades ended, in European history for some centuries to come. - -The Council of Clermont met in November, 1095, and immediately -thereafter enthusiastic preparations were begun for the First -Crusade.[492:3] From March to June of the following year, the rabble -vanguard was collecting in France and along the Rhine--a motley crowd of -peasants, artisans, vagabonds, and even women and children, all -fanatically intent upon rescuing the Holy Sepulchre two thousand miles -away and confident that God would protect them on the way and grant them -victory.[493:1] This miscellaneous throng was entirely lacking in -leadership and organisation. It broke up into a number of divisions -united only by their common zeal and similar purpose. Walter the -Penniless at the head of fifteen thousand, among whom were only eight -horsemen, appears to have led the band. After encountering many -difficulties in Hungary and overcoming grave dangers in Bulgaria, they -at length arrived at Constantinople. Peter the Hermit with forty -thousand Crusaders separated from Walter at Cologne, and followed the -course of the Danube. The Hungarians almost annihilated these pious -robbers so that Peter with difficulty escaped with but one fifth of his -followers and reached Constantinople only through the protection -afforded them by the Eastern Emperor. Emico, Count of Leiningen, -conducted twenty thousand Germans, and Gotschalk, the monk, had about -fifteen thousand.[493:2] On the heels of these various advanced -divisions followed a rabble of two hundred thousand among whom were -three thousand mounted knights. This unorganised vanguard was apparently -well received in Constantinople by Emperor Alexius, who hurried them -across the Bosphorus only to meet their destruction at the hand of -Sultan David in front of Nicaea. Peter the Hermit and with him a band of -three thousand were fortunate enough to escape. - -Meanwhile the main body of the Crusaders was collecting, mostly in -France, because the other nations of Europe were either preoccupied or -had little enthusiasm for the movement. The leaders were nobles and not -kings.[494:1] From the north went forth Godfrey of Bouillon, a wise and -brave man who with his brothers Eustace and Baldwin led thirty thousand -foot and ten thousand horse from France and Germany; Hugh the Long, -brother of Philip I.; Robert of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror; -Robert of Flanders, "the sword and the lance" of the Crusades; Stephen -of Chartres, the richest prince of France; and a large number of minor -nobles. From the south came Bohemond, the son of Robert Guiscard, -already experienced in eastern warfare; Tancred, a cousin of Bohemond, -the model knight and hero of the movement; Raymond of Toulouse, old in -war, brave, greedy, and proud, who led one hundred and sixty thousand -foot and horse; Adhemar, Bishop of Pui, the first bishop to take the -cross and the official representative of the Pope; and many subordinate -noblemen. This vast multitude, estimated at one million Crusaders, -chiefly French, represented the flower of western Europe. Whole -families, especially of the nobles, arranged to join the undertaking. -This immense throng was organised on feudal lines. The dukes, counts, -and barons were the overlords and rulers and divided the army into -parts. Under them served the knights on horseback and clothed in their -long coats of mail. They supplied the military spirit and imbued the -common people with a holy zeal. Each knight was accompanied by his -squire and a squad of warriors. Four different routes were taken by the -Crusaders: (1) Hugh, the Roberts, and Stephen went from the Alps to -Apulia, where they were met and blessed by the Pope, then separated, and -made a scramble by land and sea for Constantinople. Hugh was held as -prisoner by Emperor Alexius until he recognised the feudal sovereignty -of the Eastern Emperor. (2) Godfrey traversed Germany, Hungary, and -Bulgaria and reached Constantinople at Christmas time, 1096, where he -made a compact with Alexius. (3) Bohemond took the sea route to the -eastern capital. He was incensed at the compromise made by his -colleagues with the Eastern Emperor, but was finally won over by -bribery. (4) Raymond, the last to set out, went _via_ Lombardy, -Dalmatia, and Slavonia, but was greatly hindered by the hostility of the -natives incited by Alexius, to whom Raymond, upon learning of his -treachery, refused homage. - -The policy of the Eastern Emperor Alexius in dealing with the Crusaders -appears to have been a double one. He had called on the West for aid -against the Turks and was answered by an armed horde that threatened to -sweep away his very throne. He had easily rid himself of the rabble -vanguard by sending them to their doom in Asia Minor. He was determined -now, if possible, to impede the march of these new forces toward -Constantinople. Not succeeding in that he attempted to compel them to -swear fealty to him and then to use them to drive back the Turks and to -restore his lands. He was a master diplomat and politician and soon -hurried the Crusaders across the Bosphorus. They laid siege to Nicaea and -in June, 1097, it fell. After the battle of Dorylaeum (July 4, 1097), -Antioch was captured in June, 1098. In July of the following year (1099) -came the storming of Jerusalem and its capture with the accompanying -massacre of the Mohammedans and Jews. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem was -created and Godfrey was elected Defender of the Holy Sepulchre. With him -was left a guard of defence consisting of two hundred knights and two -thousand archers. A comparatively small number of Crusaders, who had -survived the hardships of the three years' campaign, then returned -home.[496:1] - -The occasion and cause of the Second Crusade was the fall of Edessa in -1145 into Mohammedan hands. Jerusalem was next threatened by the Moslems -and was in grave danger of meeting a similar fate. The western -Christians, inspired by thrilling accounts of the survivors of the First -Crusade, and actuated by the usual variety of motives, were eager to -imitate the earlier heroes. Great enthusiasm was aroused through the -preaching of St. Bernard[496:2] (b. 1091-d. 1153), the son of a -Burgundian knight slain in the First Crusade, and a fanatic in ascetic -severities, who, when Edessa fell, had been commissioned by the Pope to -preach a Crusade. His fiery addresses, kindling a crusading mania in -France and Germany, were supplemented by a letter from Pope Eugenius -III. to western Christendom.[496:3] The leaders of the Second Crusade -were Louis VII. of France and Conrad III. of Germany, who rallied their -forces at Mainz and Ratisbon. Conrad III. took the old route through -Hungary and crossed to Asia without entering Constantinople, because he -suspected the duplicity of the Eastern Emperor. After him came the -French over the same ground. Nothing was accomplished, however, and -after a miserable failure the monarchs with their few survivors returned -home. - -The occasion for the Third Crusade was the capture of Jerusalem in 1187 -by Saladin, the bravest and most honoured of all the Saracen rulers. -Once more Europe was aroused to a pitch of pious frenzy.[497:1] The -leadership of the enterprise was assumed by Richard I. of England, -Philip Augustus of France, and Frederick Barbarossa of Germany. In -England Richard I. prepared for the undertaking by selling tithes, royal -dignities, and lands; by robbing the Jews; by taxing all classes[497:2]; -and by even threatening to sell the city of London. Equal zeal was shown -in France and Germany. Richard and Philip with one hundred thousand men -took the sea route from Marseilles and Genoa, while Frederick took the -usual overland route. Frederick Barbarossa met his death in this pious -undertaking and this led to the failure of the German effort. The -estrangement of Richard and Philip resulted, after the fall of Acre, -July 12, 1191, in the return of Philip to France. Richard alone remained -and succeeded in 1192 in concluding a truce with Saladin by which -Christian pilgrims were permitted to visit the holy places with safety -and comfort.[497:3] - -The Fourth Crusade was due largely to the personal influence of -Innocent III.[498:1] Additional causes were the abortive effort of -Emperor Henry VI. (1196-1197) and the preaching of the priest Fulk, of -Neuilly. The leaders of the movement at the outset were French nobles, -who lacked money with which to finance the enterprise and therefore made -a contract with the Venetians who agreed to supply ships and food for a -stipulated sum.[498:2] But when the Crusaders reached Venice, being -unable to raise the amount agreed upon, the Venetians proposed that in -lieu of the payment the Crusaders assist in reducing to submission the -rebellious city of Zara. That was accomplished in November, 1202, in the -face of papal opposition, and then the expedition moved on to the -capture and sack of Constantinople in April, 1204. The Latin Empire of -Constantinople was then created and a Venetian elected as patriarch, but -the Holy Land was not even reached. Of all the Crusades this appears to -have been the most mercenary and the least fruitful of results.[498:3] - -Of the minor Crusades the fifth was inspired by the zeal of Pope -Innocent III.; the sixth was due to the ambition of Emperor Frederick -II.; the seventh was occasioned by the fall of Jerusalem and the pious -enthusiasm of Louis IX.[498:4]; and the eighth resulted from the vow of -Louis IX. and a dream of Prince Edward. The leaders of these later -Crusades were all kings. The fifth and seventh resulted in defeat and -failure in Egypt; the sixth captured Jerusalem and a few other cities; -the eighth recovered Nazareth and secured a treaty favourable to -Christians. The end of the Crusade period practically came when in 1291 -Acre, the last city held by the Christians, was captured by the -Mohammedans. The later Popes of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and -fifteenth centuries repeatedly called upon Christendom to arm against -the Moslems. Several of the kings of France even took the cross and -proclaimed Crusades, but it was done usually only to squeeze a tax out -of the people. The Crusades had failed after millions in life and money -had been lost. The people at length lost faith in the movement. Crusades -in Europe, not so dangerous as those against the Holy Land, were -declared to be as efficacious as those of a more hazardous character. -The rise of national states kept kings and subjects occupied at home. -International relations made it dangerous for countries to send huge -armies abroad. There had come about a gradual decline of fanatical -crusading zeal--"The flame of fanaticism had slowly burned out." The -religious needs were now satisfied by the relics, Gethsemanes, Via -Dolorosas, and Calvaries found in Europe. The sale of indulgences made -it unnecessary to go to Jerusalem to win religious peace for sinful -souls. The marvellous development of Europe in every direction caused -her to forget all about the Holy War and left no surplus energy for such -far-away undertakings. The warrior became the trader. - -The failure of the Crusade movement was due to many influences. There -was an utter lack of organisation and the various movements seemed -lawless and mob-like, due perhaps to the feudalistic basis. The able -leaders were too few and the frequent petty quarrels among those in -command demoralised the forces. The common good was sacrificed in too -many cases to personal, political, and commercial greed. The struggle -between the German Emperor and the Pope prevented concerted action on -the part of Europe. The treachery and inactivity of the Eastern Emperor -had much to do with the final outcome. The difficulty of colonising so -large an area and of absorbing the Mohammedan population, or of even -controlling it, was an important factor in the result. Then, too, the -strength and activity of the Mohammedan forces, an element usually -overlooked, played no small part. As time passed the gradual -indifference and the loss of interest in the enterprise account for the -unfortunate ending. - -The Crusades are not so important because of the character of the -movement, but because of the significance of their results and -influences.[500:1] Perhaps the most important results were along -religious lines. Temporarily the Latin Church was extended to the Holy -Land and Constantinople, while the Pope was made the head of united -Christendom, although ultimately the breach between the Greek and Latin -churches was widened and never again effectually healed. The Crusade -movement enabled Innocent III. to largely attain the ideal of Hildebrand -as absolute master of Christendom. The longest, bloodiest, and most -destructive religious war in all history was originated by the head of -the Church. Through the power thus gained the Pope was able to make -himself the dictator of Emperors, kings, and nobles. As never before he -regulated the life of all Europe for two centuries and created a -religious enthusiasm which sanctioned all his acts and pretensions. The -wealth of the Church was multiplied through the foreclosing of countless -mortgages; through large gifts from the living and the dying; and -through conquests of lands and cities. Many innovations were introduced -into the Church. The legatine power of the Pope was developed; bishops -_in partibus in fidelium_ were appointed in the East and after the -failure of the Crusades fled to Rome where they were made -vicar-generals; the sale of indulgences became a regular traffic; -heretics in Europe were dealt with by crusades and the Inquisition; and -the Mohammedan idea of salvation was introduced. The Crusades brutalised -the Church and developed the spirit of intolerance, bigotry, and -persecution. For two hundred years the deeds of the Crusaders were -sanctioned by the Pope as pleasing to God. The persecution of Jews in -Europe was somewhat common and apparently approved of by the -Church.[501:1] Certain it is that the Pope ordered crusades in Europe -against heretics, like the Albigenses, and instituted the Inquisition to -suppress them; against pagans in the north-east; and against one -refractory prince by another. - -Superstition and credulity were increased and the traffic in relics was -something enormous. "The Western world was deluged by corporeal -fragments of departed saints." "Every city had a warehouse of the dead." -A belief in the miraculous and in the number of miracles was greatly -increased. The worship of saints and of images became so wide-spread and -general that there was a veritable craze for the shrines of saints and -pilgrimages in Europe were greatly multiplied. Through the Crusades -monasticism and chivalry were combined to form new religious orders like -the Hospitalers, Templars, and Teutonic Knights. A marked effect was -left upon the theology of the Middle Ages. The "Suffering Christ" -developed, as is seen in the pictures and crucifixes, because hundreds -of thousands had seen where Christ was born and crucified and hence had -excited the imagination of western Europe. The Crusades led likewise to -a reformation within the Church by producing a general intellectual -awakening, by sanctioning many abuses which soon produced a reaction, -and by leading to a denunciation of all the corruption of the Church -developed through its wealth and power. This reformation was carried on -largely by the Franciscans and Dominicans. Mohammedanism was prevented -from making further aggressions on Europe for nearly four centuries and -many Christians came to regard that faith more sympathetically, if not -with some degree of respect, for the Koran was translated into Latin in -the middle of the twelfth century.[502:1] - -Politically the Crusades settled the question whether Europe or Asia -should rule the world. They failed to free the Holy Land, but did free -Europe from Islam. They established the western rule in the East at -least temporarily, first in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1291) -and secondly in the Latin Kingdom of Constantinople. They prolonged the -life of the Eastern Empire three hundred and fifty years and taught the -Greeks to use the Latin methods of warfare. For a time at least they -subjected the political powers of Europe to the Papacy under Innocent -III., but a reaction soon followed. They helped the rise of national -states on a monarchial basis. Kings were able to emphasise national -unity and to increase their power and popularity by leading Crusades in -person. Many powerful feudal lords, who divided sovereign power with the -king, were killed or returned impoverished and were unable to recover -their power. Patriotism was developed and national hatreds accentuated. -The abolition of private wars through the "Truce of God" promoted the -growth of nationality. By the close of the period Spain, France, and -England were well on their way toward the rise of a national state, -while even Germany and Italy felt the yearnings of nationality. The -Crusades tended to overthrow feudalism by the death of so many feudal -lords; by detaining some of the most powerful as rulers in the East; by -causing the loss of property through unredeemed mortgages; by the -increasing power of kings; by the rise of free cities; by the -emancipation of serfs and vassals; by the formation of standing armies; -and by the new civilisation which resulted. Since the Crusades were -European movements against a common foe, a new meaning was given to -international relations. For two hundred years after the close of the -holy wars Europe was blessed with international peace. The respect and -hatred of each nation for the others were strengthened by the -associations and quarrels of kings and peoples. The estrangement between -the Eastern Empire and the West became more pronounced. Many important -changes were made in the art and practice of war.[503:1] There was a -marked revival of the study of law as a result of the creation of law -colleges and court lawyers soon became numerous and powerful. The -freedom of the common people was promoted by the overthrow of the -feudal system; by the growth of free towns and cities which usually -formed an alliance with the crown against the nobles; and by the -emancipation from serfdom which resulted from assuming the cross. The -kings, as a matter of self-interest, championed the cause of the common -people. Louis VII. of France (1131-1180) declared that all men had "A -certain natural liberty, only to be forfeited through crime." Bologna in -1256 gave liberty to all within her walls because "None but the free -should dwell in a free city." Florence in 1280 followed the example of -Bologna. Louis X. in 1315 enfranchised all since "By the law of nature -all ought to be free." And Philip VI. (1293-1350) made the same -declaration "In the name of equality and natural liberty." A similar -wave was felt in England.[504:1] The House of Commons, created in -England in 1295, marks the beginning of representative government and in -1302 the third estate was given a voice in France. - -Intellectually western Europe was far behind the Greeks and Arabs in -education, culture, literature, science, and art, hence intercourse for -two hundred years with these peoples made a marked difference in -European civilisation. The minds of the Crusaders were liberalised by -seeing different peoples, lands, customs, and civilisations often -superior to their own. The fanatical hate and bigotry of the early -Crusades were modified by coming to know the Mohammedan religion and the -eastern ideas.[504:2] - -The knowledge of the West was increased in geography and led indirectly -to travels eastward by Marco Polo and westward by Columbus, Magellan, De -Gama, and others; in sociology, trade, agriculture, and manufacturing; -in political science; in mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, -zooelogy, medicine and drugs; in literature by bringing back traditions -about great events like the fall of Troy, tales of heroes like Solomon -and Alexander the Great, reports about crusading deeds of valour, an -infinite number and variety of miracles, saintly tales, and pious acts, -and Greek books like Aristotle and Arabic poetry translated into Latin; -in art and architecture by carrying Eastern styles and types to western -Europe. The Crusaders preserved the monuments of Greek learning from -destruction at the hands of the Turks until western Europe was advanced -enough to receive and appreciate them, though, as a rule, the Crusaders -disdained the language and literature of both Arabs and Greeks. The -Latin language was again diffused over Greece and Palestine. Indirectly -the Crusades produced the Renaissance. - -The social results, while not so immediate and pronounced, were -nevertheless very important. The destruction of feudalism tended to -break down social barriers and draw social extremes more closely -together; to abolish many social abuses; and to improve the social -condition of the masses. The rise of free cities tended to associate -social equality with municipal liberty. Through the Crusades serfs were -emancipated by assuming the cross; by being made day labourers in the -absence of free men; and by passing into the hands of free cities, the -Church, or the king. At the same time social distinctions and barriers -were weakened by making all Crusaders members of a common army under the -Pope and by the common enthusiasm, experiences, dangers, and long -continued association of all classes. Chivalry, too, was developed in -its best form and through it originated many of our noblest social -virtues and sentiments. The wealth, the luxuries, and the ornamental and -useful arts brought from the East added greatly to the comfort and -happiness of the West. Through this movement many valuable charitable -institutions were likewise created. It must not be forgotten, however, -that the death of hundreds of thousands in these holy wars left sorrow -and poverty in many homes and filled western Europe with widows and -orphans. The debtor and criminal classes were given a chance to gain -wealth and salvation in a popular cause and eagerly embraced the -opportunity. The Crusades also gave rise to such great socialistic -movements as the begging orders, the Pastoraux led by the Hungarians in -1251, the Flagellants (1259), and the Albigenses.[506:1] - -Industrially the material welfare of stagnant western Europe was -increased by the great impulse given to trade and by the widening of -commercial relations. Through trading with the East, acting as the -mediums of distribution for northern and western Europe, and supplying -the needs of the Crusaders, cities like Venice, Pisa, and Genoa became -immensely rich. The cities of Germany, France, and England in turn -became secondary centres of trade. The Hanseatic League was formed in -the thirteenth century. Manufacturing received a strong impetus; -shipbuilding flourished, and factories for armour and arms and leather -and cloth goods sprang up. These new branches of industry were found -chiefly in the free cities where they were controlled by the guilds. -Agriculture and horticulture were much improved by new plants, grains, -and fruits from the East and by the importation of such useful aids as -the windmill and the mule. Fortunes were lost by the nobles and amassed -by the Church, the Jews, the free cities, and the kings. The coinage -system was improved and banking appears to have been for the first time -introduced. The militant spirit of the nation was aroused and for two -centuries war was made the chief occupation of Europe.[507:1] - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--_Chronicles of the Crusades._ Bohn, _Antiq. Lib._, Lond., - 1848. - - 2.--_Early Travels in Palestine._ _Ib._ - - 3.--_Marco Polo's Travels._ _Ib._ - - 4.--Roger of Hovenden, _Annals of English History_ (to 1201). - _Ib._ - - 5.--Roger of Wendover, _Flowers of History_ (to 1235). _Ib._ - - 6.--Matthew Paris, _English History_ (1235-1273). _Ib._ - - 7.--Matthew of Westminster, _Flowers of History_ (to 1307). - _Ib._ - - 8.--William of Malmesbury, _Chronicles of the Kings of - England_ (to Stephen). _Ib._ - - 9.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the - Middle Ages_. N. Y., 1892. - - 10.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_, i., No. 2 - and 4; iii., No. 1. - - 11.--_Palestine Pilgrim Text Society._ Lond., 1897 _ff._ 14 - vols. - - 12.--Pinkerton, J., _A General Collection . . . of Travels_. - Lond., 1808-14, 17 vols. - - 13.--William of Tyre, _Godeffray of Boloyne or the Siege and - Conquest of Jerusalem_. Tr. by W. Caxton, 1481. Ed. by M. - N. Colvin. Lond., 1893. - - 14.--Purchas, S., _A Supplement of the Holy Land Story_ (from - Wm. of Tyre). Lond., 1625. - - 15.--Archer, T. A., _The Crusade of Richard I._ (1189-92). N. - Y., 1888. - - 16.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_, i., ch. 15. - - 17.--Thatcher and McNeal, _Source Book of Mediaeval History_, - 510. - - 18.--Ogg, _Source Book of Mediaeval History_, N. Y., 1908. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L., _The Crusades_. N. - Y., 1894. - - 2.--Balzani, U., _The Popes and the Hohenstauffen_. Lond., - 1889. - - 3.--Conder, C. R., _The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem_ - (1099-1291). Lond., 1897. - - 4.--Cox, G. W., _The Crusades_. N. Y., 1879. - - 5.--Douglas, A. M., _The Heroes of the Crusades_. Bost., 1889. - - 6.--Dutton, W. E., _History of the Crusades_. Lond., 1877. - - 7.--Frith, H., _Story of the Crusades_. N. Y., 1885. - - 8.--Gibbon, E., _History of the Crusades_ (1095-1216). Lond., - 1880. - - 9.--Gray, G. E., _The Crusade of the Children in the - Thirteenth Century_. N. Y., 1870. - - 10.--Heeren, A. H. L., _Essay on the Influence of the - Crusades_. - - 11.--Keeling, A. E., _The Nine Famous Crusades of the Middle - Ages_. Lond., 1889. - - 12.--Keightley, T., _The Crusades_. 2 vols. Lond., 1847. - - 13.--Lane-Poole, _Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of - Jerusalem_. N. Y., 1898. - - 14.--Ludlow, J. M., _The Age of the Crusades_. N. Y., 1897. - - 15.--Merrill, G. E., _Crusades and Captives_. Bost., 1890. - - 16.--Michaud, J. P., _History of the Crusades_. 3 vols. N. Y., - 1881. - - 17.--Mills, C., _History of the Crusades_. Lond., 1828. - - 18.--Mombert, J. I., _A Short History of the Crusades_. N. Y., - 1894. - - 19.--Neal, J. M., _Stories of the Crusades_. Lond., 1848. - - 20.--Oman, C. W. C., _The Art of War in the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1885. - - 21.--Pears, E., _The Fall of Constantinople_. N. Y., 1886. - - 22.--Perry, G. G., _History of the Crusades_. Lond., 1872. - - 23.--Porter, W., _A History of the Knights of Malta_. Lond., - 1883. - - 24.--Proctor, G., _History of the Crusades_. Phil., 1854. - - 25.--Storrs, R. S., _Bernard of Clairvaux_. N. Y., 1892. - - 26.--Sybel, H. von, _History and Literature of the Crusades_. - Lond., 1861. - - 27.--Winslow, M. E., _The Fate of the Innocents: a Romance of - the Crusades_. Phil., 1889. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, _Civ. dur. M. A._, ch. 11. _Med. Civ._, ch. 9. Allen, - ii., ch. 4. Alzog, ii., 371-376. Ameer Ali, _Short Hist. of - Saracens_, 320, 359. Bryce, 164, 191, 205, 301, 326, 341. - Chantrel, per. 4, ch. 1, 2. Coxe, lect. 5, sec. 12-14. - Creighton, ch. 1. Darras, iii., 137, 162, 243, 299, 330, 346, - 357, 370, 394, 397. Doellinger, iii., per. 4, ch. 2; iv., per. - 4, ch. 3. Emerton, ch. 11. Fisher, 186, 188, 191, 193, 194, - 196, 201, 225, 230, 231. Foulkes, ch. 11. Gibbon, v., ch. 58; - vi., ch. 59-61. Gieseler, iii. Gilmartin, ii., ch. 8, 9. - Greenwood, bk. xi., ch. 4, 5; bk. xiii., ch. 5. Gregorovius. - Guizot, _Hist. of Fr._, ch. 16, 17. _Hist. of Civ._ Hase, sec. - 183, 187, 190. Hore, ch. 14. Hurst, i., ch. 43. Knight, ch. - 13-16. Kurtz, ii., 14-20. Milman, bk. vii., ch. 6; bk. ix., - ch. 7; bk. x., ch. 3. Moeller, ii., 245, 248. Mosheim, bk. - iii., pt. 1, ch. 2. (11th cent.); bk. iii., pt. 1, ch. 1 (12th - cent.); bk. iii., pt. 1, ch. 1 (13th cent.). Neander, iv., 51, - 59, 103, 123-128, 152. Robertson, iv., 47, 194, 380, 385, 412; - v., 132, 211, 241; vi., 59, 81. Robinson, ch. 15. Tout, _Emp. - and Papacy_, ch. 7, 8, 13, 15, 19. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[476:1] Gilman, _The Saracens_; Ameer Ali, _Life and Teachings of -Mohammed_ and _A Short History of the Saracens_; Muir, _Life of -Mohammed_ and _Annals of the Early Caliphate_; Lane-Poole, _Speeches and -Table Talk of the Prophet Mohammed_; Gibbon, v., ch. 50, 51; various -eds. of the Koran. - -[477:1] Among these sects were Arians, Sabellians, Ebionites, -Nestorians, Eutychians, Monophysites, Marianites, and Collyridians. - -[477:2] The Bible had probably been translated into Arabic before the -Koran appeared. Gibbon, ch. 50. - -[478:1] Muir, ii., 18, 35; Burckhardt, _Travels_, 136. - -[480:1] Koran, _Sura_ ii., 189, 214; xvii., 4-7. - -[481:1] Ockley, _Hist. of the Saracens_; Bahador, _Essays on the Life of -Mohammed_; Prideaux, _Life of Mahomet_; Bush, _Life of Mohammed_; Smith, -_Mohammed and Mohammedanism_; Bate, _Studies in Islam_; Stobart, _Islam -and its Founder_; Rodwell, _The Koran_; Palmer, _The Koran_; Sale, _The -Koran_; etc. - -[481:2] _Quarterly Review_, Oct., 1869. - -[483:1] Gibbon, ch. 50. - -[485:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 336. - -[486:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 337-340. - -[486:2] Cutts, _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_; Milman, bk. -vii., 224. - -[486:3] Indulgences for fighting heathen had been offered long before -this time. See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 276, 277. - -[487:1] Cunningham, _Western Civilisation_, ii., 108. - -[487:2] See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 274, 275. - -[487:3] Lecky, _Hist. of European Morals_, ii., 248; Oman, _The Art of -War in the Middle Ages_. - -[488:1] _Revue de l'orient Latin_, 1897, 6-21. - -[488:2] Burr, _The Year One Thousand and the Antecedents of the -Crusades_, _Am. Hist. Rev._, vol. vi. - -[488:3] Duchesne, iii., 28th letter; Bouquet, ex 426; Muratori, iii., -400. - -[488:4] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 278. - -[488:5] Lib., i., 49; ii., 31-37; Jaffe, _Man. Greg._, i., 18, 46, 49; -ii., 3, 31, 37. - -[489:1] Mansi, 801-815; Muratori, iii., 353; _Mon. Ger._, v., 161; xii., -394; Jaffe, _Reg._, i., 677. - -[489:2] Mansi, xx., 815-919; Jaffe, _Reg._, i., 681. Three versions of -the speech may be found in U. of P. _Transl. and Reprints_, ii., No. 2, -4-5; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 279, 280; Robinson, _Readings_, vol. i., -312. - -[490:1] _Hist. Occid._, iv., 16; Sybel, 228. - -[490:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 281. - -[491:1] Potthast, _Bib. Hist._, ii., 550. - -[491:2] _Hist. Occid._, iv., 12, 13, 135; _Mon. Ger._, v., 161; xx., -248; xxi., 56. - -[492:1] Major Crusades: - - (1) 1096-1099--led by knights of France and the Normans. - - (2) 1147-1149--led by kings of France and Germany. - - (3) 1189-1192--led by kings of France, England, and Germany. - - (4) 1202-1204--led by French nobles and the Doge of Venice. - -[492:2] Minor Crusades: - - (1) 1216-1220. - - (2) 1228-1229. - - (3) 1248-1254. - - (4) 1270-1272. - -[492:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 282, 283; Robinson, _Readings_, i., -316; Ogg, Sec. 52. - -[493:1] Ogg, Sec. 52. - -[493:2] Giesebrecht, iii., 656. - -[494:1] Gibbon, ch. 58. - -[496:1] Ders, _Med. Topog. of Palestine_; Condor, _The Latin Kingdom of -Jerusalem_. See letters of Crusaders in Robinson, _Readings_, i., 321; -_Transl. and Reprints_, i., No. iv.; Ogg, Sec. 53. - -[496:2] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 330; Mabillon, _Life and Letters of -St. Bernard_. - -[496:3] Storrs, _Bernard of Clairvaux_; Morison, _The Life and Times of -St. Bernard_; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 284; Robinson, _Readings_, i., -337. - -[497:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 285. - -[497:2] Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the Mid. Ages_, 135. - -[497:3] Richard had a very romantic adventure in returning to England. -For his prowess see Colby, _Source Book_, 68-70. - -[498:1] Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the Mid. Ages_, 337; _Transl. and -Rep._, iii., No. 1. - -[498:2] _Transl. and Rep._, iii., No. 1, pp. 6-17. - -[498:3] Pears, _The Fall of Constantinople_; Oman, _Byzantine Empire_; -Finlay, _Hist. of Greece_; Gibbon, ch. 60; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 286, -287, 288; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 338. - -[498:4] Perry, _St. Louis_; Davis, _The Invasion of Egypt in A. D. 1241 -by Louis IX._ - -[500:1] Guizot, _Hist. of Civ. in Europe_, Lect. 8; Kitchin, _Hist. of -France_. - -[501:1] Neubauer and Stern, _Hebraische Berichts ueber die -Judenverfolgungen waehrend des Kreuzzuege_. - -[502:1] The results of the Crusades ought to be viewed also from the -Mohammedan side. - -[503:1] Oman, _Art of War in the Middle Ages_. - -[504:1] Stubbs, ii., 128. - -[504:2] Prutz, _Kulturgesch. der Kreuzzuege_; Draper, _Intel. Develop. of -Europe_, ch. 11, 13, 16. - -[506:1] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 269, 272. - -[507:1] The results of the Crusades may with profit be classified as (1) -positive and negative, (2) direct and indirect, (3) immediate and -remote, and (4) permanent and transitory. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -RISE OF THE MENDICANT ORDERS IN THE CHURCH - - OUTLINE: I.--Monasticism before the Crusades. II.--Effect of - the Crusades on monasticism. III.--Origin of the begging - orders. IV.--Rise and influence of the Dominicans. V.--Origin - and power of the Franciscans. VI.--Wide-spread results of - mediaeval monasticism. VII.--Sources. - - -The rise of monasticism[510:1] and the monastic reformation[510:2] have -already been considered. The spirit of the Clugniac and Hildebrandine -reformation was projected into the twelfth and thirteenth centuries -through new monastic orders. - -1. The order of Grammont, founded by Stephen of Tigerno in 1073 with the -sanction of Gregory VII., spread rapidly over France as a reform -society. The order lived under an oral rule until 1143, when it was -written out by Stephen of Lisiac. Revised under Innocent III., the rule -lasted until the seventeenth century. The order included more lay than -spiritual brethren, also had three women's cloisters, and was generally -recognised as a reform organisation.[510:3] - -2. The Carthusians, founded at Chartreuse near Grenoble in 1084 by Bruno -of Cologne, were peculiarly ascetic. They still boast that their order -is the only one never reformed. - -3. The order of Fontevraud, founded for both monks and nuns in 1093 by -Robert of Arbrissel in Poitou, sent its members through the country -preaching penance and practising rigidly ascetic lives. - -4. The Cistercians, founded at Citeaux near Dijon in Burgundy in 1098 by -Robert of Molesme, a Benedictine abbot, who, despairing of reforming the -loose and frivolous life of the old order, resolved to found a new one -for the purpose of leading a life of austere asceticism. The order -spread rapidly and reached its culmination in the thirteenth century, -when its cloisters numbered eight hundred.[511:1] In opposition to the -wealthy monasteries about them, the Cistercians had unpretentious -buildings, simple furniture, plain clothing, no pictures, images, or -decorations, and a brief, unpretentious ritual. The greatest man in the -order was St. Bernard[511:2] and under his leadership heretics like -Abelard, Arnold of Brescia, and the Cathari were crushed, and the Second -Crusade was preached.[511:3] - -5. The order of Premontre founded by St. Norbert in 1121--the only -German originator of a monastic order after Bruno and who was converted -from a rich worldly canon to a pious monk,--combined the life of monk -and canon, soon spread through all countries, and had at one time a -thousand abbeys for males and five hundred for females. The rules were -those of Augustine, the religious practices were as severe, flesh was -altogether forbidden as food, and fasts and scourgings were frequent. -Norbert dressed himself in plain sheep skins and walked about barefooted -among the poor people preaching and teaching. In 1126 he was appointed -Archbishop of Magdeburg, where he carried on the reforms so dear to his -heart. - -6. The Gilbertines, an order originated in 1148 by Gilbert, an English -ecclesiastic of noble origin, and intended at first for women only but -later opened to men, planted many cloisters throughout England with -poorhouses, hospitals, and orphanages attached.[512:1] - -7. The Celestines, founded by Pope Celestine V. in 1294, spread over -Italy, France, and the Netherlands. - -8. The Humiliati, founded by John Oldratus, a nobleman of Milan (died -1159), included men and women in the same house. This order was the -outgrowth of the pietistic-socialistic movement in northern Italy and -was a pronounced forerunner of the begging orders. - -9. The Serviten, founded in 1233 at Florence by seven devotees who -consecrated themselves to the Virgin Mary, spread to France, the -Netherlands, and Germany and in 1424 was given the privileges of a -begging order. - -The Crusades produced two new forms of monasticism--the military orders -and the convents of women established on the basis of useful activity -and not idle contemplation. The military orders were a peculiar union of -monk and knight whose purpose was, through charity and war, to protect -pilgrims to the Holy Land, to care for the sick and to feed and house -the tired and hungry. - -1. The order of St. John had its origin in a hospital founded in 1065 at -Jerusalem for sick pilgrims of both sexes by Maurus, a rich man of -Amalfi. A master and lay brethren conducted it. In 1099, after the -victory of the First Crusade, many knights joined it, hence to the -hospital duties was now added armed protection for pilgrims. Soon a new -and larger hospital was built near the church of St. John the Baptist -from which the order was named. In 1121 Raymond de Puy gave the -brotherhood a fixed rule which required the vows of monasticism, ascetic -practices, and the duty of armed protection.[513:1] The order had two -thousand members by 1160 and had received great wealth from Popes, -princes, and private persons. Soon many affiliated branches were planted -on land and on islands of the sea. In the thirteenth century the total -income of the order was eighteen times as great as that of the King of -France. After 1187 the order withdrew to Ptolemais and kept up the -contest with the Saracens for a century when in 1291 it again withdrew -first to the Isle of Cyprus, then in 1309 to the Isle of Rhodes, and, -finally, in 1350 to the Isle of Malta where it remained until disbanded -in 1797 by Napoleon. - -2. Two companions of Godfrey of Bouillon in 1118 united with seven other -knights to protect and guide pilgrims to the Holy Land. To the three -monastic vows which they took was added a fourth, namely, to fight the -"infidels." King Baldwin II. gave them a residence in the Temple of -Solomon, hence the order came to be called the Templars.[513:2] The -membership soon increased and a rule was drawn up. St. Bernard -championed the order and Pope Honorius II. favoured it. Burghers soon -joined the knights, but the hospital duties were obscured by the feats -of arms. They withdrew in 1291 to Cypress and then to France where -through royal and papal favours they soon numbered twenty thousand -knights and possessed vast wealth. Under Philip IV. of France they were -disbanded and robbed in 1307. - -3. The Teutonic Knights date from the Third Crusade and derived their -name from a German hospital founded in 1128 at Jerusalem, which fell in -1187. The intense sufferings at the siege of Acre in 1190 led some of -the German merchants to revive the work of the hospital by making tents -out of the sails of their ships and caring for the sick. In 1200 these -hospital attendants organised themselves as a military order, adopted -monastic vows, promised to help the sick and wounded, bound themselves -to fight the Mohammedans and pagans, and were soon favoured by the Pope -and Emperor. At first the members were all Germans of honourable birth -but later priests and burghers were admitted. The order became powerful -and wealthy and in 1237 absorbed the order of Brothers of the Sword. The -order removed first to Venice in 1291, and then to Marienburg in 1309 to -wage a crusade against the pagan Prussians. Napoleon in 1809 suppressed -the order. In Spain to fight the Moors were organised the order of -Calatrava, the order of Aleontera, and the order of Montesta. In -Portugal appeared the order of Christ and the order of Avis. - -The hospital orders without military service arose in the West and were -brotherhoods of common people patterned after the order of St. John and -patronised by Popes: - -1. The order of Cross Bearers arose in 1160 at Bologna and in 1238 in -Bohemia. - -2. The order of Anthony was endowed by a French noble and authorised by -Urban II. in 1095 at Clermont. - -3. The order of the Holy Ghost was founded at Montpellier in 1170 and -regularly organised by Innocent III. in 1198. - -4. The order of St. Lazarus probably began in the Holy Land and in the -twelfth century spread over the West. - -5. The order of the Trinity was created by a priest and a hermit and -chartered in 1198 by Innocent III. - -6. The order of Knights of Emancipation was formed in 1228 to free -Christian slaves. - -7. The Bridge Brothers were pledged to build and protect bridges for -pilgrims as well as to care for the sick. - -8. Various associations of women were attached to both classes of orders -to serve in poorhouses and hospitals as nurses and assistants of all -kinds. - -This rapid multiplication of orders and their marvellous increase of -wealth was followed by equally rapid degeneration and decay, so that the -original purpose of the monastic organisation was lost after a few -generations. The Popes granted them many exemptions. The members of -these various orders became more estranged from the humbler classes and -were in consequence unpopular, suspected, and hated. The vows of poverty -were eluded; the narrow cell became a grand cloister; the deserts became -parks, and the hermits, princely abbots; and the inmates of the -monastery changed into a worldly aristocracy under a religious name. The -promise of chastity was forgotten, the abbeys became centres of -corruption and the nunneries almost houses of prostitution.[515:1] -Monasticism resembled feudalism in which the abbot and his monks lived -riotously and waged war upon their neighbours. Such men as Gilbert, the -Abbot of Gemblours, confessed with shame that monachism had become an -oppression and a scandal--a hissing and a reproach to all men.[516:1] -St. Bernard said in 1147 of the region of the Count of Toulouse. - - The churches are without people, the people are without - priests, the priests without the reverence due them, and the - Christians without Christ. The churches are regarded as - synagogues, the sanctuary of the Lord is no longer holy; the - sacraments are no longer held sacred; feast days are without - solemnity; men die in their sins and their souls are hurried - to the dread tribunal, neither reconciled by penance nor - fortified by the holy communion.[516:2] - -Furthermore the state and the nobility stepped in and attempted to -control the monastic system and particularly the appointment of -abbots.[516:3] The obligation of obedience to superior authority seemed -to be utterly disregarded. - -The old form of monasticism, at its best, thought only of the salvation -of its own members and not of the world. Here, then, was an opportunity -for a great revolution and also a crying need for it. Everywhere -monasteries were rapidly obtaining exemptions from the bishops and -subjecting themselves to the successor of St. Peter. While this -strengthened the Pope, it stimulated conventual degeneracy, relaxed -monastic discipline, denationalised monasticism, aroused popular -hostility, and spread the report that a little gold would purchase any -privilege.[516:4] Under these conditions it was perhaps natural that the -inmates of monasteries were frequently recruited from the worst and -most vicious classes. Such motives as sickness, poverty, crime, mortal -danger, dread of hell, and desire of heaven would not furnish the best -class of devotees.[517:1] In one French cloister the inmates were all -professional highway robbers. Furthermore, the name monk was rendered -still more despicable by the crowds of tramps palming themselves off as -monks. Bearded, tonsured, and dressed in the religious habit, they -swarmed throughout all parts of Christendom, begging, stealing, -deceiving, and peddling false relics, and were often taken in crime and -slain without mercy.[517:2] The secular priests hated the monks and the -people mistrusted and despised both.[517:3] The intense speculative -spirit of the age tended to create disbelief in the Church and to -produce new sects which the Papacy tried in vain to suppress by force. -The secular clergy were also in bad condition--the upper clergy wealthy, -powerful, immoral, and worldly; the lower clergy characterised by sloth -and incapacity. The need of reformation was generally recognised, but -who would do it? "The Church had made no real effort at internal reform; -it was still grasping, licentious, covetous, and a strange desire for -something--they knew not exactly what--began to take possession of men's -hearts and spread like an epidemic from village to village and from land -to land."[517:4] Heresy, likewise, was making rapid strides and was -propagated by sects whose austere lives and serviceable conduct were -popular because in such a striking contrast to those of the monks and -clergy. - -The general purpose of the begging orders, which grew out of these -conditions, was (1) to reform the Church from within and not by -revolution; (2) to avoid the evils and corruptions of wealth by making -poverty an object of admiration and sanctification; (3) to send their -members out to save the Church and the world instead of shutting them up -in monasteries for the selfish purpose of saving their own souls; (4) to -supervise the whole system and to keep the order in a harmonious working -condition by a rigidly organised monarchial government; and (5) to set -on foot a great reformatory home movement which would win the Church -away from the corrupting idols back to a purer and more primitive -Christianity.[518:1] The two prominent begging orders were both Romanic -in origin and not Germanic. - -The way for the begging orders was partially prepared by antecedent -reformers and orders. Conspicuous among the individuals who were -forerunners of St. Francis and St. Dominic was (1) St. Bernard -(1091-1153) who advocated poverty and denounced the abuses of his day. -(2) Arnold of Brescia (_c._ 1100-1155), a priest and follower of -Abelard, assailed the Pope's temporal power, attacked the wealth of the -clergy, urged the secularisation of ecclesiastical property, and led a -popular revolt in Rome for a republic. He was hanged, burned, and his -ashes were thrown into the Tiber.[518:2] (3) Gerach of Reichersberg -(1093-1169), a German monk and canon of Augsburg, left his position -disgusted at the irregularity of the lives of the canons, went to Rome -in 1125, and was officially appointed by Honorius II. to reform the -canonry. As the head of the canonry of Reichersberg (1132) he became an -active and rigorous reformer.[519:1] (4) Foulques de Neuilly (died -1202), an obscure, ignorant priest, whose mighty conviction of the sins -of the world and the Church made him a great preacher, was licensed by -Innocent III. as a missionary. He converted thousands from wayward -lives, reclaimed lost women and founded a convent for them at Paris, -denounced the clergy without mercy, and struck at every evil in the -Church. His reformation, however, was lost in the crusading zeal and he -himself helped to preach the Fourth Crusade.[519:2] - -Among the movements laying the foundations for the begging orders were -(1) the "Poor Men," or Arnoldists, who were founded in Italy after the -death of Arnold of Brescia[519:3]; (2) the "Poor Men of Lyons"[519:4]; -and (3) the "Poor Catholics," who were founded by Duran de Husce, a -Spaniard and disciple of St. Dominic. These "Poor Catholics" based their -organisation on poverty and self-abnegation, sought to convert heretics, -and were approved by Innocent III. although fought by the clergy. They -appear to have been lost in the forcible effort to exterminate -heresy.[519:5] (4) The Beghards and Beguins were founded in the -Netherlands about 1180. At first companies of women were formed in the -Belgian cities to care for the sick, to perform other acts of charity, -and to aid the widows and orphans of the Crusaders. They lived together -in a common house, led a pious life according to a few simple rules, -but took no vows. They were called Beguins. Early in the thirteenth -century similar companies of men were formed and called Beghards. -Members could leave the order at will, marry or enter any occupation -after leaving. These orders had their own little houses, each one -distinct in its organisation, which were frequently endowed by rich -burghers. The inmates were also given to hand labour and did not neglect -education, although their chief work was soul saving and charity. They -spread rapidly from the Netherlands to Germany, to France, to Italy, and -to Bohemia and Poland. As these associations increased, their members -began to wander through the countries, begging and performing acts of -mercy. After the middle of the thirteenth century, charges of heresy -were made against them and they were persecuted by the Church.[520:1] -(5) The Carmelites, one of the mendicant orders, according to its -legendary history was founded by Elijah on Mount Carmel. The first -disciples were Jonah, Micah, and Obadiah; and the wife of Obadiah was -the first abbess. Even Pythagoras, Mary, and Jesus were considered -members. The real origin, however, seems to lie in the fact that Phocas, -a Greek monk from Patmos, in 1185 saw the ruins of a monastery on Mount -Carmel and there an association of hermits was formed. The Patriarch of -Jerusalem in 1209 gave the association a rule and in 1224 this rule was -confirmed by Honorius III. The order played an active part during the -Crusades until 1238, when it was removed to Sicily and later to England -and France, where it followed the custom and became a mendicant order in -1247. - -The founder of the Dominicans, or Black Friars, was Dominic de Guzman, -born in 1170 in old Castile of noble ancestry. Many miraculous tales -were told about his mother and his infancy.[521:1] At the age of seven -he was given over to his uncle, who was archpresbyter at Gumyel de Ycan. -At the age of fourteen he entered the University of Palencia,[521:2] -where he remained ten years as a "laborious, devout, abstemious" -student. Theology was his chief subject and he became a distinguished -theologian. While a student, it was said that he sold his clothes to -feed the poor in a time of famine, and on another occasion he offered to -redeem a sad woman's brother from slavery by taking his place. At the -age of twenty-four (1194), after having studied ten years at the -University, he became a canon of the Bishop of Osma, where he helped to -introduce the rules of St. Augustine. Soon he was made sub-prior of the -chapter, became very active in ecclesiastical affairs, excelled in -asceticism, which was inspired no doubt by reading Cassian's famous work -on monasticism, and became a zealous and eloquent missionary among the -Mohammedans and Jews of the neighbourhood. - -In 1203 he went with the Bishop of Osma to southern France to secure a -bride for the King's son. In this diplomatic venture they were -successful, but the bride died before she could go to Spain. Here it was -that Dominic got his first view of the aggressive Albigensian -heretics.[521:3] From southern France he accompanied the Bishop of Osma -to Rome, where the bishop begged Innocent III. to permit him to go as a -missionary to the Huns, or the Saracens, but the request was refused. -The task of converting the heretics of southern France had been -intrusted to the Cistercians, but they had utterly failed to accomplish -it. As Dominic and the bishop were returning to France, they met at -Montpellier three of these Cistercian abbots, who had been sent out by -the Pope to superintend the duties intrusted to their order. The pomp -and splendour of the abbots called forth this bold rebuke from Dominic: -"It is not by the display of pomp and power, cavalcades of retainers and -richly houseled palfreys, nor by gorgeous apparel, that the heretics win -proselytes; it is by zealous preaching, by apostolic humility, by -austerity and seeming holiness. Zeal must be met by zeal, humility by -humility, false sanctity by real sanctity, preaching falsehood by -preaching truth."[522:1] The abbots were advised to send out for the -great work men who were imbued with apostolic poverty and zeal. The -abbots accepted the advice and joined Dominic and his companion in their -new conception of missionary work, but apparently their labours were -checked in 1208 by the crusade waged against the Albigenses. - -During the efforts to exterminate these revolters against the faith and -authority of Rome, there are two accounts of the activity of -Dominic,--first, that that he was a fiery leader of the crusading -parties, and, secondly, that he strongly denounced the war. The -probability seems to be that he lived quietly in his monastery at -Prouille endeavouring to convert the heretics without taking part in -the war.[523:1] Whatever the fact may have been however, so far as the -historical sources go, for the next eight years his life is a blank. No -doubt he was wisely planning for the future. In 1206 the Bishop of -Toulouse presented "to Dominic of Osma the church of St. Mary's of -Prouille and the adjacent land to the extent of thirty feet" for the use -of his women converts, who at first were nine noble ladies for whom he -drew up a monastic rule. The convent soon became wealthy and -influential. At the close of the war in 1214 Dominic, now forty-four -years old, had made but little progress. His converts were few, his -influence small, but the seeds were being sowed which would return a -rich harvest. His character at this time reveals a man of earnest, -resolute purpose; of deep, unalterable conviction; full of burning -faith; kind of heart and ever cheerful; of winning manner and charitable -beyond reason; yet given to scourgings and vigils till nature was nearly -exhausted.[523:2] - -Through the gift of Peter Cella, a rich man of Toulouse, Dominic founded -in 1214 the monastery of St. Rouen near Toulouse which was the home of -the Inquisition for over a hundred years. There he gathered some devout -souls about him and they began to live like monks. The Bishop of -Toulouse gave them one sixth of the tithes for their work. This was the -beginning of the great Dominican order. The next step was to get papal -sanction for the new organisation and for this purpose Dominic went with -the Bishop of Toulouse to Rome. Innocent III., won through a -dream,[524:1] consented to sanction the order provided some known rule -should be adopted. Consequently Dominic organised his monks according to -the canons regular of St. Augustine, which was Dominic's own order. That -rule, however, was almost immediately modified to meet the boundless -plans and scope of the work which held Dominic captive. A grand master -was put at the head of the order as absolute ruler and under him were -provincial priors, elected during good behaviour. The friars were held -to implicit obedience, as soldiers of Christ, but poverty was not at -first a part of the rule. It was adopted only after the Franciscans had -made it so attractive (1220). At stated times general and provincial -assemblies were to be held to further the prosperity of the order. - -Dominic now wisely took up his residence at Rome, where he was made -court preacher, lived in the papal palace, and guided the activities of -his new order. Honorius III. in 1216 sanctioned the needed changes in -the rule, authorised the monks to preach and hear confessions -everywhere, and took the order under his special protection.[524:2] -Dominic's little band of sixteen followers--among whom were an -Englishman, a German, and some Spaniards--were sent out into the world -to begin the strenuous life of service. Laymen and ecclesiastics of all -ranks hastened to join the order. When the second general assembly was -held at Bologna in 1221 there were present representatives from sixty -convents and eight provinces, representing Spain, France, England, -Hungary, Poland, and Italy. This same year a secular organisation for -both men and women called "The Soldiers of Jesus Christ" was organised -to convert the laymen, to fight heretics, and to win unbelievers. The -members had a distinct dress and special rites and services.[525:1] -Dominic died in a monastery at Bologna in 1221 and twelve years later -was canonised. - -A new constitution was adopted by the Dominicans in 1228 and revised and -completed in 1241 and 1252. Members of the order devoted themselves -exclusively to preaching, soul saving, fighting heresy, and in educating -the people in the true faith. From the schools founded by the order came -most of their recruits. They were the model preachers of the Middle Ages -and the keenest theologians of the day, producing such men as Peter -Lombard and Thomas Aquinas. Among their numbers were found popes, -cardinals, and famous doctors. The first Dominican to wear the papal -tiara was Innocent V. in 1276, and he was succeeded by three others. The -first cardinal to be chosen from their ranks was Hugh of Vienne in 1243, -and he was followed by fifty-nine more. Among the famous doctors of the -order were Albertus Magnus, Meister Echart, Johan Tauler, Henry Suso, -Savonarola, Las Casas, and Vincent Ferrier. The Dominicans could boast -of more than eight hundred bishops, one hundred and fifty archbishops, -and the number of martyrs belonging to their order between 1234 and 1334 -was thirteen thousand three hundred and seventy. So influential did they -become and so dangerous to the prerogatives of the clergy[525:2] that -Innocent IV. (1254), Boniface VIII. (1300), and Clement VIII. (1311) -were forced to curtail their privileges. In 1228 the first Dominican -monk occupied a chair in the University of Paris and in 1230 another was -added and from this time on they attempted to monopolise learning in the -University. Scholasticism was largely the product of their minds. They -were very active in missionary work and in 1245 they were sent to the -Tartars by Innocent IV.; in 1249 to Persia by Louis IX.; in 1272 to -China by Gregory X.; and they laboured among the Jews and Saracens -in Spain, and in Poland, Denmark, Sweden, and Russia. They built -monasteries and churches; and art and architecture are deeply indebted -to them for many of the finest specimens produced in Europe.[526:1] The -history of theology, philosophy, and science until the Renaissance and -Reformation is little more than a petty controversial rivalry between -them and the Franciscans. - -The founder of the Franciscans, or Minorites, or Grey Friars, was -Francis of Assisi. He was born in 1182 at Assisi of a rich mercantile -family. He received a little learning from the parish priest, but -manifested no love for school instruction. He knew Latin and learned -some French while with his father on business in France. It was early -determined that he should be educated for business. Reports concerning -his early character show that he was cheerful and kind-hearted, careless -and indifferent to work, vain and fond of fine clothes, prone to join -comrades in dissipating carousals, and too fond of squandering his -father's money in banquets for his friends.[526:2] - -At the age of twenty Francis joined a war party against Perugia. He was -taken captive and held for a year in prison and this seemed to sober him -somewhat. Two serious illnesses led him to change his life and a series -of visions determined his conduct (1208). He boldly and suddenly -deserted his worldly companions and started out passionately on the path -of self-denial. He was now twenty-six years of age. He declared that -poverty should be his bride, and resolved to go to Rome to throw all his -possessions on the altar of St. Peter. Upon his return journey he joined -a gang of beggars and exchanged his clothes for the filthiest rags among -them. Next he appropriated a quantity of his father's goods and sold -them, together with the horse, to restore the church of St. Damiani. -Then he hid a month in a cave and when he returned looking wild and -haggard he was hooted and stoned in the streets. His father, alarmed and -angered at his acts called him before the Bishop to force him to give up -his patrimony. Francis stripped off all his clothing but his hair shirt -and the Bishop covered him with an old cloak. Surrendering his -inheritance and even his very clothing to his father he exclaimed: -"Peter Bernardone was my father; I now have but one father, He that is -in heaven." This was the keynote of his whole life.[527:1] From now -henceforth he was consecrated to mendicancy, wandered about in a -hermit's attire, devoted himself to the lepers, helped restore with his -own hands four ruined churches, and resolved to work out his own -salvation in loving service for the weak and needy--an evidence of his -genuine conversion and a thing radically different from the Christianity -of that period. One day in February, 1209, the text rang in his ears: -"Provide neither gold nor silver nor brass in your purses, neither scrip -for your journey, neither two coats nor shoes nor staff, for the -labourer is worthy of his hire."[528:1] These strong words, coming from -the priest who was celebrating mass in one of the little churches which -Francis had helped to rebuild, pierced him like a revelation. "This is -what I want," he cried; "this is what I was seeking; from this day forth -I shall set myself with all my strength to put it in practice." -Accordingly he threw away his wallet, staff, and shoes, and put on a -rough grey tunic of coarse woollen cloth, girt by a hempen cord, and -went barefooted through the land preaching repentance.[528:2] He lived -now as a follower of the living Jesus,--"like the birds of the -air,"--and his childish simplicity and radiating face made him beloved -by the poor and a comfort to the troubled and sick.[528:3] - -Francis did not have in mind at first the institution of a brotherhood; -his ideal was rather the solitary ascetic preaching repentance to a -world of sin, and his strange, fervoured piety soon made him famous in -the neighbourhood of Assisi. Gradually kindred spirits joined him and -begged to share his mission. Bernard of Quintavalle was the first to ask -to be associated with him, and in order to learn God's will Francis -opened the Bible at random and read Matthew xix., 21; vi., 8; xvi., 24. -Others came until his disciples numbered eight. He received them and put -them under vows of poverty and preaching. The time had now come to -evangelise the world. These disciples were sent out in pairs to the four -points of the compass, with these words: - - Go and preach two by two. Preach peace and patience; tend the - wounded and relieve the distressed; reclaim the erring; bless - them which persecute you and pray for them that despitefully - use you. Fear not because you are small and seem foolish. Have - confidence in the Lord who has vanquished the world. Some will - receive you and many proud will resist you. Bear all with - sweetness and patience. Soon the wise and noble will be with - us. The Lord hath given me to see this--I have in my ears the - sounds of the languages of all peoples who will come to - us--French, Spanish, German and English. The Lord will make us - a great people even to the end of the earth. - -Upon their reuniting, four more were added to their number and Francis -gave them a rule of which poverty was the basic principle and chastity -and obedience were necessary requirements. - -Papal confirmation was the next step. This Francis sought in 1210 from -Innocent III. in a friendly interview at Rome.[529:1] The Pope in doubt -submitted the question to the cardinals and it was carried in favour of -Francis. His rule was approved orally and the members thus came under -the spiritual authority of Rome and were authorised to receive the -tonsure and to preach the word of God. A second rule less severe than -the first was drawn up and approved by Honorius III. in 1223, and it -remained the unaltered constitution of the Franciscan order.[529:2] The -organisation according to this rule provided for a General Minister at -the head, provincial ministers, and brethren, or minorities. Applicants -were required to sell all their possessions for the poor, to promise to -live according to the gospel, and to take the absolute vows of chastity, -obedience, and poverty. Each monk was to have two gowns of vile cloth -which were to be patched as long as possible. No shoes were to be worn -except when absolutely necessary. All but the sick had to walk. No money -could be received save for the poor and the needy. All who were able -were compelled to labour and thus earn their food and clothing. -"Brethren," said Francis, "know that poverty is the special path of -salvation, the inciter to humility, and the root of perfection."[530:1] -A very simple ritual with one daily mass and but little music was -instituted. - -Francis sent his disciples out over the whole world to preach his -gospel, while he continued the simplicity of his earlier life, living in -a little hut with a ground floor, preaching to and converting whole -multitudes who came to hear and to see him, and continuing his acts of -mercy and love. He founded a convent of women called the "Clarisses" or -"Poor Clares," who became almost as famous as the "Poor -Brothers."[530:2] In 1221 he established the "Brothers and Sisters of -Penitence," a lay order whose members, though living under a rule, -retained their social position and employments, but bound themselves to -abstain from all worldly dissipations like dancing, theatre-going, and -secular festivals, and to live godly lives.[530:3] This was a very -sensible arrangement because by it Francis enlisted all classes in -sympathetic co-operation.[530:4] Impelled by missionary zeal Francis -journeyed not only throughout Italy but to Illyria, Spain, and with -twelve brethren even went to the distant Holy Land, where he not only -converted thousands to Christianity, but even attempted to win the -Sultan himself. Failing in this he returned to Italy.[531:1] In his -relations with Rome Francis was the truest son of the Church and formed -an army trained in piety and absolute obedience which the Pope used -later to great advantage. For himself, however, he demanded freedom to -live and to act after his own heart. His life was spared to see his -order cover the world, but at length worn out by his labours and -consuming zeal he died in 1226 naked and in poverty.[531:2] After his -death it is said that the five wounds of the Saviour, called the -"stigmata," were found on his body.[531:3] He was canonised in 1228 by -Gregory IX. - -Few persons in the world's history have stamped their character and -influence upon their age in a more marked manner than did St. Francis. -His life is hallowed by countless miracles and it is not always easy to -separate myth from truth. But a careful study of his career reveals the -fact that he felt the unity of the universe in God and preached it to -man in love and charity as a genuine religious philosopher. With an -unparalleled ardour and spiritual industry, he taught every one that the -salvation of a human soul comes through self-sacrifice. He and his -followers aimed to realise the simplicity of Christ and his apostles. -"No human creature since Christ has more fully incarnated the ideal of -Christianity than Francis."[531:4] His chief happiness was in -ministering to the needs of his fellow creatures. "The perfection of -gladness," he said "consists not in working miracles, in curing the -sick, expelling devils, or raising the dead; nor in learning and -knowledge of all things; nor in eloquence to convert the world, but in -bearing all ills and injuries and injustices and despiteful treatment -with patience and humility." Through his insane, extravagant asceticism -there shines forth a patience, humility, and depth of love necessary to -oppose the pride and cruelty of his age. He inculcated the gospel of -cheerfulness and declared that gloom and sadness were the deadly weapons -of Satan. He had a poetic soul, was passionately fond of animals and -flowers--called them his brothers and sisters--and preached some -beautiful sermons to the trees, the fish in the streams, the -birds,[532:1] and the posies. He wrote some rugged and touching -verse--"The first broken utterances of a new voice which was soon to -fill the world."[532:2] "Of all saints St. Francis was the most -blameless and gentle. Francis was emphatically the saint of the people, -of a poetic people, like the Italians."[532:3] In many ways he was the -forerunner of Dante. In prayer, in picture, and in song, the worship of -St. Francis vied with that of Jesus. In story and legend he soon -outstripped Christ. - -It was in 1219 that St. Francis sent his disciples out to evangelise the -world. Those who went to Germany and Hungary were regarded as heretics -and roughly treated. In France at first they were mistaken for Cathari -and an appeal was made to the Pope concerning them. Five suffered -martyrdom in Morocco. They soon spread to all parts of the world and -many of them perished as martyrs in the cause they had espoused. When -St. Francis held his first chapter in 1221 three thousand members[533:1] -were present and Provincial Masters had been appointed in all European -countries. In 1260 there were thirty-three provinces, one hundred -eighty-two guardianships, eight thousand monasteries and two hundred -thousand friars. The order has produced five Popes and many cardinals, -bishops, theologians, writers, and poets. - -A comparison of the two founders and their orders reveals some -interesting facts. Both leaders were born about the same time, St. -Dominic being the older by twelve years. Both were of Romance -origin--one of noble, the other of ignoble birth. The early life of each -was wholly dissimilar in disposition, education, and relation to the -Church. The causes operating to make them reformers were very different. -St. Dominic dreamed of an aggressive, skilfully-trained body of -preachers of simple life to convert the heretics and to instruct the -orthodox, thus keeping them firm. St. Francis on the other hand made -poverty the first Christian grace and sought to lead all men back to -Jesus as the great model. One laboured for doctrinal orthodoxy, the -other for personal piety. Both applied to Innocent III. about the same -time for a permit to found a new order and both were successful. Each -order in its purpose was reformatory and in the monastic world -revolutionary.[533:2] In organisation the two orders were essentially -the same: each had a governor-general at Rome, provincial governors in -the provinces, priors or guardians over single cloisters, which were -simply "homes" and not convents in the old sense and demanded a certain -type of life for the members. The vows were essentially the same, -although the Franciscans originated and the Dominicans adopted that of -poverty. Both orders devoted themselves to preaching and to saving -souls. - -Education, art, morality, and religion of the later Middle Ages were in -a large measure moulded by the influence of these two organisations. -Both had great scholars, preachers, teachers, higher clergy, and popes. - - Whenever in the thirteenth century we find a man towering - above his fellows, we are almost sure to trace him to one of - the mendicant orders. Raymond of Pennaforte, Alexander Hales, - Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, Roger Bacon, and - Duns Scotus are names which show how irresistibly the men of - highest gifts were glad to seek among the Dominicans or - Franciscans their ideal life.[534:1] - -The Franciscans were realists and Scottists; the Dominicans, nominalists -and Thomists. The Franciscans believed in the immaculate conception; the -Dominicans denied it. Both came into conflict with the secular clergy. -They could not say mass, but were very popular confessors and thus -tended to deprive the clergy of support and revenues and even threatened -to supersede the old ecclesiastical system. Women and the pious as a -rule upheld the begging orders, while the state, the soldiers, and the -men took the part of the clergy. In both, the individual was compelled -to remain poor, while the society became dangerously rich. The -Dominicans were aristocratic; the Franciscans democratic. - -Each order borrowed something from the other: St. Francis took St. -Dominic's idea of itinerant preachers; St. Dominic adopted St. Francis's -plan of poverty. Both became quickly popular and both had exemptions and -privileges showered upon them by Rome.[535:1] Their members could not be -excommunicated by any bishop and were exempt from all local jurisdiction -save that of their own order.[535:2] They had a right to live freely in -excommunicated lands. Being directly responsible to the Pope alone, they -were used by him to raise money, to preach crusades, to sell -indulgences, to execute excommunications, to serve as spies and secret -police, and to act as papal legates on all kinds of missions. In -addition to practically usurping and monopolising the functions of -preaching and confession and granting absolution, they were finally -permitted to celebrate mass on portable altars.[535:3] In return for -these privileges each order gave the Pope a vast army which overran -Europe in his name. Both orders helped to carry on the work of the -Inquisition.[535:4] Both laboured incessantly in the missionary field -and from the thirteenth century onward they were the great missionary -pioneers in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. Both had a tertiary order -of laymen which went far to remove the barrier between the ecclesiastic -and the people. From this comparison it will be seen that the -Franciscans and Dominicans were much more alike than unlike in their -origin, leaders, aims, methods, and results. After the thirteenth -century both departed from their original ideals, became corrupt, -worldly, and very unpopular. - -A third begging order was created in 1243, when Pope Innocent IV. -authorised the organisation of a band of Italian monks under the rule of -St. Augustine. Lanfranc Septala of Milan was made general of the order -and provincial rulers were appointed for Italy, Spain, France, and -Germany. Under Alexander IV. in 1256 they assumed the rights and duties -of a mendicant order and in 1287 they were taken under the particular -protection of the Pope. They soon spread rapidly over western Europe and -by the fifteenth century covered forty-two provinces, had two thousand -monasteries, and thirty thousand monks. It was this order which young -Martin Luther entered in 1505 at Erfurt. - -No better summary of the general results of the begging orders has ever -been made than that of Lea when he says: - - The Mendicants came upon Christendom like a revelation--men - who had abandoned all that was enticing in life to imitate the - Apostles, to convert the sinner and unbeliever, to arouse the - slumbering sense of mankind, to instruct the ignorant, to - offer salvation to all; in short to do what the Church was - paid so enormously in wealth and privileges and power for - neglecting. Wandering on foot over the face of Europe, under - burning suns or chilling blasts, rejecting alms in money but - receiving thankfully whatever coarse food might be set before - the wayfarer, or enduring hunger in silent resignation, taking - no thought for the morrow, but busied eternally in the work of - snatching souls from Satan, and lifting men up from the sordid - cares of daily life, of ministering to their infirmities and - of bringing to their darkened souls a glimpse of heavenly - light--such was the aspect in which the earliest Dominicans - and Franciscans presented themselves to the eyes of men who - had been accustomed to see in the ecclesiastic only the - sensual worldling intent solely upon the indulgence of his - appetites.[537:1] - - * * * * * - - In the busy world of the 13th century there was then no agency - more active than that of the Mendicant Orders, for good and - for evil. On the whole perhaps the good preponderated, for - they undoubtedly aided in postponing a revolution for which - the world was not yet ready. Though the self-abnegation of - their earlier days was a quality too rare and perishable to be - long preserved, and though they soon sank to the level of the - social order around them, yet their work had not been - altogether lost.[537:2] - -The degeneration which soon crept into both orders was not allowed to -increase without efforts of reformation. Within fifty years after the -death of St. Francis, Bonaventura, the governor-general who succeeded -him, complained that the vow of poverty had broken down, that the -Franciscans were more entangled in money matters than the older orders -and that vast sums were lavished on costly buildings. He declared that -the friars were idle, lazy beggars given to vice and so brazen that they -were feared as much as highway robbers. He said further that they made -undesirable acquaintances and thus gave rise to grave scandals, and that -they were too greedy of burial and legacy fees and thus encroached upon -the parochial clergy. St. Francis himself had been compelled to resign -his generalship on account of the abuses and offered to resume it only -on condition of reformation.[537:3] The second general, Elias, the -shrewdest politician in Italy, was removed by Pope Gregory IX. It was -high time therefore that a high-minded reformer like Bonaventura -appeared, for by a series of steps the Franciscans changed from a body -of pietists to a band of the boldest swindlers. As preaching and -soul-saving died out, the begging propensities were developed. As early -as 1233 Gregory IX. told the Dominicans that their poverty should be -genuine and not hypocritical.[538:1] The wide use of the friars by the -Pope for political purposes still further diverted them from their -spiritual functions and tended to make them worldly. - -As a result the Franciscans soon broke into two parties: (1) The -liberals who were not averse to dropping the vow of poverty and -imitating the older monastic orders were very strong. (2) The reform -party who desired to adhere rigidly to the preaching and practice of St. -Francis were probably a minority and were weakened by subdivisions. One -faction of the strict party was called Spirituales,[538:2] and in turn -was represented by the Caesarins who revolted against the public activity -of Elias and were punished as rebels; the Celestines who were permitted -to exist as a separate order by Pope Celestine V. in 1294, and were -later denounced as heretics; the congregation of Narbonne which was -formed in 1282; the Clarenins who were accused of heresy in 1318; and -the congregation of Philip of Nyarca which was formed in 1308. A second -reform element within the rigid party were the Fratricelli, authorised -by Celestine V., who became revolutionists, repudiated the Papacy, left -the Church, joined the Beghards, thought that they were possessed with -the Holy Spirit and were exempt from sin, and repudiated the sacraments -of the Church. They were condemned as heretics and the Inquisition was -turned against them in Italy, Sicily, and southern France, but they -lasted until the Reformation. Later reform factions among the -Franciscans were the Capuchins (1526), Minims (1453), Observants (1415), -and Recollects. These internal reformers failed to change the order -because the rule of St. Francis was utterly incompatible with social -life in any form. - -For three centuries the Franciscans and Dominicans practically ruled the -Church and state. They filled the highest civil ecclesiastical -positions; they taught authoritatively in the universities and churches; -they maintained the prerogatives of the Roman Pontiffs against kings, -bishops, and heretics; and they were to the Church before the -Reformation what the Jesuits were after the Reformation. The Mendicants -increased so rapidly however that they soon became a burden to the -Church and the people. Hence in 1272 Gregory X. in the Council of Lyons -suppressed the "extravagant multitude" by reducing them to four orders: -the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Carmelites, and the Augustinians. - - -SOURCES. - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--Gerard de Frachet, _Lives of the Brethren_. - - 2.--Eales, S. J., _Letters of St. Bernard_. Lond., 1888. - - 3.--Bonaventura, _The Life of St. Francis of Assisi_. Lond., - 1868. - - 4.--Brewer and Howlett, _Monumenta Franciscana_. - - 5.--Eccleston, _Arrival of the Friars in England_. Ed. by Brewer - and Howlett in _Pub. Rolls Ser._, 1882. - - 6.--_Legend of St. Francis by the Three Companions._ Tr. by E. - G. Salter. Lond., 1902. - - 7.--Brother Leo of Assisi, _S. Francis of Assisi, Mirror of - Perfection_. Tr. by S. Evans. Lond., 1898. - - 8.--_The Little Flowers of St. Francis of Assisi._ Tr. by T. W. - Arnold. Lond., 1898. Several other translations. - - 9.--_Legends of St. Francis._ Cath. Penny Lib. Lond., 1901. - - 10.--_Manual of the Third Order of St. Francis._ - - 11.--_Third Order._ Tr. by J. G. Adderley and C. L. Marson. - Lond., 1902. - - 12.--Parenti, P., _Commercium or My Lady's Poverty_. Tr. by - Carmichael. - - 13.--The Franciscan Fathers, _Spirit of St. Francis of Assisi, or - Maxims for Every Day in the Year_. Dub., 1888. - - 14.--_Works of the Seraphic Father, St. Francis of Assisi._ Tr. - by a Religious of the Order. Lond., 1890. - - 15.--Brother Leo of Assisi, _The Mirror of Perfection_. Tr. by - Countess De La Warr. Lond., 1902. - - 16.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_, i., 387, 391, 392. - - 17.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source-Book for Mediaeval History_, - 498, 504, 508. - - 18.--Ogg, A. F., _The Source-Book of Mediaeval Europe_. N. Y., - 1908. - - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - I.--DOMINICAN: - - 1.--Alemany, T., _Life of St. Dominic with a Sketch of the - Dominican Order_. N. Y., 1887. - - 2.--Drane, A. T., _The Spirit of the Dominican Order_. Lond., - 1896. _The History of St. Dominic._ Lond., 1891. _The - Life of St. Dominic._ Lond., 1891. - - 3.--Guirand, J., _Saint Dominic_. Tr. by Kath. de Mattos. - Lond., 1901. - - 4.--Herkless, J., _Francis and Dominic and the Mendicant - Orders_. Lond., 1901. - - 5.--Fletcher, W. D. G., _The Black Friars of Oxford_. Oxf., - 1882. - - 6.--Lacordaire, H. D., _Life of Saint Dominic._ Lond., 1883. - - 7.--_Short Lives of Dominican Saints._ Lond., 1901. - - II.--FRANCISCANS: - - 1.--Adderley, J., _Francis, the Little Poor Man of Assisi_. - Lond., 1600. Has Rule of St. Francis. - - 2.--Baring-Gould, _Lives of the Saints_. - - 3.--De Cherance, F. L., _Saint Francis of Assisi_. Tr. by R. - F. O'Connor. Lond., 1880. - - 4.--Cotton, A. L., _A Sketch of the Life of St. Francis of - Assisi_. Lond., 1885. - - 5.--Douglass, Cap., _Brother Francis, or Less than the Least_. - Lond., 1901. - - 6.--Faber, F. W., _The Life of St. Francis of Assisi_. 2 vols. - Lond., 1853-4. - - 7.--Lear, H. L. S., _Life of Francis of Assisi_. N. Y., 1888. - - 8.--Leon, Father, _Lives of the Saints and Blessed of the - Three Orders of St. Francis_. 5 vols. Taunton, 1885-8. - - 9.--_The Life of Saint Francis of Assisi; and a Sketch of the - Franciscan Order_, by a Religious of the Order. N. Y., - 1867. - - 10.--Little, W. J. K., _St. Francis of Assisi, his Times, Life - and Work_. Lond., 1897. - - 11.--Luther, M., _Preface to a Book of Selections from the - Legends of St. Francis_. Brighton, 1845. - - 12.--Le Monnier, Abbe Leon, _History of St. Francis of Assisi_. - Tr. by a Franciscan Tertiary. Lond., 1894. - - 13.--Muzzy, D. S., _The Spiritual Franciscans_. Wash., 1907. - - 14.--Oesterley, W. O. E., _St. Francis of Assisi_. Lond., 1901. - - 15.--Oliphant, Mrs. M. O., _Francis of Assisi_. Lond., 1870. - - 16.--Sabatier, P., _Life of St. Francis of Assisi_. Tr. by - Louise S. Houghton. N. Y., 1894. - - 17.--Westlake, N. H. J., _On the Authentic Portraiture of S. - Francis of Assisi_. Lond., 1897. - - 18.--Vernet, Abbe Felix, _The Inner Life of St. Francis of - Assisi_. Tr. by Father Stanislaus. Lond., 1900. - - III.--MISCELLANEOUS: - - 1.--Browne, E. G. K., _Monastic Legends_. Lond. - - 2.--Brown, J. B., _Stoics and Saints_. Glasg., 1893. - - 3.--Butler, _Lives of the Saints_. - - 4.--Day, S. P., _Monastic Institutions_. Lond., 1865. - - 5.--Fosbroke, T. D., _British Monachism_. - - 6.--Fox, S., _Monks and Monasticism_. Lond., 1848. - - 7.--Gasquet, F. A., _Notes on Mediaeval Monastic Libraries_. - Yevil, 1891. _Sketches of Mediaeval Monastic Life_. Yevil, - 1891. - - 8.--Griffin, _Grandmont; Stories of an Old Monastery_. N. Y., - 1895. - - 9.--Harnack, A., _Monasticism: Its Ideals and Its History_. - Lond., 1901. - - 10.--Hill, O. T., _English Monasticism_. Lond., 1867. - - 11.--Jameson, Mrs. A., _Legends of the Monastic Orders_. Lond., - 1880. - - 12.--Jessopp, A., _The Coming of the Friars_. N. Y., 1889. - - 13.--Lea, H. C., _History of the Inquisition_. 3 vols. _History - of Sacerdotal Celibacy_. Phil., 1884. 3d ed. 2 vols. N. - Y., 1907. - - 14.--Maclear, _History of Christian Missions in the Middle - Ages_. - - 15.--Montalembert, Count de, _Monks of the West_. 7 vols. - Lond., 1861-7. - - 16.--Wishart, A. D., _Short History of Monks and Monasticism_. - N. Y., 1900. - - IV.--GENERAL: - - Alzog, ii., 507-522. Adams, _Med. Civ._, 401. Cutts. Darras, - ii., 121 _ff._; iii., 337 _ff._ Doellinger, ch. 23-24. Fisher, - pd. 6, ch. 6. Fitzgerald, ii., 54-106. Foulkes, 398. Gieseler, - Sec. 67-72. Gilmartin, i., ch. 45; ii., ch. 9-10, 11-13, 14. - Hase, sec. 204-211. Hore, ch. 14. Hurst, i., 805 _ff._ - Jennings, ii., ch. 12-13. Kurtz, ii., 64-67. Milman, v., bk. - 9, ch. 9-10. Moeller, ii., 404 _ff._ Neander, pd. 5, sec. 2, - pt. 5, 268 _ff._ Robertson, bk. 5, ch. 7, 13. Tout, ch. 9, 18. - Workman, ch. 7-8. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[510:1] See Ch. XI. - -[510:2] See Ch. XVIII. - -[510:3] Migne, vol. 204, pp. 1005-1046. - -[511:1] Milman, _Lat. Christ._, bk. viii., ch. 4. - -[511:2] Mabillon, _Life and Letters_, 2 vols.; Ogg, Sec. 43, 44. - -[511:3] Storrs, _Bernard of Clairvaux_; Eales, _St. Bernard_; Eales, -_The Works of St. Bernard_, 4 vols. See Chap. XX. - -[512:1] _Dict. of Nat. Biog._ - -[513:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 266. Privileges granted by Anastasius -IV. in 1154. - -[513:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 265a. - -[515:1] Lea, _Hist. of Sacer. Celib._ - -[516:1] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 39, 53, 54. - -[516:2] _Ibid._, i., 70. - -[516:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 267. - -[516:4] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 35. - -[517:1] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 36, 37. - -[517:2] _Ibid._, i., 37, 38. - -[517:3] _Ibid._, i., 34. - -[517:4] _Ibid._, i., 268. - -[518:1] Sabatier, 28 _ff._ - -[518:2] _Mon. Ger._, xx., 537; Jaffe, i., 404; Hausrath, _Arnold of -Brescia_; Franke, _Arnold of Brescia_; Gregorovius, _Rome in M. A._ - -[519:1] Migne, 193, 194; _Mon. Ger._, iii., 131-525; Wattenbach, -_Geschichtsquellen_, ii., 308, 520. - -[519:2] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 244. - -[519:3] _Ibid._, i., 75. - -[519:4] See Chap. XVIII. - -[519:5] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 246. - -[520:1] Mosheim, _The Beghards and Beguins_. In 1311 Clement V. -suppressed both orders. - -[521:1] Milman, _Lat. Christ._, bk. ix., 250. See Drane, _Hist. of St. -Dominic_, Lond., 1891, who narrates all these legends as true. - -[521:2] Afterwards transferred to Salamanca. - -[521:3] It is related that at Toulouse, Dominic's host was an -Albigensian and that the young religious enthusiast spent the night in -converting him. - -[522:1] Milman, _Lat. Christ._, bk. ix., 242. - -[523:1] The Inquisition was not organised until 1215. See Drane, 109; -Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 300. - -[523:2] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 250. - -[524:1] In the dream the Pope saw the great Roman Church about to fall -had not Dominic upheld it. - -[524:2] Conway, _Frachet's Lives of the Brethren_. - -[525:1] The "Soldiers of Jesus Christ" later became the "Order of -Penance" and is now known as "The Third Order." There are many editions -in English of the _Tertiary Daily Manual_. - -[525:2] Moeller, ii., 412 _ff._ - -[526:1] Jameson, _Legends of Monastic Orders as Represented in the Fine -Arts_. - -[526:2] Sabatier, 8. - -[527:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 387. - -[528:1] Matt. x., 7-10. - -[528:2] Sabatier, 70. - -[528:3] See Ogg, Sec. 63. - -[529:1] Matthew of Paris, ed. by Watson, 340. - -[529:2] Henderson, _Hist. Docs._, 344; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 269. - -[530:1] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, vol. i., 264. See his curious prayer to -Christ. - -[530:2] Read the legend of St. Clara in Butler, _Lives of Saints_. - -[530:3] Milman, iv., 270. - -[530:4] Maclear, _Hist. of Christ. Missions in the M. A._, ch. 16. - -[531:1] Milman, iv., 267. - -[531:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 270; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 392; -Ogg, Sec. 64, gives the will of St. Francis. - -[531:3] See Sabatier, 443 _ff._, Hase, and other authorities. - -[531:4] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 260. See Jessopp, _The Coming of the -Friars_, 47 _ff._ - -[532:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 391. - -[532:2] Read his "Song of Creation" in Mrs. Oliphant's Biography. - -[532:3] Milman, iv., 268, 269. - -[533:1] Moeller, i., 405. - -[533:2] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 273. - -[534:1] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 266. - -[535:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 271, 272, 273. _Cf._ No. 268. - -[535:2] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 274. - -[535:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 271, 272, 273. - -[535:4] _Ibid._, 299. - -[537:1] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 266. - -[537:2] _Ibid._, i., 304. - -[537:3] _Ibid._, 295. - -[538:1] See letter of Innocent III., about monastic simony in 1211. -Thatcher and McNeal, No. 267. - -[538:2] Muzzy, _The Spiritual Franciscans_. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -INNOCENT III. AND THE CHURCH AT ITS HEIGHT - -OUTLINE - -I.--Antecedent preparation for this period. II.--Career of Innocent III. -up to 1198. III.--Innocent III.'s plans and ideals as Pope. -IV.--Condition of Europe at the close of the twelfth century. -V.--Innocent III. makes himself the political head of Europe. -VI.--Innocent III.'s efforts to root out heresy and reform the Church. -VII.--Innocent III.'s character and the general results of his -pontificate. VIII.--Sources. - - -Many antecedent forces prepared the way for the ascendency of the Church -under the greatest of all the Popes, Innocent III. The promulgation of -the Petrine theory and its development for many centuries afforded the -fundamental groundwork upon which the Church at its height was built. -The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals furnished the constitutional basis for -the work of this master Pope and their most complete realisation -culminated under his rule. The Hildebrandine reformation, inspired by -the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, was largely attained under Innocent III. -The reorganisation of the College of Cardinals tended to purify papal -elections. The administrative reforms of Hildebrand restored order in -the Church and subjected the councils and clergy to the Pope. The moral -reforms attempted sought: (1) to enforce clerical celibacy and, although -a failure immediately, ultimately were successful; (2) to abolish -simony--a task that was left for the great Innocent; (3) and to -annihilate lay investiture which was partly successful in the Concordat -of Worms formed in 1122. Gregory VII. had sought also, to subject the -state to the Church. Some of his successors, notably Urban II., Pascal -II., Calixtus II., and Alexander III.,[545:1] strove valiantly to -realize this same purpose. The complete realisation of all these hopes, -however, was left for Innocent III. - -Innocent III. was born in 1160 at Anagni and bore the name Lothario. He -was the fourth son of a rich noble Italian family named Conti.[545:2] -His father was Count Trasimundo of Segni and his mother belonged to the -noble Roman Scotti family which had given the Church nine Popes and -thirteen cardinals. It is not unreasonable to believe, therefore, that -the young Lothario inherited from his ancestors both a capacity and a -desire for an important position in the Church. His education was the -best obtainable at that day and was begun under the direction of two -cardinal uncles. He was sent to Rome to one of the schools attached to -all the churches and there received his elementary education and -likewise his preparation for the university. When properly qualified he -entered the University of Paris where he studied philosophy and theology -under the celebrated Peter of Corbeil. While there he probably visited -England in order to make a pilgrimage to the shrine of Thomas a Becket. -From Paris he was sent to Bologna University where he studied civil law -and especially canon law, then a very popular subject. He mastered the -whole system of decretal lore and made it his guide for the rest of his -life. In 1181 he returned to Rome, a university graduate, only -twenty-one years of age, yet celebrated for his theological and legal -erudition. - -Everything pointed him toward a career in the Church--his character, his -birth as the youngest son of a noble, his family connections with the -Church, his education, and his natural inclination. It is no surprise, -consequently, to learn that upon his return to the Eternal City he was -made a canon of St. Peter's (1181). Gregory VIII. (1187), promoted him -to the office of subdeacon and Clement III. (1190), his maternal uncle, -made him cardinal-deacon. He now became the chief papal adviser, was a -recognised leader in the College of Cardinals, though only twenty-nine -years of age, and was generally known as a second Hildebrand. Upon the -election of Pope Celestine III. (1191-1198), the leader of a rival -party, the young churchman deserted practical church work and church -politics to devote himself to study and literary work. He wrote several -books of importance which reveal his deep and extensive culture, his -ascetic spirit resembling that of Hildebrand and Luther, his lofty -ideals of the Papacy, and his mediaeval theology.[546:1] - -Celestine III. died January 8, 1198, urging the cardinals to elect his -nephew John, Cardinal of St. Paul's, as his successor. But the sacred -college at once unanimously elected Cardinal Lothario, the youngest of -their number, only thirty-seven, as Pope and saluted him as Innocent -III. His ability and life had marked him out for several years as the -next occupant of St. Peter's See. Being only in deacon's orders he was -first advanced to the priesthood (Feb. 21) then consecrated bishop and -crowned Pope with an elaborate ceremony of installation (Feb. -22).[547:1] - -Innocent III. came to the papal chair with a belief in man's utter -depravity and in the Pope's power to pardon all sin and to remit all -penances. After his election, but before coronation, he declared: - - As God . . . hath set in . . . the heavens two great lights, - the greater to rule the day, the lesser to rule the night, so - also hath He set up in His Church . . . two great powers: the - greater to rule the day, that is the souls; the lesser to rule - the night, that is the bodies of men. These powers are the - pontifical and royal: but the moon, as being the lesser body, - borroweth all her light from the sun both in the quantity and - quality of the light she sends forth, as also in her position - and functions in the heavens. . . . The royal power borrows - all its dignity and splendour from the pontifical.[547:2] - -Again - - the Lord hath fashioned His Church after the model of the - human body placing the Roman Church at the head, thereby - subjecting, in obedience to himself and her, all churches as - members of the one body . . . but the Church without the Pope - were a body without a head.[547:3] - -His whole policy was summed up in a remarkable consecration sermon from -Luke 12:42: - - Who is this steward? It is he to whom the Lord Omnipotent - said, Thou are Peter, etc. This foundation cannot be shaken - . . . for Christ himself is on board; . . . Christ is the rock - upon which the Holy See is founded; . . . this chair is not - established by man but by God alone. . . . Therefore I fear - not, for I am that steward whom the Lord hath placed over His - household to give them their meat in due season. . . . - Therefore my desire is to serve, not to rule. . . . As the - Lord's steward . . . I must be established in the faith. . . . - But faith without works is dead. My works, therefore, must be - wise as well as faithful. . . . The high-priest of the Old - Testament was the type and pattern of the Pope. . . . I am he - whom the Lord hath placed over His household; yet who am I - that I should sit on high above kings and above all princes? - For of me it is written in the prophets (Jer. 1:10): This - steward is the viceroy of God, the successor of Peter; he that - standeth in the midst between God and man. He is the judge of - all, but is judged by no one . . . Now His Household is the - whole church and this household is one . . . out of which, if - anyone remain, he and all his shall surely perish in the - flood. - -The germs of these ideas were found in the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. -They were formulated by Hildebrand and it now became the passionate -purpose of Innocent III. to realise them in their entirety. To that end -he adopted Hildebrand's reform program to abolish abuses and corruptions -of all sorts, to enforce celibacy, to subject the clergy to the head of -the Church, and to make the Church supreme above the state. - -The situation in Europe at the close of the twelfth century was such as -to aid Innocent in his great plans. The Crusades, now in progress for a -century, had aroused a terrific religious enthusiasm, enriched the -Church, increased the Pope's power, weakened rival secular authority, -and paved the way for the successful realisation of Hildebrand's ideals -by Innocent III. The Papacy was well established. Its dogmas were -expressed in canon law, its machinery was completed, and its right to -exist as a state resting upon a territorial basis was recognised. In the -Empire Henry VI. had died in 1197, Naples was ruled by a child, the -Guelphs and Ghibellines were at war in the Lombard cities and the whole -Empire was distracted and almost reduced to anarchy by the rival -claimants to the imperial throne. In France Philip Augustus, a -tyrannical ruler, ambitious to overthrow the English king, greedy to -swallow up the larger fiefs, was on the throne. He had divorced his -Danish wife and had remarried. At this time he was violently opposed by -both the nobles and the people. In Spain the lack of a strong central -power led to quarrelling among the rival kings and compelled the Pope to -interfere. In England the brutal, boisterous, immoral Richard I. died in -1199 and was succeeded by the tyrannical and feeble King John who was at -war with his own nobles. In the East the Slavic nations were ready to -accept Roman rule while the Eastern Empire was tottering and ready to -fall. In general parties in all countries were crying out to the Pope -for assistance. All Europe was ripe for just such a man as Innocent III. -with just such a policy. - -The first step in Innocent's plan was to make himself the political head -of Europe. In Italy he first made himself absolute sovereign of Rome by -removing all vestiges of imperial rule. The senators and the prefect, -who held their commissions from the Emperor, were required to take oaths -to him as their sovereign.[549:1] The imperial judges were also -replaced by his own appointees. By persuasion or tactful diplomacy he -gained a mastery over the warring Roman nobles. From Rome he gradually -extended his sway over the rest of Italy. He was made regent of -Frederick II., the youthful son of Henry VI.,[550:1] now King of Sicily. -He forced the Tuscan cities to recognise his suzerainty[550:2] instead -of that of the German Emperor, and subdued the March of Ancona and the -Duchy of Spoleto.[550:3] He posed as the champion of Italian -independence and liberty against foreign rule. His leadership was -generally recognised and he was called "The Father of His Country." -"Innocent III. was the first Pope who claimed and exercised the rights -of an Italian Prince."[550:4] When Emperor Otto IV. ceded all the lands -claimed by the Papacy under grants from former rulers, an indisputable -title to the papal states was established. - -In Germany, before the imperial throne was made vacant by the death of -Henry VI. (1197), the princes had been persuaded to choose his infant -son, Frederick, King of the Romans. But the election had been set aside, -and now the imperial crown was claimed by two rival claimants: Otto of -Brunswick and Philip of Hohenstaufen, a brother of Henry VI. The civil -war which ensued in Germany between these rival claimants gave Innocent -III. his opportunity. Both claimants appealed to the Pope, but Otto was -the more submissive. The Pope assumed the function of arbiter and issued -a famous bull favouring Otto.[550:5] Otto promised on oath protection -of the possessions and rights of the Roman Church, and obedience and -homage such as pious Emperors had formerly shown towards the Chair of -Peter (1201). Still victory did not come to Otto and the Pope, until -after ten years of civil strife followed by the assassination of Philip. -In 1208 Otto was coronated by Innocent in St. Peter's, Rome, but was -soon caught in deeds of treachery to the Pope and excommunicated and -deposed (1210), and died forgotten seven years later. - -Frederick of Sicily was anxious to become King of Germany and also -Emperor. The Hohenstaufen party in Germany invited him to visit them and -in this Frederick was encouraged by Innocent III. Frederick made some -important concessions to the Holy See[551:1] (1213), was victorious in -Germany, and was crowned Emperor at Aachen after the Lateran Council in -1215. After a most remarkable career he died, however, a rebel against -the Church (1250). When death smote down Innocent III., he had created -two Emperors, he was recognised as lord paramount over the Empire, and -he ruled personally over a larger domain in the Empire than any -preceding Pope. - -In France Philip Augustus had been excommunicated by Pope Celestine III. -(1196) for having divorced his wife, a Danish Princess in order to -marry, with the sanction of the French clergy, Mary, the daughter of the -Duke of Bohemia. Immediately after his election and before his -coronation, Innocent III. took up this case. He ordered Philip to put -away his concubine and to take back his lawful wife under the threat of -pronouncing his children bastards and of putting his land under an -interdict. Since the king turned a deaf ear to these demands, the Pope -excommunicated him, declared France under an interdict,[552:1] and -punished the French bishops. As a result Philip was compelled to submit, -and agreed to take back his wife and to restore confiscated Church -lands. This was a great and significant victory for the Pope. - -In Spain the King of Leon had married a cousin contrary to canon law. -The Pope immediately annulled the marriage. The king refused at first to -give up his wife, but was forced to submission by excommunication.[552:2] -The Kings of Navarre and Castile were compelled to make peace and to -unite against the Saracens. Portugal was declared a fief of the Holy See -and the king was commanded to hurry up the payment of tribute.[552:3] -The King of Aragon was crowned by the Pope at Rome as a feudal -vassal.[552:4] - -In England King John, who had succeeded Richard I. in 1199, had -embittered against him nobles, clergy, and common people by extortions -and tyrannical acts of all sorts. He aroused the wrath of Innocent III. -by making a treaty of peace with Philip Augustus of France, while -that ruler was still under the ban for repudiating his first wife -and marrying another. John had likewise boldly ousted the Bishop of -Limoges, confiscated his lands, and revived the Constitutions of -Clarendon.[552:5] Innocent III. immediately called John to account for -these misdemeanours[552:6] and forced the stubborn king to promise to -make a crusade to atone for his sins. The Pope demanded the immediate -reinstatement of the Bishop of Limoges in his office and lands.[553:1] -He treated the Constitutions of Clarendon as if they had been repealed -and waited for his opportunity to humble the haughty English ruler. - -In 1205 (July 13), Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury died. That same -night the monks of the Cathedral elected their sub-prior as archbishop -and hurried him off to Rome for papal confirmation. King John, backed by -the suffragan bishops of the diocese, appointed and invested the Bishop -of Norwich as archbishop and he also started for Rome to get the papal -sanction. Here was the opportunity for which Innocent III. was looking. -Both elections were declared void and the fifteen monks of Canterbury -were brought to Rome where they were forced to choose Cardinal Stephen -Langton as Archbishop of Canterbury.[553:2] The Pope consecrated Langton -to the new office and demanded King John's approval. John's rage was -unbounded. He impeached the monks for treason and expelled them from -England on pain of death. He confiscated the property of the see and the -chapter of Canterbury and told the Pope bluntly that he would never -permit the illegally elected stranger to set foot on English soil. The -Pope first threatened the king with an interdict, which merely produced -angry and obstinate counter threats from John, and then in 1208 actually -published the interdict.[553:3] The king retaliated by seizing Church -property, abusing the clergy, exiling the bishops, and confiscating the -estates of their relatives. - -Determined to humble the stubborn monarch, Innocent III. in 1210 -formally excommunicated John and deposed him from the kingship.[554:1] -The English crown was given to Philip II. of France who at once prepared -an army to invade England. At the same time John's followers deserted -him and in this desolation he was compelled to accept humiliating terms -of unconditional surrender.[554:2] He agreed to reinstate all prelates -to office and property; to pay a full indemnity to all laity and clergy, -eight thousand pounds being paid down as a guarantee; to make the Pope -arbiter about all sums of restitution; to give the Pope all right to -Church patronage in England; to reverse all outlawries; and to surrender -his crown and kingdoms of England and Ireland to the Pope and then to -receive them back as the sworn vassal of Rome, paying therefore the -annual sum of one thousand marks of silver.[554:3] - -When the English barons wrested from the stubborn king the great Magna -Charta in 1215,[554:4] Pope Innocent III. championed the cause of the -king, his vassal, against the barons. He called a council, annulled the -Magna Charta, issued a manifesto against the barons, and ordered the -bishops to excommunicate them.[554:5] He suspended Archbishop Langton -from office for siding with the barons against the king and directly -appointed the Archbishop of York. At the same time Prince Louis -of France, who had invaded England with an army, was summarily -excommunicated for having entered a domain of the Holy See. As a result -of the Pope's policy King John of England became a suppliant vassal of -Rome, the English clergy were subjected to the Pope, the resources of -England were put at the Pope's command, the nobles and the people were -thwarted in their efforts to check John in his tyranny, and Magna Charta -was declared illegal though not invalidated. - -In the East the Latin rulers in Palestine and at Constantinople were -papal vassals. The Pope asserted his supremacy over the Eastern Empire -in refusing to restore the Isle of Cyprus and in demanding a council to -heal the schism.[555:1] Leo, King of Armenia, threw both his church and -his kingdom into the Pope's arms for protection.[555:2] Bulgaria was won -away from the Greek Church and her king was given a crown independent of -the Eastern Empire.[555:3] Hungary was treated as a vassal kingdom and -papal protection was extended to her king. - -In the North the King of Norway had been slain by a priest who then -compelled the bishops in 1184 to crown him king. Innocent III. took up -the case and appointed the King of Denmark and the Archbishop of Norway -a court to try the murderer on the charge of having forged papal bulls -to favour his coronation. His supporters were excommunicated, he himself -was put under the ban, and all places giving him shelter were -interdicted. Even the Bishop of Ireland was rebuked for having -permitted his clergy to communicate with the "accursed apostate." The -Pope reorganised the northern churches and tied the clergy to St. -Peter's Chair. In Poland the archbishop was censured for neglecting to -draw the spiritual sword in favour of Duke Bolesas who had been ill -treated by his subjects. The Duke of Holland, a faithful vassal, was in -turn assisted against his rebellious subjects. - -No occupant of St. Peter's Chair was more sincerely impressed with the -beauty and necessity of rescuing the Holy Land from the infidels than -Innocent III. He sent preachers all over Europe to stir up a holy war. -He laboured incessantly to pacify and unite all rulers under his -guidance in this great enterprise. He attempted to eliminate the -mercenary character of the crusade by forbidding the Venetians to -traffic with the Mohammedans.[556:1] But he strove in vain to prevent -the secular diversions and consequent failure of the Fourth Crusade. -When the crusaders in fulfilment of their bargain with the -Venetians,[556:2] left Venice to attack Zara, a Christian city, he -threatened them with excommunication. After the deed was done, however, -he granted conditional pardon.[556:3] The capture of Constantinople was -likewise censured but in the end lauded,[556:4] although he strongly -urged the crusaders to fulfil their original vow.[556:5] So skillfully -did he manipulate affairs that both Greek and Latin Emperors recognised -his overlordship, the Greek Church was subjected to Rome, and the -appointment of the Patriarch of Constantinople was in his hands. - -Since this phase of the fourth crusade fell so far short of its original -aim, Innocent summoned the Lateran Council in 1215 to proclaim an ideal -crusade for June 1, 1216.[557:1] The Pope intended to direct the -movement in person or by legates. The usual privileges were granted to -crusaders and a variety of financial regulations were published -authorising the clergy to sell or mortgage Church lands for three years -in order to raise necessary funds; urging kings, nobles, cities, and -rural districts to contribute money and men, and levying a tax on the -cardinals and the head of the Church. In addition the Pope contributed -out of his private possessions thirty-three thousand pounds of silver -and a large ship. A truce for four years was enjoined on all Christian -princes on pain of excommunication and interdict. Through the untimely -death of the Pope, however, while he was going to persuade Pisa to join -in the crusade, the crusade did not mature, but later the Popes were not -slow in claiming the leadership granted in this instance by the council -to Innocent III. - -In no direction did Innocent III. accomplish more than in his -uncompromising attack on heresy. It must never be forgotten that heresy -was the greatest crime of the Middle Ages. God had planted His Church on -earth, appointed the Pope as vice-gerent, and prescribed laws and dogmas -in the Bible and the canons to govern the Church. Any violation of these -laws, or disbelief in the dogmas, was heresy. Consequently, heresy was -treason against both the Church and God. A heretic was like a man with -a dangerous, infectious disease. Not only was he himself in mortal -danger, but he might inoculate the whole community and carry it too, -down to perdition. It was the duty of the Church, therefore, to get rid -of that diseased person either by curing him through recantation, or -ending his power for evil by death. - -The existence of heresy parallels the whole history of the Church and -suggests a universal mental attribute. The causes for the remarkable -growth of heresy are to be found in the departure of the Church from its -earlier teachings and practices, in the failure of the Church to make -its theory and practice harmonise,[558:1] in the remnants of earlier -doctrines and heresies, and in the mental awakening of the twelfth and -thirteenth centuries[558:2] due to the crusades and other -influences.[558:3] Among the leading heretics of this period were: - -1. Tanchelm, who carried on a heretical movement in Flanders -(1108-1126), teaching the historical origin of the hierarchy, the -pollution of the Eucharist in the hands of a bad priest, the illegality -of tithes and the congregational view of church government.[558:4] - -2. Eon de l'Etoile in Brittany who declared that he was the son of God -sent to reform the Church (1145-1148).[558:5] - -3. Pierre de Bruys who preached in Vallonise until he was burned -(1106-1126), declaring infant baptism useless, offerings, prayers, and -masses for the dead of no avail since each one would be judged by his -own merits, churches unnecessary, the use of the cross idolatry, the -Eucharist a mere historical incident and the Papacy with its hierarchy -of officials a blatant fraud.[559:1] - -4. Henry of Lausanne who deserted his monastery and became a reformer in -various districts in France (1116-1147). He rejected the invocation of -saints, taught asceticism, denounced the vice of the clergy, discarded -the Eucharist, denied the sanctity of the priesthood, declared tithes to -be illegal, opposed attendance at Church, and aroused an intense zeal -for purity and piety. Whole congregations left their churches and joined -him. At last the Church secured his arrest and condemnation to -imprisonment for life, but he appears to have died shortly after.[559:2] - -5. Arnold of Brescia, a pupil of Abelard, who travelled in various parts -of Italy, France, and Germany, denouncing infant baptism, rejecting the -Eucharist, assailing the wealth of the Church, lashing the vices of the -clergy, and organising associations of "Poor Men" until he was finally -hanged, then burnt, and his ashes thrown into the Tiber.[559:3] - -6. Peter Waldo of Lyons, a rich but ignorant merchant, who from a study -of the New Testament was led, after providing for his family, to give -all his possessions to the poor.[559:4] He became an ardent preacher, -won converts, and sent them out as proselyting missionaries. He and his -followers refused obedience to Pope and prelates saying all good men -were priests, permitted women to preach, declared God and not man should -be obeyed, rejected masses and prayers for the dead as useless, denied -purgatory, assailed indulgences, advocated non-resistance, denounced war -and homicide, attacked all the vices of the day, and organised "The Poor -Men of Lyons" which order soon spread under the name Waldenses all over -Europe.[560:1] - -7. The Catharists who appeared during the Middle Ages in Lombardy in the -eleventh century and soon spread over western Europe and became very -powerful. They were dualists believing in God and Satan, the spiritual -and the physical, the good and the bad. They held that Christ came to -overthrow Satan and that the Roman Church was the latter's seat. They -rejected the authority and doctrines of the Church and had a distinct -ritual of their own. Soon they broke up into different sects with -different names and were known in southern France as Albigenses.[560:2] - -Innocent III.'s theory of the Papacy clearly indicated his duty about -heresy and the co-operation which he might demand of the secular -powers.[560:3] In the first year of his pontificate (1198) heretics were -offered the choice of recantation or death.[560:4] The clergy were -likewise ordered to mend their ways in order to remove the cause of -heresy.[560:5] Two Inquisitors-General were sent to Spain and France -where the clergy were directed to give them information about heresy, -and the rulers and laity were asked to help the "Persecution."[560:6] As -a result a number of heretics were put to death in Spain, southern -France, and Italy. The following year (1199) the Pope appointed an -additional Inquisitor-General for Italy and added a third for France -and Spain. They were all kept very busy. - -In 1207 Innocent in person led a force against the heretics at Viterbo -in Italy. The heretics fled but their houses were torn down, their -property confiscated, and a search made for suspects. An edict was also -passed decreeing that heretics should be treated as outcasts, that they -should be seized and given up to secular rulers, that their property -should be confiscated, that their hiding places should be razed to the -ground, that their protectors or sympathisers should forfeit one fourth -of their property and be outlawed, and that rulers refusing to execute -the decree should be excommunicated.[561:1] The same year a similar -edict was issued against the heretics in southern France. To all who -executed the decree were offered indulgences like those given devout -visitors to the shrines of the Apostles Peter and James. On the other -hand those who aided heretics were to suffer the same punishment.[561:2] - -Innocent appointed a fourth Inquisitor-General and sent him to the -French King to urge him to help exterminate the heretics. The powers of -the Inquisitors at the same time were enlarged. The Pope now decreed a -general war against "the enemies of God and man." The King of France was -called upon to draw the sword, while the nobles and people were summoned -to the new crusade with promises of the same indulgences as given to -those who went as soldiers to Palestine.[561:3] Count Raymond of -Toulouse was harshly excommunicated and deposed. This new holy war with -Simon de Montfort as leader, was preached amidst much enthusiasm. A -bloody war of extermination was carried on for some years in southern -France until the Albigenses were all but extinct. As a result, the -Pope's authority was greatly increased, Simon de Montfort was made Count -of Toulouse, while Raymond was exiled to England, the precedent for -using the crusading machinery against heretical regions was established, -and the Inquisition was founded. The Lateran Council in 1215 defined -heresy and formulated complete regulations for its suppression.[562:1] - -Not only was Innocent III. a great defender of Church dogmas, a -master-organiser of the hierarchy, and an administrator without a peer -in Church history, but he was also a far-reaching and sincerely -intelligent reformer. The judicial reforms were necessary to round out -Innocent's theory of Church government. He claimed immediate, personal -jurisdiction over all "_causae majores_," such as disputes of the clergy, -and all questions involving the interests of the Church or of churchmen. -Consequently, the power of secular rulers over the clergy was curtailed. -An appalling number of cases was sent for settlement to the curia at -Rome and cases there were decided with a speed and punctuality hitherto -unknown. Innocent III. personally "held court" three days each week, -heard all important cases and rendered the decisions.[562:2] On the -other hand unimportant cases were turned over to committees under his -eye. He insisted upon having honest judges all over Christendom for -minor cases and enforced his will by making an appeal to Rome simple, -easy, and inexpensive.[562:3] All bribes and gifts to judges were -strictly prohibited. The Lateran Council of 1215 modified the trial of -clerical offenders by insisting upon trial in the presence of the -accused, a clear statement of the charges, a list of witnesses for the -accused, and no appeal before the rendering of a decision in an inferior -court.[563:1] Innocent III. also took all treaties between nations under -the protection of the Church,[563:2] and insisted on acting as supreme -arbiter in all wars and civil feuds.[563:3] - -The necessity of moral reformation was recognised by Innocent III. from -the beginning of his pontificate. From the year of his election he -endeavoured to abolish all those debilitating corruptions which -prevented the realisation of his ideal priesthood; namely, pluralism, -luxury, rapacity, pride, arrogance, and other evils. The clergy were -emphatically commanded to free themselves of these abuses and severe -orders were given to his legates to root out these evils.[563:4] In 1215 -the Lateran Council was called for the "extirpation of vices, the -planting of virtues, the correction of abuses, and the reformation of -morals." All the clergy were urged to note the evils needing amendment -and to correct the same.[563:5] In a sermon opening this remarkably -representative council the Pope urged the clergy to reform themselves so -that they could the better lead their flocks aright.[563:6] Many -reformatory measures were enacted by this Council. Nepotism was -prohibited, monastic abuses were corrected; pluralities were forbidden; -the extravagant use of relics was curtailed; the extortions and simony -of the clergy were abolished and renewed stress was laid on the canons -of celibacy.[564:1] - -The doctrinal changes instituted by Innocent III. were likewise -important. The dogma of transubstantiation was canonised by the Lateran -Council in 1215. Before that time there had been many and divergent -views concerning this important subject. The leading motive which -actuated Innocent in having this doctrine carefully defined was to -destroy heresy. In consequence of the new dogma the sacerdotal body was -elevated by being given a holier character while each individual priest -employed this new power as a badge of divine dignity. All discussion -about transubstantiation now ceased. Heresy was more clearly defined -than ever and the Inquisition was canonised. At the same time the unity -of the Church on its doctrinal side was given greater emphasis. The -canonical restrictions on marriage were relaxed. The earlier rigid law -had led to grave abuses, since the clergy annulled marriages and -bastardised the offspring while the laity made it an excuse for divorce -and licentious passion. The prohibition of marriage between the relative -of a second wife and a first was removed. The degree of consanguinity -and affinity was reduced from the seventh to the fourth canonical -degree. Secret marriages were prohibited. The publication of the bans -was made necessary. Confession and penitential satisfaction were -prescribed as obligatory at least once a year under the penalty of -excommunication. Physicians were likewise required to send all the sick -to the priest first to have their souls cured before any effort was -made to heal the body. The penalty for disobedience was exclusion from -the communion. - -The administrative reforms of Innocent III. embraced a wide range of -measures. Honorary precedence was granted to the Patriarch of -Constantinople. Elections to vacancies in the Church were reduced to -three forms: (1) A committee of three of the electors was to take the -votes and to declare who had received "the greater and sounder" number; -(2) a committee was to be empowered to appoint for the whole body of -electors; (3) a choice was to be made by acclamation. All lay -interference was excluded, otherwise the election would be _ipso facto_ -illegal. Papal confirmation and the right of revision were carefully -guarded. Pluralities were strictly prohibited. Tithes were given -precedence over all other taxes and dues, and the clergy were urged to -guard the property and to collect all monies of the Church.[565:1] The -right to transfer ecclesiastics was reserved to the Pope alone.[565:2] -Finally the Inquisition was instituted for the purpose of suppressing -heresy, of enforcing doctrines and ordinances, and of reforming the -Church. - -Innocent III. as head of the great Church easily outranked every ruler -of his day and stands high among the greatest leaders of the Middle Ages -and of all ages. A contemporary describes him as "A man of wonderful -fortitude and wisdom--one who had no equal in his own day; whereby he -had been able to do acts of miraculous power and greatness." If -Hildebrand was the Julius, Innocent was the Augustus of the Papal -Empire. He seldom miscalculated--his clear intellect never missed an -opportunity--his calculating spirit rarely erred--and he combined -forbearance with vigour. "Order, method, unswerving resolution, -inexorable determination, undaunted self-assertion, patience, vigilance, -and cunning, all co-operating to the accomplishment of a single -well-defined object--and that object the unlimited extension of the -political power of the Pontiff of Rome--had achieved a signal triumph -over the irregular, the selfish, and the impulsive political opposition -of the secular powers."[566:1] - -The moral character of his reign was variously viewed by contemporaries. -The English clergy generally disliked him and a writer of the day -asserted that his death, July 26, 1216, caused more joy than sorrow. St. -Luitgarde, the prioress of a Cistercian Convent in Brabant, said that in -a vision she had seen him in purgatory enveloped in flames for his -sins.[566:2] The crimes of ambition, cruelty, deceit and treachery were -charged against him as a shrewd political intriguer. The practical -charity and genuine humility of an earlier day--when he washed and -kissed the feet of twelve poor men taken from the street every -Saturday[566:3]--seemed to disappear in the multiplied duties of a world -ruler. His piety, honesty of purpose, and sincere conviction of his -great mission cannot be questioned. Yet for some reason the Church, for -which he did so much, has never seen fit to canonise this great Pope. - -No other wearer of the papal tiara has left behind him so many results -pregnant with good and ill for the future of the Church. Under him the -Papacy reached the culmination of its secular power and prerogatives. -The principles of sacerdotal government were fully and intelligently -elaborated. The code of ecclesiastical law was completed and enforced. -All the Christian princes of Europe were brought to recognise the -overlordship of the successor of St. Peter. All the clergy obeyed his -will as the one supreme law. Heresy was washed out in blood. The -Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and the dreams of Hildebrand had been -realised. Yet in this very greatness, wealth, and strength, were the -germs of weakness and disease which were eventually to overthrow the -great structure reared by Innocent III. and his predecessors. - - -SOURCES. - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--Colby, C. W., _Selections from the Sources of English - History_. Lond. and N. Y., 1899. - - 2.--Gee, H., and Hardy, W. J., _Documents Illustrative of - English Church History_. Lond., 1896. - - 3.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the - Middle Ages_. N. Y., 1892. - - 4.--Innocent III., _The Mirror of Man's Lyfe_. Lond., 1576. - _The Droome of Doomsday._ Tr. by G. Gascoigne. Lond., - 1576. _Bull of March 3, 1216._ Tr. by W. Beaumont. Lond., - 1886. - - 5.--Lee, G. C., _Leading Documents of English History_. Lond., - 1900. - - 6.--Ogg, F. A., _A Source-Book of Mediaeval History_. N. Y., - 1908. - - 7.--Robinson, J. H., _Readings in European History_, i., 338. - - 8.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source-Book for Mediaeval History_, - 496, 497, 535, 537. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Bower, A., _History of the Popes_, vi., 183 _ff._ - - 2.--Greenwood, T., _Cathedra Petri_, v., 321-668. - - 3.--Gurney, J. H., _Four Ecclesiastical Biographies_. Lond., - 1864. - - Note:--There is no good biography of Innocent III. in English. - Langen, Hurter, Delitzsch have excellent works in German, - and Jorry and Luchaire in French. - - II.--GENERAL: - - Adams, 354, 269, 393, 414. Allen, ii., 73, 80, 82, 90, 99, - 178. Alzog, ii., 411-421. Bryce, ch. 13. Butler, ch. 81, 82. - Coxe, lect. 7, sec. 6. Creighton, i., 21. Crooks, ch. 34. - Darras, iii., 311 _ff._ Doellinger, iv., ch. 3, sec. 3. - Emerton, ch. 10. Fisher, pd. 6, ch. 3. Foulkes, 369, 398. - Gibbon, vi., 36. Gieseler, ii., Sec. 54. Gilmartin, ii., ch. 5-6. - Gregorovius, bk. ix., ch. 1-3. Guizot, _Hist. of Fr._, ch. 18. - Hallam, iii., ch. 6. Hardwick, ch. 10, sec. 1. Hare, ch. 13. - Hase, sec. 192. Ingham, ch. 1. Jennings, i., ch. 13. Kurtz, - sec. 96-109. Milman, bk. 9, ch. 1-10. Milner, iii., cent. 12, - ch. 6. Moeller, ii., 275. Mosheim, cent. 11, pt. 2, ch. 2. - Neander, iv., 173. Platina, ii., 68-73. Reichel, 242 _ff._ - Robertson, bk. 6, ch. 1. Robinson, ch. 14. Tout, ch. 14. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[545:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 105; Henderson, 420. - -[545:2] Barry, _The Papal Monarchy_, 287, calls him "a Roman with -Northern blood in his veins." - -[546:1] He wrote: _De contemptu mundi, sivi de miseria humanae -conditionis_ (Migne, vol. 217. Part tr. in Greenwood, v., 349); -_Mysteriorum Evangelicae Legis et Sacramenti Eucharistiae_; _De -Quadrioartita Specia Nuptiorum_ (lost). - -[547:1] Hurter, vol. i., 89-90; Greenwood, vol. v., 371. - -[547:2] _Gesta Inn. III._, sec. ii., p. 3, 4. - -[547:3] _Ep. Inn. III._, lib. i., ep. 117, 335. - -[549:1] _Gesta_, sec. 8; Ep. i., 23, 577; Hurter, i., 125; Thatcher and -McNeal, No. 123. - -[550:1] Greenwood, v., 376; Ep., i., 410. A papal bull declaring Sicily -a papal fief was accepted without opposition. - -[550:2] _Gesta_, sec. ii. - -[550:3] _Ibid._, sec. 9, 10. - -[550:4] Creighton, i., p. 21. - -[550:5] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 130. - -[551:1] _Mon. Ger._, ii., 224; Greenwood, v., 510; Thatcher and McNeal, -No. 135, 136. - -[552:1] Ogg, Sec. 66. - -[552:2] _Gesta_, sec. 58. - -[552:3] Ep. i., 99, 249, 446. - -[552:4] Greenwood, v., 456; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 118. - -[552:5] Henderson, 11. - -[552:6] Lee, _Source-Book of Eng. Hist._, sec. 66. - -[553:1] Ep. v., 66. - -[553:2] See Roger of Wendover's _Chronicle_, for facts about life of -Langton, and Hook, _Lives of Archbishops of Cant._, ii., 657. - -[553:3] _Cf._ Roger of Wendover, _Chronicle_, tr. by Giles. Lee -_Source-Book_, sec. 67; Colby, No. 29. - -[554:1] Lee, _Source-Book_, sec. 68, 69. - -[554:2] _Ibid._, sec. 71. - -[554:3] Greenwood, v., 587; Ep., xvi., 77; Lee, _Source Book_, sec. 72, -73, 74. Gee and Hardy, No. xxv. - -[554:4] Roger of Wendover, _Chronicle_, tr. by Giles, ii., 304. Lee, -_Source-Books_. - -[554:5] Rymer, i., 135; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 129. - -[555:1] _Gesta_, par. 60, 61; _Ep._, i., 353, 354. - -[555:2] _Ibid._, 109, 110. - -[555:3] _Ibid._, 68, 70. - -[556:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 286. - -[556:2] _Transl. and Reprints_, iii., No. 1, p. 2-8. - -[556:3] _Gesta_, sec. 83, 85, 87. - -[556:4] _Ibid._, sec. 89; _Ep._, vii., 164; _Transl. and Reprints_, -iii., No. 1, p. 20. - -[556:5] _Gesta_, sec. 93. - -[557:1] _Gesta_, sec. 98; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 288; Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 338. - -[558:1] _Ep._, i., 494. - -[558:2] See Munro, "The Ren. of the Twelfth Cent.," in _An. Rep. of Am. -Hist. Assoc._, 1906, i., 45. - -[558:3] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., ch. 2. - -[558:4] _Ibid._, i., 64. - -[558:5] _Ibid._, 66. - -[559:1] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, vol. i., 68. - -[559:2] _Ibid._, 69. - -[559:3] _Ibid._, 72. - -[559:4] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 380. - -[560:1] Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 76. - -[560:2] _Ibid._, 89; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 381. - -[560:3] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 385. - -[560:4] _Ep._, i., 94. - -[560:5] _Ibid._, 79, 80. - -[560:6] _Ibid._, 94. - -[561:1] _Ep._, vol. ii., 335. - -[561:2] _Ibid._, i., 94. - -[561:3] _Ibid._, x., 149. - -[562:1] Greenwood, v., 641, 644. Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 314, 320. - -[562:2] _Gesta_, sec. 41, 42. - -[562:3] _Ep._, i., 335, 349, 399. - -[563:1] Greenwood, v., 651. - -[563:2] _Ep._, i., 130. - -[563:3] _Gesta_, sec. 133. - -[563:4] _Ep._, i., 79, 80. - -[563:5] _Ibid._, xvi., 30-34. Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, i., 41, 46. - -[563:6] Matt. Paris, an. 1215; Murat, vii., 893; Raynaldus, an. 1215. - -[564:1] Lea, _Hist. of Sac. Celib._ By the thirteenth century celibacy -was generally recognised as a canon all over the Latin Church, but -secret alliances continued as an unmitigated evil. - -[565:1] _Ep._, i., 205, 217, 250, 292, 294, 388, 416, etc. - -[565:2] _Gesta_, sec. 34-45. - -[566:1] Greenwood, v., 666. - -[566:2] Raynaldus, an. 1216, sec. 11; Fleury, _H. E._, xvi., 426. - -[566:3] _Gesta_, sec. 134. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH AT ITS HEIGHT - - OUTLINE: I.--Characteristics of the thirteenth century. - II.--Territorial extent and wealth of the Church. - III.--Organisation of the papal hierarchy completed. IV.--The - legal system of the Church. V.--The official language and - ritual of the Church. VI.--The sacramental system. VII.--The - employment of art. VIII.--The Church moulded the civilisation - of Europe. IX.--Sources. - - -The thirteenth century was an age "of lofty aspirations unfulfilled, -of brilliant dreams unsubstantial as visions, of hopes ever looking -to fruition and ever disappointed. The human intellect awakened, -but as yet the human conscience slumbered, save in a few rare souls -who mostly paid in disgrace or death the penalty of their precocious -sensitiveness."[569:1] The thirteenth century left as a legacy to the -fourteenth century vast activity in intellectual progress, but a -spiritual desert. Society was harder, coarser, and more worldly than -ever. - -Everywhere in western Europe the Church seemed to have attained the -extreme limits of its claims. The papal theory was triumphant. Temporal -rulers were everywhere subservient to the ecclesiastics. Locally the -clergy ruled the masses in morals and religion; they controlled -education and intelligence; and they practically settled all social and -industrial questions. At the same time the spirit of asceticism was -never more pronounced than in the early Cistercians, Carthusians, -Dominicans, Franciscans, and other orders. Mysticism stood like a -stone wall to stem the tide of worldliness, of wickedness, and of -disbelief.[570:1] When St. Bernard preached to the students at Paris on -the vanity of study and induced twenty of them to follow him into -the cloister at Clairvaux he was attempting a very significant -social revolution which culminated in St. Dominic and St. Francis. -Nevertheless, in the very face of the ascendancy of the Roman hierarchy -and notwithstanding the spiritual revival within the Church, there -appeared a vast amount of heresy, of irreverence, and of independence. -The spirit of individuality was abroad. Men became less obedient to -authority and began to doubt the truth of what was taught them. This -wide-spread distrust led to a shifting from one authority to another, -rather than an entire rejection of all authority.[570:2] - -The wealth and power of the clergy and nobility had decreased; the -burghers had advanced to a position of influence and self-consciousness. -Guilds, the awakened spirit of nationality, and self-governing communes -were democratic factors to be taken into account. The rise of the lower -classes, and the consequent decline of the upper classes, show that a -new era is dawning over Europe. The bourgeois literature reveals a -mocking contempt for nobles and bishops alike. There was a great deal of -flippant wit which spared no topic and no individual. "God and the -devil, Aristotle and the Pope, canon and feudal law, Cistercians and -priests were held up to ridicule."[571:1] The subjects of popular songs -are no longer exclusively the virtues of asceticism and humility, -obedience to God and the feudal lord; but love of woman and the carnal -joys of life have become popular themes. Villains achieve paradise by -trickery. Men continually outwit Satan. A famous jongleur even shakes -dice with St. Peter, and beats him at the game. Verily a new chapter was -opening in the history of Europe. - -Severe criticism of the iniquity and depravity of the clergy, their -greed for wealth and position, and particularly their contempt for their -sacred obligations, came from several sources. - -(1) The best men in the Church, among whom are Popes, bishops, abbots, -priests, and monks. Their letters and sermons reveal flagrant abuses and -an earnest cry for reform. - -(2) The acts of Church councils and synods show the general recognition -among the clergy of the presence of grave irregularities and evils, and -also a consciousness of their destructive tendencies. - -(3) The general impression of selfishness and wickedness, which the -Church officials made, soon was reflected in the satirical poems of the -popular troubadours and by the sprightly versifiers of the -courts.[571:2] - -(4) The laity of course were not slow to understand conditions and -became scathing critics. These lay censors in many instances went far -beyond the clerical reformers. While the better clergy urged the -elimination of current abuses not one of them dreamed of denying the -fundamental doctrines of the Church or the efficacy of its ceremonies. -On the contrary, the lay leaders became very extreme. They declared that -the Church was the creation and home of the devil; that no one ought to -believe any longer that salvation came only through sacerdotal -ministrations; that all theatrical ceremonies were of no avail; that the -masses, relics, holy water, and indulgences were mere priestly tricks -for money-making purposes and not certain means of gaining paradise. -These extreme opponents of the Church soon gained followers all over -Christendom, from all social classes and on account of a great many -reasons. - -From the standpoint of ecclesiastical law, however, these drastic -critics who questioned the teachings of the Church, and proposed to -repudiate it, were guilty of the grave crime of heresy. The attempt to -crush the wide-spread heresies of the thirteenth century forms an awful -chapter in the history of the mediaeval Church. The rise of the -Albigenses, the Waldenses, and other heretical sects forced the Church -to take drastic measures against these dangerous foes. Before the close -of the twelfth century secular rulers were induced to take measures -against heresy. In England Henry II. in 1166 ordered that no one should -harbour heretics, and that any house in which they were received should -be burned. In Spain the King of Aragon in 1194 decreed that any one who -should listen to the Waldensians, or even give them food, should have -his property confiscated and suffer death. These measures began a series -of merciless decrees which even the most enlightened rulers of the -thirteenth century passed against heretics and their abettors.[573:1] - -The Church was not slow to utilise this power. A determination to -extirpate these dangerous heretics with the sword produced the crusade -against the Albigensians. The Inquisition was also organised to ferret -out secret heretics and to bring them before inquisitorial tribunals for -punishment. The unfairness of the trials and the heartless treatment of -suspects have rendered the name of the Inquisition infamous.[573:2] - -From an early day the Church exercised a censorship over all -books.[573:3] The first specific instance was that of a synod of bishops -in Asia Minor about 150 A.D. which prohibited the _Acta pauli_. After -that the condemnation of books was not at all uncommon.[573:4] The first -papal Index was issued in 494 by Pope Gelasius I., who made a definite -catalogue of works prohibited. Councils condemned books as heretical, -while Popes prohibited their use, destroyed them, and punished those who -violated the law. This policy was continued throughout the Middle Ages. -Naturally the Church was just as desirous of getting rid of heretical -books as of suppressing the obnoxious authors.[573:5] - -In territorial extent the Roman Church of the thirteenth century -included Italy and Sicily, Spain except the southern part, France, -Germany, Hungary, Poland, England, Ireland, and Scotland, Scandinavia -and Iceland, the Eastern Empire, though but temporarily, and Palestine -for a short period. In size, therefore, it surpassed the old Roman -Empire at its greatest height. The boundary lines of this great papal -Empire were widened still further by the zealous missionary work -encouraged by the Supreme Pontiff in Europe among the Slavs, Prussians, -Finns, and Mohammedans in Sicily and Spain; in Asia among the Tartars, -Mongols, and Moslems; in Africa among the Mohammedans[574:1]; in America -among the inhabitants of Iceland, Greenland, and "Vineland"--possibly -even on the New England coast. These fruitful labours were conducted -chiefly by the Franciscans and the Dominicans. - -The wealth of the Church at this time consisted of lands and buildings; -Church furniture, utensils, and ornaments; and money derived from Church -lands, the sale of privileges, the gifts of the pious, tithes, and the -fees for various kinds of religious service. In the United States -churches must rely wholly upon voluntary support. It was not so with the -mediaeval Church. The tithes were regular taxes and those persons upon -whom they were levied had to pay them just as taxes imposed by -governments must be paid to-day. Wide-spread complaint came from both -clergy and laity that these taxes were unjust. The Church actually owned -about one third of Germany, nearly one fifth of France, the greater part -of Italy, a large section of Christian Spain, a big portion of England, -perhaps one third, and important regions in Scandinavia, Poland, and -Hungary. The papal states in Italy, running diagonally across the -peninsula, were ruled by the Pope as a temporal prince. These extensive -territorial possessions together with the great wealth made the Church -the mightiest secular power in the world and put into the hands of the -Church thousands of lucrative sinecures, coveted and too often secured -by persons wholly unfitted for the spiritual functions of the office. -Through these extensive possessions the Church was beyond all question -the greatest economic and industrial power in Europe. The Church was led -to adopt feudalism and thus the Pope became the most powerful feudal -overlord in Europe. Furthermore, the Church, because of its vast domains -and enormous income, was enabled to support itself by its own perpetual -wealth. In consequence many evils and abuses sprang up,[575:1] or were -introduced, which led to the decline of the Church and the numerous -demands for reformation. It must be said, however, to the credit of the -Church that these resources were used to excellent advantage in -furthering charity of all sorts and in caring for the poor and -unfortunate. - -During this period the organisation of the papal hierarchy was -perfected. At the head stood the all-powerful and absolute Pope as God's -agent on earth; hence, at least in theory and claim, he was the ruler of -the whole world in temporal and spiritual affairs. He was the defender -of Christianity, the Church, and the clergy in all respects. He was the -supreme censor of morals in Christendom and the head of a great -spiritual despotism. He was the source of all earthly justice and the -final court of appeal in all cases. Any person, whether priest or -layman, could appeal to him at any stage in the trial of a great many -important cases. He was the supreme lawgiver on earth, hence he called -all councils and confirmed or rejected their decrees. He might, if he -so wished, set aside any law of the Church, no matter how ancient, so -long as it was not directly ordained by the Bible or by nature. He could -also make exceptions to purely human laws and these exceptions were -known as dispensations.[576:1] He had the sole authority to transfer -or depose bishops and other Church officers. He was the creator of -cardinals and ecclesiastical honours of all kinds. He was the exclusive -possessor of the universal right of absolution, dispensation, and -canonisation. He was the grantor of all Church benefices. He was the -superintendent of the whole financial system of the Church and of all -taxes. He had control over the whole force of the clergy in Christendom, -because he conferred the _pallium_,[576:2] the archbishop's badge of -office. In his hands were kept the terrible thunders of the Church to -enforce obedience to papal law, namely, excommunication and the -interdict. - -Excommunication meant for a private person that he was a social outcast, -excluded from all legal protection and deprived of the sacraments which -were "the life blood of the man of the Middle Ages." His property might -be confiscated without the possibility of recovery. Death and hell were -sure to be his doom if repentance and absolution did not occur. And -these same terrible results might even be extended to his descendants. -Excommunication for a king meant, in addition to the same treatment as a -private individual, the deprivation of all authority and the absolution -of subjects from all obedience. Excommunication was the greatest moral -power in all history and effective simply because the Christian opinion -of the age responded to it and enforced it. By its use the Pope -subjected to his will such powerful personages as Henry IV. of Germany, -Henry II. of England, Philip (IV.) Augustus of France, Frederick II. of -Germany, John of England, and countless lesser persons all over -Christendom.[577:1] The power of excommunication was exercised by -the Pope for the whole Church, by the bishop for his diocese, and -even by subordinate Church officials. The formula and ceremony for -excommunication were not uniform either in time or place but varied -greatly.[577:2] - -The interdict was directed against a city, a region, or a kingdom. It -was used for the purpose of forcing a city or a ruler to obedience, as -for example the interdict laid on Rome in 1155, and that on England, -which lasted six years three months and fourteen days, to subdue the -obstinate King John; or to enforce the ban of excommunication[577:3]; or -to collect debts[577:4]; or to wreak vengeance for the death or -maltreatment of a son of the Church.[577:5] The interdict was proclaimed -in a papal bull and read by the clergy of the region affected to the -congregations every Sunday for some weeks before it went into operation. -Then all religious rites and sacraments ceased except baptism, -confession, and the viaticum.[577:6] All the faithful were ordered to -dress like penitents and to pray for the removal of the cause of the -curse. Thus the interdict resembled a raging pestilence and made a deep -impression on the ignorant masses. It practically stopped all civil -government, for the courts of justice were closed, wills could not be -made, and public officials of all kinds were forbidden to act. Naturally -it led to many very superstitious tales. For instance, the valley of -Aspe in Bearn was cursed for seven years and during that time it was -said that women bore no children, cattle gave no increase, and the land -produced no crops or fruit.[578:1] - -The use of such powerful weapons as excommunication and interdict was -soon greatly abused. Popes and bishops employed this power out of spite, -or hatred or for ambitious ends.[578:2] Scheming rulers enlisted papal, -or episcopal, help of this sort to humble political rivals and -for purely secular ends such as enforcing laws and collecting -obligations.[578:3] In fact so wide-spread was the employment of these -powers that by the fourteenth century half of the Christians in Europe -were under the ban.[578:4] It was taught, moreover, that however illicit -or apparently unfair or unwarranted, still the ecclesiastical mandates -were to be obeyed. Hence Popes even granted the right not to be -excommunicated without good cause.[578:5] Before long these religious -curses degenerated to the point where they were applied to animals and -inanimate objects, of which there are many illustrations. For instance -two of St. Bernard's monks cursed the vineyard of a rival monk and it -became sterile until St. Bernard himself removed the blight.[579:1] A -certain priest, noticing that the fruit of a neighbouring orchard had a -stronger attraction for the children of his congregation than the divine -service, excommunicated the orchard, whereupon it remained barren until -the ban was taken off.[579:2] At the request of the farmers, the Bishop -of Comminges cursed the weeds in their fields with the desired -result.[579:3] St. Bernard, however, capped the climax of these -absurdities when he solemnly excommunicated the devil.[579:4] After the -thirteenth century the same weapons were used against leeches, rats, -grasshoppers, snails, bugs, and pests of all kinds. In fact as late as -1648 a similar formula was given based on the forty-ninth psalm and the -eleventh chapter of Luke.[579:5] - -The efficacy of excommunication was likewise brought into service to -protect property. For instance the Archbishop of Campostella in the -twelfth century excommunicated any one who should steal or mutilate the -manuscript history of his diocese. The Abbot of Sens in 1123 cursed on -his death-bed any successor who should sell, lend, or lose any of the -twenty volumes in the abbey library. Clement III. encouraged Bologna -University by anathematising any person who should offer a higher rent -for rooms used by students or teachers. Later, copyrights were protected -by the same power and stolen property was recovered.[579:6] Letters -bestowing the power of excommunication were soon purchased and used for -all sorts of mercenary purposes.[579:7] John Gerson of the University -of Paris denounced Pope Martin V. for saying that as Pope he -congratulated himself because he was no longer in danger of -excommunication.[580:1] Gradually there came to be drawn up a list of no -less than one hundred sins which were _ipso facto_ followed by -excommunication. Many of these are of the most trifling character, like -that of collecting toll from a priest on crossing a bridge.[580:2] But -this evil was offset by the ease with which one could purchase -absolution. - -The papal court, or curia, by the thirteenth century included an -enormous number of persons both secular and ecclesiastic with all kinds -of duties. The financial section was in many ways the most important -one.[580:3] All members of the curia, which resembled the court of an -Emperor, were directly responsible to the Pope. The cardinals were the -most dignified and powerful members. Papal legates from the court -swarmed over all Europe commissioned with unlimited authority to execute -papal commands and to uphold papal claims. They ranged from primates to -petty priests and monks, were directly subject to the Pope, and were -feared and hated by the clergy and laity alike. - -The College of Cardinals created in 1059 had come to play a marked role -in ecclesiastical affairs in addition to their original duties. Their -office ranked next to that of the Pope and they were called the "Holy -and Sacred College." Foreigners were first appointed as cardinals in the -thirteenth century. A distinct dress was assumed. The red hat was given -by Innocent IV. (1245); the purple robe was bestowed by Boniface VIII. -(1297); the white horse, red cover, and golden bridle were added by Paul -II. (1464); and the title of "Eminence" was created by Urban VIII. -(1630). These cardinals were shrewd politicians for the most part and -hence divided into French, German, and Italian parties. They secured -their appointments ofttimes through favouritism or nepotism, hence were -not always men of the most sterling worth. As members of the papal court -they lived at Rome and were supposed to be occupied with ecclesiastical -affairs in the capital or busy on important diplomatic missions. They -were easily won away, however, from their lofty duties by secular -princes and became involved in all sorts of questionable intrigues. It -is not a matter of surprise, therefore, to find the best men of the day -like Dante and Petrarch denouncing them in unmeasured terms. - -Below the cardinals in the hierarchy came the metropolitans, -archbishops, and primates. The archbishops were the most numerous but -the lowest in rank. The metropolitans ranked next and were found in the -great cities. The primates had the highest rank but were comparatively -few. It is doubtful whether altogether the archbishops in the thirteenth -century numbered more than twenty-five. The primates, who had charge in -a general way of what might be called the national churches, confirmed -the election of bishops and archbishops in their dioceses, called and -presided over national synods, held the superior ecclesiastical courts, -performed the coronation ceremonies of kings and queens, and had general -control of their districts. The archbishops ruled over a distinct -province including several bishops, whose election and consecration they -superintended, called and presided over provincial synods, inflicted -censures and punishments on the bishops for breaches of discipline, -acted as court of appeal above the episcopal courts, and exercised -general oversight concerning all Church affairs of the districts. The -metropolitans, whose historical significance was practically lost by the -thirteenth century, had essentially the same office as that of -archbishop. Under the leadership of the higher ecclesiastics there was a -tendency to form national churches. The primates and archbishops -defended these national churches even against the Pope and frequently -sided with the kings against the supreme Pontiffs. In Germany they -helped elect the Emperor, played an important political role, and saved -Germany from ruin again and again.[582:1] In France and England they -were the trusted counsellors and advisers of the sovereign. Almost -without exception they came from the nobility and were large landed -proprietors as well as secular rulers. - -The bishops, who came next in the scale of the hierarchy, were elected -originally by the people and the clergy but that right was gradually -usurped by the metropolitans and the secular rulers. The mitre and -crosier were the emblems of the episcopal office. The Concordat of Worms -in 1122 settled long disputes by giving both Pope and ruler a share in -the election. By the thirteenth century, however, the Pope had come to -have the upper hand in these ecclesiastical preferments. The total -number of bishops in the thirteenth century was approximately -700.[582:2] The duties of the bishop were both spiritual and temporal. -His office was one of the most important in the mediaeval Church. He -ruled over a diocese of any number of parish churches, but had his own -especial church, which was called the cathedral, and usually surpassed -all other churches of the diocese in size and beauty. He saw to it that -public services were conducted in the proper manner. He overlooked the -administration of charity. He tried to secure efficient subordinates who -would fulfil all their duties, and he alone could ordain new priests or -degrade the old. He enforced discipline and canon law. He exercised the -rights of confirmation and holy orders, and consecrated _res sacrae_ like -churches and shrines. He usually supervised the monastic houses in his -diocese.[583:1] And he himself conducted religious services of a special -character in his cathedral or _domus dei_. He assumed judicial power -over his clergy and in case of misbehaviour punished them by deposition -or confinement in a cloister. He passed judgment on all questions of -marriage, wills, oaths, usury, and similar subjects. In general each -bishop, under the authority of the representative of St. Peter, was a -little pope over that section of the Church which was under his -jurisdiction[583:2] and he was regarded as the direct successor of the -Apostles. On the temporal side the bishop was a landlord, governed a -large estate, and performed those governmental duties which the king, -particularly in Germany, thrust upon him. He did not own the land, but -only used it. He himself was often a vassal, had a large number of -vassals and sub-vassals under him, collected feudal dues from his -inferiors, paid feudal tributes to his superiors, and was an integral -part of the feudal system. His installation to office was invariably -accompanied by the ceremony of feudal investiture. Indeed from many -standpoints he was more of a feudal lord than a churchman. It is easy to -see, therefore, what a powerful factor the bishop was in both secular -and ecclesiastical affairs, and how sweeping was his influence. - -There were several deviations from the regular office of bishop. The -chor-bishop or "country bishop," who was little more than an assistant -of the city bishop, had gradually died out by the thirteenth -century.[584:1] The honorary bishop, or titular bishop, a title first -applied to missionary bishops, still existed in Europe but with no -regular diocese. The progress of Mohammedanism drove many regular -bishops away from their episcopal seats in Asia, Africa, and Spain. But -they were allowed to retain their titles and functions even though -deprived of their dioceses, and successors were regularly elected. Again -during the Crusades many bishoprics were established in the East. -Through the failure of the Crusades, however, these bishops lost their -dioceses, but they too were permitted to retain their titles in the hope -of eventually recovering their possessions. They likewise served as -assistants to bishops in western Europe and their successors were -regularly appointed by the Pope. They became very independent and often -caused the regular bishops much trouble. Efforts were made later to get -rid of them but without success. - -Connected with each bishop's cathedral was a chapter which probably grew -out of the original college of presbyters who assisted the bishop in his -spiritual and secular duties. As time passed and the Church grew these -presbyters came to be attached to the cathedral as a distinct body of -the clergy. By the ninth century these clergy came to be known as a -chapter and consisted of either the "seculars," _i.e._, the clergy not -bound by monastic vows and living in separate houses, or the "regulars," -_i.e._, the clergy living as monks in a common building. Thus the -chapter came to have a regular organisation with officers whose duties -were more or less clearly defined. At the head stood the bishop; then -the dean, the real acting head; and after him the precentor, or chanter, -who was a musical director; the chancellor, who had charge of the -education of younger members, the library, correspondence, and the -delivery of lectures and sermons; the treasurer, who was responsible for -the funds of the church, the sacred vessels, the altar furniture, and -the reliquaries; the sub-dean, the sub-chanter, and vice-chancellor; and -the archdeacons, whose number depended on the size of the diocese, who -executed episcopal orders, who acted as inspectors and had minor -judicial functions, and who became so independent and powerful that the -office was abolished in the twelfth century.[585:1] The remaining -members of the chapter were called canons or prebendaries. During the -absence of the canons their duties were performed by substitutes called -vicars. - -Each chapter had its own laws, endowments, fees, revenues, and -jurisdiction over lands. The chapters often came into open conflict with -the bishops[585:2] and tended to form alliances with Popes and rulers -against the episcopal authorities. It was not uncommon, either, to find -chapters practically independent of the bishops with members appointed -directly by the Pope. These bodies exercised great powers--they called -councils, they tried clerical cases, they even excommunicated, and as -little Colleges of Cardinals, usually at the king's suggestion, elected -bishops.[586:1] Membership in a chapter was regarded as a fat berth and -hence eagerly sought by leading families of nobility. - -At the bottom of the hierarchical scale stood the priests who presided -over the parishes, which were divided into city, village, and rural -parishes, and were the lowest divisions of the Church. As a rule a -parish contained at least ten families and varied from that to a -considerable village, or a large section of a town. The appointment of -the priests was made by the "Patron" of the parochial church, _i.e._, -the person who owned the church property, whether a layman or a clerical -person. The appointee was confirmed by the bishop. Churches were thus -frequently handed about from one owner to another like any feudal -property and consequently the tendency was to secularise the priests as -well as the higher clergy. Seeing this evil the monastic orders sought -to reform the abuse by bringing priests under their control. The income -of the priest was derived from lands belonging to the parish church, -from tithes, and from contributions, but as a rule it was scarcely more -than enough to meet his scanty needs.[586:2] The priest was the only -Church officer who came continually into direct touch with the masses of -the people and, consequently, he it was who really controlled the -destiny of both their bodies and souls. In addition to conducting the -regular services, he could administer or withhold the sacraments so -necessary to salvation, and hence the destiny of all men rested in his -hands. He absolved, baptised, married, and buried his parishioners. He -monopolised the auricular confession and through it regulated the -conscience, determined conduct, and cured the soul of sin. If advice and -penance failed to keep the incorrigible sinner in the path of -righteousness, his case could be carried to the spiritual court of the -bishop, who had practically unlimited power. Each priest had not only -certain duties to perform, but also possessed distinct rights and -privileges, and a supernatural character which put him and his property -above the common level of humanity. No longer a citizen of a state, the -Church was his country, his home, and his family. No matter what crime -he committed, the secular power could not arrest him--only a religious -tribunal could try him and such bodies never shed human blood. Hence -punishments for misdemeanours were comparatively light. - -The parish church was the unit of mediaeval civilisation and the priest -was looked up to as the natural guardian of the community. He cared for -both the souls and bodies of his flock. In addition to using every -agency to induce his members to lead godly lives, it was his business to -see that no dangerous characters lurked in the villages--heretics, -sorcerers, or lepers. - -The clergy were separated from the laity by a very pronounced -differentiation. The sacred character imparted to the priesthood by the -sacrament of ordination, the holy calling of the man of God who held in -his hands the power of spiritual life and death, and the enforcement of -the canon of celibacy after a bitter struggle of more than a century, -all tended to emphasise and magnify the wide gulf between the clergy and -the laymen. The sacerdotal office was most highly respected as the -certain avenue to social service, to fame, and to honour. It is no -surprise, therefore, to see men of all ranks entering the ministry of -the Church. For those of humble birth, the opportunity thus offered was -about the only means of promotion in Europe. Once in the Church, talent -and energy could always overcome lowly origin, and attain elevation to a -high place. The annals of the hierarchy are full of the examples of -those who rose from the meanest social ranks to the most commanding -positions. Many of the greatest and best Popes had that -experience.[588:1] Thus the Church constantly recruited its ranks with -vigorous fresh blood. Not even the lot of the prince was envied by the -priest. "Princes," asserted John of Salisbury, "derive their power from -the Church, and are servants of the priesthood." Honorius of Autun -wrote, "The least of the priestly order is worthier than any king." A -great thing it truly was for the future of Europe that in those rough -ages there existed a moral force superior to noble descent, to blue -blood, and to martial prowess to point out the correct path, to uphold -right, and to sanction eternal justice. - -The _corpus juris canonici_, or canon law, which regulated all the -workings of the hierarchy, included all the rules enacted by the Church -for its relation with the secular power, for its own internal -administration, and for the duties and conduct of its members. It -differed from the _jus ecclesiasticum_, or ecclesiastical law, in -having the Church for its source, while the latter had the Church for -its subject. The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals continued to be the -constitution of the Church. Various commentaries, all based upon the -Decretals as the chief repertory, were made by prominent -churchmen.[589:1] Gratian, a Camaldolensian monk, a professor in Bologna -University, in 1250 first taught canon law as a distinct and complete -system like Roman law. He published the _Decretum Gratiani_, a -scientific digest of all canon laws, which soon superseded all other -codifications and became the basis for many later commentaries.[589:2] -Canon law was studied in all the mediaeval universities. Regular -faculties of canon law were established, which granted the degree of -_doctores decretorum_ after a course of six years' study. It was not -long, therefore, until the Church was given a class of keen, -well-drilled lawyers who gradually extended ecclesiastical jurisdiction -over all religious duties; over baptisms, marriages, and deaths, and -hence over legitimacy and succession; over all persons under religious -vows, and consequently over the clergy, crusaders, widows, orphans, and -minors; over heresy, blasphemy, and sacrilege; and over adultery, -bigamy, fraud, and perjury. The canon law of the Church must also be -given credit for laying the foundation for international law and serving -as a model for constitutional law. - -The papal penitentiary, or court, grounded on the "power of the keys," -possessed original and appellate powers of first instance and last -resort. It originated in 1215 at Rome and consisted of a body of -canonists and theologians who acted as a unit under powers granted by -the Pope.[590:1] It attempted to decide all cases of morals and -discipline, oftentimes in virtual ignorance of the facts. During the -thirteenth century penitentiaries were appointed in every bishopric to -take cognisance of cases. Thus the eagle eyes of the supreme court of -Rome were fastened on every breach of law throughout Christendom. -Naturally many abuses were connected with such a system. In 1022 the -Council of Seligenstadt complained that Rome had extended her -jurisdiction even over the laity.[590:2] Through local representatives -the papal penitentiary practically nullified the discipline of bishops -and granted virtual immunity to offenders. Venality was an accompanying -evil from the beginning. Absolution could easily be secured by the rich -and influential and dispensations were sold for money. Of course this -condition produced disastrous effects on morals. "Rome was a fountain of -pardon for all infractions of the decalogue." Bishop Grosseteste -declared about 1250 that the low morality of the priesthood was due to -this system. Pardon was granted to both sides of the controversy. A -priest stole a book from his own church, pawned it for money, and then -excommunicated the unknown thief. He was discovered but pardoned on the -ground that he could not interdict himself. Monks and nuns bought their -way into convents and then purchased absolution for the act. - -By the thirteenth century the Roman ritual in the Latin language was -practically in universal use. The Slavish liturgy had disappeared and in -Spain alone the old national liturgy still lingered, though even there -the Roman ritual was permitted. Latin had become the general official -language of the Church. But it was not uncommon to give in the -vernacular, besides the regular announcements, the confession of faith, -the confession of sin with the general absolution, intercessions for the -living and the dead, and the Lord's Prayer. - -At this period of the Church's greatest power there was a noticeable -revival of preaching caused by the monastic reformers like the -Clugniacs, Cistercians, Dominicans, and Franciscans who earnestly -preached repentance, and also by the tremendous crusading enthusiasm. -All the heroes of monasticism, scholasticism, and the papal hierarchy -were forceful preachers.[591:1] To accommodate these preachers pulpits -were built against a pillar or in a corner of a nave. To the masses on -popular occasions, and even in the regular services, they spoke in the -vernacular, but all stately addresses in synods and councils were -delivered in the speech of Rome. Popes and councils urged the importance -of rearing a race of learned clergy who could give the Church -intelligent leadership. The synod of Treves in 1221 went so far as to -forbid uneducated and inexperienced priests to preach, because it caused -more harm than good. As a result of this wide-spread preaching the -Church was given a unity of doctrine and feeling which it had not -enjoyed before. - -The number of sacraments was generally recognised by the thirteenth -century as seven.[592:1] Peter Lombard's _Sentences_ first outlined them -and Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) practically established them, although they -were not officially adopted until the Council of Florence in 1439. -Theoretically the sacraments were believed to confer grace, "the fulness -of divine life," upon the recipients and to make them different persons -with new characters. This change was produced by God through the Church -and was based upon the idea that this life should be consecrated and -sanctified by religion in all its various relations. Hence baptism -suggested birth to a new spiritual life free from the sin due to Adam's -fall; the Lord's Supper gave nutriment to preserve life and strength; -penance indicated a recovery to health after sickness incident to sin; -confirmation marked the growth of righteous life to maturity; extreme -unction suggested diet and exercise in convalescence and purified and -refreshed the spirit of the dying; ordination marked a promotion to a -higher consecrated life and to new duties; and marriage meant the -assumption of new social relations which could never be severed. The -Church held that all these sacraments were instituted by Jesus and used -by him personally, although baptism and the Lord's Supper were the most -important. Peter Lombard said that if Christ did not employ them, the -Apostles at least did. Baptism, confirmation, and ordination, it was -held, imparted an indelible character, therefore could not be repeated. -All consecrations and blessings were looked upon as different from the -sacraments and were called "Sacramentalia." It was asserted also that -the administration of the sacraments in the hands of a bad priest was -valid. - -The mass continued to be the heart, life blood, and very centre of all -worship. It was believed to be a propitiatory sacrifice offered to God -for the sins of the world whenever the sacrament was celebrated. Christ -was recrucified as on the cross at each mass. The eucharist gave -spiritual nourishment to the communicant, averted evils and brought -blessings, and, with penance, removed the guilt of sin. -Transubstantiation became a fixed dogma in the thirteenth century. Up to -the ninth century the Church unanimously believed that the real body and -blood of Christ were administered to those who received the sacrament of -the eucharist, but Christians differed widely as to the nature and -manner of their presence and no Pope or council had settled the -question. In 831 Radbert wrote a famous book on the subject in which he -held that after consecration only the figure of bread and wine was -present and that the rest was literal body and blood and that this body -and blood was the same as that born of Mary, crucified, and raised from -the dead. This work created a warm discussion which lasted for four -centuries and provoked many bitter individual quarrels. Innocent III. in -1215 settled the dispute by making the dogma of transubstantiation a -part of the constitutional law of the Church and at the same time -ordered all the laity to go to confession and to partake of the -eucharist at least once a year. The dogma did not pass unquestioned, -although the common people had no difficulty in believing it.[593:1] As -a result it led to the deification of the bread and wine, to the use of -beautiful golden or silver urns and cups for them, to the construction -of a costly tabernacle in which to keep the sacred elements, to lamps -and decorations, to solemn processions, to a pompous ceremony, to bowing -the knee before the host in the church and on the streets and to prayer -to the host as the most important part of worship, and to the -celebration throughout the whole Church of an annual festival of the -Holy Sacrament (1264). The cup was withheld from the laity[594:1] and -given only to the priests after the eleventh century because it was -feared that the wine might be spilled and also because it was believed -that the body and blood of Jesus were fully present in both -elements.[594:2] Wafers, called the host, were substituted for the -broken bread. The mass soon became an object of commerce. Private masses -for the living and particularly for the dead, begun in the eighth -century, were very common in the thirteenth, so much so, in fact, that -certain priests had no other function than that of saying masses for the -dead. All over Christendom endowments were given for these masses and an -army of priests did nothing else. By refusing mass the clergy could -exert strong pressure on individuals and governments. The mass was held -to be absolutely necessary to salvation, and the eucharist was even -given to little children, although in the thirteenth century it was -restricted to children under seven. It also had a marked effect upon -church architecture by increasing the number of altars in the church in -order to accommodate the increasing number of private masses. All the -physical and metaphysical education of the age turned upon the question -of the mass.[595:1] - -Penance played a very important part in the Church in the thirteenth -century and received its final form in the Council of Florence in 1439. -As early as the fifth century a regular criminal code developed in the -Church and in the seventh century a Grecian monk who was archbishop -enacted a body of severe laws for penitential discipline which remained -in authority until the twelfth century. The climax was reached in the -thirteenth century when every diocese had its own penitential code and -public penance had been replaced by private penance. Penance was simply -the punishment prescribed by the priest to remove the guilt of sin, and -usually consisted of fasts, prayers, pilgrimages, and acts of charity -and mercy. The Church early permitted penance to be paid by substituting -money payments for some pious enterprise.[595:2] Furthermore, it was -generally held that penance afflicted on one person could be paid by -another; for example, a penance of seven years could be accomplished in -seven days by a sufficient number of co-workers.[595:3] Even Thomas -Aquinas said that as long as the debt was paid it mattered little who -paid it. Indulgences and papal pardons paralleled the history of -penance. The power to show leniency, or to shorten or to lengthen the -character or the time of penance, was early recognised to be in the -bishop's hands.[595:4] From this idea there gradually arose a regular -system of commutation which reached the highest point during the -crusade movement. The theory was most fully stated by Thomas -Aquinas[596:1] and Alexander of Hales.[596:2] They asserted that after -the remission of the eternal punishment due for sin there still remained -a temporal punishment to be undergone either in this life or in -purgatory; that temporal pain might be remitted by the application of -the superabundant merits of Christ and the saints out of the treasury of -the Church. The hierarchy was the custodian of that prerogative. But -indulgence could be granted only to those who were in full communion -with the Church and who manifested a contrite heart, made confession, -and submitted to penance.[596:3] Penances were either general or local, -or plenary or partial. The use of indulgences was very much abused since -they were often granted only for money and because they were employed -for trivial and secular purposes like building bridges[596:4] and -improving roads.[596:5] They were even applied to the dead.[596:6] The -doctrine of purgatory had developed by the twelfth century and was -generally accepted in the thirteenth.[596:7] - -Auricular confession, which seems to have been fully developed by the -time of Innocent I.,[596:8] was required by Innocent III. after 1216 of -all Church members at least once a year under penalty of exclusion from -the Church. It was an essential part of the sacrament of penance and -gave the priests a tremendous power over the people which was used both -for good and ill. The synod of Toulouse in 1229 insisted on compulsory -confession at Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost. Any breach of the -confessional was visited by the fourth Lateran Council with -excommunication, deposition, and imprisonment for life in a monastery. -Confession was the bridle by means of which the laity were guided by the -priesthood, hence the Church laid more and more importance upon the -necessity of the practice as a duty. - -Absolution grew up as a necessary part of auricular confession. Before -the thirteenth century the priest acted ministerially and used the form: -_domus absolvat te--misercatur tui omnipotens deus et dimittat tibi -omnia peccata tua_. These words are still found in the Greek Church and -are also allowable in the Roman Catholic service. After the thirteenth -century, however, the priest acted judicially and said: _ego absolvo -te_. The priest's forgiveness was God's forgiveness. The requisites for -absolution were: contrition of heart, promise of amendment of life, and -reparation. - -Extreme unction as a sacrament came into use rather late. Peter Lombard -gave it fifth place among the seven sacraments. Original sin was atoned -for in baptism, actual sins by penance, and extreme unction wiped away -all remaining sins which would hinder the soul from entering its perfect -rest. Hence it was given only to those who were mortally ill. In case of -recovery, however, it could be repeated.[597:1] The eyes, ears, nose, -mouth, hands, loins, and feet (except of women) were anointed with holy -oil consecrated by the bishop on Maundy Thursday. Confession and -communion preceded the rite. These three together constituted the -_viaticum_ of the soul on its long journey. - -From the time when private meeting places gave way to places of public -worship, throughout its whole career, the Church has employed art for -purposes of utility and instruction. The transitional character of the -thirteenth century along social, ecclesiastical, intellectual, and -political lines was also strongly marked in art. In the conflict between -feudalism and royalty, monarchy gradually gained ground. The problem of -human right appeared along with the problem of human might. Out of the -composite struggle of kings, feudal barons, popes, bishops, abbots, and -free cities emerged the recognised supremacy of papal authority as the -one power above and behind all others. The episcopacy stood for the -rights of the Pope, on the one hand, and the rights of the people, on -the other. Next to the papal supremacy, stood the kingly prerogative. -Under the double patronage of the Church and the state ecclesiastical -art advanced with rapid strides. - -Gothic architecture reached its highest development during the -thirteenth century. Europe was covered with magnificent churches, -cathedrals, and monasteries. Architecture was the dominant art of the -Middle Ages. The church building occupied a unique place in the -community. Everybody was a member of the Church and attended the one -sacred edifice in the parish. The erection and beautifying of a new -church was a matter of interest to all. Local pride was deeply touched. -A strong rivalry soon developed, which led each village and city to -outdo their neighbours by erecting larger, more expensive, and more -beautiful chapels and cathedrals. The church of that day was the centre -not alone of religious activity, but also of local politics, of -community business, of social gatherings, of education, and of the fine -arts. It was the very heart of all life, and, hence, members lavished -their affection, their time, and their wealth on it. Nothing in our -community life to-day can be well compared with the church of that day. -It was the town hall, art museum, club, public library, school, and -church all in one. With us the religious interest of every community is -divided among various denominations, while the differentiation of our -other institutions has destroyed the earlier unity of interest. - -The Gothic churches with pointed arches and flying buttresses lightened -the masonry of the hitherto massive walls, pierced them with great, -beautiful stained glass windows, and allowed the sunlight to stream into -the dark interiors. Then mosaics, sculpture, fresco, and painting were -used to enrich and decorate the inner parts. Mouldings and capitals, -pulpits, altars, side chapels, choir screens, the wooden seats for the -clergy and choristers, the reading desk, and the tombs were literally -covered with carvings of leaf and flower forms, of familiar animals and -grotesque monsters, of biblical scenes and ordinary incidents. The -exteriors of these wonderful structures, which were marvels of lightness -and delicacy of detail, were usually ornamented with an army of statues -representing apostles, saints, donors, and rulers. Is it a matter of -surprise that the bishops and clergy, who ruled over these Christian -temples erected in love, in prayer, and in self-sacrifice, should be -honoured and obeyed? These wonderful houses of religion were the glad -free-will offerings of a devout and believing people to the mighty -Roman Catholic Church of which they were the proud, privileged members. - -A splendid picture of the beautiful devotion of the people of a region -in the erection of a magnificent cathedral is found in Chartres, France. -That wonderful edifice was begun in 1194 and completed in 1240. To -construct a building that would beautify their city and satisfy their -religious aspirations the citizens contributed of their strength and -property year after year for nearly half a century. Far from home they -went to the distant quarries to dig out the rock. Encouraged by their -priests they might be seen, men, women, and children, yoked to clumsy -carts loaded with building materials. Day after day their weary journey -to and from the quarries continued. When at night they stopped, worn out -with the day's toil, their spare time was given up to confession and -prayer. Others laboured with more skill but with equal devotion on the -great cathedral itself. As the grand edifice grew year by year from -foundation stone to towers, the inhabitants watched it with pious -jealousy. At length it was completed; not, however, until many who had -laboured at the beginning had passed away. Its dedication and -consecration marked an epoch in that part of France. - -Most historians are prone to dwell upon the evils of the Church in this -period, as if they far outweighed the good. Many bishops were worldly -and wicked, therefore the conclusion is drawn that all bishops were of -that character, whereas out of the 700 bishops in Europe a very large -proportion were comparatively faithful shepherds who were striving with -all their might to realise the high ideals for which the Church stood. -Many of the clergy were guilty of gross immorality, hence comes the -sweeping assertion that all the clergy were unfit for their high and -noble calling, while as a matter of fact, thousands of the priests -obeyed the laws of the Church, led model God-fearing lives, and -continually pointed out to their people the high and certain path to -salvation. Abuses, corruptions, extortions, did exist in every quarter -of Christendom. Bad clergymen did use their high prerogatives for base -purposes. Many bishops, abbots, and priests were no more worthy to be -given extensive powers in trust than the unscrupulous politicians who -often secure high places in our municipal, state, and national -governments. The sinecures and benefices of the Church offered the same -temptations to money-making and to questionable methods that our civil -offices do to-day to the dishonest and unscrupulous office-holders. But -all of the officials in the Church in the thirteenth century were no -more guilty of these evils than are all public men in the United States -to-day addicted to the practices of the base political tricksters. It -seems to be a universal fact that one bad man in the Church attracts -more attention and creates more comment than a multitude of good men. - -The fundamental causes of the numerous evil practices in the Church are -found in the wealth and power of the Roman ecclesiastical organisation, -on the one hand, and the comparatively low moral standards of -civilisation, on the other. Throughout its whole remarkable career of -thirteen hundred years, the Catholic Church had denounced the bad and -taught the good. Unfortunately in attempting to realise the kingdom of -God on earth through that organisation which was assumed to be of divine -origin, life and practice did not always harmonise with the doctrines -inculcated. The ideal and the real are seldom brought to coincide in any -human institutions and it would be expecting a realisation of the -well-nigh impossible to hope to see the consummation of that desirable -condition in the mediaeval Church when all the contradictory factors and -forces are taken into account. But it can be safely asserted, when all -debits and credits of baneful and beneficial are given just -consideration, that the mighty Church at its height was the most -powerful force in Europe for justice, for mercy, for charity, for peace -among men, for honesty, for temperance, for human rights, for social -service, for culture, for domestic purity, for obedience to law and -order, and for a noble, helpful Christian life both for individuals and -states. - -The sublime foundations on which the Church rested,[602:1] the -marvellous history it could point to, its peerless organisation, its -vast wealth, its strong grip on the faith of the people, its close -alliance with the state, all combined to make its officers, the clergy, -the most influential social class in Europe. In their hands were the -keys of heaven and without their permission no one could hope to enter; -since they were about the only educated class, they wrote the books and -directed all advance along intellectual, literary, and artistic lines. -In short they moulded the progress of that day. They wrote public -documents and proclamations for rulers, sat in royal councils, and acted -as governmental ministers.[602:2] They dominated every human interest, -regulated more or less every phase of life in the Middle Ages, and -conferred inestimable benefit upon Europe of that day and this. - -The Church in this age was the dominant factor in European civilisation. -It fashioned laws and dictated the policy of governments; it controlled -education and intelligence; it influenced occupations and industries; it -moulded social ideas and customs; and it set the standards of morality -and determined the life and conduct of both this world and that to come. -The Church was divided into two sharply defined classes: the laity and -the priesthood. "The great division of mankind, which . . . had become -complete and absolute, into the clergy . . . and the rest of mankind, -still subsisted in all of its rigorous force. They were two castes, -separate and standing apart as by the irrepealable law of God. They were -distinct, adverse, even antagonistic, in their theory of life, in their -laws, in their corporate property, in their rights, in their immunities. -In the aim and object of their existence, in their social duties and -position, they were set asunder by a broad, deep, impassable -line."[603:1] The priesthood, with an indelible character, married to -the Church, stood between God and man and tended to become "The Church." - -The Church was essentially an organised state, thoroughly centralised, -with one supreme head and a complete gradation of officials; with a -comprehensive system of law courts for trying cases, with penalties -covering all crimes, and with prisons for punishing offenders. It -demanded an allegiance from all its members somewhat like that existing -to-day between subjects and a state. It developed one official language, -the Latin, which was used to conduct its business everywhere. Thus all -western Europe was one great religious association from which it was -treason to revolt. Canon law punished such a crime with death, public -opinion sanctioned it, and the secular arm executed the sentence. - - The Church Militant was thus an army encamped on the soil of - Christendom, with its outposts everywhere, subject to the most - efficient discipline, animated with a common purpose, every - soldier panoplied with inviolability and armed with the - tremendous weapons which slew the soul. There was little that - could not be dared or done by the commander of such a force, - whose orders were listened to as oracles of God, from Portugal - to Palestine and from Sicily to Iceland.[604:1] - - History records no such triumph of intellect over brute force - as that which, in an age of turmoil and battle, was wrested - from the fierce warriors of the time by priests who had no - material force at their command, and whose power was based - alone on the souls and consciences of men. Over soul and - conscience their empire was complete. No Christian could hope - for salvation who was not in all things an obedient son of the - Church, and who was not ready to take up arms in its defence; - and, in a time when faith was a determining factor of conduct, - this belief created a spiritual despotism which placed all - things within reach of him who could wield it.[604:2] - -In the thirteenth century the mediaeval Church was a completed -institution and at the height of its power. Its rise from humble -beginnings, by a multitude of explainable causes and forces, to this -lofty position is a well-nigh incredible miracle. It was very different -from all modern churches whether Catholic or Protestant, yet was the -mother of all of them. Both theoretically and legally all persons in -western Europe belonged to it and were ruled by it, except those who -were expelled from it, and thus formed one mighty religious society, the -like of which has not again appeared in Christendom. Unable during -subsequent centuries to meet the demands of new and higher phases of -civilisation, the mediaeval Church broke up into the various Christian -sects of to-day. - - -SOURCES - -A.--PRIMARY: - - 1.--Eales, _Life and Works of St. Bernard_. - - 2.--Henderson, _Historical Documents of the Middle Ages_. - - 3.--Lea, C. H., _A Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary in the - Thirteenth Century_. - - 4.--Migne, _Patrologia Latina_. - - 5.--Morley, _Mediaeval Tales_. - - 6.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_. - - 7.--Steele, R., _Mediaeval Lore_. Lond., 1893. - - 8.--Thatcher and McNeal, _A Source-Book for Mediaeval History_. - - 9.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_. - -B.--SECONDARY: - - I.--SPECIAL: - - 1.--Bethune-Baker, J. F., _The Influence of Christianity on - War_. Camb., 1888. - - 2.--Brace, G. L., _Gesta Christi_. Lond., 1886. - - 3.--Cornish, _Chivalry_. - - 4.--Cutts, E. L., _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_. - Lond., 1872. _Parish Priests and their People._ Lond., - 1890. - - 5.--Doellinger, J. J. I., _Papal Fables of the Middle Ages_. - - 6.--Fournier, _Les officialites au moyen age_. - - 7.--Gautier, _Chivalry_. - - 8.--Jessopp, _The Coming of the Friars_. - - 9.--Lea, H. C., _History of Auricular Confession_. 3 vols. - Phil., 1896. _History of the Inquisition._ 3 vols. - _History of Sacerdotal Celibacy._ _Superstition and - Force._ _Studies in Church History._ - - 10.--Luchaire, _Manuel des institutions_. - - 11.--Maitland, _The Dark Ages_. - - 12.--Milman, H. H., _History of Latin Christianity_. viii., bk. - 14, ch. 1-10. - - 13.--Prevost, _L'eglise et les compagnes au moyen age_. - - 14.--Rashdall, _History of the Universities of Europe in the - Middle Ages_. - - 15.--Smith, _The Troubadours at Home_. - - II.--GENERAL. - - Adams, _Med. Civ._, ch. 16, 18. Blunt, i., ch. 10-12. Coxe, - Lect. 5-7. Darras, iii., ch. 8-10. Dehorbe, ch. 11, 42. - Fisher, pd. 6, ch. 6. Foulkes, ch. 11, 12. Gieseler, iii., ch. - 1, 2, 5, and 6. Gilmartin, ii., ch. 5-13. Hardwick, ch. 8, 10, - 11, 12. Hase, sec. 192-237. Hurst, i., ch. 50. Jennings, ii., - ch. 12, 13. Knight, ch. 14-16. Kurtz, ii., 89-138. Milner, - iii., cent. 12, 13. Moeller, ii., pd. 2, ch. 5; iii., ch. 2 - and 3. Neander, iv. Robertson, bk. 5, ch. 13; bk. 6, ch. 6-8. - Sikes, ch. 17. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[569:1] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, iii., 57. - -[570:1] Moeller, ii., 436. - -[570:2] Munro, "The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century," in _An. Rep. -Am. Hist. Assoc._, 1906, i., p. 45. - -[571:1] Munro, "The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century," in _An. Rep. -Am. Hist. Assoc._, 1906, i., p. 47. - -[571:2] Robinson, _Readings_, i., ch. 17. - -[573:1] _Translations and Reprints_, iii., No. 6. - -[573:2] See Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, for best discussion of this -institution. - -[573:3] See Acts. xix. 19, for Biblical authority. - -[573:4] Putnam, _Censorship of the Church of Rome_, i., 58-61. - -[573:5] _Ibid._, 64-67. - -[574:1] Neander, iv., 1-82; Kurtz, i., 120-138. - -[575:1] In this century it became customary for Popes to fill many -benefices themselves and to receive all or half of the first year's -income from those appointed. - -[576:1] Examples: permit to cousins to marry; release of a monk from his -vow. - -[576:2] This is a narrow woollen scarf made by the nuns of St. Agnes in -Rome. - -[577:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 235-286. - -[577:2] The ceremony of bell, book, and candle was the most common. - -[577:3] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 395, 397, 403, 404, 405, 412. - -[577:4] _Ibid._, 442, 448. - -[577:5] _Ibid._, 384, 463. - -[577:6] Matth. Paris, _Hist. Maj._, an. 1208, 1214. - -[578:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 427. - -[578:2] _Ibid._, 417, 419, 420-421, etc. - -[578:3] _Ibid._, 440. - -[578:4] _Ibid._, 417. - -[578:5] _Ibid._, 418. - -[579:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 427. - -[579:2] _Ibid._, 428; Agnel, _Curiosites Judiciaires du Moyen-Age_, 26. - -[579:3] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 428. - -[579:4] _Ibid._, 429. - -[579:5] _Ibid._, 433. See _Translations and Reprints_, iv., No. 4. - -[579:6] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 435-437. - -[579:7] _Ibid._, 451; see Letter of Innocent III. in _Regest._, lib. x., -ep. 79. - -[580:1] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._, 455. - -[580:2] _Ibid._, 457. - -[580:3] Waker, _Kirchliches Finanzwesen der Paepste_. - -[582:1] Kurtz, i., 166. - -[582:2] Gams, _Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae_; Lea, _Stud. in -Ch. Hist._, 61-109. - -[583:1] Some monasteries secured papal exemption from episcopal control. - -[583:2] Froude, _Short Stories of Great Subjects_, 54. - -[584:1] Smith and Cheetham, _Dict. Chr. Antiq._, i., 353, 355; _Cath. -Encyc._ - -[585:1] Kurtz, vol. i., 168. See Howson, _Essay on Cathedrals_; Freeman, -_Cathedral Church of Wells_; Walcott, _Cathedralia_. - -[585:2] Emerton, _Med. Europe_, 549. - -[586:1] This power had been given to them in the reforms of Gregory VII. - -[586:2] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 361. - -[588:1] Urban II., Adrian IV., Alexander V., Gregory VII., Benedict -XII., Nicholas V., Sixtus IV., Urban IV., John XXII., Sixtus V., were -among the many Popes of humble ancestry. - -[589:1] Anselm of Milan (9th cent.), Regino of Pruem (10th cent.), -Burchard of Worms (11th cent.), Ivo of Chartres (12th cent.), and -Algerius of Liege (1120). - -[589:2] The best edition is by Richter. Unfortunately there is no -English translation. - -[590:1] Lea, _Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary_, xxxi. to xxxv. - -[590:2] _Ibid._ - -[591:1] One of the most famous preachers of the 13th century was the -German Franciscan, Berthold of Regensburg (d. 1272), who often preached -to crowds numbering 100,000. - -[592:1] See Robinson, _Readings_, i., 348. - -[593:1] John Pegues Assinus, a doctor of Paris University, substituted -the word consubstantiation. - -[594:1] Kings, at their coronation, and sometimes at the approach of -death, were by a special favour given the cup. - -[594:2] Alexander of Hales gave the dogmatic justification of this idea. - -[595:1] Wasserschleben, _Bussordnung_, Halle, 1851. - -[595:2] A journey to the Holy Land took the place of all penance. - -[595:3] Mansi, _Coll. Concil._, xviii., 525. - -[595:4] Fifth Canon of the Council of Ancyra in 314. - -[596:1] _Summa_, supplement, p. 3, qu. 25. - -[596:2] _Summa_, p. 4, qu. 23, art. 1, 2, memb. 5, 6. - -[596:3] Lea, _Indulgences_, 18 _ff._ - -[596:4] Pflugh-Harttung, _Acta Pontiff._, iii., n. 408; Potthast, -_Regest._ n. 3799. - -[596:5] Lea, _Indulgences_, 178. - -[596:6] _Ibid._, 314. - -[596:7] _Ibid._, 305, 310. - -[596:8] _Epist._, I Can., vii. - -[597:1] After receiving extreme unction recipients were forbidden to -touch the ground again with their bare feet or to have marital -intercourse. - -[602:1] Read the bull _Unam Sanctam_ of Boniface VIII. (1302). Robinson, -_Readings_, i., 346. - -[602:2] As late as the thirteenth century, an offender who wished to -prove that he was a priest in order to obtain the privilege of trial by -a church court had to show that he could read a single line. This was -called _benefit of clergy_. See Robinson, _Readings_, vol. i., ch. 16; -Lea, _Hist. of Inq._, iii., 57. - -[603:1] Milman, _Lat. Christ._, vi., 357. - -[604:1] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 4. - -[604:2] _Ibid._, i., 1. - - - - -INDEX - - - A - - Abbots, 217, 218, 421; - of Clugny, 429 - - Abelard, 511, 518, 559 - - Absolution, 590, 597 - - Abstinents, 204 - - Abubekr, 479 - - Abuses, clerical, 421, 426, 430, 432, 548, 563 - - Abu Taleb, 479 - - Acolytes, 63 - - Acre, fall of, 499 - - Actium, battle of, 41 - - Adalbert, 398, 425 - - Adaldag, 251 - - Adalgar, 251 - - Adelaide, 392, 402 - - Adelbert, 243 - - Adelbert of Bremen, 438 - - Adelbert of Prague, 249, 257 - - Adelpert, 165 - - Adhemar, Bishop of Pui, 494 - - AErius of Sebasta, 220 - - African Church, 155 - - Agents at Eastern court, 299 - - Agilbert, 239 - - Agilulf, King, 243 - - Agnes, Empress, 451 - - Agobard of Lyons, 283, 364 - - Agriculture, 198 - - Aidan, 164 - - Alaric II., 296 - - Albertus Magnus, 525 - - Albigenses, 501, 506, 560, 562, 572 - - Alcuin, 249, 311, 318 - - Aldich, 335 - - Alemanni, 234, 243 - - Aleontera, order of, 514 - - Alexander II., 360, 364, 369, 442, 446, 451 - - Alexander III., 362, 364, 379, 413, 545 - - Alexander IV., 536 - - Alexander of Alexandria, 137, 138, 141, 349 - - Alexander of Hales, 597 - - Alexander the Great, 199, 318 - - Alexander Severus, 103, 268, 291 - - Alexius, Emperor, 493, 495 - - Ali, 479 - - Alliance of Church and State, 202, 204 - - Alliance of Pope and Franks, 302, 304, 305, 307 - - Alms, 352 - - Amania, 165 - - Ambrose, 170, 211, 213, 295, 368, 380 - - Ammon, 205, 208 - - Anacletus, 331 - - Anagni, 545 - - Anastasius, 174, 365 - - Andrew, St., 257 - - Angels, 354 - - Angles, 235 - - Anglo-Saxon invasion, 240 - - Anicetus, 155 - - Anne, 257 - - Ansgar, 250, 253, 341 - - Anthony of Alexandria, 205, 211 - - Anthony, order of, 514 - - Anthony, St., 203, 208, 427 - - Antioch, captured, 495 - - Antioch, Council of, 178, 348 - - Anti-Petrine view, 77 - - Antoninus Pius, 102 - - Apiarius, 167 - - Apostles, 56; - and monasticism, 201; - and the state, 290 - - Apostles' Creed, 356, 371 - - Apostolic Christianity, 202 - - Apostolic Church, 154, 160 _ff._, 202, 375 - - Apostolic constitutions, 163; - canons, 178, 330, 331 - - Apostolic seat, 61 - - Apostolic succession, 61 - - Appeals to Rome, 155, 169, 175, 348, 562, 575 - - Aquileia, Council of, 171 - - Aquinas, Thomas, 373, 525, 592, 595, 596 - - Arabia, in 570, 476 _ff._; - under Mohammed, 480 - - Arabs, 476 _ff._ - - Archbishops, 61; - 22 in Europe, 315, 336; - origin of, 348-350; - power, 350; - in 13th century, 581, 582 - - Archdeacons, 62 - - Architecture, 598, 599, 600 - - Arian controversy, 120, 136 _ff._, 175, 266, 294 - - Arian princes conquered, 302 - - Arianism, 143, 145, 189, 232, 233 - - Arians, 139, 141, 142, 144, 145, 166 - - Aristotle, 47 - - Arius, 137, 138, 141, 144 - - Arles, Council of, 119, 144, 162, 163, 175, 244, 293, 353 - - Arles, Council of, in 813, 313 - - Arnold, 16 - - Arnold of Brescia, 511, 518, 559 - - Arnoldites, 519 - - Arnulf, 387 - - Art, 42, 270 - - Asceticism, use of, 64, 199; - attacks on, 218, 219 - - Ascetics, 203; - none in early Church, 204, 427 - - Athalaric, 296 - - Athanasius, 9, 139, 141, 142, 144, 166, 181, 206, 209, 211, 212, 349 - - Athens, 48 - - Attila, 184 - - Augustine, St., 9, 168, 170, 211, 213, 372 - - Augustine's _City of God_, 318 - - Augustine, Abbot, 165, 235, 236, 237, 238 - - Augustine, Rule of, 511 - - Augustinians, 536, 539 - - Augustus, 48, 94 - - Aurelian, 105, 156 - - Aurelius, 330 - - Avars, 308, 309 - - Avis, order of, 514 - - Aymar, abbot of Clugny, 429 - - - B - - Babbio, 243 - - Baldwin of Bouillon, 494 - - Baldwin II., 513 - - Bans, 564 - - Baptism, 181, 219, 352, 372, 374, 375 - - Baptisteries, 375 - - Barbarian invasions, 169, 180, 183, 293, 357, 385; - later, 388 - - Barbarians, conversion of, 230, 231 - - Baronius, 16 - - Basil, St., 139, 167, 210 - - Basil, Rule of, 212 - - Basil, Emperor, 257 - - Basques, 308 - - Baur, 17 - - Bavarians, 302, 308 - - Bede, 16, 73, 235, 240 - - Begging orders, 216, 518 _ff._, 536, 537 - - Beghards, 519, 520, 538 - - Beguins, 519, 520 - - Belisarius deposes a Pope, 297 - - Bells, 372 - - Benedict, 187, 213 - - Benedict VII., 402 - - Benedict VIII., 368, 407, 408, 420, 426 - - Benedict IX., 410, 420 - - Benedict X., 438, 439 - - Benedictine Rule, 190, 214-216, 428, 431, 432 - - Benedictines, 199, 248, 434 - - Benedictus Levita, 335 - - Berengar, 387 - - Berengar II., 392, 395 - - Bernard, St., 368, 369, 402, 491, 496, 511, 513, 516, 518, 570 - - Bernard of Quintavalle, 528 - - Bertha, 236 - - Bible manuscripts, 269 - - Bishop of Rome, 76, 77, 107, 149, 151, 153, 154, 155, 158; - accepted as Peter's successor, 160, 170; - claims appellate power, 165; - greatest man in Western Europe, 168; - settles disputes, 169; - primacy of, 172, 175; - power approved by Emperor, 178; - calls councils, 294; - becomes a temporal prince, 302 - - Bishoprics created in Germany, 247, 249, 253 - - Bishoprics founded in France, 303 - - Bishops, 57; - equality of, 176; - increase their power, 322; - subjected to state, 337; - election of, 351; - duties, 351 _ff._, 421; - in the East, 501; - in 13th century, 582 _ff._ - - Bishops, provincial, 158 - - Bjoern, King, 253 - - Black friars, _see_ Dominicans. - - Blondel, David, 333 - - Bogoris, Duke, 256 - - Bohemia, 449 - - Bohemian Church, 255 - - Bohemians, 255, 391, 401 - - Bohemond, 494, 495 - - Boleslav the Cruel, 255 - - Boleslaw II., 369 - - Bologna University, 545, 579, 589 - - Bonasus, 220 - - Bonaventura, 537, 538 - - Boniface, 165, 305, 309 - - Boniface, St., 244 _ff._, 330, 333 - - Boniface I., 295 - - Boniface IV., 378, 380 - - Boniface VII., 402 - - Boniface VIII., 413, 525, 581 - - Borziway, Duke, 255 - - Bossuet, 16 - - Brescia, Council of, 467 - - Bretons, 308 - - _Breviarium_, 330 - - Bridge Brothers, 515 - - Bridget, St., 240 - - British Christians, 238 - - Brotherhoods of the Peace of God, 359 - - Brothers and Sisters of Penitence, 530 - - Brothers of the Sword, 514 - - Bruno, 249, 399, 424, 434 _ff._, 511 - - Bruno, abbot of Clugny, 428 - - Bruno of Cologne, 510 - - Buddha, 199 - - Bulgarians, 253, 256, 407 - - Burghers, increase in importance, 570 - - Burgundian Code, 363 - - Burgundians, 145, 233, 302 - - Burgundy united with Germany, 406 - - Byzantine Empire, 126, 405 - - Byzantine historians, 16 - - - C - - Caecilius, 95 - - Caesar, Augustus, 48, 94, 318 - - Caesar, Julius, 48 - - Caesar, Tiberius, 48 - - Caesarins, 538 - - Caius, 80, 86 - - Calatrava, order of, 514 - - Calendar of saints, 378 - - Calistus, 358 - - Calixtus I., 177, 453 - - Calixtus II., 472 - - Callistus, 160, 163 - - Calvin, 333 - - Camaldolites, 429 _ff._, 445 - - Candles, 220 - - Canon law, 143, 246, 370, 549 - - Canonisation, 379 - - Canons of the Church, 142, 144, 145, 266, 329 - - Canossa, 463 _ff._ - - Canute, 407, 409 - - _Capitula Angilramni_, 331 - - Capuchins, 539 - - Caracalla, 103 - - Carloman, 216, 304, 307 - - Carmelites, 520, 539 - - _Carnales_, 338 - - Caroline Books, 283 - - Carolingian Empire, 321, 386, 387, 391 - - Carolingian policy of division of rule, 320, 348 - - Carthage, Church of, 449 - - Carthage, Council of, 171 - - Carthusians, 510, 570 - - Cassian, 211, 213, 521 - - Cassiodorus, 330 - - Catacombs, 268 - - Catechists, 63 - - Catechumens, 374, 375 - - Catharii, 511 - - Catharists, 560 - - Catholic Church, 5, 75, 107, 148; - unity of, 156, 157 - - Cedd, Bishop, 239 - - Celestine, 168, 174 - - Celestine III., 362, 364, 551 - - Celestine V., 512, 538 - - Celestines, 512, 538 - - Celibacy, 64, 143, 161, 181, 190, 203, 220, 247, 266, 300, 355, 356, - 420, 436, 439, 442, 450, 452, 453 _ff._, 544, 564 - - Celsus, 95 - - Celtic missionaries, 164, 246 - - Celts, 235, 237, 241, 244 - - Chalcedon, Council of, 172, 174, 184, 194, 218, 294, 297, 349 - - Chapter, 584 _ff._ - - Charity, 159, 198, 364, 365 - - Charlemagne, _see_ Charles the Great. - - Charles the Bald, 319, 342, 385 - - Charles the Fat, 321, 385, 386, 387 - - Charles the Great, 9, 126, 187, 217, 234, 248, 249, 250, 253, 254, - 255, 258; - life of, 307-308; - controls Papacy, 308; - reforms Church, 309; - Emperor, 309-312; - results of his rule, 312-317; - character, 317; - successors, 319-320, 331, 334, 339, 341, 348, 354, 363, 366, 372; - decline of his empire, 384, 385, 389, 392, 393, 395, 398, 400, 405, - 410, 412, 414, 443, 446, 455, 471, 486, 487 - - Charles Martel, 245, 247, 258, 303, 487 - - Charles the Simple, 385, 390 - - Charroux, synod of, 358 - - Chiersy, synod of, 334 - - Childeric III., 304 - - Chivalry, 490, 502, 506 - - Chosroes II., 484 - - Christ, order of, 514 - - Christendom, size in 604, 231; - extent in 13th century, 259 - - Christianity, 46; - illegal, 93, 102, 107; - spread of, 113, 126, 128, 149, 150; - in first and second centuries, 203; - spread to Ireland, 240; - Scotland, 241; - materialised, 270; - political philosophy of early, 289; - not a "religio licita," 290; - compared with Roman religion, 292; - compared with Mohammedanism, 426, 481 - - Christians, number of, 54, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 102, 104, 105, 106, - 107; - number in 305, 113; - in Rome, 148; - number, 259, 268; - increase of, 291; - refuse to conform, 291 - - Chrysostom, 139, 167, 232, 271 - - Church and state, 423, 435 - - Church, apostolic, compared, 160 _ff._ - - Church Canons, 142, 144, 145 - - Church, Christian, sources on, 12; - in New Test., 15; - contributions of Jews and pagans, 53; - organisation, 55, 56; - Roman Empire a model, 148; - changes in, 149; - early evils, 163; - unity of, 169; - changes in, 180; - property, 190; - necessary for salvation, 194; - secularised, 201; - worldliness in, 203; - reflects its age, 260; - compared with the state, 292; - recognises supremacy of the state, 292; - union with state not all evil, 293; - paganised, 293; - rules Europe for 1000 years, 294; - ruled by Empire after Constantine, 294, 295; - alienation of property forbidden, 296; - in 7th and 8th century, 300; - receives property from Clovis, 302; - Pepin, 303; - and Charles the Great, 312; - divided into 22 archbishoprics, 315; - declines, 322; - constitution of, 337; - and state, 338; - founded on Peter, 343; - moral arch of safety, 356; - slavery, 356; - peace, 358 _ff._; - private war, 358; - ordeals, 362; - charity, 365; - discipline, 366; - worship, 370; - sacraments, 373; - above state, 418; - corruptions, 422; - in 1073, 445; - property, sale of, 451; - feudalised, 455; - wealth of, 501; - crusades, 502; - attains its claims, 569; - extent and wealth, 574; - good and evil, 600 _ff._; - in 13th century, 602 _ff._ - - Church Fathers, deplore vices in Church, 180, 191, 201; - command asceticism, 203, 216; - approve images, 272, 276; - and the state, 290, 318, 330, 357, 365, 376 - - Church government, system of, 60; - evolution of, 64, 184; - regulated, 297, 446 - - Church history, study of, 1-10; - sources on, 10-11; - not theology, 7; - revival of interest in, 7 - - Church officers, 57, 162, 260, 455 - - Churches, endowed in Rome, 118, 265; - decorated, 272; - and shrines, 378; - erected to Our Lady, 381; - erected in Holy Land, 484 - - Cicero, 41, 42, 93 - - Cistercians, 249, 511, 570, 591 - - Civil law, 452 - - Civilisation, mediaeval, 381, 505 - - Clairvaux, 570 - - Clarenins, 538 - - Classical influences, 260 - - Claudius, 48, 113 - - Claudius, Bishop of Turin, 283 - - Clement II., 410, 427, 434 - - Clement III., 362, 467, 546, 579, 589 - - Clement VIII., 526 - - Clement of Alexandria, 80, 86, 269 - - Clement of Rome, 57, 80, 84, 86, 153, 155, 160, 177 - - Clergy, houses, 64; - reformed, 190; - regulated, 297; - influence of, 354; - incomes, 355; - higher, 420-422; - under Gregory VII., 448; - in 13th century, 517; - criticised, 571; - cut off from laity, 587 _ff._ - - Clermont, Council of, 360, 489, 492 - - Clovis, 234, 302, 303 - - Clugniacs, 199; - reformation, 424 _ff._, 435 - - Clugny, 428 _ff._, 434, 436, 490 - - Coelestius, 173 - - Coleman, Bishop, 239 - - College of Cardinals, 439 _ff._, 580 - - Columba, 164, 241, - - Columbanus, 164, 242, 243 - - Columbus, 253, 505 - - Commodion, 80 - - Commodus, 103 - - Common people, 45 - - Communism, 64 - - Concordat of Worms, 472, 473, 545, 582 - - Concubinage, 451 - - Confession, 218, 352, 367, 426, 596 - - Confirmation, 352, 375 - - Conrad of Franconia, 390 - - Conrad II., 407 _ff._, 455 - - Conrad III., 496 - - Constantia, 141, 271 - - Constantine, 9, 54, 106; - Roman Empire under, 112; - life of, 113 _ff._; - vision of the cross, 117 _ff._, 125; - character, 121 _ff._; - successors, 127; - Arian controversy, 139 _ff._, 159; - legalised Christianity, 160, 162; - aid to Church, 175, 219, 232, 269, 270, 271; - subjects Christianity to the state, 292, 294, 318, 331, 336, 354, - 365, 372, 374, 379 - - Constantine II., 144 - - Constantine V., 277, 280 - - Constantinople, fall of, 286, 449 - - Constantinople, second Council of, 145, 178, 281, 282 - - Constantinople, synod of, 277 - - Constantius, 144, 294 - - Constantius Chlorus, 113, 114, 115 - - Constitution of Lothair, 395 - - Constitution of Otto I., 395 - - Conte, Le, 333 - - Conversion, mediaeval, 231 _ff._ - - Converts, pagan, 180 - - Cornelius, 79 - - _Corpus Juris Canonici_, 338, 360, 588, 589 - - Corruptions in the Church in 10th and 11th centuries, 422; - 13th century, 563 - - Council, Reform, of 1074, 450 - - Councils, 162, 237, 266, 294, 313, 376, 421, 452, 471, 544 - - Credulity of Western Europe, 487 - - Creed, Nicene, 171 - - Creighton, 17 - - Crescentius, 403 - - Cross, 269, 271 - - Cross bearers, order of, 514 - - Crusades, 249, 258, 377, 404, 450; - causes, 483 _ff._; - time, purpose, and number, 491 _ff._; - first, 493 _ff._; - second, 496 _ff._; - third, 497; - fourth, 498; - minor crusades, 498 _ff._; - failed, 499; - results, 500 _ff._; - children's, 492; - against heretics, 561 - - Culdees, 241, 252 - - Culture, 198 - - Curia, Roman, 562 - - Cyprian, 80, 82, 107, 155, 158, 159, 160, 205, 372 - - Cyril, 139, 168 - - Cyrillus, 254, 255, 256 - - Czechs, 253, 388 - - - D - - Damascus, 181 - - Damasus, 295, 330, 434 - - Damiani, 371, 373, 432 _ff._, 436, 438, 441, 442 - - Danes, 253, 388, 391, 392, 399, 401, 407 - - David, Sultan, 493 - - Deacons, 56, 364 - - Decian persecution, 203 - - Decius, 98, 104, 105 - - Decretals, 173; - of Gregory I., 174 - - _Decretum Gratiani_, 589 - - Dedication of churches, 352 - - De Gama, 505 - - De Moulin, 333 - - Democracy of Papacy, 300 - - Denis, St., 74, 164 - - Denmark, Church in, 250, 251 - - Deposition of a Pope, 297 - - "Deposito Martyrum," 81 - - Devil, 354 - - _Dictatus Papae_, 448 - - Didymus, Blind, 139 - - Diet of Worms, 434, 460 - - Dioceses, 349 - - Diocletian, 98, 105, 112, 114 - - Dionysius Areopagite, 373 - - Dionysius Exiguus, 330, 334 - - Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, 80, 86 - - Dionysius of Alexandria, 137 - - Dionysius of Rome, 137, 156 - - Discipline, 366, 376 - - Divorce not permitted, 356, 564 - - Doctrine of Addai, 81 - - Doctrines, 591 - - Doge of Venice, 430 - - Dogma, 295, 572 - - Doellinger, 17 - - Dominic, St., 518, 519 _ff._; - youth and education, 521; - goes to France, 522; - rebukes the Cistercians, 522; - founds St. Rouen, 523; - order approved by Innocent III., 523; - organisation, 524; - spread, 525; - death, 525, 570 - - Dominicans, 259, 432, 502, 521, 525 _ff._, 570, 591 - - Dominicus, St., 429 - - Domitian, 100, 101 - - Domitilla, 100 - - Donation of Constantine, 332, 334 - - Donation of Pepin, 306 - - Donatists, 136, 189 - - Donatus, 212 - - Dorylaeum, battle of, 495 - - Dryer, 17 - - Dunstan, St., 427 - - Duran de Husce, 519 - - - E - - East and the West, breach between, 438 - - Easter, date of, 143, 155, 160, 220, 239, 240, 266 - - Eastern Church, 155, 184, 231, 266 - - Eastern Church and Western compared, 286 - - Eastern Empire, 502; - estranged from the Western, 503, 549 - - Ebionites, 132, 136 - - Ebo, Archbishop of Rheims, 250, 335 - - Ecclesia and Jewish kingdom, 56 - - Ecclesiastical monarchy, 301 - - Edessa, fall of, 496 - - Edict of Milan, 119, 174 - - Edict of 380, 128 - - Education, under Charles the Great, 317, 356 - - Ekkehard, 401 - - Elders, duties of, 59 - - Election of clergy, 193 - - Election of Pope, 296, 297, 298 - - Elias, 210 - - Elizabeth, 46 - - Elvira, Council of, 163 - - Elvira, synod of, 268, 276 - - Emerton on study of Church history, 1 - - Emperor, 289, 295; - German, 445, 446; - Eastern, and crusades, 491 - - Empire, prosperous, 40; - moral condition, 46; - union with Papacy, 175; - spiritualised, 293; - revival under Otto I., 391; - and Papacy, 398; - distracted, 549 - - Eon de l'Etoile, 558 - - Ephesus, Council of, 168, 171, 294 - - Ephraem, 139 - - Episcopal cases taken out of secular courts, 337 - - Erasmus, 332 - - Erfurt, Council of, 453 - - Eric, 251, 252 - - Eschylus, 43 - - Esquimos, 252 - - Essenes, 44, 200, 209 - - Estates of the Church, 365 - - Ethelbert, 236, 237, 238 - - Eucharist, 266, 363, 370, 372, 373, 374, 558 - - Eudoxia, 167 - - Eugenius II., 361 - - Eugenius III., 496 - - Eusebius of Caesarea, 15, 54, 71, 81, 102, 106, 117, 118, 139, 141, - 211, 271 - - Eusebius of Nicomedia, 139 - - Eustace of Bouillon, 494, 495, 496 - - Eustathius, 210 - - Evagrius, 15 - - Ewald, 165, 244, 249 - - Exarchs, 349 - - Excommunication, 155, 157, 158, 172, 367 _ff._, 561, 576 _ff._, 597 - - Exorcists, 63 - - Extreme unction, 377, 597, 598 - - - F - - Fabiola, 365 - - Fasting, 203, 220, 367 - - Felix II., 145, 185 - - Festival of All Saints, 378 - - Festival of All Souls, 378 - - Festival of Orthodoxy, 282 - - Festival of the Annunciation, 381 - - Festival of the Ascension of Mary, 381 - - Festival of the Purification of Mary, 381 - - Festivals multiplied, 161, 193, 375 - - Feudalism, 217, 389, 503, 505, 515, 574 - - Filioque, 266, 285 - - Finances of Rome, 445 - - Fisher, 17 - - Flagellants, 432, 506 - - Flavian, 9, 167 - - Flavius Clemens, 100 - - Florence, Council of, in 1439, 285 - - Fontevraud, order of, 511 - - Formosus, 386, 387, 419 - - Fortunatus, 155 - - Foulques de Neuilly, 519 - - France, beginnings of, 231 - - Francis, St., 9, 518, 526 _ff._; - early career, 526 _ff._; - forms an order, 528 _ff._; - confirmed by Pope, 529; - labours, 530; - death and canonisation, 530; - his influence, 531; - growth of the order, 532; - compared with Dominic, 533 _ff._; - later history, 538 _ff._, 570 - - Franciscans, 259, 432, 502, 524, 526 _ff._, 570, 591 - - Frankfort, Council of, 369 - - Franks, 234, 235, 249, 302 _ff._ - - Fratricelli, 538 - - Frederick II., Emperor, 498, 550, 577 - - Frederick Barbarossa, 497 - - Frederick, Bishop, 252 - - Frederick the Great, 318 - - Frederick of Lorraine becomes Pope, 438 - - Free cities, 503, 505, 506 - - Freeman, 4 - - French Revolution, 429 - - Fridolin, 243 - - Fulda, monastery at, 248 - - Fulk of Neuilly, 498 - - - G - - Gaius, 93 - - Galerius, 106, 114, 115 - - Gall, St., 243 - - Gallienus, 105 - - Gallus, 165, 243 - - Gama, De, 505 - - Gautbert, 253 - - Gebhard, 437 _ff._ - - Gelasius, 167, 174, 573 - - Genseric, 184 - - Gerach of Reichersberg, 518 - - Gerbert, 399, 402, 404, 425, 426 - - German Church, 247, 394 - - German cloisters, 429 - - German kingdom, 391 - - German Pope, first, 403; - Popes, 425 - - Germanus, 278 - - Germany, origin of, 321, 244; - influences, 260 - - Geyza, Prince, 257 - - Geography, 505 - - Ghibellines, 549 - - Gibbon, 16, 73 - - Gieseler, 3, 17 - - Gilbert, 512, 516 - - Gilbertines, 512 - - Gnostics, 132, 136, 202, 268 - - Goddana, 210 - - Godfrey of Bouillon, 494, 495, 496, 513 - - Godfrey of Tuscany, 442 - - Gontran, King, 242 - - Goths, 145, 302 - - Gottschalk, 254 - - Grammont, order of, 510 - - Gratian, 128, 167, 171, 368, 434, 589 - - Grecian religion, 42 - - Greek, 41 - - Greek Catholics, 76 - - Greek Church, 231, 233, 257, 449 - - Greek Fathers, 170 - - Greeks, 401 - - Greenland, 252 - - Gregory of Tours, 16, 73, 319 - - Gregory I., the Great, 9, 167, 185, 191, 216, 218, 231, 236, 242, 270, - 274, 275, 276, 298, 329, 336, 344, 358, 365, 368, 370, 371, 380, - 389, 440, 441 - - Gregory II., 245, 278, 279, 300 - - Gregory III., 247, 280, 300, 303 - - Gregory V., 403, 404, 425, 426, 427 - - Gregory VI., 410, 420, 434, 455 - - Gregory VII., 173, 339, 369, 432; - election, 446; - beliefs, 447 _ff._; - reform efforts, 450 _ff._; - opposition, 453 _ff._; - investiture strife, 457 _ff._; - Henry IV., 462 _ff._; - driven from Rome, 467; - dies in exile, 467; - character, 467 _ff._; - influence, 470; - crusader, 488, 545 - - Gregory VIII., 546 - - Gregory IX., 537, 538 - - Gregory X., 526, 539 - - Gregory Nanzianzen, 349 - - Gregory of Utrecht, 248 - - Grosseteste, 590 - - Gualbert, St. John, 431 - - Guelphs, 549 - - Guericke, 17 - - Guido of Spoleto, 386 - - Guilds, 576 - - Guiscard, 441, 449, 494 - - Gwatkin, 17 - - - H - - Hadrian, Emperor, 102 - - Hadrian I., Pope, 281 - - Hadrian II., 355, 418 - - Hagenbach, 17 - - Hakam, 485 - - Hakon the Good, 251 - - Halimand, Archbishop, 436 - - Halitgar, 250 - - Hanseatic League, 506 - - Harnack, 17, 58 - - Harold Klak, King, 250 - - Hase, 17 - - Hatch on Church history, 4, 58 - - Hauck, 17 - - Heaven, 354, 381 - - Hefele, 17 - - Hegesippus, 15 - - Hegira, 480, 481 - - Helena, 113 - - Heliogabalus, 103 - - Hell, 354, 381 - - Helvidius, 220 - - Henke, 16 - - Henry I., 390, 420 - - Henry II., 241, 406 _ff._, 424, 426, 572, 577 - - Henry III., 407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 420, 424, 427, 434, 437, 438, - 439, 456 - - Henry IV., 360, 363, 437, 439, 446, 451, 459 _ff._, 461, 463 _ff._, - 467, 577 - - Henry V., 471, 472 - - Henry VI., 498, 549, 550 - - Henry VIII., 318 - - Henry the Fowler, 424 - - Henry of Lausanne, 559 - - Heraclius, 484 - - Heresy, 143, 145, 153, 154, 157, 165, 183, 184, 205, 220, 247, 295, - 517, 557 _ff._, 564, 572, 576 - - Heretics, 173, 268, 293, 368, 501, 539, 560, 561 - - Hergenroether, 17 - - Hermits, 199, 206 _ff._ - - Herod, 79 - - Herzog, 17 - - Hieracus, 205 - - Hierarchy, 176, 198, 260 - - Hilarion, 208, 210 - - Hilarius, 61 - - Hilary, 144, 164 - - Hildebrand, 9, 191, 363, 424, 426, 429, 434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 441 - _ff._; - chosen Pope, 500, 545, 548, 565 - - Hildebrandine reformation, 490 - - Hincmar, 332, 336, 341, 361, 369 - - Hippolytus, 80, 177 - - _Hispania_, 331 - - Hirshau, 431 - - Holy Ghost, order of, 515 - - Holy Roman Empire, 344, 401, 411 _ff._ - - Holy Water, 372, 572 - - Honoratus, 164 - - Honorius, 240, 295 - - Honorius II., 442, 513, 519 - - Honorius III., 364, 520, 524 - - Hosius, 118, 141, 144 - - Hospitalers, 502 - - Hospitals, 365 - - Hottinger, 16 - - House of Commons in England, 504 - - Hugh, abbot of Clugny, 429 - - Hugh Capet, 387 - - Hugh of Provence, 392 - - Hugh of St. Victor, 373 - - Hugh of Vienne, 525 - - Hugh the Great, 392 - - Hugh the Long, 494, 495 - - Hugo, Cardinal, 446, 447 - - Humbert, Cardinal, 436 - - Hume, 16 - - Humiliati, 512 - - Hungarians, 385, 493 - - Huodo, Count, 401 - - Hurst, 17 - - Hymns, 371 - - - I - - Iceland, 252 - - Iconoclasti, 277 - - Iconoclastic controversy, 267, 282 _ff._, 300, 304, 309 - - Iconolatrae, 277 - - Ignatius of Antioch, 75, 80, 86, 159, 177, 336 - - Images, not used by early Christians, 268; - edict against, 278, 379, 501 - - Image worship, 161, 267 _ff._, 269, 273 _ff._, 279 _ff._, 302 - - Imperial theory of church and state, 413, 414 - - Incense, 220 - - Independence of Pope, 302 - - Indulgences, 377, 501, 560, 561, 572, 595, 596 - - Index, 573 - - Industry, 198 - - Innocent I., 167, 170, 171, 172, 181, 452, 596 - - Innocent II., 362 - - Innocent III., 9, 191, 287, 339, 362, 364, 369, 389, 413, 436, 498, - 500, 502, 510, 515, 519, 522, 544, 545; - early life, 545; - enters Church, 546; - chosen Pope, 547; - ideas and reform policy, 547 _ff._; - becomes head of Europe, 549 _ff._; - asserts supremacy over the East, 555; - rules North, 556; - champions crusades, 556, 557; - sought to crush heresy, 557 _ff._; - character and influence, 560 _ff._, 596 - - Innocent IV., 525, 526, 580 - - Innocent V., 525 - - Inquisition, 364, 501, 539, 564, 565, 573 - - Inquisitors General, 560 - - Interdict, 369, 370, 577, 578 - - International peace, 503 - - Interpreters, 63 - - Investiture, 436, 442 - - Iona, 341 - - Ireland, 240, 241, 250 - - Irenaeus, 57, 80, 86, 107, 151, 157, 177, 268, 291 - - Irene, 311 - - Isidore of Seville, 330, 333, 334, 349 - - Italian monasteries, 429 - - Italians, 394 - - Italy, origin of, 321; - reunited with East, 296; - hated Greeks and Lombards, 300; - independence of, 550 - - - J - - James, 78, 79, 561 - - Janitors, 63 - - Janssen, 17 - - Jerome, 61, 81, 165, 181, 210, 211, 213, 219, 230, 330, 485 - - Jerusalem, 48; - massacre, 496; - capture, 497 - - Jesus, teachings of, 49, 55, 82, 85, 101, 103; - and asceticism, 200; - and civil government, 289, 364; - and slavery, 356; - and baptism, 374 - - Jewish church, 46, 204 - - Jewish synagogue, 59; - passover, 266 - - Jews, 189, 260, 276, 277, 358, 501 - - Joannes, 208 - - Johannus Turrecrenta, 332 - - John, 78, 86 - - John, King of England, 369, 549, 552-555 - - John I., 296 - - John II., 179, 296 - - John VIII., 418 - - John X., 419 - - John XI., 429 - - John XII., 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 419, 424 - - John XIII., 398, 401, 425 - - John XIV., 402 - - John XV., 379, 403 - - John XVI., 404 - - John XIX., 407, 408, 420 - - John of Damascus, 274, 279, 280 - - John of Gorz, 399 - - John the Greek, 402 - - John of Syracuse, 189 - - John, St., 237 - - John, St., order of, 512 - - Joseph, 46 - - Jovinian, 219, 220 - - Judaism, 476, 479 - - Judas Iscariot, 79 - - Judgment of God, 361-364 - - Julian, Emperor, 127, 145, 271 - - Julian I., 166, 171, 181 - - Julius Paulus, 93 - - Julius, Pope, 144 - - _Jus ecclesiasticum_, 589 - - Justin II., 185 - - Justinian, 179, 187, 294, 296, 397 - - Justin Martyr, 291 - - Jutes, 235 - - Juvenal, 46 - - - K - - Katerkamp, 17 - - Keble, 17 - - Kentigern, St., 241 - - Kilian, 165 - - Knights of Emancipation, 515 - - Koethe, prophecy about Church history, 8 - - Koraish priests, 479, 480 - - Koran, 502 - - Kurtz, 17 - - Kylian, 243 - - - L - - Lactantius, 81, 118, 220 - - Laity cut off from clergy, 193, 198; - in 12th century, 353, 448, 451, 571, 572 - - Lambert, 386 - - Lanfranc of Canterbury, 442 - - Langton, Stephen, 553, 554 - - Las Casas, 525 - - Lateran Councils, 360, 408, 439, 557, 562, 563, 564 - - Latin, 41; - used in worship, 371 - - Latin Christianity, 46, 400 - - Latin Church, 16, 255 - - Latin Empire of Constantinople, 498, 502 - - Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, 502 - - Laurentius of Amalfi, 434 - - Law, imperial, controls the Church, 295 - - Law, study of, 503; - under Innocent III., 567 - - Lawrence, 296 - - Laws of Charles the Great, 315 _ff._ - - Lay investiture, 449; - origin, 457; - opposition, 458; - Henry IV. and, 459 _ff._; - compromise in 1111, 471; - Concordat of Worms, 472, 545 - - Laying on of hands, 375 - - Lazarus, order of, 515 - - Lechfeld, battle of, 393 - - Lectors, 62 - - Legatine power, 501 - - Lent, 266, 370 - - Leo the Armenian, 282 - - Leo, King of Armenia, 555 - - Leo I., 168, 174, 182, 344, 374, 452 - - Leo III., the Isaurian, 277, 278 - - Leo III., Pope, 310, 440-441 - - Leo IV., 340, 364 - - Leo VIII., 397-398, 424 - - Leo IX., 424, 436, 438 - - Leontius, Bishop of Neapolis, 273 - - _Lex Visigothorum_, 330 - - Libanus, 219 - - _Liber Pontificalis_, 330 - - Liberatus, 349 - - Liberius, 145 - - Licinius, 116, 118, 124 - - Lingard, 17 - - Literature, bourgeois, 570-571 - - Liturgy, 254, 352 - - Lollards, 283 - - Lombard, Peter, 373, 378, 525, 592 - - Lombards, 233, 303 _ff._, 308, 549 - - Lombardy, crown of, 392, 409 - - Longobards, 145 - - Loofs, 17 - - Lord's Prayer, 356, 371 - - Lord's Supper, _see_ Eucharist. - - Lothair, 319 _ff._ - - Lothair II., 336 - - Louis the Child, 387, 389, 420 - - Louis the German, 254 - - Louis the Pious, 216, 217, 250, 253, 255, 319 _ff._, 335, 363, 378, - 395 - - Louis II., 320, 340, 341 - - Louis IV., 393 - - Louis VII., 496, 504 - - Louis IX., 498, 526 - - Louis X., 504 - - Lucifer, 144 - - Lucius, King, 73 - - Lucius I., 452 - - Ludolph, 393, 394 - - Luitgarde, St., 566 - - Luitprand, King of Lombards, 302, 399 - - Lull, 248 - - Luther, 3, 219, 434, 451, 536, 546 - - Lyons, 73 - - Lyons, Council of, 285 - - - M - - Macarius, 141, 208, 213 - - Maecenas, 94 - - _Magdeburg Centuries_, 332 - - Magellan, 505 - - Magna Charta, 554, 555 - - Magyars, 256, 391, 393, 399 - - Majola, abbot of Clugny, 429 - - Mamno of Cologne, 438 - - Manichaeans, 105, 132, 133, 189 - - Marcella, 211 - - Marcellus, 139, 141 - - Marcia, 103 - - Marcian, 155, 156 - - Marco Polo, 505 - - Marcus Aurelius, 102 - - Marozia, 419 - - Marriage, 181, 204, 255, 266, 356, 378, 407, 420, 424, 430, 432, 436, - 448, 453, 564 - - Marsiglio of Padua, 332 - - Martel, Chas., 302 - - Martin, St., 164 - - Martin of Tours, 212 - - Martin I., 299 - - Martyrs, 193, 270, 378, 380 - - Mary, Virgin, 46, 193, 356, 381 - - Mass, 189, 193, 217, 218, 352, 370, 572, 593, 594 - - Massacre of Jerusalem, 496 - - Matthew, 80 - - Matthias Flacius, 16 - - Maurice, 299 - - Maurus, 512 - - Maxentius, 115, 117, 123, 269 - - Maximian, 114, 115 - - Maximus of Salona, 368 - - Maximus the Thracian, 104 - - Maximus of Turin, 170 - - McGiffert, 17 - - Mediaeval Papacy, 5, 183, 201, 234, 293, 389 - - Meersen, treaty of, 321 - - Meister Echart, 525 - - Melania, 210, 211 - - Melchiades, 331 - - Mercurius, St., 427 - - Merovingian kings, 348 - - Methodius, 205, 254, 255, 256 - - Metropolitans, 61, 337, 348, 349, 581, 582 - - Michael III., 254, 284 - - Middle Ages, 16, 198 - - Mieczyslav, Duke, 256 - - Milan, Council of, 144 - - Mileve, Council of, 171 - - Milman, 17 - - Milvian Bridge, 116, 117, 118, 123 - - Minims, 539 - - Miracles, 220, 501 - - Missionary monks, 198 - - Missionary zeal of Rome, 152, 153, 164, 198, 229 _ff._, 233, 251, 254, - 255, 259, 303 - - Mistiwoi, 254 - - Moeller, 17 - - Mohammed, 318, 450, 476 _ff._ - - Mohammedanism, 258, 277, 278, 293, 476 _ff._, 482 _ff._ - - Monarchians, 134, 253 - - Monastery, first walled, 209 - - Monastic abuses, 407, 427, 516 - - Monastic orders, decline of, 515 - - Monastic Rule, 242 - - Monasticism, Christian, 45, 185, 190, 198, 199 _ff._, 204 _ff._, 209, - 210, 211, 212, 217, 218, 220 _ff._, 239, 243, 249, 254, 421, 424, - 429, 486, 502, 510, 516 - - Monk, the ideal man, 198, 199, 217, 352 - - Monks, 421, 517 - - Monotheism, 46 - - Montanism, 135, 136, 177, 202 - - Montesta, order of, 514 - - Moors, 514 - - Morality, 198, 353, 354, 563 - - Moravians, 254 - - Mosheim, 16 - - Moymir, 254 - - Mueller, 17 - - Muratorian canon, 81 - - Music in worship, 193, 270, 371, 372 - - Mysticism, 570 - - - N - - Napoleon, 4, 307, 318, 386, 399, 406, 408, 412, 470, 514 - - Napoleon III., 307 - - National churches, 322 - - National states, rise of, 320 - - Neo-Caesarea, Council of, 163 - - Neo-Platonism, 199 - - Nepotism, 563 - - Nero, 84, 99, 100 - - Nerva, 101 - - Nestorian controversy, 272 - - Newman, 17 - - New Testament, 15 - - Nicaea, 495 - - Nicaea, Council of, 120, 131 _ff._, 142 _ff._, 153, 155, 162, 171, 175, - 176, 178, 232, 281, 282, 293, 331, 380 - - Nicene Creed, 142, 143, 144, 145, 171, 234, 266, 314 - - Nicholas I., 255, 256, 283, 322, 332, 333, 334, 336, 340 _ff._, 344, - 364, 389, 413, 418 - - Nicholas II., 360, 439, 441, 442 - - Nicholas of Cusa, 332 - - Niedner, 17 - - Nilus, 272, 427, 429 - - Nippold, 17 - - Nithard, 253 - - Norbert, St., 511 - - Norman conquest, 241, 362, 408 - - Normans, 408, 449 - - Northmen, 251, 385 _ff._ - - Norway, 251 - - Norway, King of, 449 - - Novatianists, 135, 156 - - Nuns, 352, 421 - - Nurses, order of, 515 - - - O - - Obotrites, 388 - - Observants, 539 - - Odilo, abbot of Clugny, 429, 433 - - Odo, abbot of Clugny, 428 - - Odo of Eudes, 386, 387 - - Odoacer, 296 - - Olaf, 251, 252 - - Olaf the Saint, 252 - - Oldratus, John, 512 - - Old Testament, 48 - - Olga, Grand Duchess, 257 - - Oligarchy in Church of fourth century, 169 - - Optatus, Bishop of Mileve, 9, 73, 169 - - Ordeals, 361 _ff._ - - Ordination, 377 - - Origen, 80, 82, 86, 137, 177, 205 - - Orosius, 170 - - Orphanages, 365 - - Orr, 17 - - Orthodoxy of the West, 143, 153, 165, 181 - - Ostrogoths, 232, 296 - - Oswy, King, 239 - - Otgar, 335 - - Otto, Duke of Saxony, 390 - - Otto I., the Great, 126, 253, 255, 257, 258, 318, 390 _ff._, 420, 421, - 424, 425, 443, 487 - - Otto II., 253, 394, 401 _ff._, 425 - - Otto III., 402 _ff._, 420, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 430 - - Otto IV., 550 - - Otto of Brunswick, 550 - - - P - - Pachomius, 209 - - Pachomius, Rule of, 212 - - Pagan and Christian Rome, 55 - - Paganism, 113, 120, 127, 128, 149, 180, 190, 247, 252, 501 - - Palaemon, 209 - - Palestine creed, 142 - - Pallium, 576 - - Palmers, 485 - - Pammachus, St., 365 - - Pantheon, 378, 380 - - Papa, or Pope, 173 - - Papacy, rise of, 148, 159, 160, 164 _ff._, 169, 175, 176, 177, 182, - 189, 193, 259, 284, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300, 301, 306, 309, 320 - _ff._, 336, 339, 340, 370, 404, 406, 412-414, 419, 423, 440, 441, - 517, 549, 561, 566, 569 - - Papacy, decline of, 389, 394, 410, 419, 420, 434, 559 - - Papacy and Empire, 391 - - Papal constitution, 337, 445 - - Papal court, 580, 590 - - Papal hierarchy, 143, 176, 299, 344, 575 - - Papal penitentiary, 589, 590 - - Papal theory of relation of Church and state, 316, 413, 569 - - Papias, 80, 86 - - Paris, Council of, 334 - - Parish, 365, 387 - - Paschal II., 429, 471, 472, 545 - - Paschal III., 315 - - Paschasius Radbertus, 372 - - Pastor, 17 - - Pastoraux, 506 - - Patriarch of Constantinople, 296 - - Patriarch, 61; - of the West, 143, 156, 349 - - Patriarchs of the East, 156 - - Patrician of Rome, 308, 410 - - Patrick, St., 240, 241 - - "Patrimony of St. Peter," origin, 307, 394 - - Paul, 46, 54, 72, 73, 74, 77, 79, 84, 86, 87, 100, 148, 151, 170, 248, - 290, 356, 364, 440 - - Paul of Nola, 211 - - Paul of Thebes, 203, 205 - - Paul II., 581 - - Paula, 210, 211 - - Paulina, 365 - - Peace, international, 503 - - Peace of God, 358 - - Peace, universal, 46 - - Pelagius, 171, 173, 297, 298, 299 - - Pelagius II., 187, 298 - - Penalties, 367 - - Penance, 352, 370, 375, 376, 595, 596 - - Penitential books, 376 - - Pepin, 248, 300, 303, 304, 306, 363, 372 - - Perry, 17 - - Persecution, 99 _ff._, 108, 116, 119, 152, 157, 203, 560 - - Persius, 46 - - Peter, 57, 72, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 100, - 151, 153, 159, 166, 170, 237, 239, 246, 259, 284, 290, 336, 343, - 433, 440, 448, 451, 561 - - Peter of Alexandria, 81 - - Peter Comester, 332 - - Peter of Corbeil, 545 - - Peter the Great, 318 - - Peter the Hermit, 490, 493 - - Peter and Paul, 151 - - Peter Waldo, 559 - - Peter's primacy, 78, 79, 151, 170 - - Peter's See, 159 - - Petrine theory, 76, 77, 82, 85, 87, 107, 169, 170, 175, 177, 188, 337, - 544 - - Pharisees, 44 - - Philip, 61 - - Philip I., 494 - - Philip IV., 514 - - Philip VI., 504 - - Philip the Arabian, 104 - - Philip Augustus, 369, 497, 549, 551, 577 - - Philip of Hohenstaufen, 550 - - Philosophy of early Christians, 202 - - Photius, 257, 283, 343 - - Piacenza, Council of, 489 - - Pictures, 270 - - Picts, 241 - - Pierre de Bruys, 558 - - Pilgrimages, 161, 193, 270, 367, 484, 485, 486, 501 - - Pindar, 43 - - Plato, 43, 48 - - Pliny, governor of Bithynia, 290 - - Pluralism, 563, 565 - - Plutarch, 47 - - Poitiers, synod of, 358 - - Poland, 449 - - Poles, 253, 388 - - Polycarp, 155, 177 - - Polytheism, 46 - - Pontifex Maximus, 149, 152, 160, 289, 292 - - Poor Catholics, 519 - - Poor Clares, 530 - - Poorhouses, 365 - - "Poor Man," 519 - - Poor Men of Lyons, 519, 560 - - Pope favours kingship of Pepin, 304 - - Popes, 61, 154, 159, 173, 180, 233, 234, 259, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300, - 302, 310, 312, 314, 316, 322, 336, 347, 348, 349, 355, 358, 394, - 418, 423, 443, 488, 571, 575, 576 - - Popes, German, 445 - - Pornocracy, 419 - - Prayers for the dead, 220 - - Preaching, 371, 591 - - Precentor, 63 - - Premontre, order of, 511 - - Presbyter, 57, 60 - - Priesthood, elevation of, 161; - constitutes the Church, 339 - - Priests, 218; - freed from secular courts, 338; - duties, 352, 353, 421; - in conflict with monks 517, 586 - - Primates, 348, 581, 582 - - Prince Edward, 498 - - Pro-Petrine view, 77 - - Property of Pope, 306 - - Property renounced, 204 - - Protestant historians, 17, 76 - - Protestant revolt, 131 - - Protestant revolution, 131, 321 - - Provinces, 349 - - Prussians, 249 - - Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, 284, 326 _ff._, 389, 418, 436, 448, 544, - 548, 567, 589 - - Purgatory, 266, 352, 381, 560, 596 - - Puritans, Arabic, 479 - - Pusey, 17 - - Pythagoreans, 199 - - - R - - Radbert, 593 - - Radbod, 243, 244, 245 - - Radislaw, 254 - - Raimbold, Archb., 360 - - Ratherius, 399 - - Rathod, 333, 335, 336, 341, 342 - - Raymond, Count of Toulouse, 489, 494, 495, 516, 561, 562 - - Raymond of Puy, 512 - - Recollects, 539 - - Reformation, 3, 199, 203, 242, 296, 306, 355, 404, 406, 410, 423 - _ff._, 429, 436, 437, 448, 450, 451, 490, 502, 510, 518, 526, 544, - 563, 565, 571 - - Relics, 161, 191, 193, 220, 245, 270, 306, 354, 378, 379, 380, 488, - 501, 563, 572 - - Religion, definition of, 6 - - _Religiosi_, 217 - - Remini, Canons of, 294 - - Renaissance, 505, 526 - - Remould, St., 429, 430 - - Resemblances and differences of Eastern and Western Churches, 286 - - Richard I., 497, 549 - - Riculfus, 335 - - Rimbert, 251 - - Ritual, 161, 254, 255, 449, 591 - - Robanus Maurus, 372 - - Robert d'Arbrissel, 491, 511 - - Robert of Apulia, 459 - - Robert of Flanders, 494, 495 - - Robert of Molesme, 511 - - Robert of Normandy, 494, 495 - - Robertson, 17 - - Rochis, 216 - - Roman bishop becomes Pope, 193 - - Roman Catholic belief, 76 - - Roman Church, 77, 107, 150, 152, 153, 160, 164, 176, 231, 233, 239, - 251, 257, 266, 295, 296, 300, 301, 344, 347, 365, 560, 574 - - Roman constitution, 289 - - Roman Emperor, 161 - - Roman Empire, 40, 95, 98, 112, 148, 161, 295, 312, 401 - - Roman hierarchy, 149 _ff._ - - Roman language, 149, 190 - - Roman religion, 42 - - Roman see, 160 - - Romans, 398 - - Rome, 40, 48, 55, 148, 150, 159 - - Rome, Council of, 295 - - Romould, St., 431, 432 - - Rothe, 17 - - Rouen, St., 523 - - Rudolph of Swabia, 466 _ff._ - - Rufinus, 211 - - Russia, 449 - - Russians, 253, 257, 388 - - Rutilius, 219 - - - S - - Sabbath, 255 - - Sabellians, 136, 137 - - Sabinian, 299 - - Sacerdotal class, 63 - - Sacramentaries, 372 - - Sacraments, 352, 370, 371, 372 _ff._, 592 _ff._ - - Sadducees, 44 - - Saints, 193, 270, 354, 501 - - Saint-worship, 378, 379 - - Saladin, 497 - - Sallust, 46 - - Salvation, 366 - - Samaritans, 45 - - Saracens, 308, 385, 388, 401, 419, 484 - - Sardica, Council of, 144, 165, 166, 171, 178, 181 - - Savonarola, 525 - - Saxons, 234, 249, 258, 308, 309, 318, 450 - - Schaff, 17 - - Schenkel, 17 - - Schism, 143, 156, 165 - - Schmidt, 16 - - Scholasticism, 526 - - Schools, 247 - - Schools of Rome, 48 - - Schroeckh, 16 - - Scotland, 241 - - Sebaldus, St., 250 - - Sects, rise of, 132, 157 - - _Seculares_, 218 - - See of Rome, 301 - - Seligenstadt, Council of, 590 - - Seljukian Turks, 485 - - Semi-Arians, 141, 142 - - Semish, 17 - - Semler, 16 - - Senators, 59 - - Seneca, 47 - - Separation of clergy and laity, 63 - - Separation of East and West, 143 - - Separation of Roman and Greek churches, 265, 285 - - Septimus Severus, 103 - - Serfdom, 504, 505 - - Sergius II., 340 - - Serviten, 512 - - Severinus, 244 - - Severus, 255 - - Shedd, 17 - - Sheldon, 17 - - Shrines, 378 - - Simeon, 46, 429 - - Simeon Stylites, 210 - - Simon de Monfort, 562 - - Simon Magnus, 81 - - Simony, 189, 407, 411, 421, 424, 426, 427, 430, 432, 436, 437, 439, - 442, 448, 450, 455 _ff._, 545, 564 - - Siricius, 173, 181, 220 - - Sirmium, Council of, 144 - - Sixtus V., 441 - - Slaves, 119, 190, 290, 356 - - Slave trade, 190 - - Slavic Church, 254, 255 - - Slavs, 253, 258, 308, 385, 388, 392, 399 - - Socrates, 15, 117 - - Soldiers of Jesus Christ, 525 - - Sophocles, 43 - - Soter, 80 - - Sources of history, 12-15 - - Sovereign power of Pope, 306 - - Spain, 449 - - Spanheim, 16 - - Spanish Church, 181 - - _Spiritales_, 338, 538 - - Stanley, 17 - - State and church, 545 - - States, 290, 423 - - "States of the Church," 307 - - Stephanus, King, 257 - - Stephen, 61, 156, 160 - - Stephen II., 305, 307 - - Stephen IV., 440 - - Stephen VI., 364, 386, 419 - - Stephen IX., 438 - - Stephen of Chartres, 494 - - Stephen of Lisiac, 510 - - Stephen of Tigerno, 510 - - Stephen of Tournai, 332 - - Stolberg, 17 - - Strauss, 17 - - Stubbs, 17 - - Sturm, abbot, 248 - - Suetonius, 95 - - Suevi, 232 - - Suidbert, 249 - - Sulpicius Severus, 16 - - Sunday, 120, 237 - - Superstitions of Europe, 487, 501 - - Suso, Henry, 525 - - Sutri, Council of, 410 - - Swabians, 243 - - Sweden, 253 - - Swen, King, 251, 449 - - Swidbert, 165 - - Sylverius, 296 - - Sylvester II., 257, 364, 404, 406, 410, 425, 426, 488 - - Symmachus, 296 - - Synods, 162, 352 - - Syriac Church, 81 - - - T - - Tacitus, 46, 73, 95, 99, 101 - - Tanchelm, 558 - - Tancred, 494 - - Tauler, John, 525 - - Templars, 502 - - Temporal power of the Papacy, 301, 302 - - Temporal power subject to papal, 559 - - Tertullian, 57, 71, 73, 80, 84, 86, 106, 107, 137, 152, 159, 205, 268, - 372, 381 - - Teutonic Knights, 502, 514 - - Teutonic Order, 250 - - Teutonic-Roman Church, 233, 234 - - Theodatus, 297 - - Theodora, 282, 419 - - Theodore, 139 - - Theodore of Canterbury, 377 - - Theodoret, 168 - - Theodoric, 296 - - Theodorus, 239 - - Theodosian Code, 296 - - Theodosius I., 128, 179 - - Theodosius II., 294 - - Theophano, 399, 401, 402 - - Theophilus, 331 - - Theosophists, 45 - - Therapeutae, 200, 209 - - Third Estate in France, 504 - - Thirteenth century, 569 - - Thougbrand, 252 - - Thomas a Becket, 545 - - Tiberius, 71 - - Tithes, 574 - - Tithing, unjust, 436 - - Titus, 100 - - Toledo, synod of, 358 - - Toleration, edict of, in 311, 118 - - Tonsure, 64, 237, 266 - - Torres, 333 - - Tours, battle of, 258, 482 - - Tours, Council of, 437 - - Tozer, 17 - - Trajan, 98, 101 - - Transubstantiation, 370, 564, 593 - - Travel, 42 - - Treaties, 563 - - Treves, synod of, 591 - - Tribur, Council of, 463 - - Trinitarians, 139, 141 - - Trinity, 246 - - Trinity, order of the, 514 - - Troyes, Council of, 471 - - Truce of God, 359 _ff._, 369, 409, 429, 490, 503 - - Trudbert, 243 - - Turks, 286 - - Tyre, Council of, 294 - - - U - - Ulfilas, 232 - - Ulpian, 104 - - Ulrich, 379 - - Union of Celtic and Roman churches, 239 - - Union of Church and state, 293 - - Union of Rome and Greece, 265, 266 - - Unity of belief, 157 - - Unity of the Church, 564 - - Universal Church, 185 - - Unni, 251 - - Urban II., 360, 429, 470, 489, 490, 514, 545 - - Urban VIII., 581 - - Ursinus, 295 - - - V - - Valens, 128, 219 - - Valentinian I., 128, 171, 179 - - Valentinian II., 128 - - Valentinian III., 167, 184, 294 - - Valerian, 105 - - Vallombrosians, 431 - - Vandals, 145, 232 - - Vaughan, 17 - - Venice, Patriarch of, 449 - - Verdun, massacre of, 249 - - Verdun, treaty of, 320, 321 - - Vespasian, 100 - - Victor, 155, 157, 160, 331 - - Victor III., 422, 470 - - Vienna, 73 - - Vigilantius, 220 - - Vigillus, 297, 299 - - Vincent Ferrier, 525 - - Vinland, 252 - - Virgin Mary, 193 - - Visigothic Code, 296 - - Visigoths, 232, 233 - - Visitors in the Church, 296 - - Vitalian, 371 - - Viterbo, 560 - - Vladimir, 257 - - Vulgate, 181, 237, 330, 331, 372 - - - W - - Waddington, 17 - - Waldenses, 560, 572 - - Walter of Cologne, 493 - - Walter the Penniless, 493 - - Wends, 253, 254, 388 - - Werenfrid, 244 - - West Franks, 399 - - Western Church, 160, 171, 231, 266, 295, 297, 298 - - Whitby, Council of, 239 - - Whitsunday, 375 - - Wiclif, 332, 451 - - Widows, order of, 204 - - Widukind, 399 - - Wilfred, 239 - - Wilfrid, 165 - - Willibrord, 165, 243, 245, 250 - - William of Bavaria, 431 - - William of Burgundy, 449 - - William the Conqueror, 450, 494 - - William of Normandy, 442 - - Willibald, 248 - - Worms, synod of, 363 - - Worship, 352 - - Wulfram, 244 - - - Y - - Yngrin, 250 - - - Z - - Zachariah, 46 - - Zacharias, 304, 305 - - Zealots, 45 - - Zeller, 17 - - Zephyrinus, 160, 331 - - Zeus, 43 - - Zosimus, 167 - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES - - -On page 21, under "3.--Creeds, Liturgies, and Hymns", entry number (9.) -is missing in the original. - -The outlines of Sources for Chapters VI. and XXI. are not in logical -order. The outlines are displayed as printed. - -The following words use an oe or OE ligature in the original: - - Coelestius - Coenobia - oecumenical - Oecumenical - Oeuvres - Phoenicia - -The following corrections have been made to the text: - - Page xii: VII.--[emdash missing in original]Nicholas I. - - Page 15: III.--Works of art copied from originals.[period - missing in original] - - Page 19: _Comparative View of the Doctrines and Confessions of - Christendom_. Edinb., 1887.[period missing in original] - - Page 20: Mirbt, C., _Quellen zur Geschichte des - Papsttums_[original has Papsthums]. - - Page 21: _Collectio Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis - Publicatarum_. Leipz., 1840.[period missing in original] - - Page 23: _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_.[original has a comma] - Mil., 1723-51. - - Page 24: 14.--[emdash missing in original]Migne, J. P., - _Patrologiae Cursus Completus_. - - Page 24: _Bibliotheque de Theologie Historique._ - Paris,[original has period] 1906 _ff._ - - Page 26: see Alzog, i., Sec. 17; Schaff,[comma missing in - original] i., 29. - - Page 26: wrote a History of the Langobards[original has - Langobords] - - Page 26: Haymo (d. 853), bishop of Halberstaedt[original has - Halderstadt] - - Page 28: bishop of Meaux, wrote a "_Discourse on Universal - History_."[quotation mark missing in original] - - Page 31: 10.--Baur (d. 1860),[original has a period] professor - in Tuebingen - - Page 31: Best ed. by Bury.[period missing in original] Lond., - 1896. - - Page 32: 2.--Shedd[original has extraneous comma] (d. 1894), - professor - - Page 43: yet were omnipotent and omniscient[original has - omniscent] - - Page 49: Virgil (70-19 B.C.),[original has a period] _Works_. - - Page 65: See Chap. III. of this work.[period missing in - original] - - Page 66: Cyprian (d. 258?), _Works_. _Ib._, viii.[period - missing in original]; xiii., 1-264 - - Page 66: _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, xvii. Am.[original has a - comma] ed., vii. - - Page 67: _Apostolical Canons._[original has a comma] Tr. by R. - C. Jenkins. - - Page 67: In his _Works_, vii.[period missing in original]-ix. - - Page 68: Farrar, F. W., _The Early Days of Christianity_. N. - Y.,[comma missing in original] 1882. - - Page 70: Schaff, i., 187-217,[original has a semicolon] - 432-506. - - Page 80: named Peter and Paul as Neronian[original has - Neroian] martyrs - - Page 82: _Eccl.[original has extraneous semicolon] Hist._, v., - c. 6 - - Page 88: xii., 326, 379, 451, 452;[original has a period] Am. - ed., ii. - - Page 109: Aurelius, _Meditations_[original has extraneous - period], xi., 3. - - Page 110: Butler, ch. 6[original has extraneous period]-8. - - Page 110: Foulks[original has Foulks], ch. 1-3. - - Page 111: Robertson, bk. i., ch.[period missing in original] - 1-3, 5-7. - - Page 113: the daughter of an innkeeper[original has innkeepea] - - Page 130: Croke[original has Crake], ch. 12-16. - - Page 138: that the Son is Logos[original has Logus] in soul - - Page 146: Philostorgius, _Epitome[original has Eptiome] of - Ecclesiastical History_. - - Page 146: I.--SPECIAL:[semicolon missing in original] - - Page 147: _The Arian Controversy._ N. Y., 1889. Ch.[original - has ch.] 1, 2. - - Page 165: Willibrord[original has Willebrord] around Utrecht - - Page 194: Best in _Ante-Nic. Christ. Lib._, vol. 17.[period - missing in original] - - Page 196: Platina[original has Platnia], B., _Lives of the - Popes_. - - Page 227: Day, S. P., _Monastic Institutions_. Lond.,[comma - missing in original] 1865. - - Page 227: Fosbroke, T. D., _British Monachism_. 3d[original - has extraneous period] ed. - - Page 262: Haddan[original has Haddon], A. W., and Stubbs, W. - - Page 263: Pelzel and Dabrowsky, _Rerum Bohemic._[original has - Bohemis] - - Page 263: Potthast,[comma missing in original] _Regesta_ - - Page 275: Tertullian[original has Turtullian] (192), quoting - the second - - Page 275: Minucius[original has Minutius] Felix (220) argued - - Page 276: but still justified the use of images.[276:8][FN - anchor was numbered 7 in the original] - - Page 279: full of the most ludicrous[original has ludricrous] - historical blunders - - Page 320: By the treaty of Verdun in 843,[original has a - period] - - Page 323: Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum_[original has - Conciliorrum] - - Page 324: Mann, H. K., _The Lives of the Popes in the Early - Middle Ages_.[period missing in original] - - Page 324: Pressense[original has Pressense], E. de, _History - of Church and State_. - - Page 333: carried to Rome by Rathod[original has Rothod] in - 864 - - Page 340: A sumptuous[original has sumptous] feast was then - served - - Page 345: Freib.[original has Frieb.], 1884 - - Page 357: but called Christian[original has Chrstian] slaves - brothers - - Page 362: Clement III., Celestine[original has Celestin] III., - and Innocent III. - - Page 363: Hildebrand and Henry IV. at Canossa[original has - Canosa] - - Page 364: Alexander III., Celestine[original has Celestin] - III., Honorius III. - - Page 373: Areopagite[original has Areopagita] believed in six - - Page 382: Pertz, et al., _Monumenta Germaniae[original has - Germanae] Historica_. - - Page 382: Pflugh-Harttung[original has Pflug-Harttung], J. v., - _Acta Pontificum Romanorum Inedita_. - - Page 390: curtailment of their prerogatives.[original has a - comma] - - Page 408: but ten years[original has an extraneous comma] - later he was forced - - Page 412: or of innumerable[original has inumerable] local - contests - - Page 413: ideal theory, united[original has untied] the Church - and the state - - Page 415: _Ausgewaehlte[original has Ausgewhaelte] Urkunden zur - Erlaeuterung der Verfassungsgeschichte Deutschlands im - Mittelalter_ - - Page 415: _Die Geschichtsschreiber[original has - Geschictschreiber] der deutschen Vorzeit._ - - Page 415: _Die Kaiserurkunden[original has Kaiserkunden] des - X., XI., und XII., Jahrhunderts Chronologisch verzeichnet_ - - Page 416: Giesebrecht[original has Giesbrecht], W. V., - _Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit_. - - Page 416: 5.--Langen, _Geschichte der roemischen Kirche_.[period - missing in original] - - Page 417: Darras[original has Darrus], ii., 358, 580. - - Page 417: Gilmartin, i.[period missing in original], 31. - - Page 417: Hallam, ch. 1, pt. 1;[original has a comma] ch. 3, - pt. 1. - - Page 435: whose bishops and priests[original has persist] were - given to luxury - - Page 450: account for his simoniacal[original has simonaical] - practices - - Page 456: King to destroy "[quotation mark missing in - original]this heresy so detestable - - Page 464: had even persuaded[original has pursuaded] the - Countess Matilda - - Page 467: Henry IV. laid siege[original has seige] to Rome - - Page 478: which rejected polytheism and preached - asceticism[original has aceticism] - - Page 483: Salerno besieged[original has beseiged] (873) - - Page 495: They laid siege[original has seige] to Nicaea - - Page 509: Chantrel, per. 4,[comma missing in original] ch. 1, - 2. - - Page 526: occupied a chair in the University[original has - Univeristy] of Paris - - Page 529: and to preach the word of God.[period missing in - original] - - Page 531: even attempted to win the Sultan himself.[original - has a comma] - - Page 540: There were two entries numbered "16." The second 16 - has been changed to 17, and the 17 has been changed to 18. - - Page 541: Adderley[original has Adderly], J., _Francis, the - Little Poor Man of Assisi_. - - Page 542: Alzog,[original has a period] ii., 507-522. - - Page 542: Fisher, pd.[original has extraneous comma] 6, ch. 6. - - Page 550: When Emperor Otto IV.[original has extraneous comma] - ceded all the lands - - Page 553: reinstatement of the Bishop of Limoges[original has - Limouges] - - Page 554: paying therefore[original has therefor] the annual - sum of one thousand marks - - Page 556: in fulfilment of their bargain[original has bargin] - with the Venetians - - Page 559: taught asceticism[original has ascetism], denounced - the vice - - Page 562: war with Simon de Montfort[original has Monfort] as - leader - - Page 566: left behind him so many results pregnant[original - has pregant] with good - - Page 568: Gregorovius[original has Gregorovious], bk. ix., ch. - 1-3. - - Page 609: Bogoris[original has Bogaris], Duke, 256 - - Page 610: Childeric[original has Childerick] III., 304 - - Page 610: Church,[comma missing in original] Christian, - sources on, 12 - - Page 610: Pepin,[comma missing in original] 303 - - Page 611: Clarenins[original has Clarenius], 538 - - Page 611: Columba, 164, 241[original has 241, 264] - - Page 616: Jewish synagogue[original has synogogue], 59 - - Page 620: Poorhouses[original has Poor-houses], 365 - - Page 620: Pro-Petrine[original has Pro-Pertine] view, 77 - - Page 620: Raimbald[original has Raimbold], Archb., 360 - - Page 621: Semisch[original has Semish], 17 - - Page 623: Willibrord[original has Willebrord], 165, 243, 245, - 250 - - [40:1] Merivale, i., ch. 1[original has extraneous period]; - iv., ch. 39 - - [41:6] Davidson, _Aristotle_, bk. 1[original has extraneous - period], ch. 4 - - [41:6] _University Life in Ancient Athens_, ch. 1[original has - extraneous period]; Newman, _Hist. Sketches_, ch. 4[original - has extraneous period] - - [43:5] Hatch, _The[original has extraneous comma] Greek - Influence on Christianity_. - - [44:1] Schuerer, _Hist.[period missing in original] of Jewish - People_; Milman, _Hist.[period missing in original] of the - Jews_ - - [44:4] Josephus, _Antiq._, XVIII., i.[original has xviii., 1], - 4. - - [45:3] John iv., 4;[original has a comma] viii., 48 - - [80:9] Footnote number added by transcriber. - - [97:2] Origen[original has Origin], _Against Celsus_ - - [100:2] _Transl. and Rep._[original has Ref.], iv., 6 - - [100:5] _Transl. and Ref._[original has Ref.], iv., 6-8 - - [124:3] Eutropius, _Breviarium_[original has Breviarum], x., - 4. - - [133:1] Pressense[original has Pressense], _Her. and Chr. - Doctrine_ - - [134:2] See _History of Doctrine_[italics added for - consistency] by Fisher, Shedd, Sheldon, Hagenbach, Baur, - Loofs, and Harnack[original has Harnach] - - [141:2] Moeller, i., 336, suggests Eustathius[original has - Eustachius] of Antioch - - [143:1] Cf. Hefele[name in italics in original], i., 355 ff. - - [185:1] _Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers_[and is not in italics - in original], 2d ser., xii. - - [207:3] Evagrius, _Ch. Hist._[period missing in original], i., - 13, 21 - - [231:1] Neander, _Light in Dark Places_, 417.[period missing - in original] - - [235:2] Haddan[original has Haddon] and Stubbs, i., 22-26 - - [235:5] Haddan[original has Haddon] and Stubbs, iii., 5 - - [238:2] Haddan[original has Haddon] and Stubbs, iii., 40. - - [241:1] Haddan[original has Haddon] and Stubbs, ii., 103 - - [252:1] _Heimskringla[original has Hermskringla]: Chronicle of - the Norse Kings._ - - [267:5] Joseph.[period missing in original], _Antiq._ xv., 8, - 12 - - [269:2] _De Cor. Mil._, c. iii.[original reads _De Cor. Mil_, - c.. iii.] - - [269:3] _Paed._, iii., 11[original has extraneous period], Sec. - 59. - - [272:1] _Contra Judae. et Gentil._[period missing in - original], Sec. 9; see Neander,[comma missing in original] ii., - 286. - - [276:7] _Ib._, l., xxx.[original has xxxl.], 39. - - [278:2] Neander, iii.[period missing in original], 213. - - [305:4] (See Smith and Cheetham[original has Cheatham].) - - [306:3] Migne, cxxviii.[period missing in original], 1099. - - [316:1] _Translations and Reprints?_[original has comma - question mark] - - [319:1] Louis, the youngest, had Aquitaine[original has - Aquataine], Gascony - - [332:4] _Defensor[original has Dejensor] Pacis_, ii., c. 28 - - [358:5] Balmes;[original has a comma] Brace - - [367:3] Lea, _Stud. in Ch. Hist._[period missing in original], - 236. - - [370:3] Moeller, ii., 113.[period missing in original] - - [371:2] Wattenbach, _Deutschl.[original has Deutschal.] - Geschichtsq._, i., 134. - - [397:2] [FN number added by transcriber.] Thatcher and McNeal, - No. 55.[original has Th atcher and Mc[2]Neal, No. 55.] - - [409:1] Steindorff, _Jahrb.[original has a comma] d. Deutsch. - Reichs unter Heinrich[original has an extraneous comma] III._ - - [410:2] Giesebrecht[original has Giesbrecht], ii., 643 - - [419:2] Pertz,[original has P] v., 297 - - [425:2] Olleris,[original has Ollaris and the comma is - missing] _Oeuvres de Gerbert_. - - [432:1] Giseke, _Die Hirschauer waehrend[original has waerend] - des Investiturstreites_[original has Investtiurstreites], - 1883. - - [433:1] Neukirch,[original has a semicolon] _Das Leben des - Peter Damiani_ - - [437:4] _Ibid._;[original has a comma] Bonizo, 806. - - [491:1] Potthast[original has Pothast], _Bib. Hist._, ii., - 550. - - [519:1] Wattenbach, _Geschichtsquellen_,[original has a - period] ii., 308, 520. - - [546:1] Migne[original has Migni], vol. 217 - - [546:1] _Mysteriorum Evangelicae Legis et Sacramenti - Eucharistiae_[original has Sacratnenti Eucharistcae] - - [547:2] _Gesta Inn. III._, sec.[original has extraneous comma] - ii. - - [556:4] _Ep._[original has Epp.], vii., 164 - - [561:1] _Ep._,[comma missing in original] vol. ii., 335. - - [563:6] Murat, vii.,[comma missing in original] 893 - - [579:2] Agnel, _Curiosites[original has Curiosites] - Judiciaires du Moyen-Age_ - - [595:1] Wasserschleben, _Bussordnung_[original has - Bussordunung], Halle, 1851. - - In the index, where semicolons were used instead of commas - between page numbers, the semicolons have been replaced with - commas. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Rise of the Mediaeval Church, by -Alexander Clarence Flick - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE OF THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH *** - -***** This file should be named 41910.txt or 41910.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/9/1/41910/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Lisa Reigel, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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