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diff --git a/43685-8.txt b/43685-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 15b7eac..0000000 --- a/43685-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12990 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Literature and History of New Testament -Times, by J. Gresham (John Gresham) Machen - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The Literature and History of New Testament Times - - -Author: J. Gresham (John Gresham) Machen - - - -Release Date: September 10, 2013 [eBook #43685] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LITERATURE AND HISTORY OF NEW -TESTAMENT TIMES*** - - -E-text prepared by Heather Clark, Julia Neufeld, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) - - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - - - - -THE LITERATURE AND HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT TIMES - - -PART I: - -The Historical Background of -Christianity - -The Early History of -Christianity - -by - -JOHN GRESHAM MACHEN - - - - - - - -Philadelphia, Pa. -The Presbyterian Board Of Publication and Sabbath School Work - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - Introduction 3 - - LESSON - - 1. The New Testament 5 - - 2. The Roman Background of Christianity 10 - - 3. The Greek Background of Christianity 15 - - 4. The Jewish Background of Christianity: - I. Palestinian Judaism 21 - - 5. The Jewish Background of Christianity: - II. The Judaism of the Dispersion 26 - - 6. The Messiah 31 - - 7. The Book of The Acts 36 - - 8. The Cross and the Resurrection the Foundation of - Apostolic Preaching 41 - - 9. The Beginnings of the Christian Church 46 - - 10. The First Persecution 51 - - 11. The First Gentile Converts 56 - - 12. The Conversion of Paul 60 - - 13. The Church at Antioch 67 - - 14. The Gospel to the Gentiles 75 - - 15. The Council at Jerusalem 81 - - 16. The Gospel Carried Into Europe 86 - - 17. Encouragement for Recent Converts 92 - - 18. The Conflict with the Judaizers 97 - - 19. Problems of a Gentile Church 103 - - 20. The Apostle and His Ministry 109 - - 21. The Gospel of Salvation 115 - - 22. Paul's Journey to Rome 120 - - 23. The Supremacy of Christ 124 - - 24. The Church of Christ 129 - - 25. Christ and His Followers 133 - - 26. Training New Leaders 138 - - 27. A Presentation of Jesus to Jewish Christians 147 - - 28. A Graphic Sketch of the Life of Jesus 154 - - 29. A Greek Historian's Account of Jesus 158 - - 30. The Testimony of the Beloved Disciple 165 - - 31. The Jesus of the Gospels 174 - - 32. A Document of the Jerusalem Church 178 - - 33. Jesus the Fulfillment of the Old Testament 184 - - 34. Christian Fortitude 189 - - 35. The Christian's Attitude Toward Error and Immorality 194 - - 36. The Life of the Children of God 198 - - 37. The Messages of the Living Christ 203 - - 38. A Vision of the Final Triumph 209 - - 39. Review 213 - - 40. The Church and the World 219 - - 41. The Christian Message 225 - - 42. The Word and the Sacraments 231 - - 43. Prayer 238 - - 44. The Congregation 244 - - 45. The Relief of the Needy 249 - - 46. Organizing for Service 255 - - 47. A Mission for the World 261 - - 48. The Christian Ideal of Personal Morality 266 - - 49. Christianity and Human Relationships 271 - - 50. The Christian Use of the Intellect 277 - - 51. The Christian Hope and the Present Possession 282 - - 52. Retrospect: the First Christian Century 287 - - - Copyright, 1915, by John Gresham Machen - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The general purpose of this course of lessons has been set forth in -the introduction to the Student's Text Book. There is a tendency -in the modern Church to neglect the study of Bible history. Such -neglect will inevitably result in a loss of power. The gospel is a -record of something that has happened, and uncertainty about the -gospel is fatal weakness. Furthermore the historical study of the -apostolic age--that age when divine revelation established the -great principles of the Church's life--is the best corrective for -a thousand vagaries. Much can be learned from modern pedagogy; but -after all what is absolutely fundamental, both for teacher and for -student, is an orderly acquaintance with the Bible facts. - -The Teacher's Manual, therefore, is intended not merely to offer -suggestions as to methods of teaching, but primarily to supplement -the teacher's knowledge. A teacher who knows only what he actually -imparts to the class is inevitably dull. The true teacher brings -forth out of his treasure things new and old. - -The sections in the Teacher's Manual, since they are intended to -be supplementary, should not be read until after careful attention -has been paid to the corresponding sections in the Student's Text -Book. Moreover, both sections together are of course in themselves -insufficient. They should be supplemented by other reading. -Suggestions about reading have been put at the end of every lesson. -Here, however, a few general remarks may be made. - -Davis' "Dictionary of the Bible" and Purves' "Christianity in the -Apostolic Age," which have been recommended even to the student, -will be to the teacher almost invaluable. The earnest teacher -will also desire to refer to good commentaries on The Acts. The -commentaries which have been mentioned in connection with the -individual lessons are based upon the English Bible; but every -teacher who has any knowledge of Greek, however slight, should use, -instead, the commentary of Knowling, in "The Expositor's Greek -Testament." For the life of Paul, Lewin's "Life and Epistles of St. -Paul" and the similar book of Conybeare and Howson are still very -valuable for their vivid and extended descriptions of the scenes of -the missionary journeys. A similar service is rendered, in more -up-to-date form, by the various works of Ramsay. Stalker's "Life of -St. Paul" is a good handbook. M'Clymont's "New Testament and Its -Writers" contains instructive, though very brief, introductions -to all of the New Testament books. Hastings' "Dictionary of the -Bible" and "Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels" number among -their contributors many writers of many opinions. They are rich in -references to the vast literature of modern Biblical discussion. - -The writer of this course has derived information from many -quarters. Definite acknowledgment of indebtedness, since no -originality is claimed, may be regarded as unnecessary. It is a -pleasure, however, to render special thanks to Rev. Professor -William Park Armstrong, D. D., of Princeton Theological Seminary, -whose wise counsel has been of incalculable assistance at many -points. - -The actual presentation of the lessons will, of course, vary -according to the needs of the classes and the preferences of the -teachers. The Student's Text Book may often provide a convenient -order of presentation. That book is intended not merely to be read, -but also to be studied. It is to be regarded as a sort of outline of -the course. - -The "topics for study" are intended to serve a double purpose. In -the first place, they will test the student's knowledge of the -lesson material; in the second place, they will afford encouragement -to special investigation. Individual topics may often be assigned -for thorough treatment to individual students, while the class as a -whole may use all the topics as guides to a general knowledge. - -Personal interest in the individual students is of the utmost -importance. Instruction has a tenfold value when it is backed by -friendship. The relation of the students to the Church should -be a matter of especial concern. If any member of the class has -not confessed his faith in Christ, the study of this year offers -abundant opportunity for a word in season. Our study reveals the -Church as a divine institution. Shall we then stand aloof? - -In this course the teacher has the opportunity of introducing -young people of maturing minds to the historical study of the New -Testament. There could be no more inspiring task. Carried about with -every wind of doctrine, the Church is sadly in need of an assured -anchorage. That anchorage should be sought in history. Ignorance is -weak; sound knowledge, sought with prayer, and blessed by the Spirit -of God, will lead to a more stalwart and more intelligent faith. - - - - -LESSON I - -THE NEW TESTAMENT - - -This is an introductory lesson. It should be used, first of all, to -answer intelligent general questions about the New Testament. Some -of these questions will be discussed briefly under Sections 1 to 3, -below. - -The historical study of the New Testament, based upon a study of -the circumstances under which the individual books were written, -will probably be new to many of the students. The new point of view -should be used to awaken interest. The climax of the lesson should, -however, be a presentation of the unity of the New Testament as the -very Word of God to us. Historical study should be made--and can be -made--subservient to reverent and thankful obedience. - - -1. THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE NAME - -The English word "testament" comes from a Latin word. The equivalent -Greek word is hard to translate. As used in the Greek Bible it may -mean either "covenant" or "testament." Usually it should probably be -translated "covenant." - -The phrase "new covenant" occurs about five times in the New -Testament. In none of these passages does the phrase refer to the -"New Testament" in our sense. It designates a new relationship into -which men have been received with God. The old covenant was made, -through the mediatorship of Moses, with the Hebrew nation; the new -covenant, hinted at in prophecy, Jer. 31:31, and instituted by the -Lord Jesus, I Cor. 11:25, was made with all those, of every tribe -and tongue and people and nation, who should through faith accept -the salvation offered by Christ. Those who believe become, like -Israel of old, God's chosen people, and enter into the warmth and -joy of the divine communion. The names "old and new covenants," -then, were applied first to these two special relationships into -which God entered with men. Afterwards the names were applied to the -books in which the conditions of those relationships were set forth. -Perhaps it would have been better if we had started to say "New -Covenant" where we now say "New Testament." At any rate the idea -alluded to in the name is the inspiring idea, realized in Christ, -of an alliance with God. The New Testament is the divine treaty by -the terms of which God has received us rebels and enemies into peace -with himself. - - -2. ONE BOOK, OR A COLLECTION OF BOOKS? - -In the first place, the New Testament may be treated in every -respect as a single book. That course is adopted by many of the most -devoted lovers of the Bible. By them the Bible is treated simply -as a textbook of religion. Passages are quoted indiscriminately -from all parts of it, without much regard to the context. The wide -differences of form and of spirit among the various books are -ignored. The historical implications of the books are of course -accepted as true, but practically they are left quite unassimilated. - -Now let us be quite plain about one thing. The men who use the Bible -in this way are right in the main point. They treat the Bible as the -guide of life for time and for eternity. And if by the use of the -Bible we can come into communion with God, we can afford to miss a -good many other things. Nevertheless, the Bible is as a matter of -fact not a mere textbook of religion, and if we treat it as such we -miss much of its richness. If the Bible were merely a systematic -treatise, it would be far easier to interpret. The interpreter -would be spared a great deal of trouble, but the burden would be -heaped upon the preacher. As it is, the Bible is itself a preacher, -because it is in such close contact with the actual experience of -men of flesh and blood. Its general teachings are given us in large -measure only through the medium of history, through the medium -of example. In order to arrive at the general truths, therefore, -intellectual labor is often necessary. God has made things harder -for the intellect that he may strike home the more surely to the -heart. If Paul had written a systematic theology, the New Testament -way of salvation might in some ways have been plainer than it is. -It would have been plain to the intellect, but it would have needed -interpretation to the heart. Conviction can be wrought only by -the immediate impact of personal life. The theology of Paul, of -itself, might be a dead thing; the religious experience of Paul, -interwoven with his theology, and bared before us in the epistles, -is irresistible. - -In the second place, the historical form of the Bible may be -considered at the expense of its spiritual content. The Bible may -be treated simply as a storybook. Such a method of treatment is -exceedingly common to-day. "The Bible as literature" is its slogan. -This treatment has simply missed the main point altogether. It -is incomparably inferior to that treatment which takes the Bible -as a mere textbook of religion. The Bible as an addition to the -world's history or the world's literature has, indeed, considerable -educational value. But it does not give eternal life. - -A third method is possible, and that third method is right. The -historical and literary form of the Bible is recognized to the full. -But it is regarded not as an end in itself, but as a means to an -end. Historical study is necessary not only to establish to the -modern man the saving facts of the gospel, but also to do justice -to the dramatic narrative form in which God has revealed to us his -eternal will. - -It is nearer the truth, then, to say that the New Testament is -a single book than to say that it is a collection of books. Its -parts differ widely among themselves, in authorship, in date, in -circumstances, in aim. Those differences must be studied carefully, -if the full meaning is to be obtained. But widely as the New -Testament writings differ among themselves, they differ yet far more -widely from all other books. They presented themselves originally to -the Church with a divine authority, which is foreign to the ordinary -writings of men. That authority has been confirmed through the -Christian centuries. Those who have submitted their lives to the New -Testament have never been confounded. The New Testament has been to -them the voice of God. - - -3. THE FOUR DIVISIONS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT - -(1) THE GOSPELS.--Christianity is based upon historical facts. -Attempts, it is true, are often made to separate it from history. -But they are bound to result in failure. Give up history, and -you can retain some things. But you can never retain a gospel. -For "gospel" means "good news," and "good news" means tidings, -information derived from the witness of others. In other words, it -means history. The question whether religion can be independent of -history is really just the old question whether we need a gospel. -The gospel is news that something has happened--something that -puts a different face upon life. What that something is is told -us in Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. It is the life and death and -resurrection of Jesus Christ. - -(2) THE BOOK OF THE ACTS.--The Book of The Acts is a history of the -extension of Christianity from Jerusalem out into the Gentile world. -It represents that extension as guided by the Spirit of God, and -thus exhibits the divine warrant for the acceptance of us Gentiles, -and for the development of the Christian Church. It provides the -outline of apostolic history without which we could not understand -the other New Testament books, especially the epistles of Paul. It -illustrates to the full what has been said above about the value of -the historical form in which the Bible teaching is presented. By -reading this vivid narrative we obtain an impression of the power of -the Holy Spirit which no systematic treatise could give. - -(3) THE EPISTLES.--The Epistles of the New Testament are not just -literature put in an epistolary form, but real letters. It is true -that the addresses of some of them are very broad, for example, -those of James and of I Peter; and that some of them contain no -specific address at all, for example, Hebrews and I John. But the -great majority of them, at least, were written under very special -circumstances and intended to be read first by very definite people. - -The chief letter-writer of the New Testament was the apostle Paul. -To a certain extent he used the forms of letter-writing of his time, -just as everyone to-day begins a letter with "Dear Sir." Within the -last twenty years a great number of Greek private letters, dating -from about the time of Paul, have been discovered in Egypt, where -they have been preserved by the dry climate. It is interesting to -compare them with the letters of Paul. There are some striking -similarities in language; for both these letter-writers and Paul -used the natural language of daily life rather than the extremely -artificial language of the literature of that period. To a certain -extent, also, Paul used the same epistolary forms. The differences, -however, are even more instructive than the resemblances. It is -true, the Pauline epistles are not literary treatises, but real -letters. But on the other hand they are not ordinary private letters -intended to be read and thrown away, like the letters that have -been discovered in Egypt. Most of them were intended to be read -originally in churches. It is natural, then, that they should have -been written in a loftier style than is to be found in mere business -communications and the like. And if Paul uses the epistolary forms -of his time he uses them in an entirely new way. Even the mere -openings of the epistles are made the vehicle of Christian truth. -"Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus -Christ"--there is nothing like that in contemporary letter-writing. -The openings of the Pauline epistles form an interesting study. -They are varied with wonderful skill to suit the varied character -and subject matter of the letters that follow. Paul is never merely -formal. - -The letters of Paul differ widely among themselves. The Epistle -to the Romans is almost a systematic exposition of the plan of -salvation. Philemon is concerned with a little personal matter -between Paul and one of his converts. But even where Paul is most -theological he is personal, and even where he is most personal, he -is faithful to his theology. Theology in him is never separate from -experience, and experience never separate from theology. Even petty -problems he settles always in the light of eternal principles. Hence -his letters, though the specific circumstances that gave rise to -them are past and gone, will never be antiquated. - -(4) THE APOCALYPSE.--The Christian life is a life of hope. Inwardly -we are free, but our freedom is not yet fully realized. We are in -danger of losing our hope in the trials or in the mere humdrum of -life. To keep it alive, the Apocalypse opens a glorious vision of -the future. The vision is presented in symbolical language. It is -not intended to help in any calculation of the times and seasons. -But it shows us the Lamb upon the throne--and that is enough. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -"Bible," "Canon of the New Testament," "Covenant," "New Testament," -and "Testament." - - - - -LESSON II - -THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY - - -Christianity is not a human product. It is not to be explained by -what preceded it on the earth. It is a new beginning in history, an -immediate exercise of the divine power. - -But though Christianity was not produced by men, it operates upon -men, and upon men subject to all the ordinary conditions of earthly -life. Primitive Christianity, then, which we shall study this year, -cannot be understood fully without an examination of the historical -conditions under which it arose. - -In the class, the lesson should probably be approached through -the New Testament examples of the general principles which are -outlined in the lesson helps. Examples will be found in the passages -assigned in the Student's Text Book, and others should be sought for -elsewhere. - - -1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE - -By the middle of the first century before Christ the power of the -Roman republic extended around the Mediterranean Sea. Victories -abroad, however, were accompanied by serious troubles at home. The -increase of wealth and the importation of slave labor had produced -unfortunate social conditions. The realm had become too large -to be administered adequately by the old republican government. -Individuals sometimes obtained practical control of affairs, and -the state was torn by civil wars. Finally, in 49 B. C., Julius -Cæsar entered Rome at the head of an army, and Roman liberty was at -an end. After the assassination of Cæsar in 44 B. C., there was a -succession of civil wars, and then, by the victory of Actium in 31 -B. C., Octavius, who later assumed the name of Augustus, became sole -ruler. Augustus died in A. D. 14. - -Subsequent emperors during the first century were: Tiberius (A. D. -14-37), Caligula (A. D. 37-41), Claudius (A. D. 41-54), Nero (A. -D. 54-68), Galba, Otho and Vitellius (A. D. 69), Vespasian (A. D. -69-79), Titus (A. D. 79-81), Domitian (A. D. 81-96), Nerva (A. D. -96-98), Trajan (A. D. 98-117). - - -2. ROMAN ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE EMPIRE - -The general advantages of the Roman imperial government have been -considered in the Student's Text Book. It will here be advisable -to consider one or two features a little more in detail. Much of -what follows can be illustrated from the New Testament; for the -acquaintance of New Testament writers, especially of Luke, with -Roman administration is not only accurate but also minute. The -students should be encouraged to seek New Testament illustrations -for themselves. - -(1) THE PROVINCES.--The provinces of the empire are to be -distinguished from the territories of subject kings or princes. -The latter were quite subservient to Rome, but were given more -independence of administration. A good example of such a subject -king, theoretically an ally, but in reality a vassal, was Herod the -Great, who ruled over all Palestine till 4 B. C. - -The provinces themselves were divided into two great -classes--imperial provinces and senatorial provinces. - -The imperial provinces were under the immediate control of the -emperor. They were governed by "legates," who had no regular term of -office, but served at the emperor's pleasure. The imperial provinces -were those in which, on account of unsettled conditions, or for the -defense of the empire, large bodies of troops had to be maintained. -Thus, by keeping the appointment of the legates exclusively in -his own hands, the emperor retained the direct control of the -all-important power of the army. A good example of an imperial -province is the great province of Syria, with capital at Antioch. -Palestine was more or less under the supervision of the Syrian -legate. - -Districts different from the great imperial provinces, but, like -them, under the immediate control of the emperor, were governed by -"procurators." Judea, from A. D. 6 to A. D. 41, and from A. D. 44 -on, is an example. - -The senatorial provinces were governed by "proconsuls," chosen by -lot from among the members of the Senate. The proconsuls served for -only one year. Even over these provinces and their governors the -emperor retained the fullest supervisory authority. The senatorial -provinces composed the central and more settled portions of the -empire, where large standing armies would not be needed. Examples -are Achaia, with capital at Corinth, and Cyprus with capital at -Paphos. Proconsuls of both of these provinces are mentioned in the -New Testament by name. - -(2) LOCAL GOVERNMENT.--The Romans did not attempt to introduce -perfect uniformity throughout the empire. The original Greek unit of -political life was the city, and Greek cities were scattered over -the east before the Roman conquest. With regard to local affairs, -many of the cities retained a certain amount of independence. It -is interesting to observe the local peculiarities of the cities -described in The Acts. - -In addition to the Greek cities, many of which were more or less -"free" in local affairs, many "Roman colonies" had been established -here and there throughout the empire. The original colonists were -often veterans of the Roman armies. Of course the populations soon -came to be mixed, but Roman traditions were cultivated in the -colonies more than elsewhere. A number of the cities of The Acts -were colonies, and one, Philippi, is expressly declared to be such. -Acts 16:12. In that city the Roman character of the magistrates -appears clearly from the Lucan narrative. There were "prætors" and -"lictors." - -(3) ROMAN CITIZENSHIP.--Before New Testament times Roman citizenship -had been extended to all Italy. Italy, therefore, was not a province -or group of provinces, but was regarded as a part of Rome. Outside -of Italy Roman citizenship was a valuable special privilege. It -raised a man above the mass of the provincial population. Some of -the advantages of it appear clearly in the New Testament narrative. -Because Paul was a Roman citizen he was legally exempt from the most -degrading forms of punishment, and had a right to appeal to the -court of the emperor. Roman citizenship was sometimes acquired by -money, but Paul inherited it from his father. - - -3. ROMAN RELIGION - -Under the empire, Rome was possessed of a state religion. The -ancient gods of the republic were retained. There were great -divinities like Jupiter and Mars, and there were numberless private -divinities of individual households. The ancient religion had, -indeed, undergone modifications. New divinities in plenty had been -received. But the reception of the new did not involve abolition -of the old. On the contrary, the gods of other peoples could be -accepted just because they were regarded as nothing but the Roman -gods under different names. Thus, long before the Christian era, -there had been a thoroughgoing identification of the gods of Greece -with the gods of Rome. The Greek Zeus, for example, was identified -with the Roman Jupiter; the Greek Ares with the Roman Mars. The gods -of countries other than Greece were also received, though, as far as -the city of Rome was concerned, with some conservatism. - -In the Roman world, religion was a national affair. Worship of the -national gods was not only piety, but also patriotism. Patriotism -and religion were inseparably connected. Support of the gods of -Rome, even where personal faith in them had been undermined, was -considered to be the duty of every loyal citizen. - -The political aspect of Roman religion appears most clearly in the -worship of the Roman emperors. This remarkable development appears -from the beginning of the empire. Augustus, indeed, refused to -receive divine honors, at least in the west. But in the east even he -was worshiped, and as time went on the reluctance of the emperors -disappeared. Some of the worst of the emperors were most insistent -upon their own divinity. - -Perhaps the first impulse of the modern man is to regard the Cæsar -cult simply as a particularly despicable form of flattery. In -reality it was more than that. It was not established by imperial -edict. It was not dictated primarily by servile fear. The Greek -inhabitants of the empire really regarded Augustus as their saviour. -And so he was, as far as any man could be. He saved them from the -miseries of civil war, and from the rapacity of the degenerate -republic; he gave them peace and happiness. And they responded by -regarding him as a god. - -To them it was natural. To them it was nothing new. Alexander the -Great had been regarded as a god long before the Christian era. His -successors in Syria and in Egypt had also received divine honors. -To the genuine Romans, the thing did not come so easy. The Cæsar -cult, at least at first, was not developed in the west. But even the -Romans could worship the emperor's "genius" or spirit, and from that -to the actual worship of the emperor was but a step. Essential to -the whole process of deification, both in Rome and in the east, was -the close connection in ancient thinking between deity and humanity, -and between religion and the state. If patriotism is religion, then -the king is a god. - -The Cæsar cult was the most palpable incorporation of the state -religion. Worship of the emperor, therefore, might well be the -test of loyalty to Rome. It could be practiced by skeptics and -philosophers. It could be practiced by the devotees of all -religions--save two. Jews and Christians alone could not bow at the -emperor's shrine, for their God was a God who could brook no rival. -He was not merely the greatest among many. He was the only Lord, -Maker of heaven and earth. - - -4. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY - -Between Christianity and the Roman state, with its official -religion, a life-and-death struggle was inevitable. But in the -providence of God it was delayed. The empire was used not to crush -Christianity but to open the world before it. - -But was the empire really identical with the world? It seemed so -to the Romans and to the Greeks. To them the empire was the world. -And they were right. Not, of course, in a literal sense. In the -first century after Christ, vast civilizations--for example the -civilization of China--were already in existence. There were great -peoples of whom the Romans had never heard. But Roman arrogance -has at last been vindicated. For Rome was in reality the key to -subsequent history. Rome was the parent of Europe, and Europe -is moving the world. Even China is at last being opened to the -civilization of Rome. The Romans were right. He who could master -Rome would be master, one day, of the world. - -It has been a long process. But God's plans are sure. Christianity -appeared at the one time when the world was open before it. By the -power of the divine Spirit it conquered the empire. The empire -dominated its barbarian conquerors. The barbarians are the parents -of modern civilization. Modern civilization is invading the earth's -remotest bounds. China, at last, is within our ken. Realms long -closed have at last been opened. Another great opportunity! An -opportunity for greed and selfishness! An opportunity for a dismal -skepticism! And an opportunity for the Church of God! - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Adeney, -article on "Cæsar"; Gwatkin, articles on "Roman Empire," and "Rome." -Hastings, "Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics": Iverach, article -on "Cæsarism." Westcott, "The Two Empires," in "The Epistles of St. -John," pp. 250-282. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 48-81. - - - - -LESSON III - -THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY - - -The purpose of the present lesson is to make the student feel that -the gospel was from the beginning a real gospel in a real world. If -we isolate the early preaching from its environment, we make it seem -like an unreal thing. Study of New Testament times makes the New -Testament itself become a more living, a more interesting book. - -In the Student's Text Book an outline of the Hellenistic age has -been provided. It has been supplemented below by illustrative -material. But in the class the lesson can probably be best -approached from the side of the New Testament itself. In what -languages is the Bible written? How did the New Testament come to -be written in Greek? What other languages are mentioned in the New -Testament? What light do these passages shed upon the linguistic -conditions of the time? What is the attitude of the apostles toward -Greek thought? Is that attitude altogether unfavorable, or did the -early missionaries ever lay hold upon the higher aspirations of -their Gentile hearers (Athens)? Where did the missionaries come into -contact with heathen superstition? (Several fine examples in The -Acts). What was the moral condition of the Greco-Roman world? How -was the Hellenistic age like our own? Why did God send our Lord just -in the first century? What was the social condition of the early -Christians? Do you think that was an advantage or a disadvantage? -What men of higher position are mentioned in the New Testament? -Questions like these will serve to relate the general expositions -in the lesson helps to the New Testament itself. The lesson helps -are intended to provide merely the presuppositions necessary for -intelligent study. God working for real men in a real world--that is -the subject of the lesson. - - -1. THE HELLENISTIC AGE - -The Greek world culture which prevailed after the conquest of -Alexander was widely different from the Greek life of the classical -period. The earlier period is called the "Hellenic" period, the -later period is designated as "Hellenistic." When Greek thought -made itself master of the world, it became mingled with numberless -foreign elements. The mixture appears most clearly, perhaps, in -the sphere of religion. Polytheism was capable of indefinite -expansion. New gods could easily be identified with the old, or else -be received along with them without a conflict. The religion of -the Greco-Roman world is therefore different from that of ancient -Greece. It is a curious mixture of the most diverse beliefs. -Nevertheless, the whole deserves to be called Hellenistic, because -even the most strikingly non-Grecian elements were usually subjected -more or less to the subtle molding of the Greek spirit. - -The Hellenistic age used to be despised, but among modern scholars -it is coming into its own. Its literary products are admittedly -inferior to the glories of the earlier age, but even in literature -its achievements are not to be despised, and in other spheres it is -supreme. Notably in mathematics and in natural science it was the -golden age. Euclid, the geometrician, lived three centuries before -Christ. - -The learning of the Hellenistic age was centered in Alexandria in -Egypt, a city which had been founded by Alexander the Great. Athens -had, perhaps, ceased to possess the primacy. That fact is typical -of the time. Greek culture had ceased to belong to Greece in the -narrower sense. It had become a possession of the world. The great -library of Alexandria was a sign of the times. The Hellenistic age -was an age of widespread learning. - -When Rome became master of the eastern world, conditions were not -fundamentally changed. Rome merely hastened a process that was -already at work. Already the nations had been brought together by -the spread of Greek culture; Roman law merely added the additional -bond of political unity. The Roman legions were missionaries of an -all-pervading Hellenism. - -The Greco-Roman world was astonishingly modern. It was modern in its -cosmopolitanism. In our own time the nations have again been brought -together. The external agencies for their welding are far more -perfect to-day than they were under the empire. Even the Roman roads -would be but a poor substitute for the railroad and the telegraph -and the steamship. But on the other hand we lack the bond of a -common language. In some ways the civilized world was even more of a -unit in the first century than it is to-day. - -The cosmopolitanism of the Roman Empire was a God-given opportunity -for the Church. In a cosmopolitan age, if a man has something -to say, he will not lack for an audience. His message will be -understood in one place as well as in another. The lesson is obvious -for the Church of to-day. Again God has opened the world before us. -If we have a message, in God's name let us proclaim it while yet -there is time. - - -2. THE GREEK BIBLE - -The Church originated in Palestine. The first missionaries were -native Jews. Yet even they had been affected by the cosmopolitanism -of the time. Even they could use Greek, in addition to their native -language. And Paul, the greatest of the missionaries, though a Jew, -was a citizen of a Greek city. The Church from the beginning was -able to speak to the larger world. - -One difficulty might possibly have arisen. The Christian mission -was not carried on merely by the oral word. From the beginning -Christianity was a religion with a Book. And that Book was not -Greek. On the contrary it was intensely un-Grecian. The Old -Testament is intolerant of heathen ideas. It is deeply rooted in the -life of the chosen people. How could a Hebrew book be used in the -Greek world? - -The difficulty might have been serious. But in the providence of -God it had been overcome. The Old Testament was a Hebrew book, but -before the Christian era it had been translated into Greek. From the -beginning Christianity was provided with a Greek Bible. It is always -difficult to make a new translation of the Bible. Every missionary -knows that. The introduction of a new translation takes time. It -was fortunate, then, that a Greek-speaking Church had a Greek Bible -ready to hand. - -Everything was prepared for the gospel. God's time had come. Roman -rule had brought peace. Greek culture had produced unity of speech. -There was a Greek world, there were Greek-speaking missionaries, and -there was a Greek Bible. In the first century, the salvation that -was of the Jews could become a salvation for the whole world. - - -3. THE PAPYRI - -The world in which the gospel was proclaimed is deserving of careful -study. How shall it be investigated? - -The most obvious way is to study the literature of the period. -Until recent years that was almost the only way. But that method -is partial at best. For literature is after all but an imperfect -measure of any age. The society that is found in books is an -idealized society, or at any rate it is the society of the great. -The plain man is unrecorded. His deeds are not deemed worthy of a -place in history. - -Within the last thirty years, however, the plain people of the -ancient world have come remarkably into view. They are revealed to -us in the "non-literary papyri." - -"Papyri" are pieces of papyrus. Papyrus was the common writing -material of antiquity up to about A. D. 300, when vellum, or -parchment, came into general use. Unfortunately papyrus, which was -made from the pith of the papyrus plant, is not a very durable -substance, so that ancient papyri have been preserved until -modern times only under exceptionally favorable conditions. These -conditions are found in Egypt, where the dry climate has kept the -papyrus from disintegration. - -In Egypt, within the last thirty years, have been discovered large -numbers of papyrus sheets with Greek writing. Of these the "literary -papyri" contain simply parts of books. They differ from other copies -of the works in question only in that they are usually older than -the vellum manuscripts. The "non-literary papyri," on the other -hand, are unique. They are private documents of all sorts--receipts, -petitions, wills, contracts, census returns, and most interesting -of all, private letters. It was usually not intended that these -documents should be preserved. They were simply thrown away upon -rubbish heaps or used as wrappings of mummies. They have been -preserved only by chance. - -The non-literary papyri are important first of all in the study -of language. They exhibit the language of everyday life, as -distinguished from the language of literature. The language of -literature always differs more or less from the language used on -the street, and the difference was particularly wide in the Greek -of the Hellenistic period. The books of the time were modeled to a -considerable extent upon the ancient classics, but the actual spoken -language had been changing. Hence the literary language had become -exceedingly artificial. - -Up to within the last few years, the literary language alone could -be studied. The books of the period were preserved, but the language -of daily life was gone. Now, however, the papyri supply what was -lacking. In them there is no attempt at style. They are composed in -the language which was employed in the ordinary affairs of life and -preserve the actual spoken language of every day. - -At this point a remarkable fact must be noticed. The language of -the New Testament is more like the language of the non-literary -papyri than it is like the language of contemporary literature. -The papyri indicate, therefore, that the New Testament is composed -in the natural living language of the time rather than according -to the canons of an artificial rhetoric. The artlessness of the -New Testament has sometimes been regarded as a reproach. Instead, -it is a cause for rejoicing. The simplicity of the gospel would -only be concealed by niceties of style. The greatness of the New -Testament is independent of literary art. It would be a mistake, -however, to suppose that the New Testament, because it is composed -in the language of the people, is characterized by anything like -cheapness or vulgarity. On the contrary its simplicity is the noble -simplicity of truth. In the New Testament the spoken language of the -Greco-Roman world, in all its living freshness, becomes a worthy -vehicle for the sublimest thoughts. - -The non-literary papyri, then, reproduce for us the spoken language -of the time as distinguished from the artificial language of -literature. But that does not exhaust their importance. They afford -a knowledge not only of language, but also of life. Through them -ordinary people are revealed in the ordinary relations of every day. -In them, the ancient world has been made to live again. - -A few examples (see the book of Professor Milligan mentioned at -the end of the lesson) will serve to indicate the character of the -papyrus letters. - -The following boy's letter (of the second or the third century after -Christ) is written in very bad grammar, but is for that reason all -the more lifelike. (The translation is taken from Grenfell and Hunt, -"Oxyrhynchus Papyri," Part i., p. 186.) - -"Theon to his father Theon, greeting. It was a fine thing of you -not to take me with you to the city! If you won't take me with you -to Alexandria I won't write you a letter or speak to you or say -good-by to you; and if you go to Alexandria I won't take your hand -nor ever greet you again. That is what will happen if you won't take -me. Mother said to Archalaus, 'It quite upsets him to be left behind -(?).' It was good of you to send me presents ... on the 12th, the -day you sailed. Send me a lyre, I implore you. If you don't, I won't -eat, I won't drink; there now!" - -The following invitation to dinner, of the second century after -Christ, throws light upon I Corinthians (the translation taken from -Professor Milligan): - -"Antonius, son of Ptolemæus, invites you to dine with him at the -table of the lord Serapis in the house of Claudius Serapion on the -16th at 9 o'clock." - -"The lord Serapis" is a god. Even an ordinary dinner party seems -thus to be regarded as the table of Serapis. Under such conditions -the Christian life must have been hard to lead. No wonder the -Corinthian Christians had to ask Paul questions. Even the ordinary -affairs of life were intimately connected with a false religion. -What should the attitude of the Christians be? Where should they -draw the line in associating with their heathen friends? - - -4. A REAL GOSPEL IN A REAL WORLD - -The people that are introduced to us so intimately in the papyri -are probably very fair representatives of the people among whom the -gospel was first proclaimed. In that cosmopolitan age the society -of Egyptian towns was probably not so very different from that of -Corinth. The people of the papyri are not the great men of the time; -they are just plain folk. But the early Christians were also usually -not of exalted social position, though there were exceptions. "Not -many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble" were -called. I Cor. 1:26. Many of the early Christians were slaves, many -were humble tradesmen. The same classes appear in the papyri. In the -papyri we are introduced into the private lives of the men to whom -the gospel was proclaimed. Seeing, but unseen, hidden as by a magic -cap, we watch them in their most intimate affairs. And we come away -with a new feeling of the reality of early Christian history. These -men were not so very different from ourselves. They were real men -and women, living in a real world. And they needed a real gospel. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible," extra volume: -Ramsay, article on "Religion of Greece," pp. 109-156, especially -pp. 135-156. Milligan, "Selections from the Greek Papyri," (with -translations). Deissmann, "The Philology of the Greek Bible," pp. -1-63, 144-147. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 1-47. Browning, -"Cleon," (vol. iv, pp. 115-122 of the Riverside Edition.) - - - - -LESSON IV - -THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY - -I. PALESTINIAN JUDAISM - - -1. SOURCES - -The New Testament is one of the chief sources of information about -the Palestinian Judaism of the first century. Other important -sources are the works of Josephus, a first-century Jewish historian, -and the Mishna. The Mishna is a collection of Jewish interpretations -of the Mosaic law. In its written form it is thought to have been -produced at the end of the second century, but it contains a mass of -earlier material which had been preserved by oral tradition. - - -2. OUTLINE OF JEWISH HISTORY - -After the conclusion of the Old Testament period the Jewish nation -had undergone important changes. If, therefore, the Judaism of the -first century is to be understood, the student must have in mind at -least a bare outline of the history between the Testaments. - -Old Testament history closes with the rebuilding of the walls of -Jerusalem and the reorganization of the national life which took -place under Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before Christ. -At that time Judah, or "Judea," was the only part of Palestine -which was occupied by the Jews, and they occupied it only as -vassals--though with independence in internal affairs--of the kings -of Persia. - -The Persian dominion continued for over a century. Then, in the -latter part of the fourth century before Christ, Judea was conquered -by Alexander the Great. For some hundred years after the death of -Alexander, the country was a bone of contention between the kings of -Egypt and the kings of Syria--that is, between the Ptolemies and the -Seleucids. At the beginning of the second century before Christ the -king of Syria won a permanent victory. - -Under the Ptolemies and at first under the Seleucids, as well -as under the Persians, the Jews enjoyed a considerable measure -of independence in the management of their own affairs. Their -religion, in particular, was left quite unmolested. But the -assimilation which was not being accomplished by force was being -accomplished by peaceful influences. The all-pervasive Greek culture -of the period was making itself felt in Palestine as well as -elsewhere. Judea seemed to be in danger of being Hellenized. - -Under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria (175-164 B. C.), -however, the policy of toleration was suddenly interrupted. -Antiochus tried to stamp out the Jewish religion by force. The -result was a heroic uprising led by Mattathias and his sons, who -are called the Maccabees. The tyranny of Antiochus had caused a -mighty popular reaction against the Hellenizing party among the -Jews. Devotion to the religion of Israel with exclusion of foreign -influences was ever afterwards the dominant tendency in Jewish -history. - -The Maccabees were at first wonderfully successful against -overwhelming odds; and when the opposing forces seemed at last to -have become too powerful, internal conflicts at the Syrian court -gave the Jewish patriots that independence which they could probably -not otherwise have maintained. Rulers belonging to the Maccabean -dynasty governed the Jewish nation for about a hundred years, during -most of which period they were independent. Their territory at first -embraced only Judea, but was gradually enlarged over the other parts -of Palestine. Galilee, which--since the destruction of the northern -Israelitish kingdom centuries before--had become predominantly -Gentile, was Judaized under Aristobulus I in 104-103 B. C. Before -the time of Christ it had become thoroughly Jewish. - -Unfortunately the worldly power of the Maccabees had brought -worldliness of spirit. The first revolt had been undertaken from a -lofty religious motive, in order to maintain the worship of Jehovah. -As the years went on, the Maccabean rulers became increasingly -engrossed in the extension of political power. Allying themselves -with the aristocratic party among the Jews, they came to favor the -extension of those Greek influences--though not in the sphere of -religion--which at first they had opposed. Under Queen Alexandra -(76-67 B. C.) it is true, there was a reaction. The strictly Jewish, -anti-Hellenistic party again became dominant. But under Alexandra's -successors there was civil strife, and the all-conquering Romans -found the country an easy prey. Pompey took possession of Jerusalem -in 63 B. C. - -The years that followed saw the gradual rise of the family of -Herod the Great, who, as vassal of the Romans, became king of all -Palestine in 37 B. C. and ruled until 4 B. C. Herod was an Idumæan, -not a genuine Jew. Idumæa, however, the country to the south of -Judah, had been Judaized some time before. Herod was at heart a -Hellenist. He built Greek theaters and amphitheaters not only in the -numerous Greek cities in or near Palestine, but also in Jerusalem -itself. Nevertheless he was wise enough to support the Jewish -religion and generally to respect the customs of the people. His -magnificent rebuilding of the temple was probably intended chiefly -to win popular favor. - -At Herod's death, his territory was divided among his sons. -Archelaus was given Judea, Antipas--the "Herod" of Jesus' public -ministry--received Galilee and Perea, with the title of "Tetrarch," -and Philip received certain territories to the east of Galilee. -Archelaus was banished in A. D. 6, Antipas was banished in A. D. -39, and Philip died in A. D. 33. After the banishment of Archelaus, -Judea was administered by Roman procurators till A. D. 41, when all -Palestine was given to Herod Agrippa I. Acts 12:1-4,18-23. After A. -D. 44, procurators were again in control. - -The misgovernment of the procurators led to the great revolt in A. -D. 66. After four years of war, Jerusalem was taken by the Roman -army in A. D. 70. The temple was destroyed, and the offering of -sacrifices ceased. The destruction of the temple marks an epoch in -Jewish history. Henceforth the national center was gone. - -There was another uprising in A. D. 132-135, but that was the last. -A Gentile city was erected on the ruins of Jerusalem, and for a -considerable time at least the Jews were forbidden even to enter its -precincts. - - -3. ADMINISTRATION AND PARTIES - -After the return from the Exile, the priests occupied a position -of leadership. The high priest, whose office was hereditary, was -practically head of the Jewish state. With him was associated a -council, composed of members of the priestly aristocracy. This state -of affairs prevailed during the Persian and Greek periods. Under the -Maccabees the power of the high priest reached its highest point. -For after a time the Maccabean rulers themselves assumed the title -of high priest, and still later the title of king. The high priest, -then, under the Maccabees, was also king. Under Herod the Great, on -the contrary, the high priesthood sank to its lowest ebb. Herod made -and unmade high priests at pleasure. - -The council associated with the high priest was, under Alexandra, -opened to the members of the strict anti-Hellenistic party. At the -time of Christ it included both Pharisees and Sadducees. - -These parties became distinct at the time of the Maccabees. The -Sadducees--the origin of the name is not altogether clear--were -the aristocratic party, hospitable to Greek culture. The Pharisees -were the strict Jewish party, devoted to the law, and opposed to -foreign influences. The name "Pharisee" means "separated." The -Pharisees were "separated" from the mass of the people by a stricter -observance of the Mosaic law. At first the Pharisees supported the -Maccabean leaders; for the Maccabean revolt was in the interests -of the Jewish religion. But when the Maccabees became engrossed in -worldly politics and susceptible to Greek influences the Pharisees -opposed them. At the time of Christ the essential characteristics of -the parties remained unchanged. - - -4. LANGUAGE - -Some centuries before Christ, Hebrew had ceased to be the ordinary -language of Palestine. As the language of the Old Testament it -continued to be studied. Old Testament passages in Hebrew were -read in the synagogue. Hebrew was used also to some extent as the -language of learned discussion. But for all ordinary purposes its -place had been taken by Aramaic, a language of the Semitic family -closely related to Hebrew. At the time of Christ Aramaic was the -spoken language of the Palestinian Jews. Even in the synagogues, -the Old Testament passages, after having been read in Hebrew, -were translated orally into the language which the people could -understand. - -But, since the time of Alexander the Great, another language had -made its way into Palestine along with Aramaic. This was the Greek. -The kingdoms into which Alexander's empire was divided were Greek -kingdoms. Two of them, Syria and Egypt, bore rule alternately over -Palestine. With the Greek government came Greek culture and the -Greek language. Then, under Antiochus Epiphanes, there was a mighty -reaction. Thereafter religion, at least, was kept altogether free -from Greek influences. - -In other spheres, however, under the Maccabean kings and still more -under the Romans, Greek culture effected an entrance. At the time -of Christ there were typical Greek cities not only to the east of -the Jordan in Decapolis, where magnificent ruins even to-day attest -the ancient Greco-Roman civilization, and not only along the coast -of the Mediterranean, but even within the confines of Palestine -proper. With some truth Palestine in the first century may be called -a bilingual country. Greek and Aramaic were both in use. - -Aramaic was the language of the mass of the people. Many, no doubt, -could speak no other language. But if a man desired to make his way -in the world in any public capacity or in trade he would be obliged -to learn the cosmopolitan language of the time. No doubt very many -could speak both languages. - -Jesus and his apostles belonged to those circles which were least -affected by the encroachments of Greek civilization. The whole -atmosphere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined. As is -proved by the presence of Aramaic words even in our Greek Gospels, -Aramaic was undoubtedly the language in which the gospel was -originally proclaimed. Aramaic was the language of Jesus' boyhood -home, and Aramaic was the language of his intercourse with the -disciples and of his public preaching. - -It is perfectly possible, however, that even Jesus may have used -Greek upon rare occasions, for example in conversation with Pilate, -the Roman procurator. His disciples, after the resurrection, -found themselves at the head of a Greek-speaking community. The -early Church in Jerusalem was composed not only of "Hebrews," but -also of "Grecians," or Hellenists. Acts 6:1. The Hellenists were -Greek-speaking Jews of the dispersion who were sojourning more or -less permanently in the holy city. The apostles seem to have entered -upon their new functions without difficulty. Some knowledge of -Greek, no doubt, all of them brought with them from their Galilean -homes, and their knowledge would be increased through practice. It -is not surprising then that several of the original apostles and two -of the brothers of Jesus were the authors of Greek books of the New -Testament. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Riggs, "A History of the Jewish People," especially -pp. 105-116, 143-153, 215-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": -articles on "Council," "Pharisees," "Sadducees," "Synagogue," -"School," "Scribe," "Aramaic," and "Hebrew." The outline of Jewish -history and institutions which is provided in the lesson helps for -this lesson and the following is dependent especially upon the large -German work of Schürer. - - - - -LESSON V - -THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY - -II. THE JUDAISM OF THE DISPERSION - - -The presentation of the lesson in class may be begun somewhat in -the manner suggested in the Student's Text Book. The student should -be made to appreciate the practical problem of a missionary in a -new city. Various solutions of the problem may be adopted. The -missionary may simply engage in conversation with individuals in the -street, or he may hire a room and advertise his preaching. In any -case the securing of an audience is usually no easy matter. It is -difficult to know how to begin. - -The case might naturally have been the same with Paul and his -companions when, for example, after the journey up from Perga they -arrived at Pisidian Antioch. Complete strangers were perhaps not -much better received in those days than they are now. How could -the missionaries get a hearing for their message? In some cases, -they might simply take their stand in the market place and talk -to the passers-by. Paul tried that method in Athens. It might do -when nothing better offered. But fortunately there was usually a -far better opportunity. The synagogue offered an audience. What is -more, it offered just exactly the most promising audience that could -possibly have been secured. - -The scene in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is typical of what -happened again and again. The student should be made to appreciate -the remarkable liberality and informality of the synagogue customs. -There seem to have been no set preachers. Any Jew who really had a -message could be heard. He needed only to go in and sit down. Acts -13:14. Paul and Barnabas had no difficulty in making their fitness -known. "Brethren," said the rulers of the synagogue, "if ye have any -word of exhortation for the people, say on." Acts 13:15. They had a -word of exhortation indeed. "Jesus is the Messiah for whom you are -waiting. He has died for your sins. He has risen from the dead, and -is now alive to save you." It was a powerful word, and it bore fruit. - -The native Jews, it is true, soon came out in opposition. The -reasons for their opposition are not far to seek. Jealousy was an -important factor. Christianity was evidently too radical a thing -to be simply a sect of Judaism. If allowed to continue, it would -destroy the prerogatives of Israel. It could not be controlled. Its -success was too great. On that next Sabbath in Pisidian Antioch, -"almost the whole city was gathered together to hear the word of -God." The Jewish mission had never had a success like that. "When -the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled with jealousy." -Christianity had taken away the heritage of Israel. - -In one way the Jewish opposition displayed genuine insight into the -situation. Christianity was really destined to be a fatal rival to -the older Judaism. What took place on a small scale at Antioch was -repeated on the larger stage of history. When the Christian mission -began, Judaism was a successful missionary religion. Soon afterwards -it had withdrawn hopelessly into its age-long isolation. Various -causes contributed to this result. The destruction of the national -life in Palestine and the increasing influence of the strict -rabbinical schools both had an important part. But at least one -factor in the process was the competition of the Christian Church. -Christianity offered the world everything that Judaism could offer, -and more. It offered the knowledge of the one God, and the lofty -morality, and the authoritative Book. In addition, it offered a way -of redemption--and the men of that time were preëminently seekers -after redemption--through the sacrifice of Christ. It offered all -these things, moreover, without requiring any relinquishment of -purely national characteristics. Christianity did not demand union -with any one race. It had a gospel for the world. - -No wonder, then, that those who had been attracted by Judaism now -became adherents of Christianity. The Jews were filled with envy. -It was natural from their point of view, but it was a sad mistake. -Had they themselves accepted the gospel, the gospel would have been -to their glory. How glorious was the mission of Israel! A blessing -to the whole world! Far better than any narrow particularism! But -they were not willing to accept the message. Nevertheless, despite -their opposition, the Church should not forget the debt which she -owes to Israel. The dispersion was like the Judaism of Palestine. -In both cases the men themselves were opposed to the gospel. But in -both cases they had preserved the deposit of divine truth. Judaism, -despite itself, opened the way for the Christian Church. - -One service which the dispersion rendered to Christianity has been -illustrated by the scene at Pisidian Antioch. That service was the -providing of an audience. Another service was the assurance of -legal protection. This may be illustrated by another incident in -The Acts--the appeal to Gallio. Acts 18:12-17. There the opposition -of the Jews appears in all its bitterness. No doubt that opposition -was a serious hindrance to the work of the Church. Just because -Christianity was regarded as a Jewish sect, the Christians were -subject to persecution by the Jewish authorities. But persecutions -by the Jews, annoying though they were, were far less serious than -opposition on the part of the Roman authorities. And the latter was, -at first, conspicuously absent. Gallio's decision is a fair example -of the general attitude of the Roman magistrates. Christianity, as -a Jewish sect, was allowed to go its way. Judaism, despite itself, -afforded the Church legal protection. - -Beginning with these two striking scenes, the teacher may proceed to -the more general presentation of the lesson. In what follows, the -outline of the Student's Text Book will be supplemented at one or -two points. - - -1. THE CAUSES AND EXTENT OF THE DISPERSION - -Deportations of Jews to foreign countries took place at various -times. The most famous of those deportations was carried out by -Nebuchadnezzar after his conquest of Judah, about 600 B. C. Many -of Nebuchadnezzar's captives did not join in the return under the -Persian monarchy, but remained permanently in the east and formed -the nucleus of the large Jewish population of Mesopotamia. When -Pompey conquered Palestine in the first century before Christ, he -carried many Jews as slaves to Rome. Afterwards they were liberated, -and formed a large Jewish colony at the capital of the empire. These -are merely examples. Part of the dispersion was due to forcible -exile. - -Other causes have been mentioned in the Student's Text Book. It -is a question, however, whether all of these causes combined -are sufficient to account for the extraordinary growth of the -dispersion. Schürer believes that the vastness of the Jewish -population presupposes the merging of large bodies of proselytes -into the Jewish people. He also believes, however, that these -thoroughgoing conversions were less numerous in New Testament times -than they had been before. - -Harnack calculates that at the time of the death of Augustus there -were from four million to four and a half million Jews in the Roman -Empire, including about seven hundred thousand in Palestine, and -that, if that estimate be correct, then the Jews formed perhaps -some seven per cent of the total population. Of course, Harnack is -himself the first to admit that such calculations are exceedingly -uncertain. But so much at least is clear--the Jews in the first -century were surprisingly numerous. - - -2. THE SEPTUAGINT TRANSLATION AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT - -The name "Septuagint," derived from the Latin word for "seventy," -has been applied to the Alexandrian translation of the Old Testament -in reference to an ancient story about its origin. According to -this story, the translation was made by seventy-two men summoned -from Jerusalem by Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in order to -add the Jewish law to the royal library at Alexandria. The story -is certainly not true in details, and is probably not even correct -in representing the translation as destined primarily for the -royal library. More probably the translation was intended for the -Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt. - -The Septuagint is a translation of the Hebrew Old Testament into -the Greek world language of the period, and into the popular, -spoken form of that language, not into the literary form. The -translation differs widely in character in the different books, -for many different translators had a part in it. Some of the books -are translated with such slavish literalness as to be almost -unintelligible to a Greek. Everywhere, indeed, the influence of the -Hebrew original makes itself felt to some degree. Hebrew idioms are -often copied in the translation instead of being remolded according -to the peculiarities of the Greek language. - -The Septuagint exerted an important influence upon the language of -the New Testament. The Septuagint was the Greek Bible of the New -Testament writers, and the influence of a Bible upon language is -very strong. A good example is afforded by the influence of the King -James Version upon the whole development of modern English. It is -not surprising, therefore, that as the Septuagint was influenced by -Hebrew, so the language of the New Testament also displays a Semitic -coloring. That coloring was induced partly by the Septuagint, but -it was also induced in other ways. Part of the New Testament, for -example the words of Jesus, goes back ultimately to an Aramaic -original. All the New Testament writers except one were Jews, -and had spoken Aramaic as well as Greek. No wonder, then, that -their Greek was influenced by the Semitic languages. This Semitic -influence upon the language of the New Testament is not so great as -was formerly supposed, but it cannot be ignored. The New Testament -is written in the natural, non-literary form of the Greek world -language. That is the main thing to be said. But upon this base is -superposed an appreciable influence of Hebrew and Aramaic. - -The importance of the Septuagint for the early Christian mission was -inestimable. Every pioneer missionary knows how difficult it is to -create the vocabulary necessary to express new religious ideas. In -the case of the earliest Christian mission, that labor had already -been done. It had been done by the Jews of Alexandria. By the -Septuagint, the great ideas of the Old Testament--and upon these -ideas Christianity was based--had already been put into a Greek -form. The Christian Church needed only to develop what had been -begun. The Church made good use of her opportunity. The influence of -the Septuagint upon the religious vocabulary of the New Testament -writers was profound. The Septuagint had provided a vocabulary which -was understood already by great masses of people--by the Jews of the -dispersion and by the hosts of the "God-worshipers" who attended -the synagogues. Naturally the Christian missionaries used the words -which people could understand. - - -3. CONCLUSION - -The Judaism of the dispersion was a wonderful preparation for the -gospel. Israel ought to be regarded with gratitude and sympathy. But -the ultimate object of gratitude is God. - -The Church was founded in a time of opportunity. The Roman -Government had brought peace. The Greek language had welded the -nations together. The dispersion of the Jews had prepared the way. -These things did not come by chance. The nations were instruments in -the hand of God. But instruments for what? A mighty, age-long plan! -Centuries of preparation! At last the Saviour came. But did he come -for naught? Or is he Saviour of you and me? - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Edersheim (revised by White), "History of the -Jewish Nation," pp. 45-79. "The Jewish Encyclopedia": Reinach, -article on "Diaspora." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Schürer, -article on "Diaspora," extra volume, pp. 91-109. - - - - -LESSON VI - -THE MESSIAH - - -The teaching of this lesson may be begun with Acts 2:17-21. Surely -the outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost was something -new. Yet even that was explained by a reference to prophecy. And the -reference is of remarkable aptness and beauty. - -The Pentecostal speech of Peter is full of the appeal to prophecy. -Primarily, indeed, the claims of Jesus are supported by the direct -testimony to his resurrection. Without the facts, of course appeal -to prophecy would have been useless; for it was just the wonderful -correspondence of the facts with the prophecies that could induce -belief. Along with the direct testimony to the facts went the appeal -to prophecy. The promised king of David's line at last has come. -Acts 2:30; II Sam. 7:12,13; Ps. 89:3,4; 132:11. And David's son -is David's Lord--David's Lord and ours. Acts 2:34,35; Ps. 110:1; -compare Matt. 22:41-46. - - -1. THE NEW TESTAMENT APPEAL TO PROPHECY - -This speech of Peter is typical of the preaching of the early -Church. The appeal to prophecy was absolutely central in the -presentation of the gospel. Proof of that fact does not need to be -sought. It is written plain on the pages of the New Testament. Old -Testament prophecy was found to apply not merely to one side of -the work of Christ, but to all sides. Israel had looked not merely -for a king, but also for a prophet and a priest. Peter, after his -first arrest, for example, could appeal to the notable prophecy of -Deuteronomy: "A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto you from -among your brethren, like unto me." Acts 3:22; Deut. 18:15,19. The -author of Hebrews could appeal to the priest after the order of -Melchizedek, Heb. 5:6; Ps. 110:4, and to the symbolic sacrifices of -the temple which found their fulfillment on Calvary. - -The appeal to prophecy extended even to those things which were -most distinctive of the Christian message. "I delivered unto you -first of all," says Paul, "that which also I received: that Christ -died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was -buried; and that he hath been raised on the third day according to -the scriptures." I Cor. 15:3,4. Here the death and the resurrection -of Christ are both declared to be according to the Scriptures. That -means that they were the subject of prophecy. But the death and the -resurrection of Christ were the fundamental elements of the gospel. -The gospel, then, in the form of prophecy, is to be found in the Old -Testament. - -What Old Testament passages has Paul here in mind? With regard -to the death for our sins, the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah -was probably in his mind. That passage was being read by the -Ethiopian when Philip met him, and Philip made the passage a -basis for preaching about Jesus. Acts 8:27-35. With regard to the -resurrection, it is natural to think of Ps. 16:10. Paul himself -quoted that passage in his speech at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13:34-37. - -The appeal to prophecy did not begin with the apostles. It was -initiated by Jesus himself. "To-day," said Jesus at Nazareth after -the reading of Isa. 61:1,2, "hath this scripture been fulfilled -in your ears." A large claim! No wonder they found it difficult -to accept. When John the Baptist asked, "Art thou he that cometh, -or look we for another?" it was to "the works of the Christ" that -Jesus appealed. Matt. 11:2-6; Isa. 35:5,6; 61:1. These are merely -examples. Throughout, Jesus represented himself and his kingdom as -the fulfillment of the ancient promise. "O foolish men," he said to -the disciples on the way to Emmaus, "and slow of heart to believe -in all that the prophets have spoken! Behooved it not the Christ to -suffer these things, and to enter into his glory? And beginning from -Moses and from all the prophets, he interpreted to them in all the -scriptures the things concerning himself." Luke 24:25-27. - - -2. THE MESSIANIC HOPE A PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL - -When the gospel was preached to pure Gentiles, a great deal of -preliminary labor had to be done. Under what title should the -claims of the Saviour be presented? "Christ" to the Gentiles was -almost meaningless, till explained. "Son of God" was open to sad -misconception. There were "sons of God" in Greek mythology, but they -were not what the early Christians meant to show that Jesus was. -These difficulties were overcome, and speedily. Gentile Christians -were imbued with a lofty and adequate conception of the Lord. The -labor was great, but it was gloriously accomplished. - -In this labor, however, the missionaries were assisted by the -synagogues of the Jews. In the synagogues, "Christ" was no new term, -and no new conception. In the synagogues, one proposition needed -first to be proved, "This Jesus ... is the Christ." Acts 17:3. If -that were proved, then the rest would follow. The Jews knew that -the Messiah was Lord and Master. Identify Jesus with him, and all -the lofty claims of Jesus would be substantiated. How the identity -was established may be observed in the speech of Peter on the day -of Pentecost, or in the speech of Paul at Pisidian Antioch. Acts -13:16-43. - -It will be remembered that the synagogues attracted not merely Jews -but also Gentiles. The Gentile "God-fearers," as well as the Jews, -were acquainted with the Messianic hope. Even the Gentile mission, -therefore, was prepared for by the prophets of Israel. - - -3. THE PERMANENT VALUE OF PROPHECY - -The appeal to prophecy, however, was not merely valuable to -the early Church. It is of abiding worth. It represents Jesus -as the culmination of a divine purpose. The hope of Israel was -in itself a proof of revelation, because it was so unlike the -religious conceptions of other nations. The covenant people, the -righteous king, the living God, the world-wide mission--that is -the glory of Israel. The promise is itself a proof. But still -more the fulfillment. The fulfillment was an unfolding. Wonderful -correspondence in detail--and far more wonderful the correspondence -of the whole! The promise was manifold. Sometimes the Messiah is -in the foreground. Sometimes he is out of sight. Sometimes there -is a human king, sometimes Jehovah himself coming to judgment; -sometimes a kingdom, sometimes a new covenant in the heart; -sometimes a fruitful Canaan, sometimes a new heaven and a new -earth. But manifold though the promise, Christ is the fulfillment -of it all. "How many soever be the promises of God," in Christ is -the yea. II Cor. 1:20. There is the wonder. In Christ the apparent -contradictions of the promise become glorious unity, in Christ the -deeper mysteries of the promise are revealed. Christ the keystone -of the arch! Christ the culmination of a divine plan! That is the -witness of the prophets. It is a witness worth having. - - -4. THE MESSIANIC HOPE OF LATER JUDAISM - -After the close of the Old Testament, the promise did not die. -It was preserved in the Scriptures. It continued to be the life -of the Jewish nation. But it was not only preserved. It was also -interpreted. Some of the interpretation was false, but much of it -was true. The Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament promise is -worthy of attention. What did the Jews of the first century mean by -the Messiah, and what did they mean by the Messianic age? - -In the first place, they retained the hope of a king of David's -line--a human king who should conquer the enemies of Israel. When -it was held in a one-sided form this was a dangerous hope. It led -logically to materialistic conceptions of the kingdom of God and to -political unrest. It led to the effort of the Jews to take Jesus -by force and make him a king. John 6:15. It led to the quarrel of -the disciples about the chief places in the kingdom. Matt. 18:1-4; -Mark 9:33-35; Luke 9:46,47. This conception of the Messiah had to be -corrected by Jesus. "My kingdom is not of this world." John 18:36. - -Yet even where the Messiah was conceived of as an earthly ruler, -the spiritual hope was by no means always and altogether lost. The -"Psalms of Solomon," for example, Pharisaic psalms of the first -century before Christ, though they look for an earthly ruler, -picture him as one who shall rule in righteousness. "And a righteous -king and taught of God is he that reigneth over them; And there -shall be no iniquity in his days in their midst, for all shall be -holy and their king is the Lord Messiah" (Ps. Sol. xvii, 35, 36. See -Ryle and James, "Psalms of the Pharisees," especially pp. 137-147). -No iniquity in the days of the Messiah! That is true understanding -of the Old Testament, even joined with the political ideal. - -In the second place, however, the Messianic age is sometimes in -later Judaism conceived of as purely supernatural. The Messiah is -not an earthly ruler, merely helped by God, but himself a heavenly -being, a preëxistent "Son of Man," judge of all the earth. The -Messianic age is ushered in not by human warfare, but by a mighty -catastrophic act of God. Not a liberated Canaan is here the ideal, -but a new heaven and a new earth. - -This transcendental, supernaturalistic form of the Messianic hope -appears in the "Book of Enoch" and other "apocalypses." Its details -are fantastic, but it was by no means altogether wrong. In many -respects it was a correct interpretation of the divine promise. -The new heavens and the new earth are derived from Isa. 65:17. The -doctrine of the two ages was accepted by Jesus and by Paul--for -example Matt. 12:32; Gal. 1:4; Eph. 1:21. The heavenly "Son of Man" -goes back to Dan. 7:13,14. The Book of Enoch was not altogether -wrong. Its use of the title "Son of Man" prepared for the title -which Jesus used. - -Finally, the Messianic hope was held in a pure and lofty form by -the "poor of the land"--simple folk like those who appear in the -first two chapters of Luke. In the hymns of Mary and Zacharias and -Simeon, purely political and materialistic conceptions are in the -background, and the speculations of the apocalypses do not appear. -The highest elements of prophecy are made prominent. "For mine eyes -have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of -all peoples; a light for revelation to the Gentiles, and the glory -of thy people Israel." Luke 2:30-32. In those circles, the hope of -Israel burned still and pure. - -Later Judaism thus preserved the manifoldness of prophecy. There was -exaggeration and there was one-sidedness; but in Judaism as a whole -the promise was preserved. One element at most was forgotten--the -suffering servant and his sacrificial death. The death of the -Messiah was no easy conception. The disciples had difficulty with -it. When Peter heard of it, he took Jesus, and began to rebuke him. -Matt. 16:22. The lesson was not easy, but it had to be learned. And -it was worth learning. The cross is the heart of the gospel. - -Thus in Jesus nothing was left out, except what was false. The -whole promise was preserved. The revealer of God, the ruler of the -kingdom, the great high priest, the human deliverer, the divine -Lord--these are the elements of the promise. They find their union -in Christ. Leave one out, and the promise is mutilated. Such -mutilation is popular to-day. The whole Christ seems too wonderful. -But the Church can be satisfied with nothing less. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Beecher, "The Prophets and the Promise," pp. -173-420. - - - - -LESSON VII - -THE BOOK OF THE ACTS - - -The teaching of the lesson may be begun with some very simple -questions. If rightly put, they will open up a fresh way of -looking at a New Testament book. The way will thus be prepared for -considering the deeper elements of the lesson. If interest can be -aroused in the book itself, the contents of the book, in the lessons -which follow, will be studied with much livelier attention. - - -1. AUTHORSHIP - -Who wrote the book of The Acts? How do you know? The former question -will probably be answered without difficulty, but the latter may -reveal difference of opinion. Many of the students will know that -The Acts was written by the same man as the Gospel of Luke. But that -does not settle the question. How do you know that Luke was written -by Luke? The name does not occur in the Gospel itself. The title, -"According to Luke," was probably added later. So, in order to -determine the authorship both of Luke and of The Acts, recourse must -be had to Christian tradition. - -Fortunately, however, tradition in this case is quite unimpeachable. - -In the first place, although the author of The Acts is not named in -the book, yet the book is not an anonymous work. Undoubtedly the -name of the author was known from the beginning. For the book is -dedicated to an individual, Theophilus. Evidently Theophilus knew -who the author was. Information about the author could thus be had -from the start. If, therefore, Luke did not really write The Acts, -some one has removed the name of the true author and substituted -"Luke" in place of it. That is an exceedingly unlikely supposition. - -In the second place, it is evident quite independently of any -tradition that the book was written by an eyewitness of part of -Paul's missionary journeys. This fact appears from the so-called -"we-sections" of the book. In certain portions of the narrative -the author uses the first person instead of the third. Of this -peculiarity there is only one satisfactory explanation. The author -uses the first person when he is describing the experiences in which -he himself had a part. When, for example, the author says, not, -"They made a straight course to Samothrace," but "We made a straight -course," Acts 16:11, he means that he was present on that voyage. -This natural supposition is confirmed by the character of the -"we-sections." These sections are full of such a wealth of artless -detail that no one but an eyewitness could possibly have written -them. - -The only possible way of avoiding the conclusion that a companion -of Paul wrote the book of The Acts is to maintain that although -such a man wrote the "we-sections" some one else wrote the rest of -the book. But that is unlikely in the extreme. If a later author -had been simply using as a source a diary of a companion of Paul, -he would surely either have told us he was quoting, or else have -changed the first person to the third. By leaving the third person -in he would simply have been producing nonsense. Everyone knew who -the author of the book was. The book is dedicated to a definite -man. The author evidently could not have palmed himself off as -a companion of Paul even if he would. And if he desired to do -it, he would not have chosen this remarkable way of doing it. Of -course if he had been a mere thoughtless compiler he might have -copied his source with such slavish exactness as to leave the "we" -in without noticing that in the completed work it would produce -nonsense. But he was most assuredly not a mere compiler. If he used -sources, he did not use them that way. The book shows a remarkable -unity of style. Modern research has demonstrated that fact beyond -peradventure. There is a remarkable similarity of style between the -"we-sections" and the rest of the book. Only one hypothesis, then, -does justice to the facts. The author of the "we-sections" was also -the author of the whole book. When he comes to those parts of the -narrative in which he himself had a part, he says very naturally -"we," instead of "they." - -The book of The Acts, then, was written by a companion of Paul. That -fact stands firm, even apart from any tradition. And that is the -really important fact. If the book was written by an eyewitness, the -particular name of the eyewitness is comparatively unimportant. But -the tradition as to the name is without doubt correct. There is not -the slightest reason for calling it in question. What the book of -The Acts itself says about its author fits exactly what Paul says -about Luke. - - -2. DATE - -The authorship of The Acts is certain. The date, however, is not so -clear. The book was written by Luke. But when was it written? The -latter question cannot be answered with perfect precision. At least, -however, since the book was written by Luke, it must have been -written during the lifetime of a companion of Paul. A. D. 100, for -example, would be too late, and A. D. 90 would be unlikely. A good -deal can be said for putting the date at about A. D. 63. This early -date would explain the abrupt ending of the book. - -One of the most curious things about The Acts is that the narrative -is suddenly broken off just at the most interesting point. The -trial of Paul is narrated at very great length, but we are not -told how it came out. The final decision, the climax of the whole -long narrative, is just at hand; but with regard to it we are -left altogether in suspense. Was Paul released? Was he condemned -and executed? The author does not say. His silence requires an -explanation. - -The simplest explanation would be that Luke wrote his book at the -very point of time where the narrative is broken off. Of course he -could not tell us any more if nothing more had happened. He brought -his narrative right up to date. Nothing more was possible. - -It is true, other explanations may be proposed. - -(a) It has been suggested, for example, that The Acts closes so -abruptly because the author was saving something for another work. -As The Acts is the continuation of the Gospel of Luke, so a third -work, it is said, was planned as the continuation of The Acts. But -even so, it seems rather strange that the author should not have -given at least a hint of the outcome of that trial in order to take -the edge off our curiosity. He has done something like that at the -conclusion of his Gospel; why not also at the conclusion of The Acts? - -(b) But perhaps the ending is not so abrupt as it looks. The -author's purpose, it is said, was not to write a biography of Paul, -but to show how the gospel spread from Jerusalem to Rome. When -Rome was reached, then the narrative was broken off. Biographical -details--even the most interesting details about the most -interesting character--were ruthlessly excluded. The plan of the -book had been accomplished. For this explanation there is much to be -said. But the trouble with it is that especially in the latter part -of the book the author as a matter of fact does show considerable -interest in biographical details. The trial and shipwreck of Paul -are narrated with a fullness which is quite out of proportion to -the rest of the history. After such a full account of the trial, it -remains rather strange that the author has said not a word about the -outcome. - -Either of these last two explanations is perfectly possible. -Possibly The Acts was written as late as A. D. 80. But the early -date at least explains the peculiar ending best of all. - - -3. SOURCES - -Where did Luke get the materials for his work? Did he use written -sources as well as oral information? The question has been discussed -at very great length, but without much uniformity in the results. If -he used written sources, at least he used them skillfully, placing -upon them the imprint of his own style. The book possesses genuine -unity. - -The really important fact about the sources of the book of The -Acts is a negative fact. Whatever the sources were, the Pauline -epistles were not among them. Compare the passages where Paul and -Luke narrate the same events--for example Gal., chs. 1, 2, with -the corresponding passages in The Acts--and it becomes evident -that the two narratives are entirely independent. Luke did not use -the Pauline epistles in writing his book. That is an exceedingly -significant fact. It shows that The Acts is an independent witness. -What is more, it strengthens materially the argument for the early -date of The Acts. The Pauline epistles at a very early time began -to be collected and used generally in the Church. In A. D. 100, -for example, they would certainly have been used by anyone who was -writing an account of Paul's life. Since, therefore, the book of The -Acts does not use them, that book must have been written earlier, -and probably very much earlier. Even in A. D. 80, it would perhaps -have been strange that the epistles should not have been used. - - -4. PURPOSE - -The proper purpose of a historian is to tell the truth. And Luke -was a genuine historian. His own account of his method, Luke 1:1-4, -shows that he knew the meaning of historical research, and the -character of his books bears this out. Luke did not permit any -desire of putting Christianity in a good light, or of defending one -kind of Christianity against another, to interfere with the primary -duty of truthfulness. - -That does not mean, however, that the book of The Acts is like some -modern university dissertations--written simply and solely in order -to say some new thing, whether interesting or no. No great historian -goes to work that way. Of course Luke had an interest in his subject -matter. Of course he was convinced that Christianity was a great -thing, and was full of enthusiasm in narrating its history. In that -he was perfectly right. Christianity really was a great thing. The -best celebration of its greatness was a narration of the facts. -Christian faith is based on fact. Luke wrote, not only in the Gospel -but also in The Acts, in order that his readers might know the -certainty concerning the things wherein they were instructed. Luke -1:4. - - -5. LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS - -The author of The Acts was well acquainted with the Old Testament. -He was able to catch the spirit of the primitive Palestinian church. -His books exhibit the influence of the Semitic languages. But he -was also capable of a Greek style which would have passed muster -in the schools of rhetoric. Luke 1:1-4, for example, is a typical -Greek sentence. Evidently Luke could move with ease in the larger -Greek world of his time. His references to political and social -conditions are extraordinarily exact. His narrative is never lacking -in local color. He knows the proper titles of the local officials, -and the peculiar quality of the local superstitions. His account -of the shipwreck is a mine of information about the seafaring of -antiquity. Evidently he was a keen observer, and a true traveler -of a cosmopolitan age. His narrative is characterized by a certain -delightful urbanity--an urbanity, however, which is deepened and -ennobled by profound convictions. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon," in -"The Temple Bible," pp. i-xxvii. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": -Purves, article on "Acts of the Apostles." Purves, "Christianity -in the Apostolic Age," pp. 1-8. M'Clymont, "The New Testament and -Its Writers," in "The Guild Text Books," pp. 41-46. Hastings, -"Dictionary of the Bible": Headlam, article on "Acts of the -Apostles." - - - - -LESSON VIII - -THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION THE FOUNDATION OF APOSTOLIC PREACHING - - -1. THE RESURRECTION A FACT OF HISTORY - -Which of the books of the New Testament contain the evidence for -the resurrection of Jesus? That question will serve to begin the -teaching of the lesson. In answer to it, the students will probably -mention the four Gospels. To the Gospels, however, should be added -especially the First Epistle to the Corinthians. - -The passage in First Corinthians is deserving of very careful -attention. For, unlike the Gospels, that epistle can be dated to -within a year or so. It was written only about twenty-five years -after the crucifixion. Even though possibly some of the Gospels -were written still earlier, the precision with which the epistle -can be dated makes its witness particularly valuable. Furthermore, -the author of the epistle is well known. No one doubts that First -Corinthians was written by Paul, and Paul is the best-known man of -apostolic times. Evidently his witness to the facts is of the utmost -value. - -Paul himself was a direct witness of the resurrection. He saw the -risen Lord. I Cor. 9:1; 15:8. In I Cor. 15:1-8, however, he does not -content himself with his own witness, but reproduces the testimony -of others in an extended list. That testimony had come to Paul by -ordinary word of mouth. "I delivered unto you first of all," says -Paul, "that which also I received." In what follows there is a list -of the appearances of the risen Christ. "He appeared to Cephas; -then to the twelve; then he appeared to above five hundred brethren -at once, of whom the greater part remain until now, but some are -fallen asleep; then he appeared to James; then to all the apostles; -and last of all, as to the child untimely born, he appeared to me -also." Evidently these appearances are not conceived of merely as -"visions," but as events in the external world. The mention of the -burial, v. 4, is a plain hint that what Peter and the rest saw was -the body of Jesus raised from the tomb. - -That view of the matter is amply confirmed in the Gospels and in -the book of The Acts. In the Gospels, we are told that the tomb was -found empty on the morning of the third day after the crucifixion. -It was found empty by some women and by Peter and John. Since the -tomb was empty, the body which appeared to the disciples had some -connection with the body which had been taken down from the cross. -Furthermore, the Gospels and The Acts make the bodily character of -the appearances abundantly plain. Jesus did not merely appear to the -disciples at a distance. He walked with them on the road to Emmaus. -He broke bread with them. He came into the very midst of them when -they were assembled in a room. Thomas could even touch his hands -and his side. These are merely examples. Clearly the testimony -of the disciples is testimony not to mere spiritual experiences, -but to the bodily presence of the Lord. It may be admitted that -the body was a glorified body. After his resurrection Jesus was -freed from the limitations of his earthly life. Nevertheless, he -was not merely a "spirit." Luke 24:39. There was some real, though -mysterious, connection between the glorified body and the body that -had been laid in the tomb. The New Testament attests not merely the -immortality of Jesus, but his resurrection. - -The resurrection, in these days, is hard to accept. For it is a -miracle. Against any miracle there is a tremendous presumption. In -this case, however, the presumption has been overcome. It has been -overcome by the character of Jesus. It is in the highest degree -unlikely that an ordinary man should rise from the dead; but it -is not unlikely that Jesus should have risen. The resurrection is -unique. But so is the life of Jesus of Nazareth. The two wonders -support one another. Explain away the testimony to the resurrection, -and your task is not done. You must also explain away that sinless -life. If Jesus rose from the dead he had a unique experience. But -that is to be expected. For Jesus himself was unlike any other of -the children of men. There are mysteries in his life that have never -been explained. - -The resurrection of Jesus is a well-attested fact of history. The -proof of it is cumulative. Any one of the proofs might be regarded -as insufficient when taken alone, but when taken together they are -overpowering. The sinless, unearthly character of Jesus separates -him from the rest of men, so that probabilities which apply to -others do not apply to him. His mysterious self-consciousness -involves so lofty a claim, that if he was not divine he was -a megalomaniac--he whose calmness and strength have left an -impression which the centuries have done nothing to efface! The -specific testimonies to the empty tomb and to the plain bodily -appearances of the risen Lord are independent and varied. Finally, -unless the resurrection be a fact, the very origin of the Christian -Church becomes an insoluble mystery. The resurrection alone can -explain the sudden transformation of a company of weak, discouraged -men into the conquerors of the world. - -The resurrection of Jesus is a fact of history. It is not an -aspiration of the heart. It comes ultimately through the testimony -of the senses. The apostles came forward with a piece of plain -information. They were witnesses to a fact in the external world. -That fact has put a new face upon life. It is good news of salvation. - - -2. THE RESURRECTION CONFIRMED BY EXPERIENCE - -The resurrection is a fact of history. Accept it as true, and you -can have hope for time and for eternity. At this point, however, -some men experience a difficulty. How can the acceptance of a -historical fact satisfy the longing of our souls? Must we stake our -salvation upon the intricacies of historical research? Surely some -more immediate certitude is required. - -The objection would be valid if history stood alone. But history -does not stand alone. It has suffered from a false isolation. -A Christian certitude that is founded solely upon history is -insufficient. History is necessary, but not sufficient. We need -history, but we need something else as well. - -A historical conviction of the resurrection of Jesus is not the end -of faith, but only the beginning. If faith stops there, it will -never stand the fires of criticism. We are told that Jesus lives. So -much is a matter of testimony, a matter of history. If we believe -the witness, then we can have hope. But the religious problem of our -lives has not yet been solved. Jesus lives. But what good is it to -us? If he lives, we need to find him. We need to find him, and we -can find him. We accept the message of the resurrection enough to -make trial of it. And making trial of it, we find that it is true. -Jesus is found to be alive, for he makes answer to our prayer, and -heals us. We never could have come to him unless we had accepted -the historical evidence for the resurrection. But starting with -that historical belief we went on to the blessed experience of -salvation. Christian experience cannot do without history. But it -adds to history that directness, that immediateness, that simplicity -of conviction, which delivers us from fear. We began with history. -But we went on to experience. "Now we believe, not because of thy -speaking: for we have heard for ourselves, and know that this is -indeed the Saviour of the world." - - -3. THE DEATH - -Jesus is alive. If we find him, he will heal us. But how shall we -find him? In the New Testament we receive instruction. - -In the New Testament a strange fact stares us in the face. The New -Testament seems far more concerned with the death of Jesus than -with the details of his life. Learned men have tried in vain to -explain that curious fact. In elaborate treatises they have sought -the explanation. But it is really very simple. The New Testament -emphasizes the death of Jesus because that is what Jesus did for -us--or rather, coming after his perfect obedience to the law, it is -the culmination of what he did for us. In the account of Jesus' life -we are told what Jesus did for others. That account is absolutely -necessary. Without it we should never have been interested in Jesus -at all. But it is to us a means to an end, not an end in itself. -We read in the Gospel what Jesus did for others. For one he placed -his fingers in the ears and said, "Be opened"; to another he said, -"Arise, take up thy bed, and walk"; to another, "Thy sins are -forgiven." These things are what Jesus did for others. But what has -he done for us? The answer of the New Testament is plain. For us he -does not say, "Arise and walk." For us--he died. That mysterious -thing which was wrought on Calvary--that was his work for us. The -cross of Christ is a mystery. In the presence of it theology walks -after all with but trembling, halting footsteps. Learning will never -unlock its meaning. But to the penitent sinner, though mysterious, -though full of baffling riddles, it is plain enough. On the cross -Jesus dealt with our sin. Our dreadful guilt, the condemnation of -God's law--it is wiped out by an act of grace. It seemed inseparable -from us. It was a burden no earthly friend could bear. But Christ -is Master of the innermost secrets of the moral world. He has -accomplished the impossible, he has borne our sins. - -By the cross he has healed us. But through whom does he apply the -healing touch? Through no one, save his Spirit. For he is here -himself. If we are seekers for him, then this day our search is -over. - -The death of Christ, in the modern Church, is often subordinated. -Exclusive emphasis is laid upon the holy example and teaching of the -Galilean prophet. The modern theologians would be right if there -were no such thing as sin. If there were no such thing as guilt, and -if there were no such thing as a dreadful enslaving power of evil, -then a noble ideal might be sufficient. But to talk about an ideal -to a man under the thralldom of sin is a cruel mockery. - -Sin may indeed be glossed over. Let us make the best of our -condition, we are told, let us do the best we can, let us simply -trust in the all-conquering love of God. Dangerous advice! By it a -certain superficial joy of life may be induced. But the joy rests -upon an insecure foundation. It is dangerous to be happy on the -brink of the abyss. Permanent joy can come only when sin has been -faced honestly, and destroyed. It has been destroyed by the death -and resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. - -It is true that God is loving. He has manifested his love, however, -better than by complacency toward sin. He has manifested it by the -gracious gift of a Saviour. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Denney, "The Death of Christ." Orr, "The -Resurrection of Jesus." Crawford, "The Doctrine of Holy Scripture -Respecting the Atonement." - - - - -LESSON IX - -THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH - - -The author of The Acts has given a wonderful picture of the early -days of the Christian Church. The teacher should endeavor to present -the picture before the mental vision of the class. History should -not be studied merely as a dry record of events. The events should -be seen as well as understood. They can be seen by what is called -the historical imagination. The term "imagination" often contains a -suggestion of unreality. But that is a secondary use of the word. -"Imagination" means "picturing." You can make a picture of what -really happened as well as of what happened only in fiction. The -historical imagination is a very important faculty in the student of -the New Testament. In many persons it is almost wholly lacking. But -fortunately it may be acquired. - -In the lessons that follow, great stress should be laid upon -the simple memorizing of the course of events. Advanced study, -or topical study, is useless unless it is based upon an orderly -acquaintance with the contents of The Acts. History comes -first--then the interpretation of the history. - -The dominant note in the early chapters of The Acts is the note of -joy. After the three dark days of discouragement, after the quiet -period of waiting, the life of the Church suddenly bursts forth with -power. Everything is fresh and new. Difficulties and dangers have -not yet emerged. Even persecution is lacking. The Church enjoys -favor with the people. Thousands are converted in a day. - - -1. THE GIFT OF TONGUES - -The gift of tongues, as it was exercised on the day of Pentecost, is -not altogether an isolated phenomenon. It appears also elsewhere in -The Acts, Acts 10:46; 19:6, though it may be doubted whether in all -three cases it assumed exactly the same form. In the First Epistle -to the Corinthians, Paul discusses the gift at considerable length. -I Cor., ch. 14. It is interesting to compare that passage with the -passage in the second chapter of The Acts. - -There are a number of resemblances between the two. Both Paul -and Luke represent the gift of tongues as a supernatural thing, -a special endowment from the Spirit of God. Both Paul and Luke, -furthermore, represent the gift as an ecstatic, temporary expression -of spiritual exultation rather than as a faculty intended to be -practically useful in the work of the Church. On the other hand, -there are such marked differences between the two accounts as to -make it evident that the gift as it was manifested at Pentecost was -very considerably different from that which was exercised in the -church at Corinth. - -The speaking with tongues as Paul describes it was a kind of -ejaculation, expressive of the religious life of the speaker, but -incomprehensible to others. In order, therefore, to make the gift -edifying to the congregation at large there had to be some one -else present who was in possession of another gift, the gift of -interpretation. The speaking with tongues at Pentecost, however, -was a miraculous use of various languages. Some have supposed -that Luke is describing rather a new language, which possessed -the supernatural quality of being understood by men of various -nationalities. The most natural interpretation of the passage, -however, is that which has just been suggested. The disciples, -filled with the Spirit, spoke some in one language and some in -another, or perhaps the same individuals used different languages at -successive moments. The outsiders received various impressions of -the strange phenomenon. Some, mocking, declared that the disciples -were drunk. These, we may suppose, were men who came into contact -with those disciples who were speaking some language known only -to another group among the hearers. The general impression seems -to have been wonder at the miraculous gift. The gift of tongues -provided an opportunity for the first Christian preaching. In just -this form it was perhaps never repeated. It was a unique gift -provided for an absolutely unique occasion. - - -2. THE SPEECHES - -Ancient historians often put imaginary speeches into the mouths -of their characters. The speeches were intended to represent not -what was actually said but what might have been said under the -circumstances. This procedure of the historians was not intended -to deceive the readers. It was merely a literary form, a method of -vivid description. - -Luke, however, seems not to have allowed himself even the license -which was regarded as allowable by the best historians of antiquity. -The speeches in The Acts are apparently either verbatim reports of -what was actually said, or else summaries based upon trustworthy -tradition. If they had been composed freely by the historian himself -their characteristic differences and their perfect adaptation to -different occasions would be difficult to explain. - -The speeches of Peter and of the earliest disciples, in particular, -are very different from those of Paul. They contain a number of -features which occur either not at all or only rarely in the rest -of the New Testament. The designation of Jesus as "the Servant," -for example, a designation taken from the latter part of Isaiah, is -characteristic of these speeches. Another characteristic designation -of Jesus is "Prince" or "Prince of life." Acts 3:15; 5:31. In -general, the representation of Jesus in the early chapters of The -Acts is just what might have been expected under the circumstances. -At the beginning of the Church's life, everything is simple and easy -of comprehension even by outsiders. The apostles represented Jesus -first as a man approved of God by the miracles which he had wrought. -To have delivered up such a man to death was itself a grievous sin. -But that was not all. This Jesus who was crucified had been raised -from the dead; and both in his death and in his resurrection he -had fulfilled the Messianic predictions of the ancient prophets. -He was then nothing less than the Christ. Now, too, his period of -humiliation was over. He had been given the full powers of Lordship. -From him had come the wonder-working Spirit. It will be observed -that these speeches, though they begin with what is simplest and -easiest of acceptance by an outsider, really contain, at least in -germ, the full doctrine of the divine Christ. - - -3. THE CONVERTS - -The body of disciples who were assembled before the day of Pentecost -consisted of only about one hundred and twenty persons. Acts 1:15. -After the notable sermon of Peter, which was spoken in explanation -of the gift of tongues, three thousand were converted. A little -later the Church possessed five thousand men. Acts 4:4. - -The outward sign of conversion was baptism. "Repent ye," said Peter, -"and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ unto -the remission of your sins; and ye shall receive the gift of the -Holy Spirit." Baptism was not altogether new. It had been practiced -not only among converts to Judaism, but especially by John the -Baptist. Christian baptism, however, is sharply distinguished from -the baptism of John. Mark 1:7,8; Acts 18:25; 19:1-6. Both were -expressive of repentance. But Christian baptism was connected -specifically with Jesus, and also with the bestowal of the Spirit. - -Baptism was "in the name of Jesus Christ," or "into the name of the -Lord Jesus." It was the sacrament by which the convert signified -his cleansing from sin and his entrance into that peculiarly close -relation to Christ which is of the essence of Christian experience. -In itself, of course, the rite of baptism is useless. But when -accompanied by faith it is a means of real blessing. Baptism, like -the other Christian sacrament, the Lord's Supper, was instituted -by Christ himself. Matt. 28:19. In The Acts the full trinitarian -formula of baptism is not given. "In the name of Jesus Christ" is -sufficient to designate the sacrament. - - -4. JOY AND FEAR - -The mysterious power that was working among the disciples was -beneficent. It accomplished miracles of healing. As in the case -of Jesus himself so now among his disciples the Spirit of God was -manifested in the expulsion of demons. Matt. 12:28; Acts 5:16. The -Spirit was manifested also in the healing of disease. - -One cure, in particular, is narrated with a wealth of vivid detail. -The healing of the lame man led to the opposition of the Sanhedrin. -It led also to favor among the people. All the people ran together -in Solomon's porch greatly wondering. Acts 3:11. Peter and John took -no credit for what they had done. They attributed the miracle solely -to the power of Jesus. It was the same Jesus against whom the crowd -had shouted, "Crucify him, crucify him," only a few weeks before. -Surely a reason for remorse rather than joy! But God is gracious. -Through Jesus, the crucified One, salvation was offered even to the -murderers. Repentance was followed by rejoicing. The envy of the -Sanhedrin was held in check. A notable miracle had been wrought. - -That miracle was not isolated. Many signs and wonders were wrought -by the hands of the apostles. The people even "carried out the -sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that, as -Peter came by, at the least his shadow might overshadow some one of -them." Acts 5:12-15. Perhaps we are to understand that that method -of seeking cure was actually successful. Certainly it was an unusual -method. But God adopts unusual methods at unusual times. He adapts -his mercy to the needs of men. - -The general impression left by the early chapters of The Acts is an -impression of light and gladness. There is opposition, but it is -powerless against triumphant joy. One incident, however, introduces -a discordant note. It is the incident of Ananias and Sapphira. - -The early Church was animated by a spirit of self-sacrifice. Many of -the disciples sold their possessions and devoted the price to the -common good. One of those who did so was Joseph Barnabas, who was to -be prominent in the subsequent history. - -A certain man, Ananias, however, and Sapphira his wife, after they -had sold their possession kept back part of the price. In itself -that was not necessarily wrong. Their sin was the sin of deception. -They pretended to have given all, though they had really given only -a part. A more destructive sin could scarcely have been imagined. -They had lied unto the Holy Spirit. Such conduct would bring -contempt upon the Church. Ananias and Sapphira discovered that God -cannot be trifled with. And the judgment wrought upon them inspired -fear in all who heard. - -It is well that this incident has been recorded. It prevents a -one-sided impression of the Church's life. The power that animated -the Church was beneficent. But it was also terrible and mysterious -and holy. In the presence of it there was joy. But that joy was -akin to fear. "It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the -living God." The lesson is of permanent value. The Spirit of God -must be received with joy. But not with a common joy. Not with the -joy of familiarity. But rather with the wondering, trembling joy of -adoration. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -21-46. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Weeks, Feast -of" and "Temple." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Lumby, "The -Acts of the Apostles," 1880, pp. 1-61. "The Bible Commentary," vol. -ii: Cook, "The Acts of the Apostles," pp. 351-386. Ellicott, "A -New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. ii: Plumptre, -"The Acts of the Apostles," pp. 1-28. Rackham, "The Acts of the -Apostles," pp. 1-69. These commentaries will be designated hereafter -by the names of the authors only. - - - - -LESSON X - -THE FIRST PERSECUTION - - -The persecution which arose in connection with Stephen marks a -turning point in the history of the Church. Up to that time, the -disciples had been content, for the most part, with laboring in -Jerusalem. Now they were forced out into a broader field. One result -of the persecution was the geographical extension of the Church. - -Another result was perhaps even more important. The extension -caused by persecution was not merely geographical; it was also, -perhaps, intellectual and spiritual. The Church was really from the -beginning in possession of a new religious principle, but at first -that principle was not fully understood. Persecution probably helped -to reveal the hidden riches. The Pharisees were keener than the -disciples themselves. Hostility sharpened the vision. The disciples -themselves were still content to share in the established forms -of Jewish worship; but the Pharisees saw that they were really -advocates of a new principle. Christianity, unless it were checked, -would supersede Judaism. The Pharisees were right. Jealous fear -detected what ancestral piety had concealed. - -The hostility of the Jews perhaps helped to open the eyes of the -Church. No doubt, a development was already at work. Persecution -was the result as well as the cause of the new freedom. Stephen -was persecuted possibly just because his preaching went beyond -that of Peter. With or without persecution, the Church would have -transcended the bounds of the older Judaism. It contained a germ of -new life which was certain to bear fruit. But persecution hastened -the process. It scattered the Church abroad, and it revealed the -revolutionary character of the Church's life. - -With the coming of Jesus a new era had begun. Judaism had before -been separate from the Gentile world. That separation had been due -not to racial prejudice, but to a divine ordinance. It had served -a useful purpose. Jewish particularism should never be despised; -it should be treated with piety and gratitude. It had preserved -the precious deposit of truth in the midst of heathenism. But its -function, though useful, was temporary. It was a preparation for -Christ. Before Christ it was a help; after Christ it became a -hindrance. - -Persecution was not the beginning of the new freedom. Freedom was -based upon the words of Jesus. It had become plainer again, perhaps, -in the teaching of Stephen. Furthermore, if freedom was not begun by -the persecution, it was also not completed by it. The emancipation -of the Church from Judaism was a slow process. The unfolding of that -process is narrated in The Acts. Even after the Church was scattered -abroad through Judea and Samaria, much remained to be done. -Cornelius, Antioch, Paul were still in the future. Nevertheless, -the death of Stephen was an important event. It was by no means the -whole of the process; but it marks an epoch. - -The gradual rise of persecution should be traced in class--first -the fruitless arrest of Peter and John and their bold defiance; -then the arrest of the apostles, the miraculous escape, the -preaching in the temple, the re-arrest, the counsel of Gamaliel, -the scourging; then the preaching of Stephen and the hostility of -the Pharisees. The opposition of the Sadducees was comparatively -without significance. The Sadducees were not Jews at heart. They -might persecute the Church just because the Church was patriotically -Jewish. But the Pharisees were really representative of the existing -Judaism. Pharisaic persecution meant the hostility of the nation. -And it implied the independence of the Church. If the disciples were -nothing but Jews, why did the Jews persecute them? - -In what follows, a few details will be discussed. - - -1. THEUDAS AND JUDAS - -Judas the Galilean, mentioned by Gamaliel, Acts 5:37, appears also -in Josephus. His insurrection occurred at the time of the great -enrollment under Quirinius, the Syrian legate. This enrollment was -different from that which brought Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem at -the time of the birth of Jesus. Luke 2:2-5. That former enrollment -occurred before the death of Herod the Great in 4 B. C. Luke 1:5; -Matt. 2:1. The enrollment to which Gamaliel referred was carried out -after the deposition of Archelaus in A. D. 6. - -With regard to Judas all is clear. But Theudas is known only from -Acts 5:36. The Theudas who is mentioned in Josephus is different, -for his insurrection did not occur till about A. D. 44, after -the time of Gamaliel's speech. Gamaliel was referring to some -insurrection of an earlier period. The name Theudas was common, and -so were tumults and insurrections. - - -2. THE SEVEN - -It has been questioned whether the seven men who were appointed to -assist the apostles were "deacons." The title is not applied to -them. The narrative does, indeed, imply that they were to "serve -tables," Acts 6:2, and the Greek word here translated "serve" is the -verb from which the Greek noun meaning "deacon" is derived; but the -same word is also used for the "ministry [or service] of the word" -in which the apostles were to continue. V. 4. The special technical -use of the word "deacon" appears in the New Testament only in Phil. -1:1; I Tim. 3:8,12. Compare Rom. 16:1. - -Nevertheless, though the word itself does not occur in our passage, -it is perhaps not incorrect to say that the seven were "deacons." -Their functions were practically those of the diaconate; their -appointment, at any rate, shows that the apostles recognized the -need of some such office in the Church. It is not quite clear what -is meant by the expression, to "serve tables." The reference is -either to tables for food, or else to the money tables of a banker. -If the former interpretation be correct, then the deacons were to -attend especially to the management of the common meals. Even then, -however, the expression probably refers indirectly to the general -administration of charity, a prominent part of the service being -mentioned simply as typical of the whole. - - -3. THE SYNAGOGUES - -The Greek word translated "Libertines" in Acts 6:9 comes from the -Latin word for "freedmen." The freedmen here mentioned were probably -descendants of Jews taken by Pompey as slaves to Rome. The Jewish -opponents of Stephen therefore included Romans, men of eastern and -middle north Africa, and men of eastern and western Asia Minor. -These foreign Jews, when they settled in Jerusalem, had their own -synagogues. It is doubtful how many synagogues are mentioned in our -passage. Luke may mean that each of the five groups had a separate -synagogue, or he may be grouping the men of Cilicia and Asia in one -synagogue. The wording of the Greek perhaps rather favors the view -that only two synagogues are mentioned--one consisting of Libertines -and men of Cyrene and Alexandria, and the other consisting of -Cilicians and Asians. - - -4. THE SPEECH OF STEPHEN - -In defending himself, Stephen gave a summary of Hebrew history. At -first sight, that summary might seem to have little bearing upon the -specific charges that had been made. But the history which Stephen -recited was a history of Israel. "You are destroying the divine -privileges of Israel"--that was the charge. "No," said Stephen, -"history shows that the true privileges of Israel are the promises -of divine deliverance. To them law and temple are subordinate. From -Abraham on there was a promise of deliverance from Egypt. After -that deliverance another deliverance was promised. It is the one -which was wrought by Jesus. Moses, God's instrument in the first -deliverance, was rejected by his contemporaries. Jesus, the greater -Deliverer, was rejected by you. We disciples of Jesus are the true -Israelites, for we, unlike you, honor the promises of God." - -Other interpretations of the speech have been proposed. For example, -some find the main thought of the speech to be this: "The wanderings -of the patriarchs and the long period of time which elapsed before -the building of the temple show that true and acceptable worship of -God is not limited to any particular place." At any rate, the speech -requires study--and repays it. - -What was said in the last lesson about the speeches of The Acts -in general applies fully to the speech of Stephen. The very -difficulties of the speech, as well as its other peculiarities, help -to show that it represents a genuine tradition of what, in a unique -situation, was actually said. - - -5. MARTYRDOM - -The word "martyr" is simply the Greek word for "witness." That -is the word which is translated "witness" in Acts 1:8. "Ye shall -receive power, when the Holy Spirit is come upon you: and ye shall -be my witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judæa and Samaria, -and unto the uttermost part of the earth." There, of course, there -is no special reference to dying for the sake of Christ. It is -primarily the ordinary verbal testimony which is meant. The special -meaning "martyr" is not often attached to the Greek word in the New -Testament. Probably even in Acts 22:20, where the word is applied to -Stephen, it is to be translated "witness" rather than "martyr." - -Martyrdom, then, is only one kind of witnessing. But it is a very -important kind. Men will not die for what they do not believe. When -Stephen sank beneath the stones of his enemies he was preaching a -powerful sermon. The very fact of his death was a witness to Christ. -The manner of it was still more significant. Stephen, crying in the -hour of death, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit," Stephen dying with -words of forgiveness on his lips, "Lord, lay not this sin to their -charge," was a witness indeed. - -The Church can never do without that kind of witnessing. True, -it may not now often appear as actual martyrdom. But bravery is -needed as much as ever--bravery in business, men who will not say, -"Business is business," but will do what is right even in the face -of failure; bravery in politics, men to whom righteousness is -more than a pose; bravery in social life, men and women who will -sacrifice convention every time to principle, who, for example, -will maintain the Christian Sabbath in the face of ridicule. Modern -life affords plenty of opportunities for cowardice, plenty of -opportunities for denying the faith through fear of men. It also -affords opportunities for bravery. You can still show whether you -are of the stuff that Stephen was made of--above all, you can show -whether you are possessed by the same Spirit and are a servant of -the same Lord. - - -6. THE RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION - -The persecution resulted only in the spread of the gospel. Gamaliel -was right. It was useless to fight against God. The disciples were -in possession of an invincible power, and they knew it from the very -beginning. When Peter and John returned from their first arrest, -the disciples responded in a noble prayer. Acts 4:24-30. Herod -and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel, -gathered together against Jesus, had accomplished only what God's -hand and God's counsel foreordained to come to pass. So it would be -also with the enemies of the Church. When the disciples had prayed, -"the place was shaken wherein they were gathered together; and they -were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and they spake the word of God -with boldness." The answer to that prayer was prophetic of the whole -history of the Church. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 40-42, 47-55. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -"Gamaliel," "Theudas," "Judas" (6), "Deacon"; Purves, article on -"Stephen." Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 44-65. -Rackham, pp. 69-111. Lumby, pp. 61-97. Plumptre, pp. 28-47. Cook, -pp. 386-406. - - - - -LESSON XI - -THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS - - -This lesson treats of a number of steps in the extension of the -gospel. The beginning is the purely Jewish Church that is described -in the first chapters of The Acts; the goal is the Gentile -Christianity of Paul. Gentile Christianity was not produced all at -once. The extension of the gospel to Gentiles was a gradual process. -The present lesson is concerned only with the early stages. The -teacher should present the lesson in such a way as to emphasize the -main feature of the narrative. The main feature is the central place -assigned to the Holy Spirit. Though the extension of the gospel to -the Gentiles was a process, that process was due not to mere natural -development, but to the gracious leading of God. - -As was observed in Lesson X, Stephen perhaps introduced into the -Church a more independent attitude toward the existing Judaism. -There is no reason, indeed, to suppose that he thought either of -preaching to Gentiles or of forsaking the ceremonial law. But -possibly he did venture to exhibit the temporary and provisional -character of the temple worship as compared with the promises of -God. Indirectly, therefore, though certainly not directly, Stephen -opened the way for the Gentile mission. - -The persecution was another step in the process. It scattered the -Jews abroad into regions where Gentiles were more numerous than in -Jerusalem, and served perhaps also to reveal to the Church itself -its incompatibility with Pharisaic Judaism. - -The evangelization of Samaria was another important step. Though the -Samaritans were only half Gentiles, they were particularly detested -by the Jews. In preaching to them, the disciples were overcoming -Jewish scruples, and thus were moving in the direction of a real -Gentile mission. The baptizing of the Ethiopian may have been -another step in the process. - -The most important event, however, was the conversion of Cornelius -and his household. Here the issue was clearly raised. Cornelius did -not, like the Ethiopian, depart at once after baptism to a distant -home. His reception into the Church was a matter of public knowledge. - -Luke was well aware of the importance of the story about Cornelius. -That appears from the minuteness with which the story is narrated. -After it has been completed once, it is repeated, at very -considerable length, as a part of Peter's defense at Jerusalem. The -effect is as though this incident were heavily underscored. - -The importance of the Cornelius incident appears also in the -fact that it gave rise to criticism. Apparently this was the -first serious criticism which the gradually widening mission had -encountered within the Church. There is no suggestion of such -criticism in the case of the preaching in Samaria. But now a much -more radical step had been taken. Peter had eaten with uncircumcised -men. Acts 11:3. A more serious violation of Jewish particularism -could hardly have been imagined. - -In defense, Peter appealed simply to the manifest authorization -which he had received from God. That authorization had appeared -first of all in the visions which Peter and Cornelius had received, -with other direct manifestations of the divine will, and also more -particularly in the bestowal of the Spirit. If the Spirit was given -to uncircumcised Gentiles, then circumcision was no longer necessary -to membership in the Church. In the narrative about Cornelius, there -is a remarkable heaping up of supernatural guidance. Vision is -added to vision, revelation to revelation. The reason is plain. A -decisive step was being taken. If taken by human initiative, it was -open to criticism. The separateness of Israel from other nations was -a divine ordinance. Since it had been instituted by God, it could -be abrogated only by him. True, Jesus had said, "Make disciples of -all the nations." Matt. 28:19. But the how and the when had been -left undecided. Were the Gentiles to become Jews in order to become -Christians, and was the Gentile mission to begin at once? Those were -grave questions. They could not be decided without divine guidance. -That guidance was given in the case of Cornelius. - -Peter's defense was readily accepted. "And when they heard these -things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, Then to -the Gentiles also hath God granted repentance unto life." The active -opposition to the Gentile mission did not arise until later. But how -could that opposition arise at all? Since God had spoken so clearly, -who could deny to the Gentiles a free entrance into the Church? -After the case of Cornelius, how could any possible question arise? - -As a matter of fact--though it may seem strange--the acceptance of -Cornelius did not at first determine the policy of the Church. That -incident remained, indeed, stored up in memory. It was appealed to -years afterwards by Peter himself, in order to support the Gentile -Christianity of Paul. Acts 15:7-9,14. But so far as the practice -of the Jewish Church was concerned, the Cornelius incident seems -to have remained for a time without effect. The bestowal of the -Spirit upon Cornelius and his friends was regarded, apparently, as -a special dispensation which fixed no precedent. Before engaging in -further preaching to Gentiles, the Church was waiting, perhaps, for -manifestations of the divine will as palpable as those which had -been given to Peter and to Cornelius. - -This attitude is rather surprising. It must be remembered, -however, that for the present the Church was fully engrossed in -work for Jews. Undoubtedly, a Gentile work was to come, and the -Cornelius incident, as well as what Jesus had said, was regarded -as prophetic of it, Acts 11:18; but the time and the manner -of its institution were still undetermined. Were the Gentile -converts generally--whatever might be the special dispensation for -Cornelius--to be required to submit to circumcision and become -members of the chosen people? This and other questions had not yet -even been faced. Engrossed for the present in the Jewish mission, -the Church could leave these questions to the future guidance of God. - -In what follows, a number of special points will be briefly -discussed. - - -1. PHILIP - -After the baptism of the Ethiopian, "the Spirit of the Lord caught -away Philip; and the eunuch saw him no more, for he went on his way -rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus: and passing through he -preached the gospel to all the cities, till he came to Cæsarea." The -meaning of these words is not perfectly plain. Are we to understand -that Philip was carried away to Azotus by a miracle, or is nothing -more intended than a sudden departure under the impulsion of the -Spirit? The latter interpretation is not at all impossible. What -has been emphasised in the whole narrative is the strangeness, the -unaccountableness of Philip's movements. This appears particularly -in the sudden separation from the eunuch. The eunuch expected -further conference with Philip but suddenly Philip rushed off, as -though snatched away by a higher power. All through this incident, -there is something strangely sudden and unexpected about Philip's -movements. Human deliberation evidently had no part in his actions. -He was under the immediate impulsion of the Spirit. - -The narrative leaves Philip at Cæsarea, and there he appears years -afterwards, at the time of Paul's last journey to Jerusalem. Acts -21:8,9. Luke was at that time one of the company, and may have -received directly from Philip the materials for the narrative in the -eighth chapter of The Acts. Philip appears in Christian tradition, -but there is some confusion between Philip the evangelist and Philip -the apostle. - - -2. SIMON MAGUS - -Simon the sorcerer, or "Simon Magus," is an interesting figure. -He has laid hold of the fancy of Christendom. From his name--with -reference to Acts 8:18,19--the word "simony" has been coined to -designate the sin of buying or selling any sort of spiritual -advantage. Simon is very prominent in Christian tradition, where he -is regarded as the fountainhead of all heresy. - - -3. CORNELIUS - -Cornelius was a "centurion," or captain of a company in the Roman -army consisting of about one hundred men. The "Italian band" to -which he belonged was apparently a "cohort," composed of soldiers -from Italy. Cornelius was stationed at Cæsarea, the residence of the -procurators of Judea. With the favorable description of his attitude -to the Jews and to the Jewish religion, Acts 10:2, should be -compared what Luke, in his Gospel, records about another centurion. -Luke 7:4,5. These are sympathetic pictures of the "God-fearing" -adherents of Judaism, who formed so important a class at the time of -the first Christian preaching. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 59-67, 91-98. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -"Samaria," "Samaritan," "Philip" (7), "Simon" (9), "Cæsarea," -"Cornelius." Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 66-104. -Rackham, pp. 111-124, 141-163. Lumby, pp. 97-108, 122-142. Plumptre, -pp. 47-55, 63-73. Cook, pp. 407-413, 419-430. - - - - -LESSON XII - -THE CONVERSION OF PAUL - - -Christianity a supernatural thing and a gift of God's grace--that is -the real theme of the lesson. The theme is brought home by means of -an example, the example of the apostle Paul. - -The religious experience of Paul is the most striking phenomenon -in the history of the human spirit. It really requires no defense. -Give it sympathetic attention, and it is irresistible. How was it -produced? The answer of Paul himself, at least, is plain. According -to Paul, his whole religious life was due, not to any natural -development, but to an act of the risen Christ. That is the argument -of the first chapter of Galatians. He was advancing in Judaism, he -says, beyond his contemporaries. He was laying waste the Church. -And then suddenly, when it was least to be expected, without the -influence of men, simply by God's good pleasure, Christ was revealed -to him, and all was changed. The suddenness, the miraculousness of -the change is the very point of the passage. Upon that marvelous act -of God Paul bases the whole of his life work. - -Shall Paul's explanation of his life be accepted? It can be accepted -only by the recognition of Jesus Christ, who was crucified, as a -living person. In an age of doubt, that recognition is not always -easy. But if it be refused, then the whole of Pauline Christianity -is based upon an illusion. That alternative may well seem to be -monstrous. The eighth chapter of Romans has a self-evidencing power. -It has transformed the world. It has entered into the very fiber of -the human spirit. But it crumbles to pieces if the appearance on -the road to Damascus was nothing but a delusive vision. Let us not -deceive ourselves. The religious experience of Paul and the whole -of our evangelical piety are based upon the historical fact of the -resurrection. But if so, then the resurrection stands firm. For the -full glory of Pauline Christianity becomes a witness to it. The -writer of the epistle to the Romans must be believed. But it is that -writer who says, "Last of all ... he appeared to me also." - -The wonder of the conversion can be felt only through an exercise -of the historical imagination. Imagine the surroundings of Paul's -early life in Tarsus, live over again with him the years in -Jerusalem, enter with him into his prospects of a conventional -Jewish career and into his schemes for the destruction of the -Church--and then only can you appreciate with him the catastrophic -wonder of Christ's grace. There was no reason for the conversion of -Paul. Everything pointed the other way. But Christ chose to make of -the persecutor an apostle, and the life of Paul was the result. It -was a divine, inexplicable act of grace--grace to Paul and grace -to us who are Paul's debtors. God's mercies are often thus. They -are not of human devising. They enter into human life when they are -least expected, with a sudden blaze of heavenly glory. - -In the review of Paul's early life various questions emerge. They -must at least be faced, if not answered, if the lesson is to be -vividly presented. - - -1. PAUL AT TARSUS - -In the first place, what was the extent of the Greek influence -which was exerted upon Paul at Tarsus? The question cannot be -answered with certainty, and widely differing views are held. It is -altogether unlikely, however, that the boy attended anything like -an ordinary Gentile school. The Jewish strictness of the family -precludes that supposition, and it is not required by the character -of Paul's preaching and writing. It is true that he occasionally -quotes a Greek poet. I Cor. 15:33; Titus 1:12; Acts 17:28. It is -true again that some passages in Paul's letters are rhetorical--for -example, I Cor. 1:18-25; ch. 13--and that rhetoric formed an -important part of Greek training in the first century. But Paul's -rhetoric is the rhetoric of nature rather than of art. Exalted -by his theme he falls unconsciously into a splendid rhythm of -utterance. Such rhetoric could not be learned in school. Finally, it -is true that Paul's vocabulary is thought to exhibit some striking -similarities to that of Stoic writers. But even if that similarity -indicates acquaintance on the part of Paul with the Stoic teaching, -such acquaintance need not have been attained through a study of -books. - -However, the importance of Paul's Greek environment, if it must -not be exaggerated, must on the other hand not be ignored. In the -first place, Paul is a consummate master of the Greek language. -He must have acquired it in childhood, and indeed in Tarsus could -hardly have failed to do so. In the second place, he was acquainted -with the religious beliefs and practices of the Greco-Roman world. -The speech at Athens, Acts 17:22-31, shows how he made use of -such knowledge for his preaching. In all probability the first -impressions were made upon him at Tarsus. Finally, from his home in -Tarsus Paul derived that intimate knowledge of the political and -social relationships of the men of his day which, coupled with a -native delicacy of perception and fineness of feeling, resulted in -the exquisite tact which he exhibited in his missionary and pastoral -labors. The Tarsian Jew of the dispersion was a gentleman of the -Roman Empire. - -That Aramaic, as well as Greek, was spoken by the family of Paul is -made probable by Phil. 3:5 and II Cor. 11:22. The word "Hebrew" in -these passages probably refers especially to the use of the Aramaic -("Hebrew") language, as in Acts 6:1, where the "Hebrews" in the -Jerusalem church are contrasted with the "Grecian Jews." "A Hebrew -of Hebrews," therefore, probably means "an Aramaic-speaking Jew and -descended from Aramaic-speaking Jews." In Acts 21:40; 22:2 it is -expressly recorded that Paul made a speech in Aramaic ("Hebrew"), -and in Acts 26:14 it is said that Christ spoke to him in the same -language. Conceivably, of course, he might have learned that -language during his student days in Jerusalem. But the passages just -referred to make it probable that it was rather the language of his -earliest home. From childhood Paul knew both Aramaic and Greek. - - -2. THE INNER LIFE OF PAUL THE RABBI - -The most interesting question about Paul's life at Jerusalem -concerns the condition of his inner life before the conversion. Paul -the Pharisee is an interesting study. What were this man's thoughts -and feelings and desires before the grace of Christ made him the -greatest of Christian missionaries? - -The best way to answer this question would be to ask Paul himself. -One passage in the Pauline epistles has been regarded as an answer -to the question. That passage is Rom. 7:14-25. There Paul describes -the struggle of the man who knows the law of God and desires to -accomplish it, but finds the flesh too strong for him. If Paul is -there referring to his pre-Christian life, then the passage gives -a vivid picture of his fruitless struggle as a Pharisee to fulfill -the law. Many interpreters, however, refer the passage not to the -pre-Christian life but to the Christian life. Even in the Christian -life the struggle goes on against sin. And even if Paul is referring -to the pre-Christian life, he is perhaps depicting it rather as it -really was than as he then thought it was. The passage probably does -not mean that before he became a Christian Paul was fully conscious -of the fruitlessness of his endeavor to attain righteousness by the -law. Afterwards he saw that his endeavor was fruitless, but it is -doubtful how clearly he saw it at the time. - -It would, indeed, be a mistake to suppose that Paul as a Pharisee -was perfectly happy. No man is happy who is trying to earn -salvation by his works. In his heart of hearts Paul must have -known that his fulfillment of the law was woefully defective. -But such discontentment would naturally lead him only farther on -in the same old path. If his obedience was defective, let it be -mended by increasing zeal! The more earnest Paul was about his law -righteousness, the more discontented he became with his attainments, -so much the more zealous did he become as a persecutor. - -Some have supposed that Paul was gradually getting nearer to -Christianity before Christ appeared to him--that the Damascus -experience only completed a process that had already begun. There -were various things, it is said, which might lead the earnest -Pharisee to consider Christianity favorably. In the first place, -there was the manifest impossibility of law righteousness. Paul had -tried to keep the law and had failed. What if the Christians were -right about salvation by faith? In the second place, there were -the Old Testament prophecies about a suffering servant of Jehovah. -Isa., ch. 53. If they referred to the Messiah, then the cross might -be explained, as the Christians explained it, as a sacrifice for -others. The stumblingblock of a crucified Messiah would thus be -removed. In the third place, there was the noble life and death of -the Christian martyrs. - -These arguments are not so weighty as they seem. Paul's -dissatisfaction with his fulfillment of the law, as has already -been observed, might lead to a more zealous effort to fulfill the -law as well as to a relinquishment of the law. There seems to be -no clear evidence that the pre-Christian Jews ever contemplated a -death of the Messiah like the death of Jesus. On the contrary the -current expectation of the Messiah was diametrically opposed to -any such thing. And admiration of the Christian martyrs is perhaps -too modern and too Christian to be attributed to the Pharisee. -The fundamental trouble with this whole argument is that it proves -merely that the Pharisee Paul ought to have been favorably impressed -with Christianity. So he ought, but as a matter of fact he was not -so impressed, and we have the strongest kind of evidence to prove -that he was not. The book of The Acts says so, and Paul says so -just as clearly in his letters. The very fact that when he was -converted he was on a persecuting expedition, more ambitious than -any that had been attempted before, shows that he was certainly -not thinking favorably of Christianity. Was he considering the -possibility that Christianity might be true? Was he trying to stifle -his own inward uncertainty by the very madness of his zeal? Then, -in persecuting the Church, he was going against his conscience. But -in I Tim. 1:13 he distinctly says that his persecuting was done -ignorantly in unbelief, and his attitude is the same in his other -epistles. If in persecuting the Church he was acting contrary to -better conviction, then that fact would have constituted the chief -element in his guilt; yet in the passages where he speaks with the -deepest contrition of his persecution, that particularly heinous sin -is never mentioned. Evidently, whatever was his guilt, at least he -did not have to reproach himself with the black sin of persecuting -Christ's followers in the face of even a half conviction. - -Accordingly, the words of Christ to Paul at the time of the -conversion, "It is hard for thee to kick against the goad," Acts -26:14, do not mean that Paul had been resisting an inward voice of -conscience in not accepting Christ before, but rather that Christ's -will for Paul was really resistless even though Paul had not known -it at all. Christ's loving plan would be carried out in the end. -Paul was destined to be the apostle to the Gentiles. For him to try -to be anything else was as useless and as painful as it is for the -ox to kick against the goad. Christ will have his way. - -Thus before his conversion Paul was moving away from Christianity -rather than toward it. Of course, in emphasizing the suddenness of -the conversion, exaggerations must be avoided. It is absurd, for -example, to suppose that Paul knew nothing at all about Jesus before -the Damascus event. Of course he knew about him. Even if he had been -indifferent, he could hardly have failed to hear the story of the -Galilean prophet; and as a matter of fact he was not indifferent -but intensely interested, though by way of opposition. These things -were not done in a corner. Paul was in Jerusalem before and after -the crucifixion, if not at the very time itself. The main facts in -the life of Jesus were known to friend and foe alike. Thus when in -the first chapter of Galatians Paul declares that he received his -gospel not through any human agency but directly from Christ, he -cannot mean that the risen Christ imparted to him the facts in the -earthly life of Jesus. It never occurred to Paul to regard the bare -facts as a "gospel." He had the facts by ordinary word of mouth from -the eyewitnesses. What he received from the risen Christ was a new -interpretation of the facts. He had known the facts before. But they -had filled him with hatred. He had known about Jesus. But the more -he had known about him, the more he had hated him. And then Christ -himself appeared to him! It might naturally have been an appearance -in wrath, a thunderstroke of the just vengeance of the Messiah. -Probably that was Paul's first thought when he heard the words, "I -am Jesus whom thou persecutest." But such was not the Lord's will. -The purpose of the Damascus wonder was not destruction but divine -fellowship and world-wide service. - - -3. PAUL'S EXPERIENCE AND OURS - -In one sense, the experience of Paul is the experience of every -Christian. Not, of course, in form. It is a great mistake to -demand of every man that he shall be able, like Paul, to give day -and hour of his conversion. Many men, it is true, still have such -a definite experience. It is not pathological. It may result in -glorious Christian lives. But it is not universal, and it should -not be induced by tactless methods. The children of Christian homes -often seem to grow up into the love of Christ. When they decide -to unite themselves definitely with the Church, the decision need -not necessarily come with anguish of soul. It may be simply the -culmination of a God-encircled childhood, a recognition of what -God has already done rather than the acquisition of something new. -But after all, these differences are merely in the manner of God's -working. In essence, true Christian experience is always the same, -and in essence it is always like the experience of Paul. It is no -mere means of making better citizens, but an end in itself. It is no -product of man's effort, but a divine gift. Whatever be the manner -of its coming, it is a heavenly vision. Christ still lives in the -midst of glory. And still he appears to sinful men--though not now -to the bodily eye--drawing them out of sin and misery and bondage -to a transitory world into communion with the holy and eternal God. - -The result of Paul's vision was service. How far his destination as -apostle to the Gentiles was made known to him at once is perhaps -uncertain. It depends partly upon the interpretation of Acts -26:14-18. Are those words intended to be part of what was spoken at -the very time of the conversion? There is no insuperable objection -to that view. At any rate, no matter how much or how little was -revealed at once, the real purpose of Christ in calling him was -clearly that he should be the leader of the Gentile mission. Gal. -1:16. He was saved in order that he might save others. It is so -normally with every Christian. Every one of us is given not only -salvation, but also labor. In that labor we can use every bit of -preparation that is ours, even if it was acquired before we became -Christians. Paul, the apostle, used his Greek training as well as -his knowledge of the Old Testament. We can use whatever talents we -possess. The Christian life is not a life of idleness. It is like -the life of the world in being full of labor. But it differs from -that life in that its labor is always worth while. Connection with -heaven does not mean idle contemplation, but a vantage ground of -power. You cannot move the world without a place to stand. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -68-85. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Damascus." -Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 113-120; "St. Paul -the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 29-39; "The Cities of -St. Paul," pp. 85-244 (on Tarsus). Conybeare and Howson, "The Life -and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. ii and iii. Lewin, "The Life and -Epistles of St. Paul," chs. i and iv. Stalker, "The Life of St. -Paul," pp. 1-42. Rackham, pp. 124-135, 421-424, 462-470. Lumby, pp. -108-116, 302-307, 344-349. Plumptre, pp. 55-61, 150-152, 165-167. -Cook, pp. 413-417, 498-500, 516-519. - - - - -LESSON XIII - -THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH - - -Christianity originated in an obscure corner of the Roman Empire, in -the midst of a very peculiar people. At first, it was entirely out -of relation to the larger life of the time. The atmosphere of the -Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined; the very conception of -Messiahship is distinctively Jewish. - -Yet this Jewish sect soon entered upon the conquest of the empire, -and the Jewish Messiah became the Saviour of the world. Starting -from Jerusalem, the new sect spread within a few decades almost -to the remotest corners of the civilized world. This remarkable -extension was not the work of any one man or group of men. It seemed -rather to be due to some mysterious power of growth, operating in -many directions and in many ways. In this manifold extension of the -gospel, however, the central event of to-day's lesson stands out -with special clearness. Christianity began as a Jewish movement, -quite incongruous with the larger life of the empire. What would be -the result of its first real contact with the culture of the time? -This question was answered at Antioch. - -At Antioch, the principles of the Gentile mission had to be -established once for all--those principles which have governed the -entire subsequent history of the Church. The extension of the gospel -to the Gentiles was not a mere overcoming of racial prejudice, -for the separateness of Israel had been of divine appointment; it -involved rather the recognition that a new dispensation had begun. -Primitive Christianity was not governed merely by considerations of -practical expediency; it sought justification for every new step -in the guidance of the Spirit and in the fundamental principles of -the gospel. The development of those fundamental principles was -necessary in order to show that Christianity was really more than -a Jewish sect. Then as always, religion without theology would -have been a weak and flabby thing. Christianity is not merely an -instrument for the improving of social conditions, but rather an -answer to the fundamental questions of the soul. It can never do -without thinking, and Christian thinking is theology. - -Fortunately the church at Antioch did not long remain without a -theologian. Its theologian was Paul. Paul was not the founder of the -church at Antioch; but the theology of Paul was what gave to that -church its really fundamental importance in the history of the world. - -The lesson for to-day is of extraordinary richness and variety. -Much can be learned, for example, from the characters of the story. -Barnabas, with his generous recognition of the great man who was -soon to overshadow him; those obscure men of Cyprus and Cyrene, not -even mentioned by name, whose work at Antioch was one of the great -turning points of history; Agabus, the prophet, and the charitable -brethren of Antioch; Rhoda, the serving girl, and the prayerful -assembly in the house of the mother of Mark--every one of these -teaches some special lesson. One lesson, moreover, may be learned -from them all--God is the real leader of the Church, and true -disciples, though different in character and in attainments, are all -sharers in a mighty work. - -In what follows, an attempt will be made to throw light upon a few -of the historical questions which are suggested by the narrative in -The Acts, and to picture as vividly as possible the scene of these -stirring events. - - -1. THE ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES - -The differences between the narrative in The Acts and the account -which Paul gives of the same events have caused considerable -difficulty. This very difficulty, however, is by no means an unmixed -evil; for it shows at least that Luke was entirely independent of -the Epistles. If he had employed the Epistles in the composition -of his book he would surely have avoided even the appearance of -contradicting them. The divergences between The Acts and the Pauline -Epistles, therefore, can only mean that Luke did not use the -Epistles when he wrote; and since the Epistles came to be generally -used at a very early time, The Acts cannot have been written at so -late a date as is often supposed. But if the book was written at an -early time, then there is every probability that the information -which it contains is derived from trustworthy sources. - -Thus the very divergences between The Acts and the Pauline Epistles, -unless indeed they should amount to positive contradictions, -strengthen the argument for the early date and high historical -value of the Lucan work. The independence of The Acts is supported -also by the complete absence of striking verbal similarity between -the narrative in The Acts and the corresponding passages in the -Epistles. Even where the details of the two accounts are similar, -the words are different. The few unimportant coincidences in -language are altogether insufficient to overthrow this general -impression of independence. - -The most natural supposition, therefore, is that in The Acts and in -the Epistles we have two independent and trustworthy accounts of the -same events. This supposition is really borne out by the details of -the two narratives. There are differences, but the differences are -only what is to be expected in two narratives which were written -from entirely different points of view and in complete independence -of one another. Contradictions have been detected only by pressing -unduly the language of one source or the other. Thus, in reading The -Acts alone, one might suppose that Paul spent the whole time between -his conversion and his first visit to Jerusalem in Damascus, and -that this period was less than three years; but these suppositions -are only inferences. Apparently Luke was not aware of the journey to -Arabia; but an incomplete narrative is not necessarily inaccurate. -Again, in the account of that first visit to Jerusalem, the reader -of The Acts might naturally suppose that more than one of the Twelve -was present, that the main purpose of the journey was rather to -engage in preaching than to make the acquaintance of Peter, and -that the visit lasted longer than fifteen days; and on the other -hand, the reader of Galatians might perhaps suppose that instead -of preaching in Jerusalem Paul remained, while there, in strict -retirement. Again, however, these suppositions would be inferences; -and the falsity of them simply shows how cautious the historian -should be in reading between the lines of a narrative. Finally, the -differences between Paul and Luke are overbalanced by the striking -and undesigned agreements. - -In Galatians, Paul does not mention the visit which he and Barnabas -made in Jerusalem at the time of the famine. This conclusion has -been avoided by those scholars who with Ramsay identify the "famine -visit" with the visit mentioned in Gal. 2:1-10. The more usual view, -however, is that Gal. 2:1-10 is to be regarded as parallel, not with -Acts 11:30; 12:25, but with Acts 15:1-30. The second visit mentioned -by Paul is thus identified with the third visit mentioned by Luke. -Paul did not mention the famine visit because, as was probably -admitted even by his opponents in Galatia, the apostles at the time -of that visit were all out of the city, so that there was no chance -of a meeting with them. The subject under discussion in Galatians -was not Paul's life in general, but the relation between Paul and -the original apostles. - - -2. THE PREACHING TO "GREEKS" - -In Acts 11:20, the best manuscripts read "spake unto the Hellenists" -instead of "spake unto the Greeks." The word "Hellenist" usually -means "Grecian Jew." Here, however, if this word is to be read, it -must refer not to Jews, but to Gentiles; for the contrast with the -preaching to Jews that is mentioned just before, is the very point -of the verse. Perhaps at this point the manuscripts which read -"Greeks" (that is, "Gentiles") are correct. In either case, the -meaning is fixed by the context. These Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, -when they arrived at Antioch certainly began to preach regularly to -Gentiles. - - -3. PETER'S ESCAPE FROM PRISON - -In Acts 12:1-24, Luke brings the account of affairs in Jerusalem up -to the time which has already been reached in the narrative about -Antioch. The journey of Barnabas and Paul to Jerusalem, Acts 11:30; -12:25, supplied the connecting link. While the church at Antioch was -progressing in the manner described in Acts 11:19-30, a persecution -had been carried on in Jerusalem by Herod Agrippa I. The escape of -Peter is narrated in an extraordinarily lifelike way. Evidently -Luke was in possession of first-hand information. The vividness of -the narrative is very significant. It shows that the unmistakable -trustworthiness of The Acts extends even to those happenings which -were most clearly miraculous. The supernatural cannot be eliminated -from apostolic history. - - -4. ANTIOCH - -Antioch on the Orontes was founded by Seleucus Nicator, the first -monarch of the Seleucid dynasty, and under his successors it -remained the capital of the Syrian kingdom. When that kingdom was -conquered by the Romans, the political importance of Antioch did -not suffer. Antioch became under the Romans not only the capital of -the province Syria but also the residence of the emperors and high -officials when they were in the east. It may be regarded as a sort -of eastern capital of the empire. - -The political importance of Antioch was no greater than its -commercial importance. Situated near the northeastern corner of the -Mediterranean Sea, where the Mediterranean coast is nearer to the -Euphrates than at any other point, where the Orontes valley provided -easy communication with the east and the Syrian gates with the west, -with a magnificent artificial harbor at Seleucia, about twenty miles -distant, Antioch naturally became the great meeting point for the -trade of east and west. It is not surprising that Antioch was the -third city of the empire--after Rome and Alexandria. - -The city was built on a plain between the Orontes on the north -and the precipitous slopes of Mount Silpius on the south. A great -wall extended over the rugged heights of the mountain and around -the city. A magnificent street led through the city from east to -west. The buildings were of extraordinary magnificence. Perhaps as -magnificent as the city itself was the famous Daphne, a neighboring -shrine and pleasure resort, well-known for its gilded vice. - -The dominant language of Antioch, from the beginning, had been -Greek. The Seleucids prided themselves on the Greek culture of -their court, and Roman rule introduced no essential change. Of -course, along with the Greek language and Greek culture went a -large admixture of eastern blood and eastern custom. Like the other -great cities of the empire, Antioch was a meeting place of various -peoples, a typical cosmopolitan center of a world-wide empire. The -Jewish population, of course, was numerous. - -Such was the seat of the apostolic missionary church. Almost lost -at first in the seething life of the great city, that church was -destined to outlive all the magnificence that surrounded it. A new -seed had been implanted in the ancient world, and God would give the -increase. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 85-90, 98-110. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -"Agabus," "Antioch," "Arabia," "Aretas," "Barnabas," "Herod" (3). -Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 40-69; -"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 121-128. Lewin, "The Life -and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. v, vi and vii. Conybeare and Howson, -"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. iv. Stalker, "The Life of -St. Paul," pp. 44-63. Lumby, pp. 116-122, 142-155, 307-309. Cook, -pp. 416-418, 430-433, 500, 501. Plumptre, pp. 60-62, 73-79, 152. -Rackham, pp. 136-141, 163-184. - - - - -Part II: - -Christianity Established Among -the Gentiles - -The Principles and Practice -of the Gospel - - - - -LESSON XIV - -THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES - - -It was a dramatic moment when Paul and Barnabas, with their helper, -set sail from Seleucia, on the waters of the Mediterranean. Behind -them lay Syria and Palestine and the history of the chosen people; -in front of them was the west. The religion of Israel had emerged -from its age-long seclusion; it had entered at last upon the -conquest of the world. - -The message that crossed the strait to Cyprus was destined to be -carried over broader seas. A mighty enterprise was begun. It was an -audacious thought! The missionaries might well have been overpowered -by what lay before them--by the power of a world empire, by the -prestige of a brilliant civilization. How insignificant were their -own weapons! Would they ever even gain a hearing? But though the -enterprise was begun in weakness it was begun in faith. At their -departure from Antioch the missionaries were "committed to the grace -of God." - -The account of this first missionary journey is one of the most -fascinating passages in The Acts. The interest never flags; incident -follows incident in wonderful variety. In reading this narrative, -we are transplanted into the midst of the ancient world, we come -to breathe the very atmosphere of that cosmopolitan age. In the -lesson of to-day the teacher has an unusual opportunity. If he uses -it well, he may cause the Bible story to live again. Absolutely -essential to that end is the judicious use of a map--preferably -something larger than the small sketch map of the Text Book. A -travel narrative without a map is a hopeless jumble. The map is an -aid both to memory and to imagination. Tracing the route of the -missionaries on the map, the teacher should endeavor to call up the -scenes through which they passed. The student should be made to see -the waters of the Mediterranean, with the hills of Cyprus beyond, -the interminable stretches of the Roman roads, the lofty mountains -of the Taurus, the perils of rivers and the perils of robbers, the -teeming population of the countless cities--and through it all the -simple missionaries of the cross, almost unnoticed amid the turmoil -of the busy world, but rich in the possession of a world-conquering -gospel and resistless through the power of the living God. - - -1. THE PROPHETS AND TEACHERS - -Both prophecy and teaching were gifts of the Spirit. I Cor. -12:28-31. Prophecy was immediate revelation of the divine plan or -of the divine will; teaching, apparently, was logical development -of the truth already given. Which of the men who are mentioned in -Acts 13:1 were prophets and which were teachers is not clear. If any -division is intended it is probably between the first three and the -last two. For this grouping there is perhaps some slight indication -in the connectives that are used in the Greek, but the matter is not -certain. Perhaps all five of the men were possessed of both gifts. - -Lucius was perhaps one of the founders of the church, for he -came from Cyrene. Compare Acts 11:20. Manaen is an interesting -figure. He is called "foster-brother" of Herod the tetrarch. The -word translated "foster-brother" is apparently sometimes used in -a derived sense, to designate simply an intimate associate of a -prince. If that be the meaning here, then at least one member of the -church at Antioch was a man of some social standing. In Antioch, -as in Corinth, probably "not many wise after the flesh, not many -mighty, not many noble" were called, I Cor. 1:26; but in Antioch as -in Corinth there were exceptions. The Herod who is here meant is -Herod Antipas, the "Herod" of the Gospels. - - -2. ELYMAS - -When the Jewish sorcerer is first mentioned he is called -Bar-Jesus--that is, "son of Jesus," Jesus being a common Jewish -name. Then, a little below, the same man is called "Elymas the -sorcerer," and the explanation is added, "for so is his name by -interpretation." Apparently the new name Elymas is introduced -without explanation, and then the Greek word for "sorcerer" is -introduced as a translation of that. The word Elymas is variously -derived from an Arabic word meaning "wise," or an Aramaic word -meaning "strong." In either case the Greek word, "magos," for which -our English Bible has "sorcerer," is a fair equivalent. That Greek -word is the word that appears also in Matt. 2:1,7,16, where the -English Bible has "Wise-men"; and words derived from the same root -are used to describe Simon of Samaria in Acts 8:9,11. The word -could designate men of different character. Some "magi" might be -regarded as students of natural science; in others, superstition and -charlatanism were dominant. - - -3. SAUL AND PAUL - -At Acts 13:9 Luke introduces the name "Paul"--"Saul, who is also -called Paul." Previously the narrative always uses the Jewish name -"Saul"; after this "Paul" appears with equal regularity, except in -the accounts of the conversion, where in three verses a special, -entirely un-Greek form of "Saul" is used. Acts 22:7,13; 26:14. Since -in our passage in the original the name of the proconsul, Paulus, is -exactly like the name of the apostle, some have supposed that Paul -assumed a new name in honor of his distinguished convert. That is -altogether unlikely. More probable is the suggestion that although -Paul had both names from the beginning, Luke is led to introduce the -name Paul at just this point because of the coincidence with the -name of the proconsul. Even this supposition, however, is extremely -doubtful. Probably the Roman name, which Paul uses invariably in -his letters, is introduced at this point simply because here for -the first time Paul comes prominently forward in a distinctly Roman -environment. - - -4. PAUL AND BARNABAS - -Connected with this variation in name is the reversal in the -relation between Paul and Barnabas. Previously Barnabas has been -given the priority; but immediately after the incident at Paphos the -missionaries are designated as "Paul and his company," Acts 13:13, -and thereafter when the two are mentioned together, Paul, except at -Acts 14:12,14; 15:12,25, appears first. In the presence of the Roman -proconsul, Paul's Roman citizenship perhaps caused him to take the -lead; and then inherent superiority made his leadership permanent. - - -5. THE RETURN OF JOHN MARK - -The reasons for John Mark's return from Perga to Jerusalem can -only be surmised. Perhaps he was simply unwilling, for some reason -sufficient to him but insufficient to Paul, to undertake the -hardships of the journey into the interior. Certainly it was an -adventurous journey. Paul was not always an easy man to follow. - -The severity of Paul's judgment of Mark was not necessarily so great -as has sometimes been supposed. One purpose of the second journey -was to revisit the churches of the first journey. Acts 15:36. -Whether for good or for bad reasons, Mark, as a matter of fact, -had not been with the missionaries on a large part of that first -journey, and was, therefore, unknown to many of the churches. For -this reason, perhaps as much as on account of moral objections, Paul -considered Mark an unsuitable helper. In his later epistles Paul -speaks of Mark in the most cordial way. Col. 4:10; Philem. 24; II -Tim. 4:11. In the last passage, he even says that Mark was useful to -him for ministering--exactly what he had not been at the beginning -of the second missionary journey. - - -6. HARDSHIPS AND PERSECUTIONS - -It is evident from II Cor. 11:23-27 that Luke has recorded only a -small fraction of the hardships which Paul endured as a missionary -of the cross. The tendency to lay exaggerated stress upon martyrdom -and suffering, which runs riot in the later legends of the saints, -is in The Acts conspicuous by its absence. Of the trials which are -vouched for by the unimpeachable testimony of Paul himself, only -a few may be identified in the Lucan narrative. It is natural, -however, to suppose that some of the "perils of rivers" and "perils -of robbers" were encountered on the journey through the defiles of -the Taurus mountains from Perga to Pisidian Antioch, and the one -stoning which Paul mentions is clearly to be identified with the -adventure at Lystra. In II Tim. 3:11 Paul mentions the persecutions -at Antioch, Iconium and Lystra. - - -7. GEOGRAPHY OF THE FIRST JOURNEY - -The first missionary journey led the missionaries into three Roman -provinces: Cyprus, Pamphylia and Galatia. The name "Galatia" had -originally designated a district in the north central part of Asia -Minor, which had been colonized by certain Celtic tribes several -centuries before Christ. By the Romans, however, other districts -were added to this original Galatia, and in 25 B. C. the whole -complex was organized into an imperial province under the name -Galatia. In the first century after Christ, therefore, the name -Galatia could be used in two distinct senses. In the first place, in -the earlier, popular sense, it could designate Galatia proper. In -the second place, in the later, official sense, it could designate -the whole Roman province, which included not only Galatia proper, -but also parts of a number of other districts, including Phrygia and -Lycaonia. Of the cities visited on the first missionary journey, -Pisidian Antioch--which was called "Pisidian" because it was near -Pisidia--and Iconium were in Phrygia, and Lystra and Derbe in -Lycaonia; but all four were included in the province of Galatia. -Many scholars suppose that the churches in these cities were the -churches which Paul addresses in the Epistle to the Galatians. That -view is called the "South Galatian theory." Others--adherents of -the "North Galatian theory"--suppose that the epistle is addressed -to churches in Galatia proper, in the northern part of the Roman -province, which were founded on the second missionary journey. This -question will be noticed again in connection with the epistle. - - -8. TIME OF THE FIRST JOURNEY - -Luke gives very little indication of the amount of time which was -consumed on this first journey. The hasty reader probably estimates -the time too low, since only a few incidents are narrated. The -rapidity of the narrative should not be misinterpreted as indicating -cursoriness of the labor. The passage through Cyprus, Acts 13:6, was -probably accompanied by evangelizing; the extension of the gospel -through the whole region of Antioch, v. 49, must have occupied -more than a few days; the stay at Iconium is designated as "long -time," Acts 14:3; the change of attitude on the part of the Lystran -populace, v. 19, was probably not absolutely sudden; not only Lystra -and Derbe but also the surrounding country were evangelized, v. -6; and finally the missionaries could hardly have returned to the -cities from which they had been driven out, v. 21, unless the heat -of persecution had been allowed to cool. Perhaps a full year would -not be too high an estimate of the time that was occupied by the -journey, and still higher estimates are by no means excluded. - - -9. THE SCENE AT LYSTRA - -The account of the incident at Lystra is one of those inimitable -bits of narrative which imprint upon The Acts the indisputable -stamp of historicity. Lystra, though a Roman colony, lay somewhat -off the beaten track of culture and of trade; hence the extreme -superstition of the populace is what might be expected. It may seem -rather strange that Paul and Barnabas should have been identified -with great gods of Olympus rather than with lesser divinities or -spirits, but who can place a limit upon the superstition of an -uncultured people of the ancient world? The identification may -have been rendered easier by the legend of Philemon and Baucis, -which has been preserved for us by Ovid, the Latin poet. According -to that legend, Zeus and Hermes appeared, once upon a time, in -human form in Phrygia, the same general region in which Lystra was -situated. Zeus and Hermes are the gods with whom Barnabas and Paul -were identified; the English Bible simply substitutes for these -Greek names the names of the corresponding Roman deities. The temple -of Zeus-before-the-city and the preparations for sacrifices are -described in a most lifelike way, in full accord with what is known -of ancient religion. We find ourselves here in a somewhat different -atmosphere from that which prevails in most of the scenes described -in The Acts. It is a pagan atmosphere, and an atmosphere of ruder -superstition than that which prevailed in the great cities. The -"speech of Lycaonia," v. 11, is an especially characteristic touch. -Apparently the all-pervading Greek was understood at Lystra even by -the populace; but in the excitement of their superstition they fell -very naturally into their native language. - -As in the case of Peter's release from prison, so in this incident, -wonderful lifelikeness of description is coupled with a miracle. The -scene at Lystra is unintelligible without the miraculous healing of -the lame man, with which it begins. It is impossible, in The Acts as -well as in the Gospels, to separate the miraculous from the rest of -the narrative. The evident truthfulness of the story applies to the -supernatural elements as well as to the rest. The early Christian -mission is evidently real; but it is just as evidently supernatural. -It moved through the varied scenes of the real world, but it was not -limited by the world. It was animated by a mysterious, superhuman -power. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -111-122. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Cyprus," -"Antioch" (2), "Iconium," "Lystra," "Derbe," "Galatia." Hastings, -"Dictionary of the Bible": Muir, article on "Cyprus"; Massie, -article on "Bar-Jesus"; Headlam, article on "Paulus, Sergius"; -Ramsay, articles on "Antioch in Pisidia," "Iconium," "Lystra," -"Derbe," "Galatia." Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman -Citizen," pp. 64-129; "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 247-419; -"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 129-153. Lewin, "The Life -and Epistles of St. Paul," chapter viii. Conybeare and Howson, "The -Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chapters v and vi. Stalker, "The -Life of St. Paul," pp. 65-71. Lumby, pp. 155-183. Cook, pp. 437-451. -Plumptre, pp. 79-93. Rackham, pp. 194-238. - - - - -LESSON XV - -THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM - - -The lesson for to-day deals with one of the most important events in -apostolic history. At the Jerusalem council the principles of the -Gentile mission and of the entire life of the Church were brought -to clear expression. If the original apostles had agreed with the -Judaizers against Paul, the whole history of the Church would have -been different. There would even have been room to doubt whether -Paul was really a disciple of Jesus; for if he was, how could he -come to differ so radically from those whom Jesus had taught? As a -matter of fact, however, these dire consequences were avoided. When -the issue was made between Paul and the Judaizers, the original -apostles decided whole-heartedly for Paul. The unity of the Church -was preserved. God was guiding the deliberations of the council. - - -1. THE ACTS AND GALATIANS - -The treatment of to-day's lesson in the Student's Text Book is -based upon the assumption that Gal. 2:1-10 is an account of the -same visit of Paul to Jerusalem as the visit which is described in -Acts 15:1-29. That assumption is not universally accepted. Some -scholars identify the event of Gal. 2:1-10, not with the Apostolic -Council of Acts 15:1-29, but with the "famine visit" of Acts 11:30; -12:25. Indeed, some maintain that the Epistle to the Galatians not -only contains no account of the Apostolic Council, but was actually -written before the council was held--say at Antioch, soon after the -first missionary journey. Of course this early dating of Galatians -can be adopted only in connection with the "South Galatian theory"; -for according to the "North Galatian theory" the churches addressed -in the epistle were not founded until after the council, namely at -the time of Acts 16:6. - -Undoubtedly the identification of Gal. 2:1-10 with Acts 11:30; -12:25, avoids some difficulties. If Gal. 2:1-10 be identified -with Acts 15:1-29, then Paul in Galatians has passed over the -famine visit without mention. Furthermore there are considerable -differences between Gal. 2:1-10 and Acts 15:1-29. For example, if -Paul is referring to the Apostolic Council, why has he not mentioned -the apostolic decree of Acts 15:23-29? These difficulties, however, -are not insuperable, and there are counter difficulties against the -identification of Gal. 2:1-10 with the famine visit. - -One such difficulty is connected with chronology. Paul says -that his first visit to Jerusalem took place three years after -his conversion, Gal. 1:18, and--according to the most natural -interpretation of Gal. 2:1--that the visit of Gal. 2:1-10 took place -fourteen years after the first visit. The conversion then occurred -seventeen years before the time of Gal. 2:1-10. But if Gal. 2:1-10 -describes the famine visit, then the time of Gal. 2:1-10 could not -have been after about A. D. 46. Counting back seventeen years from -A. D. 46 we should get A. D. 29 as the date of the conversion, which -is, of course, too early. - -This reasoning, it must be admitted, is not quite conclusive. The -ancients had an inclusive method of reckoning time. According to -this method three years after 1914 would be 1916. Hence, fourteen -plus three might be only what we should call about fifteen years, -instead of seventeen. Furthermore, Paul may mean in Gal. 2:1 that -his conference with the apostles took place fourteen years after the -conversion rather than fourteen years after the first visit. - -The identification of Gal. 2:1-10 with the famine visit is not -impossible. But on the whole the usual view, which identifies the -event of Gal. 2:1-10 with the meeting at the time of the Apostolic -Council of Acts 15:1-29, must be regarded as more probable. The -Apostolic Council probably took place roughly at about A. D. 49. The -conversion of Paul then should probably be put at about A. D. 32-34. - - -2. THE JUDAIZERS - -Conceivably the question about the freedom of the Gentiles from the -law might have arisen at an earlier time; for Gentiles had already -been received into the Church before the first missionary journey. -As a matter of fact, indeed, some objection had been raised to the -reception of Cornelius. But that objection had easily been silenced -by an appeal to the immediate guidance of God. Perhaps the case of -Cornelius could be regarded as exceptional; and a similar reflection -might possibly have been applied to the Gentile Christians at -Antioch. There seemed to be no danger, at any rate, that the -predominantly Jewish character of the Church would be lost. Now, -however, after a regular Gentile mission had been carried on with -signal success, the situation was materially altered. Evidently the -influx of Gentile converts, if allowed to go on unhindered, would -change the whole character of the Church. Christianity would appear -altogether as a new dispensation: the prerogatives of Israel would -be gone. The question of Gentile Christianity had existed before, -but after the first missionary journey it became acute. - -Perhaps, however, there was also another reason why the battle -had not been fought out at an earlier time. It looks very much as -though this bitter opposition to the Gentile mission had arisen only -through the appearance of a new element in the Jerusalem church. -Were these extreme legalists, who objected to the work of Paul and -Barnabas--were these men present in the Church from the beginning? -The question is more than doubtful. It is more probable that these -legalists came into the Church during the period of prosperity -which followed upon the persecution of Stephen and was only briefly -interrupted by the persecution under Herod Agrippa I. - -These Jewish Christian opponents of the Gentile mission--these -"Judaizers"--must be examined with some care. They are described not -only by Luke in The Acts but by Paul himself in Galatians. According -to The Acts, some of them at least had belonged to the sect of the -Pharisees before they had become Christians. Acts 15:5. - -The activity of the Judaizers is described by Luke in complete -independence of the account given by Paul. As usual, Luke contents -himself with a record of external fact, while Paul uncovers the -deeper motives of the Judaizers' actions. Yet the facts as reported -by Luke fully justify the harsh words which Paul employs. According -to Paul, these Judaizers were "false brethren privily brought in, -who came in privily to spy out our liberty which we have in Christ -Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage." Gal. 2:4. By calling -them "false brethren" Paul means simply that they had not really -grasped the fundamental principle of the gospel--the principle -of justification by faith. They were still trying to earn their -salvation by their works instead of receiving it as a gift of God. -At heart they were still Jews rather than Christians. They came in -privily into places where they did not belong--perhaps Paul means -especially into the church at Antioch--in order to spy out Christian -liberty. Gal. 2:4. Compare Acts 15:1. - -The rise of this Judaizing party is easy to understand. In -some respects the Judaizers were simply following the line of -least resistance. By upholding the Mosaic law they would escape -persecution and even obtain honor. We have seen that it was the -Jews who instigated the early persecutions of the Church. Such -persecutions would be avoided by the Judaizers, for they could -say to their non-Christian countrymen: "We are engaged simply in -one form of the world-wide Jewish mission. We are requiring our -converts to keep the Mosaic law and unite themselves definitely -with the people of Israel. Every convert that we gain is a convert -to Judaism. The cross of Christ that we proclaim is supplementary -to the law, not subversive of it. We deserve therefore from the -Jews not persecution but honor." Compare what Paul says about the -Judaizers in Galatia. Gal. 6:12,13. - - -3. THE APOSTOLIC DECREE - -At first sight it seems rather strange that Paul in Galatians does -not mention the apostolic decree. Some have supposed that his words -even exclude any decree of that sort. In Gal. 2:6 Paul says that -the pillars of the Jerusalem church "imparted nothing" to him. Yet -according to The Acts they imparted to him this decree. The decree, -moreover, seems to have a direct bearing upon the question that -Paul was discussing in Galatians; for it involved the imposition of -a part of the ceremonial law upon Gentile Christians. How then, if -the decree really was passed as Luke says it was, could it have been -left unmentioned by Paul? - -There are various ways of overcoming the difficulty. In the first -place it is not perfectly certain that any of the prohibitions -contained in the decree are ceremonial in character. Three of -them are probably ceremonial if the text of most manuscripts of -The Acts is correct. Most manuscripts read, at Acts 15:29: "That -ye abstain from things sacrificed to idols, and from blood, and -from things strangled, and from fornication; from which if ye keep -yourselves, it shall be well with you." Here "things offered to -idols" apparently describes not idolatrous worship, but food which -had been dedicated to idols; and "blood" describes meat used for -food without previous removal of the blood. This meaning of "blood" -is apparently fixed by the addition of "things strangled." Since -"things strangled" evidently refers to food, probably the two -preceding expressions refer to food also. According to the great -mass of our witnesses to the text, therefore, the apostolic decree -contains a food law. A few witnesses, however, omit all reference -to things strangled, not only at Acts 15:29 but also at v. 20 and -at ch. 21:25. If this text be original, then it is possible to -interpret the prohibitions as simply moral and not at all ceremonial -in character. "Things offered to idols" may be interpreted simply -of idolatry, and "blood" of murder. But if the prohibitions are -prohibitions of immorality, then they cannot be said to have -"imparted" anything to Paul; for of course he was as much opposed to -immorality as anyone. - -However, the more familiar form of the text is probably correct. -The witnesses that omit the word "strangled" are those that attest -the so-called "Western Text" of The Acts. This Western Text differs -rather strikingly from the more familiar text in many places. The -question as to how far the Western Text of The Acts is correct is a -hotly debated question. On the whole, however, the Western readings -are usually at any rate to be discredited. - -In the second place, the difficulty about the decree may be overcome -by regarding Gal. 2:1-10 as parallel not with Acts 15:1-29 but with -Acts 11:30; 12:25. This solution has already been discussed. - -In the third place, the difficulty may be overcome by that -interpretation of the decree which is proposed in the Student's Text -Book. The decree was not an addition to Paul's gospel. It was not -imposed upon the Gentile Christians as though a part of the law were -necessary to salvation. On the contrary it was simply an attempt -to solve the practical problems of certain mixed churches--not -the Pauline churches in general, but churches which stood in an -especially close relation to Jerusalem. This interpretation of the -decree is favored by the difficult verse, Acts 15:21. What James -there means is probably that the Gentile Christians should avoid -those things which would give the most serious offense to hearers of -the law. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -125-166. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galatians," pp. -123-128 ("The later visit of St. Paul to Jerusalem"), 292-374 ("St. -Paul and the Three"). Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman -Citizen," pp. 48-60, 152-175. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. -Paul," ch. ix. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and Epistles of St. -Paul," ch. vii. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 108-118. Lumby, -pp. 185-200. Cook, pp. 451-458. Plumptre, pp. 93-101. Rackham, pp. -238-259, 263-270. - - - - -LESSON XVI - -THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE - - -From the rich store of to-day's lesson only a few points can be -selected for special comment. - - -1. TITUS AND TIMOTHY - -At Lystra, Paul had Timothy circumcised. Acts 16:3. This action -has been considered strange in view of the attitude which Paul had -previously assumed. At Jerusalem, only a short time before, he had -absolutely refused to permit the circumcision of Titus. Evidently, -too, he had regarded the matter as of fundamental importance. Had -Titus been circumcised, the freedom of the Gentile Christians would -have been seriously endangered. - -The presence of Titus at the Apostolic Council is mentioned only by -Paul in Galatians. It is not mentioned in The Acts. Indeed, Titus -does not appear in The Acts at all, though in the epistles he is -rather prominent. This fact, however, really requires no further -explanation than that the history of Luke is not intended to be -exhaustive. The restraint exercised by the author of The Acts has -already been observed, for example, in a comparison of the long list -of hardships in II Cor. 11:23-27 with what Luke actually narrates. -The helpers of Paul whom Luke mentions are usually those who -traveled with him. Titus was sent by Paul on at least one important -mission, II Cor. 7:13,14, but was apparently not his companion on -the missionary journeys. Luke does not concern himself very much -with the internal affairs of the churches, and it is in this field -that Titus is especially prominent in the epistles. With regard -to the presence of Titus in Jerusalem, the different purposes of -the narratives in Galatians and in The Acts must be borne in mind. -The non-circumcision of Titus, so strongly emphasized by Paul, was -merely preliminary to the public action of the church in which Luke -was interested. Luke has thought it sufficient to include Titus -under the "certain other" of the Antioch Christians who went up with -Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem. - -The different policy which Paul adopted in the case of Timothy, as -compared with his policy about Titus, is amply explained by the wide -differences in the situation. - -In the first place, when Titus was at Jerusalem, the matter of -Gentile freedom was in dispute, whereas when Timothy was circumcised -the question had already been settled by a formal pronouncement of -the Jerusalem church. After Paul had won the victory of principle, -he could afford to make concessions where no principle was involved. -Timothy was recognized as a full member of the Church even before -his circumcision. Circumcision was merely intended to make him a -more efficient helper in work among the Jews. - -In the second place--and this is even more important--Timothy -was a half-Jew. It is perhaps doubtful whether Paul under any -circumstances would have authorized the circumcision of a pure -Gentile like Titus. But Timothy's mother was Jewish. It must always -be borne in mind that Paul did not demand the relinquishment of -the law on the part of Jews; and Timothy's parentage gave him at -least the right of regarding himself as a Jew. If he had chosen to -follow his Gentile father, the Jews could have regarded him as a -renegade. His usefulness in the synagogues would have been lost. -Obviously the circumcision of such a man involved nothing more than -the maintenance of ancestral custom on the part of Jews. Where no -principle was involved, Paul was the most concessive of men. See -especially I Cor. 9:19-23. The final relinquishment of the law on -the part of Jews was rightly left to the future guidance of God. - - -2. THE ROUTE THROUGH ASIA MINOR - -The difficulty of tracing the route of the missionaries beyond -Lystra is due largely to the difficulty of Acts 16:6. A literal -translation of the decisive words in that verse would be either -"the Phrygian and Galatian country" or "Phrygia and the Galatian -country." According to the advocates of the "South Galatian theory," -"the Galatian country" here refers not to Galatia proper but to -the southern part of the Roman province Galatia. "The Phrygian -and Galatian country" then perhaps means "The Phrygo-Galatic -country," or "that part of Phrygia which is in the Roman province -Galatia." The reference then is to Iconium, Pisidian Antioch and -the surrounding country--after the missionaries had passed through -the Lycaonian part of the province Galatia (Derbe and Lystra) they -traversed the Phrygian part of the province. The chief objection -to all such interpretations is found in the latter part of the -verse: "having been forbidden of the Holy Spirit to speak the word -in Asia." It looks as though the reason why they passed through -"the Phrygian and Galatian country" was that they were forbidden to -preach in Asia. But South Galatia was directly on the way to Asia. -The impossibility of preaching in Asia could therefore hardly have -been the reason for passing through south Galatia. - -Apparently, therefore, the disputed phrase refers rather to some -region which is not on the way to Asia. This requirement is -satisfied if Galatia proper is meant--the country in the northern -part of the Roman province Galatia. When they got to Pisidian -Antioch, it would have been natural for them to proceed into the -western part of Asia Minor, into "Asia." That they were forbidden -to do. Hence they turned north, and went through Phrygia into -Galatia proper. When they got to the border country between Mysia -and Galatia proper, they tried to continue their journey north into -Bithynia, but were prevented by the Spirit. Then they turned west, -and passing through Mysia without preaching arrived at last at the -coast, at Troas. - -Nothing is said here about preaching in Galatia proper. But in Acts -18:23, in connection with the third missionary journey, it is said -that when Paul passed through "the Galatian country and Phrygia" he -established the disciples. There could not have been disciples in -the "Galatian country," unless there had been preaching there on the -previous journey. On the "North Galatian" theory, therefore, the -founding of the Galatian churches to which the epistle is directed -is to be placed at Acts 16:6, and the second visit to them, which -seems to be presupposed by the epistle, is to be put at Acts 18:23. -If it seems strange that Luke does not mention the founding of these -churches, the hurried character of this section of the narrative -must be borne in mind. Furthermore, the epistle seems to imply -that the founding of the churches was rather incidental than an -original purpose of the journey; for in Gal. 4:13 Paul says that -it was because of an infirmity of the flesh that he preached the -gospel in Galatia the former time. Apparently he had been hurrying -through the country without stopping, but being detained by illness -used his enforced leisure to preach to the inhabitants. It is not -impossible to understand how Luke came to omit mention of such -incidental preaching. On the second missionary journey attention is -concentrated on Macedonia and Greece. - - -3. THE MOVEMENTS OF SILAS AND TIMOTHY - -When Paul went to Athens, Silas and Timothy remained behind in -Macedonia. Acts 17:14. They were directed to join Paul again as soon -as possible. V. 15. In Acts 18:1,5 they are said to have joined him -at Corinth. The narrative in The Acts must here be supplemented by -the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. What Luke says is perfectly -true, but his narrative is not complete. According to the most -natural interpretation of I Thess. 3:1-5, Timothy was with Paul in -Athens, and from there was sent to Thessalonica. The entire course -of events was perhaps as follows: Silas and Timothy both joined -Paul quickly at Athens according to directions. They were then sent -away again--Timothy to Thessalonica, and Silas to some other place -in Macedonia. Then, after the execution of their commissions, they -finally joined Paul again at Corinth. Acts 18:5; I Thess. 3:6. Soon -afterwards, all three missionaries were associated in the address of -First Thessalonians. - - -4. PAUL AT ATHENS - -In Athens Paul preached as usual in the synagogue to Jews and -"God-fearers"; but he also adopted another and more unusual -method--he simply took his stand without introduction in the -market place, and spoke to those who chanced by. This method was -characteristically Greek; it reminds us of the days of Socrates. - -In the market place, Paul encountered certain of the Epicurean -and Stoic philosophers. Both of these schools of philosophy had -originated almost three hundred years before Christ, and both were -prominent in the New Testament period. In their tenets they were -very different. The Stoics were pantheists. They conceived of the -world as a sort of great living being of which God is the soul. The -world does not exist apart from God and God does not exist apart -from the world. Such pantheism is far removed from the Christian -belief in the living God, Maker of heaven and earth; but as against -polytheism, pantheism and theism have something in common. Paul in -his speech was able to start from this common ground. In ethics, the -Stoics were perhaps nearer to Christianity than in metaphysics. The -highest good they conceived to be a life that is led in accordance -with reason--that reason which is the determining principle of the -world. The passions must be conquered, pleasure is worthless, the -wise man is independent of external conditions. Such an ethic worked -itself out in practice in many admirable virtues--in some conception -of the universal brotherhood of mankind, in charity, in heroic -self-denial. But it lacked the warmth and glow of Christian love, -and it lacked the living God. - -The Epicureans were materialists. The world, for them, was a -vast mechanism. They believed in the gods, but conceived of them -as altogether without influence upon human affairs. Indeed, the -deliverance of man from the fear of the gods was one of the purposes -of the Epicurean philosophy. The Epicureans were interested chiefly -in ethics. Pleasure, according to them, is the highest good. It -need not be the pleasure of the senses; indeed Epicurus, at least, -the founder of the school, insisted upon a calm life undisturbed by -violent passions. Nevertheless it will readily be seen how little -such a philosophy had in common with Christianity. - -The conditions under which Paul made his speech cannot be determined -with certainty. The difficulty arises from the ambiguity of -"Areopagus." "Areopagus" means "Mars' hill." But the term was also -applied to the court which held at least some of its meetings on -the hill. Which meaning is intended here? Did Paul speak before -the court, or did he speak on Mars' hill merely to those who were -interested? On the whole, it is improbable at any rate that he was -subjected to a formal trial. - -The speech of Paul at Athens is one of the three important speeches -of Paul, exclusive of his speeches in defense of himself at -Jerusalem and at Cæsarea, which have been recorded in The Acts. -These speeches are well chosen. One of them is a speech to Jews, -Acts 13:16-41; one a speech to Gentiles, Acts 17:22-31; and the -third a speech to Christians, Acts 20:18-35. Together they afford -a very good idea of Paul's method as a missionary and as a pastor. -As is to be expected, they differ strikingly from one another. Paul -was large enough to comprehend the wonderful richness of Christian -truth. His gospel was always the same, but he was able to adapt the -presentation of it to the character of his hearers. - -At Athens, an altar inscribed TO AN UNKNOWN GOD provided a starting -point. The existence of such an altar is not at all surprising, -although only altars to "unknown gods" (plural instead of singular) -are attested elsewhere. Perhaps the inscription on this altar -indicated simply that the builder of the altar did not know to which -of the numberless gods he should offer thanks for a benefit that he -had received, or to which he should address a prayer to ward off -calamity. Under a polytheistic religion, where every department of -life had its own god, it was sometimes difficult to pick out the -right god to pray to for any particular purpose. Such an altar was -at any rate an expression of ignorance, and that ignorance served as -a starting point for Paul. "You are afraid that you have neglected -the proper god in this case," says Paul in effect. "Yes, indeed, -you have. You have neglected a very important god indeed, you have -neglected the one true God, who made the world and all things -therein." - -In what follows, Paul appeals to the truth contained in Stoic -pantheism. His words are of peculiar interest at the present day, -when pantheism is rampant even within the Church. There is a great -truth in pantheism. It emphasizes the immanence of God. But the -truth of pantheism is contained also in theism. The theist, as well -as the pantheist, believes that God is not far from every one of us, -and that in him we live and move and have our being. The theist, as -well as the pantheist, can say, "Closer is he than breathing, and -nearer than hands and feet." The theist accepts all the truth of -pantheism, but avoids the error. God is present in the world--not -one sparrow "shall fall on the ground without your Father"--but -he is not limited to the world. He is not just another name for -the totality of things, but an awful, mysterious, holy, free and -sovereign Person. He is present in the world, but also Master of the -world. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -177-197. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Troas," -"Philippi," "Thessalonica," "Athens," "Areopagus," "Stoics," -"Epicureans," "Corinth," "Gallio," "Silas." Ramsay, "St. Paul the -Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 175-261; "Pictures of the -Apostolic Church," pp. 197-239. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of -St. Paul," chs. x, xi, and xii. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life -and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. viii, ix, x, xi, and xii. Stalker, -"The Life of St. Paul," pp. 71-81. Lumby, pp. 200-239. Cook, pp. -458-476. Plumptre, pp. 101-124. Rackham, pp. 260-263, 271-331. For -information about the recently discovered Gallio inscription, see -"The Princeton Theological Review," vol. ix, 1911, pp. 290-298: -Armstrong, "Epigraphical Note." - - - - -LESSON XVII - -ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS - - -The Pauline Epistles fall naturally into four groups: (1) the -epistles of the second missionary journey (First and Second -Thessalonians); (2) the epistles of the third missionary journey -(Galatians, First and Second Corinthians and Romans); (3) the -epistles of the first imprisonment (Colossians and Philemon, -Ephesians and Philippians); (4) the epistles written after the -period covered by The Acts (First Timothy, Titus and Second Timothy). - -Each of these groups has its own characteristics. The first group -is characterized by simplicity of subject matter, and by a special -interest in the second coming of Christ. The second group is -concerned especially with the doctrines of sin and grace. The third -group displays a special interest in the person of Christ and in -the Church. The fourth group deals with organization, and with the -maintenance of sound instruction. - - -1. SIMPLICITY OF THE THESSALONIAN EPISTLES - -The reason for the peculiarities of First and Second Thessalonians -has often been sought in the early date of these epistles. On the -second missionary journey, it is said, Paul had not yet developed -the great doctrines which appear at later periods of his life. This -explanation may perhaps contain an element of truth. Undoubtedly -there was some progress in Paul's thinking. Not everything was -revealed to him at once. The chief cause, however, for the -simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles is not the early date but -the peculiar occasion of these epistles. Paul is here imparting -his first written instruction to an infant church. Naturally he -must feed these recent converts with milk. The simplicity of the -letters is due not to immaturity in Paul but to immaturity in the -Thessalonian church. After all, at the time when the Thessalonian -epistles were written, the major part of Paul's Christian -life--including the decisive conflict with the Judaizers at Antioch -and Jerusalem--lay already in the past. - -At any rate the simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles must not be -exaggerated. In these letters the great Pauline doctrines, though -not discussed at length, are everywhere presupposed. There is the -same lofty conception of Christ as in the other epistles, the same -emphasis upon his resurrection, the same doctrine of salvation -through his death. I Thess. 1:10; 5:9,10. - - -2. THE SECOND COMING OF CHRIST - -Undoubtedly the second advent, with the events which are immediately -to precede it, occupies a central position in the Thessalonian -epistles. A few words of explanation, therefore, may here be in -order. - -Evidently the expectation of Christ's coming was a fundamental part -of Paul's belief, and had a fundamental place in his preaching. "Ye -turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God, and to -wait for his Son from heaven"--these words show clearly how the hope -of Christ's appearing was instilled in the converts from the very -beginning. I Thess. 1:9,10. To serve the living God and to wait for -his Son--that is the sum and substance of the Christian life. All -through the epistles the thought of the Parousia--the "presence" or -"coming"--of Christ appears as a master motive. I Thess. 2:19; 3:13; -4:13 to 5:11,23,24; II Thess. 1:5 to 2:12. - -This emphasis upon the second coming of Christ is explained if Paul -expected Christ to come in the near future. The imminence of the -Parousia for Paul appears to be indicated by I Thess. 4:15: "For -this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we that are -alive, that are left unto the coming of the Lord, shall in no wise -precede them that are fallen asleep." This verse is often thought to -indicate that Paul confidently expected before his death to witness -the coming of the Lord. Apparently he classes himself with those who -"are left unto the coming of the Lord" as over against those who -will suffer death. In the later epistles, it is further said, Paul -held a very different view. From Second Corinthians on, he faced -ever more definitely the thought of death. II Cor. 5:1,8; Phil. -1:20-26. A comparison of I Cor. 15:51 with II Cor. 5:1,8 is thought -to indicate that the deadly peril which Paul incurred between the -writing of the two Corinthian epistles, II Cor. 1:8,9, had weakened -his expectation of living until Christ should come. After he had -once despaired of life, he could hardly expect with such perfect -confidence to escape the experience of death. The possibility of -death was too strong to be left completely out of sight. - -Plausible as such a view is, it can be held only with certain -reservations. - -In the first place, we must not exaggerate the nearness of the -Parousia according to Paul, even in the earliest period; for in II -Thess. 2:1-12 the Thessalonians are reminded of certain events that -must occur before Christ would come. The expression of the former -epistle, I Thess. 5:2, that the day of the Lord would come as a -thief in the night, was to be taken as a warning to unbelievers to -repent while there was yet time, not as a ground for neglecting -ordinary provision for the future. In Second Thessalonians Paul -finds it necessary to calm the overstrained expectations of the -Thessalonian Christians. - -Furthermore, it is not only in the earlier epistles that expressions -occur which seem to suggest that the Parousia is near. Rom. 13:11; -Phil. 4:5. And then it is evident from II Cor. 11:23-29 and from -I Cor. 15:30-32 that Paul had undergone dangers before the one -mentioned in II Cor. 1:8,9, so that there is no reason to suppose -that that one event caused any sudden change in his expectations. - -Lastly, in I Cor. 6:14 Paul says that "God both raised the Lord, and -will raise up us through his power." If that refers to the literal -resurrection, then here Paul classes himself among those who are to -die; for if he lived to the Parousia, then there would be no need -for him to be raised up. - -It is therefore very doubtful whether we can put any very definite -change in the apostle's expectations as to his living or dying -between First Corinthians and Second Corinthians. A gradual -development in his feeling about the matter there no doubt was. -During the early part of his life his mind dwelt less upon the -prospect of death than it did after perils of all kinds had made -that prospect more and more imminent. But at no time did the -apostle regard the privilege of living until the Parousia as a -certainty to be put at all in the same category with the Christian -hope itself. Especially the passage in First Thessalonians can -be rightly interpreted only in the light of the historical -occasion for it. Until certain members of the church had died, the -Thessalonian Christians had never faced the possibility of dying -before the second coming of Christ. Hence they were troubled. Would -the brethren who had fallen asleep miss the benefits of Christ's -kingdom? Paul writes to reassure them. He does not contradict their -hope of living till the coming of Christ, for God had not revealed -to him that that hope would not be realized. But he tells them -that, supposing that hope to be justified, even then they will have -no advantage over their dead brethren. He classes himself with those -who were still alive and might therefore live till Christ should -come, as over against those who were already dead and could not -therefore live till Christ should come. - -Certain passages in the epistles of Paul, which are not confined to -any one period of his life, seem to show that at any rate he did -not exclude the very real possibility that Christ might come in -the near future. At any rate, however, such an expectation of the -early coming of Christ was just as far removed as possible from the -expectations of fanatical chiliasts. It did not lead Paul to forget -that the times and the seasons are entirely in the hand of God. It -had no appreciable effect upon his ethics, except to make it more -intense, more fully governed by the thought of the judgment seat of -Christ. It did not prevent him from laying far-reaching plans, it -did not prevent his developing a great philosophy of future history -in Rom., chs. 9 to 11. How far he was from falling into the error he -combated in Second Thessalonians! Despite his view of the temporary -character of the things that are seen, how sane and healthy was his -way of dealing with practical problems! He did his duty, and left -the details of the future to God. Hence it is hard to discover what -Paul thought as to how soon Christ would come--naturally so, for -Paul did not try to discover it himself. - - -3. THE PERSONS ASSOCIATED IN THE ADDRESS - -Almost always other persons are associated with Paul in the -addresses of the epistles. With regard to the meaning of this -custom, extreme views should be avoided. On the one hand, these -persons--usually, at any rate--had no share in the actual -composition of the epistles. The epistles bear the imprint of one -striking personality. On the other hand, association in the address -means something more than that the persons so named sent greetings; -for mere greetings are placed at the end. The truth lies between -the two extremes. Probably the persons associated with Paul in the -address were made acquainted at least in general with the contents -of the epistles, and desired to express their agreement with what -was said. In the Thessalonian epistles Silas and Timothy, who had -had a part in the founding of the Thessalonian church, appear very -appropriately in the address. - -A question related to that of the persons associated in the -addresses is the question of the so-called "epistolary plural." -The epistolary plural was analogous to our "editorial we" it was -a usage by which the writer of a letter could substitute "we" for -"I" in referring to himself alone. In many passages in the letters -of Paul it is exceedingly difficult to tell whether a plural is -merely epistolary, or whether it has some special significance. For -example, whom, if anyone, is Paul including with himself in the "we" -of I Thess. 3:1? In particular, the question often is whether, when -Paul says "we," he is thinking of the persons who were associated -with him in the address of the epistle. On the whole it seems -impossible to deny that Paul sometimes uses the epistolary plural, -though his use of it is probably not so extensive as has often been -supposed. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -197-203. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supplemented), -article on "Thessalonians, Epistles to the." Hastings, "Dictionary -of the Bible": Lock, articles on "Thessalonians, First Epistle to -the" and "Thessalonians, Second Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The -New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 47-57. Ramsay, "Pictures of the -Apostolic Church," pp. 240-246. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. -85-107. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," -vol. iii, pp. 125-170: Mason, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to -the Thessalonians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": -Findlay, "The Epistles to the Thessalonians." Zahn, "Introduction -to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 152-164, 203-255. Milligan, "St. -Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians." The two last-named works are -intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but -can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XVIII - -THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS - - -1. APOLLOS - -Before the arrival of Paul at Ephesus an important event had -taken place in that city--the meeting of Aquila and Priscilla -with Apollos. Apollos was a Jew of Alexandrian descent. He had -already received instruction about Jesus--perhaps in his native -city. Of all the great cities of the Roman Empire Alexandria alone -was approximately as near to Jerusalem as was Syrian Antioch. The -founding of the church at Alexandria is obscure, but undoubtedly it -took place at a very early time. At a later period Alexandria was -of the utmost importance as the center of Christian learning, as -it had been already the center of the learning of the pagan world. -Until instructed by Aquila and Priscilla, Apollos had known only -the baptism of John the Baptist. Apparently one important thing -that he had lacked was an acquaintance with the peculiar Christian -manifestation of the Holy Spirit. He seems to have been trained -in Greek rhetoric, whether the word translated "eloquent" in Acts -18:24 means "eloquent" or "learned." Apollos did not remain long -in Ephesus, but went to Corinth, where, as can be learned from -First Corinthians as well as from The Acts, his work was of great -importance. - - -2. GALATIANS A POLEMIC - -After studying first the Thessalonian epistles and then Galatians -in succession the student should be able to form some conception -of the variety among the epistles of Paul. Certainly there could -be no sharper contrast. First and Second Thessalonians are simple, -affectionate letters written to a youthful church; Galatians is -one of the most passionate bits of polemic in the whole Bible. We -ought to honor Paul for his anger. A lesser man might have taken a -calmer view of the situation. After all, it might have been said, -the observance of Jewish fasts and feasts was not a serious matter; -even circumcision, though useless, could do no great harm. But Paul -penetrated below the surface. He detected the great principles that -were at stake. The Judaizers were disannulling the grace of God. - - -3. THE ADDRESS. GAL. 1:1-5 - -The addresses of the Pauline epistles are never merely formal. Paul -does not wait for the beginning of the letter proper in order to say -what he has in mind. Even the epistolary forms are suffused with the -deepest religious feeling. - -The opening of the present letter is anticipatory of what is to -follow. Dividing the opening into three parts--the nominative (name -and title of the writer), the dative (name of those to whom the -letter is addressed), and the greeting--it will be observed that -every one of these parts has its peculiarity as compared with the -other Pauline epistles. - -The peculiarity of the nominative is the remarkable addition -beginning with "not from men," which is a summary of the first -great division of the epistle, Paul's defense against the personal -attack of his opponents. Since the Epistle to the Galatians is -polemic from beginning to end, it is not surprising that the very -first word after the bare name and title of the author is "not." -Paul cannot mention his title "apostle"--in the addresses of First -and Second Thessalonians he had not thought it necessary to mention -it at all--without thinking of the way in which in Galatia it was -misrepresented. "My apostleship," he says, "came not only from -Christ, but directly from Christ." - -The peculiarity of the dative is its brevity--not "beloved of God, -called to be saints," or the like, but just the bare and formal "to -the churches of Galatia." The situation was not one which called for -pleasant words! - -The greeting is the least varied part in the addresses of the -Pauline epistles. The long addition to the greeting in Galatians is -absolutely unique. It is a summary of the second and central main -division of the epistle, Paul's defense of his gospel. "Christ has -died to free you. The Judaizers in bringing you into bondage are -making of none effect the grace of Christ, manifested on the cross." -That is the very core of the letter. In all of the Pauline epistles -there is scarcely a passage more characteristic of the man than the -first five verses of Galatians. An ordinary writer would have been -merely formal in the address. Not so Paul! - -The exultant supernaturalism of the address should be noticed. -This supernaturalism appears, in the first place, in the sphere of -external history--"God the Father, who raised him from the dead." -Pauline Christianity is based upon the miracle of the resurrection. -Supernaturalism appears also, however, in the sphere of Christian -experience--"who gave himself for our sins, that he might deliver -us out of this present evil world." Christianity is no mere easy -development of the old life, no mere improvement of the life, but a -new life in a new world. In both spheres, supernaturalism is being -denied in the modern Church. Pauline Christianity is very different -from much that is called Christianity to-day. - -Finally, this passage will serve to exhibit Paul's lofty view -of the person of Christ. "Neither through man," says Paul, "but -through Jesus Christ." Jesus Christ is here distinguished sharply -from men and placed clearly on the side of God. What is more, even -the Judaizers evidently accepted fundamentally the same view. Paul -said, "Not by man, but by Jesus Christ"; the Judaizers said, "Not by -Jesus Christ, but by man." But if so, then the Judaizers, no less -than Paul, distinguished Jesus sharply from ordinary humanity. About -other things there was debate, but about the person of Christ Paul -appears in harmony even with his opponents. Evidently the original -apostles had given the Judaizers on this point no slightest excuse -for differing from Paul. The heavenly Christ of Paul was also the -Christ of those who had walked and talked with Jesus of Nazareth. -They had seen Jesus subject to all the petty limitations of human -life. Yet they thought him divine! Could they have been deceived? - - -4. THE PURPOSE OF THE EPISTLE. GAL. 1:6-10 - -The thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, which -appears in practically every other of the Pauline epistles, is here -conspicuous by its absence. Here it would have been a mockery. The -Galatians were on the point of giving up the gospel. There was just -a chance of saving them. The letter was written in a desperate -crisis. Pray God it might not be too late! No time here for words of -thanks! - -In vs. 6-10, Paul simply states the purpose of the letter in a few -uncompromising words: "You are falling away from the gospel and I am -writing to stop you." - - -5. PAUL'S DEFENSE OF HIS APOSTOLIC AUTHORITY. GAL. 1:11 to 2:21 - -After stating, Gal. 1:11,12, the thesis that is to be proved in this -section, Paul defends his independent apostolic authority by three -main arguments. - -In the first place, vs. 13-24, he was already launched upon his -work as apostle to the Gentiles before he had even come into any -effective contact with the original apostles. Before his conversion, -he had been an active persecutor. His conversion was wrought, -not, like an ordinary conversion, through human agency, but by an -immediate act of Christ. After his conversion it was three years -before he saw any of the apostles. Then he saw only Peter (and -James) and that not long enough to become, as his opponents said, a -disciple of these leaders. - -In the second place, Gal. 2:1-10, when he finally did hold a -conference with the original apostles, they themselves, the very -authorities to whom the Judaizers appealed, recognized that his -authority was quite independent of theirs, and, like theirs, of -directly divine origin. - -In the third place, Gal. 2:11-21, so independent was his authority -that on one occasion he could even rebuke the chief of the original -apostles himself. What Paul said at that time to Peter happened to -be exactly what he wanted to say, in the epistle, to the Galatians. -This section, therefore, forms a transition to the second main -division of the epistle. It has sometimes been thought surprising -that Paul does not say how Peter took his rebuke. The conclusion has -even been drawn that if Peter had acknowledged his error Paul would -have been sure to say so. Such reasoning ignores the character of -this section. In reporting the substance of what he said to Peter, -Paul has laid bare the very depths of his own life. To return, after -such a passage, to the incident at Antioch would have been pedantic -and unnecessary. Long before the end of the second chapter Paul -has forgotten all about Peter, all about Antioch, and all about -the whole of his past history. He is thinking only of the grace of -Christ, and how some men are trampling it under foot. O foolish -Galatians, to desert so great a salvation! - - -6. PAUL'S DEFENSE OF HIS GOSPEL. GAL. 3:1 to 5:12 - -Salvation cannot be earned by human effort, but must be received -simply as a free gift: Christ has died to save us from the curse of -the law: to submit again to the yoke of bondage is disloyalty to -him--that is the great thesis that Paul sets out to prove. - -He proves it first by an argument from experience. Gal. 3:1-5. You -received the Holy Spirit, in palpable manifestation, before you ever -saw the Judaizers, before you ever thought of keeping the Mosaic -law. You received the Spirit by faith alone. How then can you now -think that the law is necessary? Surely there can be nothing higher -than the Spirit. - -In the second place, there is an argument from Scripture. Not those -who depend upon the works of the law, but those who believe, have -the benefit of the covenant made with Abraham. Vs. 6-22. - -In the third place, by the use of various figures, Paul contrasts -the former bondage with the present freedom. Gal. 3:23 to 4:7. The -life under the law was a period of restraint like that of childhood, -preliminary to faith in Christ. The law was intended to produce the -consciousness of sin, in order that the resultant hopelessness might -lead men to accept the Saviour. Vs. 23-25. But now all Christians -alike, both Jews and Gentiles, are sons of God in Christ, and -therefore heirs of the promise made to Abraham. Vs. 26-29. Being -sons of God, with all the glorious freedom of sonship, with the -Spirit crying, "Abba, Father," in the heart, how can we think of -returning to the miserable bondage of an external and legalistic -religion? Gal. 4:1-11. - -In the fourth place, Paul turns away from argument to make a -personal appeal. Vs. 12-20. What has become of your devotion to me? -Surely I have not become your enemy just because I tell you the -truth. The Judaizers are estranging you from me. Listen to me, my -spiritual children, even though I can speak to you only through the -cold medium of a letter! - -In the fifth place, Paul, in his perplexity, bethinks himself of -one more argument. It is an argument that would appeal especially -to those who were impressed by the Judaizers' method of using the -Old Testament, but it also has permanent validity. The fundamental -principle, says Paul, for which I am arguing, the principle of -grace, can be illustrated from the story of Ishmael and Isaac. -Ishmael had every prospect of being the heir of Abraham. It seemed -impossible for the aged Abraham to have another son. Nature was on -Ishmael's side. But nature was overruled. So it is to-day. As far as -nature is concerned, the Jews are the heirs of Abraham--they have -all the outward marks of sonship. But God has willed otherwise. -He has chosen to give the inheritance to the heirs according to -promise. The principle of the divine choice, operative on a small -scale in the acceptance of Isaac, is operative now on a large scale -in the acceptance of the Gentile church. - -Finally, Paul concludes the central section of the epistle by -emphasizing the gravity of the crisis. Gal. 5:1-12. Do not be -deceived. Circumcision as the Judaizers advocate it is no innocent -thing; it means the acceptance of a law religion. You must choose -either the law or grace; you cannot have both. - - -7. THE RESULTS OF PAUL'S GOSPEL. GAL. 5:13 to 6:10 - -In this third main division of the epistle Paul exhibits the -practical working of faith. Paul's gospel is more powerful than the -teaching of the Judaizers. Try to keep the law in your own strength -and you will fail, for the flesh is too strong. But the Spirit is -stronger than the flesh, and the Spirit is received by faith. - - -8. CONCLUSION. GAL. 6:11-18 - -This concluding section, if not the whole epistle, was written -with Paul's own hand. V. 11. In his other letters Paul dictated -everything but a brief closing salutation. - -In the closing section, Paul lays the alternative once more before -his readers. The Judaizers have worldly aims, they boast of worldly -advantages; but the true Christian boasts of nothing but the cross. -Christianity, as here portrayed, is not the gentle, easy-going -doctrine that is being mistaken for it to-day. It is no light thing -to say, "The world hath been crucified unto me, and I unto the -world." But the result is a new creature! - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -203-213. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Ephesus"; -Purves, articles on "Galatia" and "Galatians, Epistle to the" -(supplemented). Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Ramsay, article -on "Ephesus"; Dods, article on "Galatians, Epistle to the." Ramsay, -"St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 262-282; -"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 247-269, 293-300. Lewin, -"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xii, xiii. Conybeare and -Howson, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xii, xiii, xiv, xv -and xvi. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 82-84, 108-118. Lumby, -pp. 239-266. Cook, pp. 476-485. Plumptre, pp. 124-136. Rackham, pp. -331-370. M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 70-76. -Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. -ii, pp. 419-468: Sanday, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the -Galatians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Perowne, -"The Epistle to the Galatians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New -Testament," vol. i, pp. 164-202. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle -to the Galatians." The two last-named works are intended primarily -for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by -others. - - - - -LESSON XIX - -PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH - - -Christianity, according to Paul, is an escape from the world. Gal. -1:4. All human distinctions are comparatively unimportant. "There -can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, -there can be no male and female." Gal. 3:28. Such a doctrine might -seem logically to lead to fanaticism. If the Christian is already a -citizen of heaven, may he not be indifferent to the conditions of -life upon this earth? Such a conclusion was altogether avoided by -Paul. In First Corinthians Paul is revealed as the most practical of -men. All human distinctions are subordinate and secondary--and yet -these distinctions are carefully observed. Paul was a man of heroic -faith, but he was also possessed of admirable tact. - -It is not that the one side of Paul's nature limited the other; -it is not that common sense acted as a check to transcendental -religion. On the contrary, the two things seemed to be in perfect -harmony. Just because Paul was inwardly so entirely free from the -world, he was also so wise in dealing with worldly affairs. The -secret of this harmony was consecration. Human relationships, when -consecrated to God, are not destroyed, but ennobled. They cease, -indeed, to be an end in themselves, but they become a means to -Christian service. The Christian man has no right to be indifferent -to the world. If he is, he is no true son of the God who made the -world, and sent the Lord to save it. The Christian, like the man of -the world, is profoundly interested in the conditions of life on -this earth. Only, unlike the man of the world, he is not helpless -and perplexed in the presence of those conditions; but from his -vantage ground of heavenly power, he shapes them to the divine will. -He is interested in the world, but he is interested in it, not as -its servant, but as its master. - -So in First Corinthians Paul lays hold of certain perplexing -practical problems with the sure grasp of one who is called to rule -and not to serve. Everything that he touches he lifts to a higher -plane. In his hands even the simplest things of life receive a -heavenly significance. - -The problems that are discussed in First Corinthians stood in a -special relation to the environment of the Corinthian church. Most -of them were due to the threatened intrusions of Greek paganism. -They are closely analogous, however, to the problems which we have -to solve to-day. Paganism and worldliness are not dead. The Church -still stands in the midst of a hostile environment. We can still use -the teaching of Paul. That teaching will now be examined in a few of -its important details. - - -1. THE PARTIES - -Paul mentions four parties that had been formed in the Corinthian -church--a Paul-party, an Apollos-party, a Cephas-party and a -Christ-party. These parties do not seem to have been separated -from one another by any serious doctrinal differences, and it -is impossible to determine their characteristics in detail. In -the section where the party spirit is discussed, Paul blames the -Corinthians for intellectual pride. This fault has often been -connected with the Apollos-party. Apollos was an Alexandrian, and -probably had an Alexandrian Greek training. He might therefore have -unconsciously evoked among some members of the Corinthian church an -excessive admiration for his more pretentious style of preaching, -which might have caused them to despise the simpler manner of Paul. -Even this much, however, is little more than surmise. At any rate, -Apollos should not be blamed for the faults of those who misused his -name. He is praised unstintedly by Paul, who was even desirous that -he should return at once to Corinth. I Cor. 16:12. Paul blames the -Paul-party just as much as any of the other three. - -The Peter-party was composed of admirers of Peter, who had either -come to Corinth from the scene of Peter's labors elsewhere, or -simply had known of Peter by hearsay. It is unlikely that Peter -himself had been in Corinth, for if he had Paul would probably have -let the fact appear in First or Second Corinthians. The Christ-party -is rather puzzling. A comparison with the false teachers who are -combated in Second Corinthians has led some scholars to suppose that -it was a Judaizing party, which emphasized a personal acquaintance -with the earthly Jesus as a necessary qualification of apostleship. -In that case, however, Paul would probably have singled out the -Christ-party for special attack. More probably these were simply men -who, in proud opposition to the adherents of Paul, of Apollos and -of Cephas, emphasized their own independence of any leader other -than Christ. Of course, the watchword, "I am of Christ," if used in -a better spirit, would have been altogether praiseworthy, and indeed -Paul desires all the parties to unite in it. I Cor. 3:21-23. - -Perhaps it is a mistake to attribute to these parties anything like -stability. On the whole, the passage gives the impression that it is -not the individual parties that Paul is condemning, but the party -spirit. That party spirit was manifested by watchwords like those -which are enumerated in I Cor. 1:12, but that that enumeration was -meant to be complete, does not appear. The whole effort to determine -the characteristics of the individual parties--an effort which has -absorbed the attention of many scholars--should perhaps be abandoned. - -Paul's treatment of the party spirit exhibits his greatness not -only as an administrator, but also as a writer. The subject was -certainly not inspiring; yet under Paul's touch it becomes luminous -with heavenly glory. The contrast of human wisdom with the message -of the cross, I Cor. 1:18-31, where a splendid rhythm of language -matches the sublimity of the thought, the wonderful description of -the freedom and power of the man who possesses the Spirit of God, -the grand climax of the third chapter, "For all things are yours; -whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, or life, or -death, or things present, or things to come; all are yours; and ye -are Christ's; and Christ is God's"--these are among the passages -that can never be forgotten. - - -2. THINGS SACRIFICED TO IDOLS - -The question of meats offered to idols, which Paul discusses in I -Cor. 8:1 to 11:1, was exceedingly intricate. To it Paul applies -several great principles. In the first place, there is the principle -of Christian freedom. The Christian has been delivered from -enslaving superstitions. Idols have no power; they cannot impart -any harmful character to the good things which God has provided -for the sustenance of man. In the second place, however, there is -the principle of loyalty. The fact that idols are nothing does not -render idol-worship morally indifferent. On the contrary, idolatry -is always sinful. If the eating of certain kinds of food under -certain conditions involves participation in idolatry then it is -disloyalty to the one true God. The joint operation of the two -principles of freedom and of loyalty seems to lead in Paul's mind -to the following practical conclusion:--The Christian may eat the -meat that has been offered to idols if it is simply put on sale in -the market place or set before him at an ordinary meal; but he must -not take part with the heathen in specifically religious feasts. The -whole question, however, is further viewed in the light of a third -principle--the principle of Christian love. Even things that are in -themselves innocent must be given up if a brother by them is led -into conduct which for him is sin. Christ has died for that weaker -brother; surely the Christian, then, may not destroy him. Thus -love, even more than loyalty, limits freedom--but it is a blessed -limitation. The principles here applied by Paul to the question of -the Corinthian Christians will solve many a problem of the modern -Church. - - -3. SPIRITUAL GIFTS - -The principle of Christian love, with the related principle of -toleration, is applied also to another set of problems, the problems -with regard to the exercise of spiritual gifts. The passage in which -Paul discusses these problems, aside from its spiritual and moral -teaching, is of singular historical interest. It affords a unique -picture of the devotional meetings of an apostolic church. The -characteristic of these meetings was the enthusiasm which prevailed -in them. Paul is not at all desirous of dampening that enthusiasm. -On the contrary the gifts in question were in his judgment really -bestowed by the Holy Spirit. Even the gift of tongues, which Paul -limits in its operation, is in his judgment of genuine value. -Indeed, he himself had exercised it even more than the other -Christians. I Cor. 14:18. This last fact should correct any unworthy -impression which we might have formed with regard to the gift. If -speaking with tongues was practiced by Paul, then it was no mere -unhealthy emotionalism. We are to-day unable to understand it fully, -but in the apostolic Church it was a real expression of Christian -experience. - -Paul desires, not to dampen the enthusiasm of the Corinthian church, -but merely to eliminate certain harmful by-products of that which -was in itself altogether excellent. The first principle which he -applies is the principle of toleration. There is room in the Church -for many different kinds of workers. "There are diversities of -gifts, but the same Spirit." The principle is often neglected in the -modern Church. Toleration, indeed, is on everyone's lips; but it -is not the kind of toleration that Paul means. It is often nothing -more than indifference to the great verities of the faith. Such -toleration would have met with nothing but an anathema from Paul. -The toleration that Paul is commending is a toleration, not with -regard to matters of doctrine, but with regard to methods of work. -Such toleration is often sadly lacking. Some advocates of missions -think that almost every Christian who stays at home is a coward; -some good, conservative elders, on the other hand, have little -interest in what passes the bounds of their own congregation. Some -Christians of reserved habits are shocked at the popular methods -of the evangelists; some evangelists are loud in their ignorant -denunciation of the Christian scholar. In other words, many very -devout Christians of the present day act as though they had never -read the twelfth chapter of First Corinthians. - -The principle of toleration, however, culminates in the principle of -love. If there must be a choice between the exercise of different -gifts, then the choice should be in favor of those gifts which are -most profitable to other men. Finally, even the highest spiritual -gifts are not independent of reason. I Cor. 14:32,33. That is a -far-reaching principle. Some modern Christians seem to think that an -appeal to the inward voice of the Spirit excuses them from listening -to reasonable counsel. Such is not the teaching of Paul. - - -4. THE RESURRECTION - -The error which is combated in the fifteenth chapter of the epistle -could hardly have been a denial, in general, of continued existence -after death, but was rather a denial of the resurrection of the body -as over against the Greek doctrine of the immortality of the soul. -In reply, Paul appeals to the resurrection of Jesus. The appeal -would seem to be futile unless Paul means that the resurrection of -Jesus was a bodily resurrection. If the appearances of Jesus were no -more than incorporeal manifestations of his spirit, then obviously -the believer in a mere immortality of the soul remained unrefuted. -In this chapter there is an advance over the simple teaching of -First Thessalonians. Here the character of the resurrection body -comes into view. The resurrection body will have a real connection -with the old body--otherwise there would be no resurrection--but the -weakness of the old body will be done away. There is continuity, but -also transformation. - - -5. INCIDENTAL INFORMATION ABOUT JESUS - -Certain passages in First Corinthians, which are introduced only in -an incidental way, as illustrations of the principles which are -being applied, are of inestimable historical value. These passages -include not only the great autobiographical passage in the ninth -chapter, where Paul illustrates from his own life the limitation -of the principle of freedom by the principle of love, but also two -all-important passages which refer to the life of Christ. - -It is generally admitted that First Corinthians was written at about -A. D. 55. The eleventh chapter of the epistle gives an account of -the institution of the Lord's Supper, in which Jesus teaches the -sacrificial significance of his death; and the fifteenth chapter -gives a list of the appearances of Jesus after his resurrection. The -information contained in these passages was not invented by Paul; -indeed he distinctly says that it was "received." In A. D. 55, then, -not only Paul, but also the Church generally believed that Jesus' -death, according to his own teaching, was sacrificial, and appealed -in support of his resurrection to a wealth of competent testimony. -But from whom had Paul "received" these things? Hardly from -anyone except those who had been Christians before him--in other -words, from the Palestinian church. We have here an irremovable -confirmation of the Gospel view of Jesus. First Corinthians is a -historical document of absolutely priceless value. - -The incidental character of these historical passages is especially -noteworthy. It shows that Paul knew far more about Jesus than he -found occasion in the epistles to tell. If he had told more, no -doubt the Gospel picture of Jesus would have received confirmation -throughout. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -213-221. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Apollos"; -Purves and Davis, article on "Corinthians, Epistles to the." -Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Robertson, article on -"Corinthians, First Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament -and Its Writers," pp. 58-64. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary -for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 281-356: Shore, "The First -Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians." "The Cambridge -Bible for Schools": Lias, "The First Epistle to the Corinthians." -Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 256-306. -"The International Critical Commentary": Robertson and Plummer, "A -Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul -to the Corinthians." The two last-named works presuppose a knowledge -of Greek. - - - - -LESSON XX - -THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY - - -1. ADDRESS AND THANKSGIVING. II Cor. 1:1-11 - -In First Corinthians the obscure Sosthenes is found to be associated -with Paul in the address of the epistle; in Second Corinthians it -is Timothy, one of the best-known of the helpers of Paul. Even if -that mission of Timothy to Corinth which is mentioned in First -Corinthians had resulted in failure, Timothy's usefulness in the -church was not permanently affected. - -After the address, comes, as is usual in the Pauline Epistles, -an expression of thanksgiving to God. This time, however, it is -not thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, but -thanksgiving for Paul's own escape from danger. The absence of -thanksgiving for the readers does not mean here, as in the case of -Galatians, that there was nothing to be thankful for in the church -that is being addressed, for the whole first section of the letter -is suffused with a spirit of thankfulness for the Corinthians' -return to their true allegiance; it means rather simply that the -thought of the deadly personal danger, and of the remarkable escape, -were for the moment in the forefront of Paul's thought. Even that -personal matter, however, was used by Paul to fortify his readers -against similar trials, and especially to strengthen still further -the bonds of sympathy which had at last been restored between him -and them. - -What this danger was from which Paul had just escaped cannot be -determined. It is as much a puzzle as the fighting with beasts -at Ephesus, which Paul mentions in I Cor. 15:32. Neither one nor -the other can very well be identified with the trouble caused by -Demetrius the silversmith, Acts 19:23-41, for there Paul does not -seem to have been in deadly danger. Some suppose that the fighting -with beasts is literally meant; that Paul was actually exposed to -the wild beasts in the arena and escaped only in some remarkable -way. It should be observed that Paul does not say, with regard to -the danger mentioned in Second Corinthians, that it occurred in -Ephesus, but only that it occurred in Asia. The expression, "weighed -down," in II Cor. 1:8 perhaps points to some form of illness rather -than to persecution. - - -2. THE APOSTLE AND THE MINISTRY OF RECONCILIATION. II Cor. 1:12 to -7:16 - -Immediately after the thanksgiving for his escape from death, -Paul begins the defense of his ministry. After the suspense of -the previous days, he feels the need of reviewing the methods -and motives of his labor among the Corinthians, in order that -the last vestige of suspicion may be removed. This he does in an -unrestrained, cordial sort of way, which reveals the deepest secrets -of his heart, and culminates here and there in grand expositions of -the very essence of the gospel. - -First, in just a passing word, ch. 1:13,14, he defends his letters -against that charge of obscurity or concealment which is hinted at -elsewhere in the epistle. Compare ch. 4:1-4; 11:6. - -Next, he defends himself against the charge of fickleness in -his journey plans. At some time, probably during or after the -unsuccessful visit alluded to in ch. 2:1, Paul had formed the plan -of returning to Corinth by the direct route. This plan he had not -carried out, and his abandonment of it apparently confirmed the -impression of weakness which had been left by the unsuccessful -visit. "He is very bold in letters," said his opponents, "but when -he is here he is weak, and now he is afraid to return." It was a -petty criticism, and a lesser man might have answered it in a petty -way. But Paul was able to lift the whole discussion to a loftier -plane. His answer to the criticism was very simple--the reason -why he had not returned to Corinth at once was that he did not -want to return again in grief and in severity; for the sake of the -Corinthians themselves he wanted to give them time to repent, before -the final and fatal issue should be raised. Characteristically, -however, Paul does not content himself with this simple answer; -indeed he does not even begin with it. A specific explanation of the -change in his plans would have refuted the criticism immediately -under consideration, but Paul felt the need of doing far more than -that. What he desired to do was to make not only this criticism, -but all similar criticisms, impossible. This he does by the fine -reference to the positive character of his gospel. "You say that I -am uncertain in my plans, that I say yes and no in one breath. Well, -the gospel that I preached, at any rate, was no such uncertain thing -as that. My gospel was a great 'Yes' to all the promises of God." -Such a method of refutation lifts the reader far above all petty -criticisms to the great things of Paul's gospel. - -Yet this reference to great principles is no mere excuse to avoid -the simple question at issue. On the contrary, Paul is perfectly -frank about the reason why he had not gone to Corinth as he had -intended. It was out of love to the Corinthian church, and this had -also prompted the writing of a severe letter. Here, ch. 2:5-11, -Paul refers to the offender whose case had been made a test at -the time of the recent painful visit. This offender was probably -different from the incestuous person who is so sternly dealt with -in I Cor. 5:1-5. His offense is thought by many to have been -some personal insult to Paul, II Cor. 2:5, but this is not quite -certain. At any rate, whatever his original offence, Paul's demand -for his punishment had become a test of the loyalty of the church. -At first the demand had been refused, but now the majority of the -congregation has agreed and the man himself is deeply repentant, so -that Paul is only afraid lest severity may go too far. It is hardly -worth while saying that the character of Paul was entirely free from -vindictiveness. When the discipline of the Church would permit it, -Paul was the first to propose counsels of mercy. - -The reference to the epistles of commendation which had been used -by Paul's opponents in Corinth, ch. 3:1, has been made the basis of -far-reaching conclusions about the whole history of the apostolic -age. From whom could the opponents have received their letters of -introduction? Only, it is said, from Palestine, and probably from -the original apostles. This conclusion is hasty, to say the least. -It should be noticed that not only letters to the Corinthian church -but also letters from the church are apparently in mind. V. 1. If, -then, the Corinthian church had been asked to supply these false -teachers with letters of commendation, perhaps the other churches -that had supplied them with letters were no nearer to Jerusalem than -Corinth was. - -The mention of these letters of commendation introduces one of the -grandest passages in the New Testament. "I," says Paul, by way of -transition, "do not need any letters of commendation. My work is -sufficient commendation. What I have accomplished in the hearts of -men is an epistle written by the Spirit of God." Then follows the -magnificent exposition of the ministry of the new covenant. That -ministry is first contrasted with the old dispensation, perhaps -with reference to an excessive valuation, by the opponents, of a -continued Judaism in the Church. The old covenant was glorious, -but how much more glorious is the new! The old was a ministry of -condemnation, but the new is a ministry of justification. The old -was a ministry of an external law, the new is a ministry of the -life-giving power of the Spirit of God. There is no reason any -longer for concealment. The Spirit brings freedom and openness and -light. - -This treasure is held indeed in earthen vessels. The recent danger -that Paul has passed through, as well as the overpowering hardships -of his life, make him painfully conscious of human weakness. But -that weakness is blessed which in all the fuller glory reveals the -all-conquering power of God. The Christian need never despair, for -by the eye of faith he can detect those unseen things which are -eternal. The present body may be dissolved, but the resurrection -body will be ready. Indeed, even if the Christian by death is -separated for a time altogether from the body, he need not fear. To -be absent from the body is to be present with the Lord. - -The climax of the whole glorious passage is the brief exposition -of the ministry of reconciliation which begins with ch. 5:11. Here -we are introduced to the secret of the remarkable life which is -revealed in Second Corinthians and in the other epistles of Paul. -Reconciliation with God through the death of Christ in our behalf -and in our stead, consequent freedom from sin and from the world, a -new and glorious life under the favor of God--these are the things -that Paul experienced in his own life, these are the things that he -preached to others, regardless of all hardship and criticism, and -these are the things, now and always, which contain the real springs -of the Church's power. - -After an uncompromising warning against impurity and worldliness, -delivered from the lofty vantage ground that has just been reached, -the apostle gives expression once more to the joy that he has -received from the good news which Titus brought him; and then -proceeds to an entirely different matter. - - -3. THE COLLECTION. II Cor., chs. 8, 9 - -Two whole chapters of the epistle are devoted to the collection -for the Jerusalem church. The history of this matter, so far as it -can be traced, is briefly as follows: At the time of the Jerusalem -council, the pillars of the Jerusalem church had requested Paul to -remember the Jerusalem poor. At the time when First Corinthians was -written, Paul had already started a collection for this purpose -in the churches of Galatia, and in First Corinthians he asks the -Corinthians to take part. I Cor. 16:1-4. In Second Corinthians -he announces that the churches of Macedonia have contributed -bountifully, II Cor. 8:1-5, and urges the continuance of the -collection in Corinth. Finally, in the Epistle to the Romans, which -was written from Corinth only a short time after Second Corinthians, -he mentions the collection in Macedonia and Achaia, announces his -intention of journeying to Jerusalem with the gifts, and asks the -Roman Christians to pray that the ministration may be acceptable to -the Jerusalem church. Rom. 15:25-27,31,32. - -With his customary foresight, Paul made careful provision for -the administration of the gifts, in order to avoid all possible -misunderstanding or suspicion. For example, the churches are to -choose delegates to carry their bounty to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16:3. -Possibly the delegates are to be identified with the persons who are -named in Acts 20:4. Luke does not mention the collection, but it is -alluded to in Acts 24:17. - -Paul's treatment of the collection in II Cor., chs. 8, 9, was not -only adapted to accomplish its immediate purpose, but also has been -of high value to the Christian Church. These chapters have assured -to the right use of wealth a place of real dignity among the forms -of Christian service. - - -4. THE OPPONENTS. II Cor., chs. 10 to 13 - -The striking change of tone at ch. 10:1 is amply explained by the -change of subject. In the first part of the epistle, Paul has been -thinking of the return of the majority of the congregation to their -allegiance; now he turns to deal with the false teachers who have -been causing all the trouble. It is still necessary to meet their -attacks and remove every vestige of influence which they may still -have retained over the church. Their attack upon Paul was of a -peculiarly mean and unworthy character; the indignation which Paul -displays in these chapters was fully justified. - -The opponents were certainly Jews, and prided themselves on the -fact. Ch. 11:22. But it does not appear with certainty that they -were Judaizers. If they were intending to come forward with any -demand of circumcision or of observance of the Mosaic law, such -demand was still kept in the background. Indeed, there is no -indication that the doctrine that they preached was different in -important respects from that of Paul. In particular, there is no -indication that they advocated a different view about Jesus. One -verse, ch. 11:4, has, indeed, been regarded as such an indication, -but only by an exceedingly doubtful interpretation. Probably the -other Jesus whom the opponents preached existed only in their own -claim. They said merely, "Paul has kept something back," v. 6, -margin; ch. 4:3; "we alone can give you adequate information; we -alone can proclaim the true Jesus, the true Spirit and the true -gospel." In reality, however, they had nothing new to offer. Paul -had made the whole gospel known. - -It is further not even quite clear that the opponents laid stress -upon a personal acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, and so played -the original apostles off against Paul. The expression "chiefest -apostles," ch. 11:5, is clearly nothing more than an ironical -designation of the false teachers themselves. It is true, the false -teachers claimed to belong in a special sense to Christ, ch 10:7, -and to be in a special sense "ministers of Christ." Ch. 11:23. But -it is not at all clear--despite ch. 5:16--that the connection which -they claimed to have with Christ was that of personal acquaintance, -either directly or through their authorities, with the earthly -Jesus. Finally, these false teachers cannot with any certainty be -connected with the Christ-party of First Corinthians. - -The chief value of the last four chapters of the epistle is the -wealth of autobiographical material which they contain. Against the -insidious personal attacks of the opponents, Paul was obliged to -speak of certain personal matters about which he might otherwise -have been silent. Had he been silent, the Church would have been the -loser. To know the inner life of the apostle Paul is to know Christ; -for Paul was in Christ and Christ was in Paul. What could compensate -us for the loss of II Cor. 12:7-10? Through these words the bodily -weakness of Paul has forever been made profitable for the strength -of the Church. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -221-225. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article -on "Corinthians, Epistles to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the -Bible": Robertson, article on "Corinthians, Second Epistle to the." -M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 65-69. Beet, -"A Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to the Corinthians," seventh -edition, pp. 1-20, 317-542. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary -for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 357-417: Plumptre, "The Second -Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians." "The Cambridge -Bible for Schools": Lias, "The Second Epistle to the Corinthians." -Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 307-351. The -last-named work presupposes a knowledge of Greek. - - - - -LESSON XXI - -THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION - - -The Epistle to the Romans, though it is not merely a systematic -treatise, is more systematic than any other of the Pauline Epistles. -Unlike the epistles that preceded it, it was written in a period of -comparative quiet between two great stages in the apostle's work. -Not unnaturally, therefore, it contains something like a summary of -Paul's teaching. The summary, however, does not embrace the whole -of the Pauline theology, but only one important department of it. -The nature of God, for example, and the person of Christ, are not -discussed in the Epistle to the Romans. Of course Paul held very -definite views upon these subjects, and these views are presupposed -on every page of the epistle--especially the loftiest possible -conception of the person of Christ lies at the background of this -entire account of Christ's work--but such presuppositions do not -in this epistle receive an elaborate exposition. The real subject -of the first eight chapters of Romans is not theology in general, -but simply the way of salvation. How can man be saved--that is the -question which Paul answers in this epistle. - -Obviously the question is of the utmost practical importance. -The Epistle to the Romans is absolutely fundamental for the -establishment of Christian faith. This estimate, which was formerly -a matter of course, has in recent years unfortunately fallen into -disrepute. The Epistle to the Romans, after all, it is said, is -concerned with theology, whereas what we need is simple faith. We -must return from Romans to the Gospels, from Paul to Christ. The -words of Jesus, recorded in the Gospels, are thus emphasized to the -prejudice of the teaching of the apostle. - -This tendency should be resisted with the utmost firmness. It -is striking at the very vitals of the Church's life. After all, -Jesus came, as has been well said, not to say something, but to do -something. His words are very precious, we could never do without -them; but after all they are subsidiary to his deeds. His life -and death and resurrection--these are the things that wrought -salvation for men. And these great saving acts could not be fully -explained till after they had been done. For an explanation of them, -therefore, we must turn not only to the Gospels but also to the -epistles, not only to Jesus but also to Paul. Paul was in a special -sense our apostle; like us, he had never known the earthly Jesus. -Just for that reason, through the divine revelation that was granted -him, he could guide all subsequent generations to the risen Christ. -The Epistle to the Romans, more fully perhaps than any other book, -points out the meaning of the death and resurrection of Christ. It -does not, indeed, solve all mysteries; but it reveals enough to -enable us to believe. - - -1. THE EDICT OF CLAUDIUS - -The edict of Claudius which expelled the Jews from Rome was -certainly not permanently effective; indeed there are some -indications that it was modified almost as soon as it was issued. -But although it did not keep the Jews out of Rome, it may at least -have hastened the separation between Judaism and Christianity. -If the conflict between the two, as a conflict within Judaism, -had given rise to the hostile edict, then, as has plausibly been -suggested, the separation might be in the interests of both parties. -If the church were kept separate from the synagogue, the Jews would -be protected from dangerous disorders and from the opposition -which would be encountered by a new and illegal religion, and the -Christians, on the other hand, would be protected from the Claudian -edict against the Jews. - - -2. ADDRESS, THANKSGIVING AND SUBJECT. Rom. 1:1-17 - -The address of the Epistle to the Romans is remarkable for the long -addition which is made to the name of the author. Paul was writing -to a church which he had never seen. His excuse for writing was to -be found only in the gospel with which he had been intrusted. At the -very start, therefore, he places his gospel in the foreground. Here, -however, it is rather the great presupposition of the gospel which -is in mind--Jesus Christ in his double nature. One who has been -commissioned to preach to the Gentiles the gospel of such a Christ -may certainly address a letter to Rome. - -In connection with the customary thanksgiving, Paul mentions his -long-cherished desire of visiting the Roman Christians. He desires -to impart unto them some spiritual gift--no, he says, rather he -desires to receive from them as well as to give. The correction is -characteristic of Paul. Some men would have felt no need of making -it. As a matter of fact, Paul was fully in a position to impart -spiritual gifts. But he was afraid his readers might feel hurt--as -though the apostle thought they could make no return for the benefit -which the visit would bring them. It is an exquisite bit of fine -discernment and delicate courtesy. But like all true courtesy, it -was based on fact. Paul was really not a man to decline help and -comfort from even the humblest of the brethren. - -In vs. 16, 17, the theme of the epistle is announced--the gospel -the power of God unto salvation, the gospel which reveals a -righteousness of God that is received by faith. The meaning of "a -righteousness of God" has been much disputed. Some think that it -refers to the righteousness which is an attribute of God. More -probably, however, it is to be interpreted in the light of ch. 10:3; -Phil. 3:9. It then refers to that right relation of man to God which -God himself produces. There are two ways of receiving a sentence -of acquittal from God the Judge. One is by keeping the law of God -perfectly. The other is by receiving through faith the righteousness -of Christ. The former is impossible because of sin. The latter -has been made possible by the gift of Christ. As sinners, we are -subject to the punishment of death. But that punishment has been -paid for us by Christ. We therefore go free; we can start fresh, -with the consciousness of God's favor. We are "justified"--that -is, "pronounced righteous"--not because we are free from sin, but -because by his grace God looks not upon us but upon Christ. We have -been pronounced righteous, but not on account of our own works. We -possess not our own righteousness but "a righteousness of God." - -This righteousness of God is received by faith. Faith is not a work, -it is simply the willingness to receive. Christ has promised by -his death to bring us to God. We may not understand it all, but is -Christ to be believed? Study the Gospel picture of him, and you will -be convinced that he is. - -Justification by faith, then, means being pronounced righteous by -God, although we are sinners. It might seem to be a very dangerous -doctrine. If we are pronounced righteous whether we are really -righteous or not, then may we not go on with impunity in sin? Such -reasoning ignores the results of justification. Faith brings more -than forgiveness. It brings a new life. In the new life sin has -no place. The Christian has broken forever with his old slavery. -Though perfection has not yet been attained in practice, it has -been attained in principle, and by the power of the Spirit all sin -will finally be removed. The Christian cannot compromise with sin. -Salvation is not only from the guilt of sin, but also from the -power of it. The sixth chapter of Romans leaves no room for moral -laxness. - - -3. ROMANS AND GALATIANS - -It is interesting to compare Romans with Galatians. The subject of -the two epistles is the same. Both are concerned with salvation -by faith alone, apart from the works of the law. In many passages -the two are parallel. The fuller exposition in Romans is often -the best commentary upon the briefer statements of Galatians. For -example, the words: "What then is the law? It was added because -of transgressions"--very obscure as they stand in Galatians--are -explained by Rom. 5:20; ch. 7. In tone, however, the two epistles -are widely different. Galatians is written in view of one definite -attack upon the gospel; Romans is a general exposition summing up -the results of the conflict. When Paul wrote Galatians he was in the -thick of the battle; at the time of Romans he had fought his way -through to the heights. - -The Epistle to the Romans, however, is no cold, purely logical -treatise. Theology here is interwoven with experience. No exposition -can do justice to this wonderful letter. To read about it is -sometimes dull; but to read it is life. - - -4. THE PAULINE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY. Rom., chs. 9 to 11 - -Chapters 9 to 11 of this epistle are interesting in a great many -ways. They are interesting, for example, in their tremendous -conception of the mystery of the divine will. The ninth chapter of -Romans is a good corrective for any carelessness in our attitude -toward God. After all, God is a mystery. How little we know of his -eternal plan! We must ever tremble before him. Yet it is such a God -who has invited us, through Christ, to hold communion with himself. -There is the true wonder of the gospel--that it brings us into -fellowship, not with a God of our own devising, not with one who -is a Father and nothing else, but with the awful, holy, mysterious -Maker and Ruler of all things. The joy of the believer is the -deepest of all joys. It is a joy that is akin to holy fear. - -These chapters are also interesting because they attest the -attachment of Paul to the Jewish people. Where is there a nobler -expression of patriotism than Rom. 9:1-5? Exclusive attention to the -polemic passages where Paul is defending the Gentile mission and -denying the efficacy of the Mosaic law, have produced in the minds -of some scholars a one-sided view of Paul's attitude toward Israel. -Paul did not advocate the destruction of the identity of his -people. He believed that even the natural Israel had a part to play -on the stage of history. These chapters of Romans, together with -some other passages in the epistles, such as I Cor. 9:20, confirm -what the Book of The Acts tells us about Paul's willingness, when no -principle was involved, to conform to Jewish custom. - - -5. INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLE - -The genuineness of the Epistle to the Romans is undoubted, but its -"integrity" has been questioned. The epistle was certainly written -by Paul, but was it all, as we now have it, originally part of one -letter? By many scholars the greater part of the sixteenth chapter -is supposed to have originally formed part of an epistle of Paul -written not to Rome but to Ephesus. The chief argument for this -hypothesis is derived from the long list of names in ch. 16:3-15. -Could Paul have had so many personal acquaintances in a church which -he had never visited? The argument is not conclusive. Just because -Paul could not appeal in his letter to any personal acquaintance -with the Roman church as a whole, it would be natural for him to -mention at least all the individuals in the church with whom he -stood in any sort of special relation. Furthermore, the frequency -of travel in the Roman Empire must be borne in mind. Many persons -whom Paul had met on his travels would naturally find their way to -the capital. Finally, Aquila and Priscilla, though they had recently -lived in Ephesus, I Cor. 16:19, may easily have resumed their former -residence in Rome. Acts 18:2; Rom. 16:3-5. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -226-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, (supplemented) -article on "Romans, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the -Bible": Robertson, article on "Romans, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, -"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 77-82. Gifford, "The -Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans." Ellicott, "A New Testament -Commentary for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 193-280: Sanday, "The -Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans." "The Cambridge Bible for -Schools": Moule, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans." -"The International Critical Commentary": Sanday and Headlam, "A -Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans." -Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 352-438. The -two last-named works presuppose a knowledge of Greek. - - - - -LESSON XXII - -PAUL'S JOURNEY TO ROME - - -The material of this lesson is so extensive that only the barest -summary can be attempted in the class. The great features of the -narrative should be made to stand out clear--the bitter opposition -of the Jews, the favorable attitude of the Roman authorities, the -journey to Rome. Before the lesson is over the student should have -a deeper impression of the character of Paul--his perfect ease -and tactfulness in the various relations of life, his unswerving -boldness where the gospel was concerned, his inexplicable -power. Finally, the peculiar quality of the narrative should be -appreciated. These chapters contain the two longer "we-sections" of -The Acts. - - -1. THE JOURNEY TO TROAS - -At first Paul had intended to sail direct from Corinth to Syria, but -a plot of the Jews caused him to change his plan. Acts 20:3. It has -been suggested that the ship upon which he was intending to sail may -have carried non-Christian Jews, going to the approaching feast in -Jerusalem, v. 16, who could have done him harm upon the voyage. By -choosing the route through Macedonia he averted the immediate danger. - -The use of the first person plural begins again at Acts 20:5. It -was broken off at ch. 16:17. Luke had parted from Paul at Philippi -on the second missionary journey; and it is at Philippi that he now -appears again. The following journeys, in which Luke himself took -part, are narrated with the utmost vividness and minuteness. The -narrative amounts practically to a diary--in some sections every day -is accounted for. - -The departure from Philippi took place "after the days of unleavened -bread," that is, after the passover week. Acts 20:6. From the -account of the subsequent journey it is not quite possible to tell -whether Paul actually succeeded in carrying out his plan of being in -Jerusalem at Pentecost. Pentecost, it will be remembered, came fifty -days after the beginning of the passover week. - - -2. TROAS - -The description of the last evening at Troas, when Paul prolonged -his discourse in the lighted room, is one of the inimitably vivid -scenes of The Acts. Probably we are to understand that Eutychus, who -fell down from a window in the third story, was really killed and -not merely stunned. Verse 10 might seem to indicate that he was only -stunned, but the last words of v. 9 point rather to actual, and not -merely apparent, death. The miracle is paralleled by the raising of -Dorcas by Peter. Acts 9:36-42. - - -3. THE ELDERS OF EPHESUS - -When Paul told the elders that they would see his face "no more," or -perhaps rather "no longer," Acts 20:25,38, he did not necessarily -mean that he would certainly never return to Ephesus. For a period -of years, at any rate, he was intending to transfer his labors -to the west; his return to Ephesus, therefore, was at all events -uncertain. His long activity at Ephesus, which had occupied the -better part of the past three years, was for the present at an end. -From the Pastoral Epistles it appears that as a matter of fact Paul -did visit Ephesus again after his release from the first Roman -imprisonment. - - -4. ARRIVAL IN PALESTINE - -At Tyre and at Cæsarea, Paul received warnings against visiting -Jerusalem. These warnings came through the Spirit, Acts 21:4,11, but -not in the sense that the Holy Spirit commanded Paul not to go. The -meaning is that the Spirit warned him of the dangers that were to -befall him. In meeting these dangers bravely he was acting in full -accordance with the divine will. - -At Acts 21:18 the use of the first person plural ceases, because -Luke had no immediate part in the events that followed. It is -natural to suppose, however, that he remained in Palestine, for he -joined Paul again in Cæsarea, at the beginning of the journey to -Rome. For the events of Paul's imprisonment in Jerusalem and in -Cæsarea he had first-hand information. - -The vow in which Paul took part at the request of James was at least -similar to the Nazirite vow described in Num. 6:1-21. Not all the -details of such vows are perfectly clear. Paul himself, on his own -account, had assumed a similar vow on his second missionary journey, -Acts 18:18--unless indeed, as is grammatically possible, the words -in that passage refer to Aquila rather than to Paul. - -It was not true, as the Christians of Judea had been led to -think, that Paul taught the Jewish Christians of the dispersion -to forsake the law of Moses, though he was insistent that the -Gentile Christians must not adopt that law. It was not even true -that he himself had altogether given up keeping the law, though -the exigencies of his Gentile work required him to give it up very -often, and though he regarded himself as inwardly free from the -law. His willingness to take part in a Jewish vow in Jerusalem is -therefore not surprising. His action on this occasion was fully -justified by the principles of his conduct as described in I -Cor. 9:20,21. The keeping of the law was not for Paul a means of -obtaining salvation. Salvation was a free gift of God, through the -death of Christ. But for the present the general relinquishment of -the law and abandonment of the distinctive customs of Judaism on -the part of Jewish Christians was not required. Paul was willing to -leave that question to the future guidance of God. - -It is somewhat surprising that the Book of The Acts mentions the -great collection for the Jerusalem church only incidentally, in the -report of a speech of Paul. Acts 24:17. The interest of Luke in this -part of the narrative is absorbed in the relations between Paul -and the non-Christian Jews and the Roman authorities. The internal -affairs of the Church are left for the most part out of account. The -Acts and the Pauline Epistles, here as so often, must be allowed to -supplement each other. Luke gives a vivid picture of the external -events, and a clear view of the relations of Christianity to the -outside world; while Paul affords us a deeper insight, in some -respects at least, into the inward development of the Church's life. - - -5. PAUL BEFORE AGRIPPA - -The famous reply of Agrippa to Paul, Acts 26:28, is exceedingly -difficult to translate and to interpret. The translation in the -Revised Version is by no means certainly correct. The words may -mean, "A little more of this persuasion will make me a Christian!" -or else, "You seem to think that the little persuasion you have used -is sufficient to make me a Christian." In any case, the sentence -displays a certain perplexity on the part of the king. He certainly -does not mean that he is on the point of accepting Christianity--his -words have a half-ironical tone--but on the other hand his interest -is aroused. The same thing is probably to be said for Festus. He -said, "Paul, thou art mad; thy much learning is turning thee mad," -but he said it with a loud voice as though he were agitated. There -was something uncanny about this prisoner! - - -6. THE ACCESSION OF FESTUS - -The dates of many events in the apostolic age have usually been -fixed by counting from the accession of Festus. Unfortunately, -however, that event itself cannot be dated with certainty. Some put -it as late as A. D. 61, others as early as A. D. 55. If the date -A. D. 60 be provisionally adopted, then Paul's arrest in Jerusalem -occurred in A. D. 58, and his arrival in Rome in A. D. 61. The -conclusion of the narrative in The Acts would then fall in the year -A. D. 63. It will be remembered that the proconsulship of Gallio -now affords an additional starting point for a chronology of the -apostolic age. - - -7. LATER HISTORY OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH - -After the meeting between Paul and James, which is narrated in -Acts 21:17-26, the Jerusalem church, at least so far as any direct -narrative is concerned, disappears from the pages of the New -Testament. It will be observed that in the account of Paul's last -visit, only James, the brother of the Lord, and "the elders" are -mentioned as representatives of the church. Possibly some of the -twelve apostles may be included under the term "elders," but it is -also perfectly possible that the apostles were all out of the city. - -James, the brother of the Lord, continued to be the head of the -Jerusalem church until he was martyred--in A. D. 62, or, as others -suppose, in A. D. 66. Before the war which culminated in the capture -of Jerusalem in A. D. 70, the Christians of the city fled to Pella -beyond the Jordan. From that time, on, though the Christians -returned after the war, Jewish Christianity was quite uninfluential. -The supremacy of the Jerusalem church was gone. But that church had -already rendered a priceless service. It had laid the foundations -of Christendom. It had sent forth the first missionaries. And it -had preserved the record of Jesus' life. The Synoptic Gospels, in -substance at least, are a product of the Jerusalem church. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -160-166, 231-239. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -the many persons and places mentioned in the narrative, especially -"Felix," "Festus," and "Herod" (4). Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller -and the Roman Citizen," pp. 283-362; "Pictures of the Apostolic -Church," pp. 270-285, 310-364. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. -Paul," vol. ii, chs. ii, iii, iv, v, and vi. Conybeare and Howson, -"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, -xxiv and xxv. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 121-133. Lumby, -pp. 266-380. Cook, pp. 485-534. Plumptre, pp. 136-184. Rackham, pp. -370-513. - - - - -LESSON XXIII - -THE SUPREMACY OF CHRIST - - -1. THE EPISTLES OF THE THIRD GROUP - -With the lesson for to-day, we are introduced to the third group -among the epistles of Paul. The epistles of the second group, which -were written during the third missionary journey, are concerned -with the problem of sin and salvation; the epistles of the third -group are interesting especially for their teaching about the -person of Christ and about the Church. A period of about three or -four years separates the last epistle of the second group from the -first epistle of the third. Most of this interval had been spent -by Paul in captivity. Undoubtedly, during this period of enforced -leisure, there had been development in Paul's thinking, but it -is very difficult to determine exactly wherein that development -consisted. The differences of the third group of epistles from the -second are due to the difference in the readers at least as much as -to a difference in Paul himself. It is hard to say just how much of -Colossians and Ephesians Paul would have been incapable of writing -during the third missionary journey. - -At any rate, the epistles of the captivity differ from those of the -former group in being for the most part quieter in tone. During -the third journey Paul had had to continue the great battles of -his career against various forms of Judaizing error. Christianity -at one time seemed to be in danger of being reduced to a mere -form of Judaism; the free grace of God was being deserted for a -law religion; faith was being deserted for works. In Galatia, the -question of principle had been uppermost; in Corinth, the personal -attack upon Paul. Everywhere, moreover, the gospel of salvation by -faith was exposed to misconception. Pagan license was threatening to -creep into the Church. Unless it could be kept out, the legalists -would have some apparent show of reason on their side. Taking it -all in all, it had been a hard battle. But it had been gloriously -fought, and it had been won. Now Paul was able to turn his attention -to new fields of labor and to new problems. - - -2. THE CHRISTOLOGY OF COLOSSIANS - -The Epistle to the Colossians is peculiarly "Christological." More -fully and more expressly than in any other of his letters Paul here -develops his view about the person of Christ. Even here, however, -this teaching is incidental; it was simply Paul's way of refuting -certain errors that had crept into the Colossian church. Except for -those errors Paul would perhaps never have written at length, as -he does in Col. 1:14-23, about the relation of Christ to God and -to the world. Yet in that case his own views would have been the -same, and they would have been just as fundamental to his whole -religious life. In the epistles, which are written to Christians, -Paul takes many things for granted. Some of the things which are -most fundamental appear only incidentally. Just because they were -fundamental, just because they were accepted by everyone, they did -not need to be discussed at length. - -So it is especially with the person of Christ. From the first -epistle to the last, Paul presupposes essentially the same view -of that great subject. Practically everything that he says in -Colossians could have been inferred from scattered hints in the -earlier epistles. From the beginning Paul regarded Jesus Christ -as a man, who had a real human life and died a real death on the -cross. From the beginning, on the other hand, he separated Christ -sharply from men and placed him clearly on the side of God. From -the beginning, in other words, he attributed to him a double -nature--Jesus Christ was always in Paul's thinking both God and man. -Finally, the preëxistence of Christ, which is so strongly emphasized -in Colossians, is clearly implied in such passages as Gal. 4:4; and -his activity in creation appears, according to the best-attested -text, in I Cor. 8:6. - -Nevertheless, the more systematic exposition in Colossians is of -the utmost value. It serves to summarize and explain the scattered -implications of the earlier epistles. Christ according to Paul is, -in the first place, "the image of the invisible God." Col. 1:15. -He is the supreme Revealer of God, a Revealer, however, not merely -by words but by his own nature. If you want to know what God is, -look upon Christ! In the second place, he is "the firstborn of all -creation." Of itself that phrase might be misconstrued. It might be -thought to mean that Christ was the first being that God created. -Any such interpretation, however, is clearly excluded by the three -following verses. There Paul has himself provided an explanation -of his puzzling phrase. "The firstborn of all creation" means that -Christ, himself uncreated, existed before all created things; he was -prior to all things, and, as befits an only son, he possesses all -things. Indeed he himself was active in the creation of all things, -not only the world, and men, but also those angelic powers--"thrones -or dominions or principalities or powers"--upon whom the errorists -in Colossæ were inclined to lay too much emphasis. He was the -instrument of God the Father in creation. And he was also the end of -creation. The world exists not for its own sake, but for the sake -of Christ. Especially is he the Head of the Church. His headship -is declared by his being the first to rise from the dead into that -glorious life into which he will finally bring all his disciples. In -a word, the entire "fulness" of the divine nature dwells in Christ. -That word "fulness" was much misused in the "Gnostic" speculations -of the second century. It is barely possible that the word had -already been employed in the incipient Gnosticism of the Colossian -errorists. If so, Paul by his repeated use of the word in Colossians -and Ephesians, is bringing his readers back to a healthier and -simpler and grander conception. - - -3. THE PERSON OF CHRIST AND THE WORK OF CHRIST - -In Col. 1:20-23, Paul bases upon the preceding exposition of the -nature of Christ a noble description of Christ's work. The work -which has been intrusted to Christ is nothing less than that of -reconciling the creation unto God. Through sin, an enmity had been -set up between God and the work of his hands. That enmity applies -primarily of course to the sinful persons themselves. They are -under God's wrath and curse. Sin is not a trifle. It cannot simply -be treated as though it had never been. If God be righteous, then -there is such a thing as a moral order. The wrath of God rests upon -the sinner. But by the sacrifice of Christ, that enmity has been -wiped out. Christ has paid the awful penalty of sin. Christ has -brought the sinner again near to God. The enmity and the following -reconciliation concern primarily the men who have sinned. But they -also apply to the whole world. The ground has been cursed for man's -sake. The end of the reconciliation will be a new heaven and a new -earth. The groaning and travailing of the creation will one day have -an end. Compare Rom. 8:18-25. - -This brief description of the work of Christ in Col. 1:20-22; -2:10-15, can be richly paralleled in the earlier epistles. What now -needs to be emphasized is that the Pauline view of Christ's work -depends absolutely upon the Pauline view of Christ's person. All -through the epistles of Paul the life and death and resurrection -are represented as events of a cosmic significance. But they can -have such significance only if Christ is the kind of being that is -described in the Epistle to the Colossians. The glorious account -of salvation, which runs all through the epistles and forms the -especial subject of the second group, is unintelligible if Christ -were merely an inspired prophet or merely the greatest of created -things. It becomes intelligible only if Christ is "the image of -the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation." The mysterious -Christology of Colossians lies at the very heart of Christian faith. - - -4. THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON - -The Epistle to the Colossians, though addressed to a church that -Paul had never visited, is full of warm-hearted affection. Paul -could hardly have been cold and formal if he had tried. He was a man -of great breadth of sympathy. Hence he was able to enter with the -deepest interest into the problems of the Colossian Christians--to -rejoice at their faith and love, to lament their faults, and to -labor with whole-souled devotion for their spiritual profit. - -The simple, unconstrained affection of Paul's nature, however, had -freer scope in the delightful little letter to Philemon. Philemon -apparently was a convert of Paul himself. Philem. 19. He was not -a man with whom Paul had to be on his guard. Paul is perfectly -confident that Philemon will fully understand the motives of his -action and of his letter. - -The letter is addressed to Philemon primarily, but also to Apphia -and to Archippus and to the church in Philemon's house. We are -here introduced into a Christian household of the apostolic age. -Apphia was probably Philemon's wife and Archippus perhaps his son. -Evidently Archippus held some sort of office in the Colossian -church. "Say to Archippus," says Paul in a strangely emphatic way, -at the very end of the Epistle to the Colossians, "Take heed to the -ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfill -it." We should like to know what the ministry was which Archippus -had received. At any rate, we hope that he fulfilled it. It was a -solemn warning which he received--a warning which might well have -made him tremble. We also may well take the warning to heart. Our -task of imparting Bible truth is no light responsibility. To us -also the warning comes, "Take heed to the ministry which thou hast -received in the Lord, that thou fulfill it." - -The letter is addressed not only to Philemon and his family, but -also to the "church" which met in his house. This "church" was a -part of the Colossian congregation. In the early days, when it was -difficult to secure meeting places, well-to-do Christians frequently -offered the hospitality of their own homes. A certain Nympha or -Nymphas--the name varies in the manuscripts--performed this service -in Laodicea, Col. 4:15, Aquila and Priscilla in Corinth, I Cor. -16:19, and also Gaius in the same city. Rom. 16:23. - -The Epistle to Philemon exhibits that perfection of courtesy and -delicacy of feeling which has been observed again and again in -Paul. A man of coarser feeling might have kept Onesimus with him -until receiving the response of Philemon. In that case no doubt -Philemon would have replied not only that Onesimus was forgiven, -but that Paul might retain the benefit of his services. But Paul -saw clearly that that would have made Philemon's goodness seem to -be of necessity and not of free will. Philem. 14. There was only -one really fine, honorable, high-toned way of dealing with the -situation, and that was the way which Paul adopted. - -The letter is informal and affectionate. There is even apparently a -little delicate play on the name Onesimus, which means "helpful." -Once Onesimus belied his name, but now he has become helpful again. -Philem. 11. In v. 20, also, where Paul says, "Let me have joy -of thee," he uses a word which comes from the same root as that -which appears in the name of the slave. Nevertheless, despite all -informality, Paul has succeeded, here as always, in lifting the -matter to a lofty plane. Paul was a man who ennobled everything that -he touched. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -241-246. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," articles on "Colossæ," -"Hierapolis" and "Laodicea": Purves, articles on "Colossians, -Epistle to the" and "Philemon" (supplemented). Hastings, "Dictionary -of the Bible": Ramsay, articles on "Colossæ," "Hierapolis," and -"Laodicea"; Murray, article on "Colossians, Epistle to the"; -Bernard, articles on "Philemon," and "Philemon, Epistle to." -M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 91-98. Ellicott, -"A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, -"The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and -Colossians," pp. 1-8, 96-124; "The Epistle of Paul to Philemon," pp. -265-274. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The -Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon." Zahn, "Introduction to -the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 439-479. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's -Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon." The two last-named -works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of -Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXIV - -THE CHURCH OF CHRIST - - -The special effort in the lessons of the second quarter has been -to produce some lively impression of the wonderful variety among -the letters of Paul. That variety is due largely to the variety in -the occasions of the letters. Just because Paul entered with such -sympathy into the varying circumstances of his many churches, the -letters of Paul reflect the wonderful manifoldness of life. - -Nevertheless, it is also an advantage that at least one letter is -largely independent of any special circumstances whatever. This is -the case with the epistle which is to be studied to-day. The Epistle -to the Ephesians is addressed to a definite group of churches, but -that group is addressed not with regard to its own special problems, -but simply as representative of Gentile Christianity in general. For -once Paul allows his thoughts to flow unchecked by the particular -needs of his readers. - - -1. STYLE OF EPHESIANS - -The purpose of Ephesians, therefore, is quite different from the -purpose of any other of the Pauline Epistles. To the difference in -purpose corresponds a difference in style. The style of Ephesians is -characterized especially by long sentences, heaped full of an almost -bewildering wealth of thought. This characteristic had appeared -to some extent even in the earliest epistles--compare II Thess. -1:3-10--but in Ephesians it becomes more pronounced. Ephesians -1:3-14, for example, is only one sentence, but it is a world in -itself. Apparently in this epistle Paul has allowed his mind and -heart to roam unchecked over the whole realm of the divine economy. -This freedom might conceivably be thought to involve a sacrifice of -logical symmetry and of euphonic grace, but at any rate it possesses -a certain beauty and value of its own. Ephesians may lack the -splendid rhythm of the first chapter of First Corinthians or the -eighth chapter of Romans, but on the other hand these tremendous -periods, with their heaping-up of majestic phrases, serve admirably -to express the bewilderment of the soul in the presence of divine -wonders. Human language is inadequate to do full justice to the -grace of God. In Ephesians, we see an inspired apostle striving -to give utterance in human language to things which in their full -reality are unspeakable. - - -2. COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS - -The Epistle to the Ephesians is strikingly similar to the Epistle -to the Colossians, not only in thought, but also in many details of -language. Another case of striking similarity between two epistles -of Paul was encountered in First and Second Thessalonians. There -the two similar letters were written both to the same church, -though at no very great interval of time. The similarity was due -to the desire which Paul felt of reiterating, with some additions -and explanations, the teaching of his former letter. In the case -of Ephesians and Colossians the similarity is even more easily -explained. These two epistles were written to different churches at -the same time. What more natural than that the same thoughts and to -some extent the same words should appear in both? Only, the teaching -which in Colossians is directed against a definite form of error is -in Ephesians reproduced in freer, more general form. The relation -between the two epistles is somewhat like that which exists between -Galatians and Romans. In Galatians, the doctrine of salvation by -faith appears in conflict with the opposing error; in Romans, the -same doctrine finds expression, but this time in quieter, more -systematic development, after the conflict is over. The similarity -between Galatians and Romans is, however, not so close as that -between Colossians and Ephesians--partly because the contrast of -spirit is not so striking in the latter case, Colossians being far -less bitterly polemic than Galatians; and more particularly because -a considerable interval separates Romans from Galatians, whereas -Colossians and Ephesians were dispatched by the same messenger. - - -3. THE ADDRESS OF EPHESIANS. EPH. 1:1,2 - -In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the words "at -Ephesus" in the first verse may perhaps be no part of what Paul -wrote, but a later addition. It cannot be claimed, however, that the -problem of the address has been completely solved. Without the words -"at Ephesus," the address becomes very difficult. "To the saints -that are and the faithful in Christ Jesus" hardly seems to make -sense. The Greek words might be construed perfectly well to mean, -"To the saints who are also faithful in Christ Jesus," but that is -a rather unusual expression. The suggestion has been made that in -the first copies of the epistle a blank space was left after "the -saints that are," to be filled in with the names of the particular -churches of the group which is addressed. Every church among the -group would thus receive a copy with its own name inserted. The -hypothesis is not altogether satisfactory. Probably we shall simply -have to admit that there is an unsolved problem here. - - -4. THANKSGIVING FOR THE PLAN OF SALVATION. EPH. 1:3-14 - -Before the customary thanksgiving for the Christian state of the -readers, Paul inserts here, in accordance with the nature of this -epistle, a general thanksgiving for the whole Church, which is -applied especially to the readers only at the very end. The passage -contains a wonderful summary of the whole of salvation, but it -begins with the plan of God and it closes with the glory of God. -God is the beginning and end of all things. His mysterious decree -is the cause of our being chosen for salvation, and his own glory -is the ultimate object in view. Men are often rebellious against -such a God-centered view of things. Predestination is an unpopular -doctrine. But it was at any rate the doctrine of Paul, and it lay -at the roots of his experience. It is sometimes hard for us to -write God so large in our thoughts. Because we think of him merely -as a somewhat greater man, we are inclined to reject the doctrine -which attributes all things to the workings of his will and to the -furtherance of his glory. If, however, we could think of him, not -only as a person, but also as an infinite, eternal and holy person, -then we should murmur no longer, but should, with Paul, burst forth -in praise of the inscrutable wonder of his grace. The glory of a -merciful God has involved for its full unfolding the salvation of -guilty sinners. God's glory finds its full expression only when he -is revealed as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. - - -5. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER FOR THE READERS. EPH. 1:15 to 2:10 - -Beginning with thanksgiving for the present faith and love of the -readers, Paul passes at once to a prayer that they may be given -understanding to appreciate the wonderful salvation which has -been celebrated in the preceding section, especially the mighty -Saviour who has been bestowed upon the Church. Then the greatness -of the present salvation, not only of Gentiles, but also of Jews, -is celebrated by a contrast with the previous condition of sin and -misery. The blessed change has been due, not to anything in man, but -simply and solely to the grace of God, received by faith. - - -6. RECEPTION OF THE GENTILES. EPH. 2:11-22 - -Here the contrast between past and present is applied especially to -the Gentiles. Formerly they were excluded from the people of God. -But now by the death of Christ the "middle wall of partition" has -been broken down. Gentiles and Jews have now a common access to the -Father. - - -7. THE MINISTRY OF PAUL. EPH., ch. 3 - -This reception of the Gentiles is the work that has been intrusted -especially to Paul. It is a glorious ministry, far too great for -human strength. It can be fulfilled only through the grace of God. -The full mystery of God's grace, concealed for many generations, has -at last been revealed. The first half of the epistle is fittingly -closed by a doxology. - - -8. LIFE IN THE CHURCH. EPH., chs. 4 to 6 - -This section may be called the practical part of the epistle. It -exhibits the results in holy living which proceed from the glorious -gospel which has just been proclaimed. Even in the "practical" -part, however, the great doctrines of God's grace are so constantly -finding renewed expression that it is difficult to separate one part -from the other. Paul never separated moral precepts from the great -truths which give them force. Let the readers live like citizens of -the commonwealth of God, and members of the body of Christ! - -Naturally, in this part of the epistle the unity of the -Church--which is perhaps the central theme of the whole--is -especially emphasized. The first half of the fourth chapter, for -example, is a magnificent hymn to Christian unity. Even in the midst -of the directions for the various relationships of life the great -theme of Christ and the Church, under the figure of husband and -wife, is brought again into view. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -246-249. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article -on "Ephesians, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": -Lock, article on "Ephesians, Epistle to." M'Clymont, "The New -Testament and Its Writers," pp. 99-103. Ellicott, "A New Testament -Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of -Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," -pp. 9-60. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, -"The Epistle to the Ephesians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New -Testament," vol. i, pp. 479-522. Robinson, "St. Paul's Epistle to -the Ephesians." The two last-named works are intended primarily for -those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by -others. - - - - -LESSON XXV - -CHRIST AND HIS FOLLOWERS - - -The Epistle to the Philippians is the only one of the letters of -Paul which is addressed to an approved church with whom he stood -on terms of untroubled intimacy and affection. In Galatians and -both the Corinthian epistles, serious errors in the churches -addressed, as well as unscrupulous personal criticism, lend a -tone of bitterness to the apostle's words; Romans, Colossians -and perhaps "Ephesians" are addressed to churches which he had -never seen. In some ways the little letter to Philemon is very -similar to Philippians. Both Philippians and Philemon display the -same perfect confidence in the readers, the same perfection of -courtesy, the same tone of untroubled cordiality. But Philemon is -addressed primarily to an individual, and Philippians to a church; -Philemon confines itself almost exclusively to one little personal -matter, while Philippians discusses a variety of topics. Among the -letters addressed to churches, perhaps the First Epistle to the -Thessalonians is more similar to Philippians, at least in tone, than -is any of the others. Like Philippians it is animated by a deep -satisfaction with the readers, and a certain pleasing simplicity -of manner. But here again of course there are wide differences. -First Thessalonians is addressed to an infant church, which has -just passed through its first trial, and needs the most elementary -instruction; in Philippians Paul is writing to old friends, to -a church which for ten years has endured bravely the hardships -incident to the Christian profession, and has shared in fullest -sympathy the joys and sorrows of the apostle's life. - -During the ten years, moreover, which have elapsed between First -Thessalonians and Philippians, there has been a change in the -apostle himself, as well as in his readers. Those years of conflict -and labor and meditation and suffering have borne fruit in the -apostle's own thinking. His gospel was the same from the beginning, -but the expression of it has become richer and maturer and nobler -with the advancing years. Philippians is a wonderful letter. -Simplicity and profundity are here combined. This simple letter of -thanks, with its delicate courtesy and tactful admonition, has -engaged the profoundest study of the theologians, and touched the -grandest chords of the Christian heart. - - -1. THE ADDRESS. Phil. 1:1,2 - -The address of Philippians is remarkable because of the mention of -bishops and deacons, which occurs in this way in no other of the -Pauline Epistles. Possibly, as has been suggested, these officers -are here mentioned because they had had a special part in sending -the gifts of the church. It is important to observe that there was -a plurality of bishops in the Philippian church. At a later time, -when the "bishops" were exalted above the other presbyters, there -was only one bishop in every church. In The Acts and in the Pauline -Epistles, "bishop" and "presbyter" appear plainly as nothing more -than two names for exactly the same office. - -It should be noticed that the title "apostle," which appears at the -beginning of all the other Pauline Epistles addressed to churches, -except First and Second Thessalonians, the two earliest, is lacking -in the address of Philippians. Perhaps in writing to such a devoted -church Paul considered it unnecessary to mention his apostleship -as he had regularly done in his epistles since the denial of it in -Galatia. On account of the peculiar nature of the Philippian church, -the Epistle to the Philippians partakes somewhat of the informality -and intimacy of such a letter as that to Philemon, where the title -is also lacking in the address. - -Very naturally Timothy is associated with Paul in the address of -the epistle, for he had been one of Paul's companions in founding -the Philippian church. At what time Timothy had come to Rome we do -not know. His name appears also in the address of Colossians and of -Philemon. Luke, although he had journeyed with Paul to Rome, and was -in Rome at the time when Colossians and Philemon were written, Col. -4:14; Philem. 24, was apparently absent at the time of Philippians; -for since he, like Timothy, had assisted in founding the Philippian -church, and perhaps had even remained in Philippi for years after -the departure of the others, he would probably have been associated -in the address, or at least would have sent greetings, if he had -been at hand. - - -2. THE THANKSGIVING. Phil. 1:3-11 - -As might have been expected, the thanksgiving for the Christian -state of the readers is in this epistle of unusual cordiality. In -the mention of their "fellowship in furtherance of the gospel from -the first day until now," there is perhaps a delicate allusion to -the material assistance which they had sent him from time to time -and especially a little while before the writing of the letter; -but such material assistance was for Paul of course not the only, -or even the principal, manifestation of their fellowship. Here as -often, the thanksgiving runs over into a prayer--and this time it is -a prayer of singular beauty and depth. - - -3. PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN ROME. Phil. 1:12-30 - -In this section, Paul hastens to relieve the minds of his readers -about the course of events in Rome. Even his bonds, and the jealousy -of certain preachers, have resulted only in the furtherance of the -gospel. With regard to the outcome of his trial, there is every -reason to be hopeful. For his part he would prefer to depart and to -be with Christ, but there is still work for him to do. And whether -he is present or absent, let the Philippians give him joy by living -in a manner worthy of the gospel, and by being steadfast in the -persecutions which are bound to come to them as well as to him. -It is a high privilege not only to believe in Christ, but also to -suffer for him. - - -4. EXHORTATION TO UNITY. Phil. 2:1-18 - -With the utmost earnestness, Paul here appeals to his readers to -keep their Christian life free from selfishness and quarreling. The -stupendous "Christological" passage of the epistle, vs. 5-11, which -has given rise to endless discussion, is introduced merely in an -incidental way, in order to strengthen the apostle's exhortation. So -it is frequently in the letters of Paul. The apostle was always able -to make the profoundest verities of the faith immediately effective -in conduct. Theology in Paul was never divorced from practice. -The converse of the proposition, however, is also true. If Paul's -theology did not exist apart from practice, neither did his practice -exist apart from theology. It is the latter proposition which needs -to be emphasized to-day. Modern liberalism has sometimes endeavored -to reproduce Paul's religion apart from his theology; but the effort -has resulted in failure. - -The example of Christ which Paul holds up before his readers -is briefly as follows: Originally Christ not only existed in -the form of God--that is, was in full possession of the divine -attributes--but also lived in glory, in a way befitting deity. -Instead, however, of keeping hold of this heavenly glory, he humbled -himself by becoming man. He laid aside, not indeed his divine -attributes, but the enjoyment of his divine glory. He who was Lord -of all took the form of a servant like other men. And even more. His -obedience extended even to death, and to the shameful death of the -cross. But after humiliation came exaltation. God gave to him a name -that is above every name. At the name of Jesus every knee shall bow, -in earth and in heaven, to the glory of God the Father. - - -5. THE MISSION OF TIMOTHY AND OF EPAPHRODITUS. Phil. 2:19-30 - -The personal appeal with which the preceding section closed leads -Paul to speak of the plans which he has for the comfort and help of -the readers. Timothy will be sent as soon as the issue of Paul's -trial is definitely in view; Epaphroditus will return to Philippi at -once. - - -6. WARNING AGAINST OPPONENTS. Phil., ch. 3 - -The men who are rebuked in very vigorous language in the former -part of this section evidently placed an excessive emphasis upon -circumcision and connection with the people of Israel. Perhaps also -they were advocates of a law righteousness. V. 9. The most obvious -suggestion is that they were Judaizers like those in Galatia, or -at least like the opponents of Paul in Corinth. Paul's account -in vs. 4-6 of the Jewish advantages, fully equal to those of his -opponents, which he counts as nothing in view of the superior -advantages of faith in Christ, is strikingly similar to II Cor. -11:21,22. If, however, Paul is here referring to Judaizers, it -looks as though they were at least as cautious as the opponents in -Corinth about presenting the claims of the law. At any rate, the -danger of a legalistic propaganda either in Philippi or in Rome does -not seem to be very seriously in view. Apparently the acute stage -of the Judaistic controversy is over. It is possible that Paul is -referring to Jews rather than Jewish Christians. We must remember -that Judaism in the first century was still an active missionary -religion. A Jewish propaganda, with stress upon circumcision and law -righteousness, might conceivably become, even in Philippi, where the -Jews seem not to have been numerous, a serious danger, if not to the -stability, at least to the rapid extension, of the Christian Church. - -Finally, it is uncertain whether "the enemies of the cross of -Christ," Phil. 3:18, are the same as those who are combated in the -former part of the section. - -Fortunately these various uncertainties do not affect the lofty -teaching of this part of the epistle. Whoever the opponents were, -what Paul says in opposition to them is the thing of real value. -In the wonderfully terse, complete, vigorous description of the -Christian salvation and of the Christian life which Paul gives in -ch. 3:7-14,20,21, the long years of the Judaistic controversy have -borne glorious fruit. The final, eternal truth of God, in classic -statement, has at last emerged triumphant from the conflict. - - -7. EXHORTATION, ACKNOWLEDGMENT, GREETINGS AND BENEDICTION. Phil., -ch. 4 - -The principal contents of this section have been discussed in the -Student's Text Book. First Paul applies the general exhortation to -unity, Phil. 2:1-11, to the case of Euodia and Syntyche, and adds -certain other brief exhortations. The "true yokefellow" of ch. 4:3 -probably refers to Epaphroditus, the bearer of the epistle. Then, -in a characteristically delicate and worthy manner, he acknowledges -the gift of the Philippians. Next, in just a word, he transmits, -along with his own, the greetings of his immediate companions, and -of the Roman church in general, especially of those members who were -connected, as slaves or officials, with the immediate service of the -emperor. Finally, with a brief benediction, the epistle closes. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -249-251. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited) article -on "Philippians." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Gibb, article -on "Philippians, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and -Its Writers," pp. 83-90. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for -English Readers", vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle -to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp. 61-90. "The -Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistle to -the Philippians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, -pp. 522-564. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians." -The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have -some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXVI - -TRAINING NEW LEADERS - - -The emphasis which the Pastoral Epistles lay upon sound instruction -and upon orderly government is sometimes looked upon with distaste. -Orthodoxy and organization are thought to be destructive of -religious fervor. In the New Testament, however, the two aspects -of the Church's life appear side by side. In the New Testament, -enthusiasm and sanity are united. And the New Testament is right. -Religion is a concern of every individual soul--the final decision -must be made by every man in the immediate presence of his God--but -normally no man can do without association with his fellows. -The Church is a great permanent community. It is not merely an -aggregation, but an institution. To break away from its restraints -may be attractive, it may produce a certain temporary impression of -zeal and new life; but in the long run the old way is usually best. - -The Pastoral Epistles, however, are sometimes thought to indicate -an unfortunate change in Paul himself as well as in the Church. -Some students would prefer to know only the Paul of Galatians and -Corinthians and Romans. This judgment is one-sided. The Pastorals -do not contradict, but supplement, the earlier letters. The earlier -period, no doubt, is the more inspiring; there is nothing in the -Pastoral Epistles like the first few chapters of First Corinthians, -or the fifth chapter of Second Corinthians, or the eighth chapter -of Romans. These passages are overpowering in the intensity of -their eloquence; the later letters are soberer, graver, more -matter-of-fact. These latter qualities, however, are much needed -in the Church. The Church needs enthusiasm; but she also needs -gravity and sanity. Her function is not merely evangelistic; it -is also conservative and educational. In both functions Paul was -a leader. The quiet gravity of the Pastoral Epistles supplements -the glories of Galatians and Romans. Only when these last epistles -are added to the others can the many-sided greatness of Paul be -fully appreciated. Exaggerations, moreover, should be avoided. The -soberness of the Pastorals is not commonplace. Back of the details -of organization, back of the concern for sound instruction, there -can be detected throughout the glow of the Pauline gospel. The -Pastoral Epistles, like the other letters of Paul, are a perennial -fountain of Christian life. - -The Second Epistle to Timothy was clearly the last of the extant -epistles of Paul; but the order of First Timothy and Titus cannot be -certainly determined. The difficulty of reconstructing the history -implied by the Pastoral Epistles reveals anew the supreme value of -The Acts. After the conclusion of the Lucan narrative the historian -is almost helpless. From about A. D. 63 on into the second century, -the history of the Church is shrouded in profound darkness, with -gleams of light only here and there. - - -1. THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY - -At the time when First Timothy was written, Paul had recently made a -journey to Macedonia. I Tim. 1:3. Perhaps he had gone thither from -Ephesus, though the words do not make that perfectly clear. At any -rate, he had directed Timothy to remain in Ephesus, where he hoped -to join him before long. In case of delay, however, he writes the -epistle. Chs. 3:14,15; 4:13. - -On a previous occasion, perhaps by word of mouth when he had been -in Ephesus, he had warned Timothy to put a stop to certain false -teaching in the Church, and the warning is now reiterated in the -epistle. The exact nature of this teaching is somewhat difficult -to determine. Apparently it had been concerned with the Jewish -law. Ch. 1:7-11. Compare Titus 1:10,14. Like the false teaching at -Colossæ, it seems not to have been directly subversive of the truth -of the gospel. At least, however, it diverted attention from the -great things of the faith to useless questionings. I Tim. 6:4. The -myths and endless genealogies, ch. 1:4, compare 4:7, were perhaps -elaborations of the Old Testament history. Whether the ascetic -tendency which is combated in ch. 4:3,8, is connected with this same -teaching, is not certain, but is on the whole perhaps probable. - -The first reference to the false teaching, ch. 1:3-10, leads Paul -to speak of the norm by which it could be combated. Vs. 11-20. That -norm was the gospel with which he had been intrusted. The bestowal -of the gospel had changed him from a blasphemer and persecutor -into an apostle. The gospel had been bestowed purely by the free -grace of Christ, and its content was the salvation which Christ -offers. A doxology to God, v. 17, is natural whenever that gospel -is mentioned. That gospel will overcome all error, and if attended -to diligently will prevent disasters like that which has befallen -Hymenæus and Alexander. - -In the second chapter, Paul insists upon gravity and order in -the public worship of the Church. In the prayers which are to be -offered, the civil authority is not to be forgotten, even though it -be non-Christian. The sympathies of the Christian must be broad. God -desires all men to come to a knowledge of the truth. - -The highest regular officers of the Church are in the third chapter -called "bishops." It is abundantly evident, however--especially from -Titus 1:5,7--that "bishop" is only another name for "presbyter" or -"elder." At a later time the term "bishop" was applied to an officer -who had the supreme oversight over a church and to whom the elders -were subject. These conditions did not prevail at the time of the -Pastoral Epistles. At first sight, indeed, it might seem as though -Timothy and Titus themselves were "bishops" in the later sense of -the word. But this also is false. Timothy and Titus do not appear -at all as officers of individual congregations. They had oversight -over a plurality of churches, and evidently their authority was -special and temporary. They did not fill an office which was -intended to become permanent in the Church, but were simply special -representatives of the apostle. As the apostles had no successors, -so no man after the apostolic age had a right to assume the -functions of Timothy and Titus. - -The fourth chapter calls attention to the revelation of the Holy -Spirit, probably through the lips of Christian prophets, that in the -future there would appear apostates from the faith. The errorists -who are combated in vs. 7-10 are apparently to be regarded as -forerunners, still within the Church, of the more open apostasy -which is one day to follow. - -The institution of the "widows," which is discussed in the fifth -chapter, is to us somewhat obscure. Evidently those who were -accounted "widows," being helpless, were entitled to support by the -church. The necessity of sound teaching, with emphasis upon the -really fundamental things of the faith, is again insisted upon; and -certain false teachers are accused of practicing or inculcating -piety as a means of worldly gain. Ch. 6:3-10. The last warning -of the epistle characteristically concerns vain babblings and -oppositions of a so-called knowledge. Probably these errors are -connected in some way with those which are combated in the first -section of the epistle. In the final words, "Grace be with you," the -"you" in the Greek, according to the best attestation, is plural; -and in the corresponding passages at the end of Titus and of Second -Timothy, it is certainly plural. This may furnish an indication--to -be added to more general considerations--that the Pastoral Epistles -were intended not merely for those to whom they are formally -addressed, but also to the churches under their care. - - -2. THE EPISTLE TO TITUS - -The address of the Epistle to Titus is noteworthy for the long -addition to the title of the author, which is to be compared with -the similar addition in Romans. - -At the time when the epistle was written, Paul had recently been -with Titus in Crete. Paul had not labored on that island before -the first Roman imprisonment. His journeys in the east between -the two imprisonments therefore involved something more than the -revisitation of former fields. The reason why Titus was left behind -in Crete was somewhat similar to the reason why Timothy, according -to First Timothy, was told to remain in Ephesus. Titus was to -give attention to organization, and to the maintenance of sound -instruction. - -Like Timothy, Titus is given the power of establishing presbyters, -and of establishing them not merely in one church but in various -churches. The function of the presbyter was that of "bishop" or -"overseer." Titus 1:5-7. In vs. 9-16, the close connection of -organization with sound doctrine becomes particularly apparent. One -important function of the presbyters was to counteract the errors -which were springing up. The account of the errorists in Crete is -perhaps in some respects clearer than that which is given of the -related phenomenon in Ephesus. The false teachers were animated -by a love of gain. V. 11. Some of them were Jews or proselytes. -V. 10. They had a fondness for Jewish fables. Apparently, also, -they tried to atone for a lack of real inward purity by an outward -asceticism. Vs. 15, 16. They were concerned with vain questionings -and genealogies and legal disputes. These last are perhaps to be -regarded as casuistic discussions like those which play such a large -part in Jewish tradition. - -The Epistle to Titus is somewhat richer than First Timothy in -personal details. After Titus has been relieved in Crete by Artemas -or Tychicus, who may soon be sent, he is to join Paul in Nicopolis. -Tychicus, it will be remembered, had served as Paul's messenger -during the first imprisonment. He was the bearer of Colossians -and Ephesians. The Nicopolis where Paul is intending to pass the -approaching winter, is probably the chief of the many cities of that -name, the Nicopolis in Epirus. Zenas, a lawyer otherwise unknown, -and the well-known Apollos, who appears so prominently in The -Acts and in First Corinthians, are to be furnished in Crete with -everything that they need for their further journey. - - -3. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY - -The First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus are in many -respects strikingly similar. A certain strong family resemblance -extends also to Second Timothy. Evidently all three of the Pastoral -Epistles belong to the same general period of Paul's life, and were -intended to subserve similar purposes. Second Timothy, however, as -compared with the other two, exhibits some marked peculiarities. - -The personal element, in particular, is in this letter much -more prominent. Second Timothy contains a wealth of interesting -biographical details about Timothy, about Paul, and about a very -considerable number of other persons. Some of these last are known -only from this epistle; others have been brought to our attention -again and again. - -In Second Timothy Paul appears as a prisoner, no doubt at Rome. -This time there seems to be little hope of his release. Apparently -his imprisonment is not of long standing. Only recently he has been -at Corinth and at Miletus. II Tim. 4:20. He speaks in one place of -his first defense. V. 16. Some suppose that this is a reminiscence -of the trial which had taken place years before, during the first -imprisonment. More probably it refers to some preliminary hearing -which had only recently been held. Paul is oppressed with a sense -of loneliness, even more than during the first imprisonment. There -was no one to stand by him at his first hearing. For one reason -or another, his intimate associates have been scattered--some of -them, no doubt, for good and sufficient reasons, but Demas, at any -rate, out of an unworthy love of the world. Luke, fortunately, is -still with him; and Timothy, with Mark, is urged to come before -the winter. Vs. 11, 21. Mark seems to have changed since he turned -back from the work at Perga. At the beginning he was rebuked for -desertion; but now at the end he is one of the few faithful ones. - -It is not quite clear where Timothy was when the letter was -addressed to him. The greeting to Priscilla and Aquila might seem -to point to Ephesus. They had lived there before; perhaps they -returned thither after a residence in Rome. Rom. 16:3. If Timothy -was in Ephesus, then Tychicus, who was sent thither, II Tim. 4:12, -was probably expected to linger by the way; otherwise his sending -would be no news to the reader of the letter. Something is to be -said, perhaps, for the view that Timothy was not at Ephesus, but -perhaps at Lystra, his original home. - -The Second Epistle to Timothy contains warnings against false -teaching similar to those which appear in First Timothy and Titus. -But the characteristic feature of the letter is to be found in -the references to the apostle's own life. Even the warnings -and admonitions are brought into relation to these. Paul does -not hesitate to point to himself as an example for his beloved -followers. He does so, without a touch of vain glory, in the -simple consciousness of a divine commission. Second Timothy is -a letter of farewell, in which reminiscence and exhortation are -characteristically blended. It is a farewell from the apostle, -primarily for Timothy, though he is expecting to see Timothy again, -but also for all of the Pauline churches. The letter has taken -deep hold of every generation in the history of the Church. The -fitting end of a life of true service, the calm facing of death, -the certainty of heavenly communion with the Lord--these are the -things above all others that have been learned from the last of the -epistles of Paul. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 252-261. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, articles -on "Timothy" and "Titus." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its -Writers," pp. 104-115. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," -vol. ii, chs. vii, viii, ix, x and xi. Conybeare and Howson, "The -Life and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. xxvii. Stalker, "The Life of St. -Paul," pp. 133-136. Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon," -in "The Temple Bible," pp. xxvii-xliii. Ellicott, "A New Testament -Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 171-264: Spence, "The -Pastoral Epistles of St. Paul." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and -Colleges": Humphreys, "The Epistles to Timothy and Titus." Zahn, -"Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 1-133. The last -named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge -of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -PART III: - -The Presentation and Defense of -Christianity - - - - -LESSON XXVII - -A PRESENTATION OF JESUS TO JEWISH CHRISTIANS - -The Gospel According to Matthew - - -The Gospel of Matthew is probably, as has been said, the most -important book that was ever written. Its importance is due to the -information which it contains about Jesus Christ. More fully perhaps -than any other one book, the Gospel of Matthew has preserved the -knowledge of Jesus. - -Whatever be the future of the Church, the life of Jesus will now -always remain the central fact of history. Even the secondary -influence of Jesus is incalculable; even if none were left to own -him as Lord and Master, still he would remain incomparably the most -influential man that has ever lived. As a matter of fact, however, -such a condition has never existed and never will exist. From the -very beginning the life of Jesus made itself felt through those who -accepted him, to the exclusion of all others, as the supreme Lord of -their lives. If Jesus had been regarded merely as a quiet teacher -of ethics, the Gospel of Matthew never would have been written, and -probably the very name of Jesus would have perished. The wonderful -influence of Jesus, which has transformed the world from darkness to -light, which alone gives promise of a final reign of righteousness, -has been exerted through the instrumentality, not of admirers, but -of disciples. Jesus has been a Teacher only because he has been a -Master. - -To make Jesus Master in the lives of men was the purpose of the -Gospel of Matthew, and it is the purpose of our study of the book. -The Gospel was not written with merely scientific interest; it was -not written merely to preserve certain gems from the lips of an -inspired teacher. The ultimate purpose of the book was to make men -fall at Jesus' feet with the words, "My Lord and my God." Such a -purpose is not inconsistent with the most scrupulous truthfulness. -Adoration of Jesus can be induced best of all, not by fanciful -elaboration, but by sober fact. In the case of Jesus, truth was more -glorious by far than the boldest fiction. - -To make Jesus Lord and Saviour is the purpose of our work as -teachers. That purpose cannot be attained by exhortation or by -threatening, but only by impartation of knowledge. To know Jesus is -to trust him and adore him. Many readers of the Gospels never attain -to the true knowledge. Their failure is due to various causes--to -moral laxness, to preconceived opinions, to spiritual dullness. -One obstacle, however, is of a simpler kind. One thing that stands -in the way of a real understanding of the Gospels is the habit -of piecemeal reading. We read the Gospels bit by bit instead of -allowing the whole to make its impression. We do not see the wood -for the trees. Jesus is concealed from us by his individual acts. -The Gospels should be read as well as studied--read rapidly, like -an ordinary book, preferably in some rational form of printing -where verse numbers and all editorial matters are relegated to the -margin and the lines stretch across the page. These things may seem -to be trivialities, and certainly they are not essential. What is -essential--not in place of detailed study, but in addition to it--is -a rapid reading of the Gospels, by which, through the exclusion of -all non-essentials, the mysterious, holy person of Jesus is brought -simply and freshly before the wondering soul. Not to know about -Jesus, but to know him, is the prime object of our study. To know -about him is a valuable part of education; but to know him is life -eternal. - - -1. MEANING OF "GOSPEL" - -The Greek word for "gospel" means "good news." Nowhere in the New -Testament, however, is that word applied to a book. There is no -reference in the New Testament to a "Gospel" of Matthew or of Mark -or of Luke or of John. In the New Testament the word "gospel" has a -more general reference. It designates the "good news" which lies at -the basis of Christian preaching, however that news may be known. -Christianity is based upon "a piece of information." The subject of -that information is the life and death and resurrection of Jesus -Christ. Without Christ we should have been hopeless, but Christ has -saved us. Information about what he has done for us, however that -information be conveyed, is the gospel. - -This broad use of the word "gospel" appears even in the titles -"Gospel according to Matthew," "Gospel according to Mark," "Gospel -according to Luke," and "Gospel according to John," which are not -due to the original authors of the books. "Gospel according to -Matthew" did not originally mean the same thing as "Gospel of -Matthew." It did not mean the Gospel which Matthew produced, but the -one Gospel of Jesus Christ as Matthew narrated it. Matthew, Mark, -Luke and John produced simply four accounts of the same thing. That -common subject of the four accounts is the gospel, the good news, of -what Jesus Christ has done for his followers. - -At a very early time, however, books which had the gospel as their -subject came themselves to be designated as "Gospels." The usage is -convenient, and will be freely adopted in these textbooks. We may -speak indiscriminately of the "Gospel according to Matthew" and of -the "Gospel of Matthew." - - -2. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST GOSPEL - -=(1) Not Indicated in the Gospel Itself.=--The Gospel of Matthew -should be sharply distinguished from those books which themselves -make definite claims as to their authorship. The Epistle to the -Romans, for example, claims to have been written by the apostle -Paul. If it was not written by Paul, it is a forgery. The book of -The Acts, also, though it does not mention the name of the author, -claims at least--through the use of the first person plural--to have -been written by some companion of the apostle Paul. Even the Gospel -of John, as we shall see, really affords clear indications about -its own authorship. The Gospel of Matthew, on the other hand, lays -no claim to any particular authorship. We might believe that it was -written by some other person than Matthew and yet be perfectly loyal -to the book itself. The self-witness of the book is confined merely -to a claim of truthfulness. If we believe that the record which the -book contains is true, then we might, in perfect loyalty to the -Gospel, believe that it was written by some one like Luke or Mark, -outside of the company of the apostles. Such a view, however, would -display an unreasonable distrust of Christian tradition. - -=(2) Papias on the First Gospel.=--The earliest extant information -about the authorship of the First Gospel is to be found in a -fragment which Eusebius, the church historian of the fourth century, -has preserved from a lost work of Papias. Papias was bishop of -Hierapolis in Asia Minor in the former half of the second century. - -The fragment from Papias, which is found in Eusebius, Church -History, iii, 39, 16, may be translated as follows: - -"Matthew accordingly wrote [or compiled] the oracles in the Hebrew -dialect, and everyone translated them as he was able." - -It seems pretty evident that Papias is here referring to the First -Gospel. Some, indeed, have supposed that he means by "the oracles" -a writing composed almost exclusively of sayings of Jesus, which -formed merely one of the sources of our First Gospel. This view is -probably incorrect. Papias could designate the Gospel of Matthew -as "the oracles" either because of the large place which sayings -of Jesus have in this Gospel, as compared, for example, with the -Gospel of Mark, or else because the whole Gospel, both speeches -and narrative, was of divine, oracular authority. The view that -"according to Matthew" in the ancient title and in Christian -tradition means not that Matthew wrote the book, but that it is -based in some way ultimately on his authority, is opposed by the -analogy of Mark. As we shall see, the Gospel of Mark, in early -tradition, was referred ultimately to the authority of Peter; if, -therefore, "according to" was used in the sense indicated above, the -Second Gospel would have been called the Gospel "according to Peter" -instead of the Gospel "according to Mark." - -The testimony of Papias involves two principal assertions: in the -first place, that Matthew wrote the First Gospel; and in the second -place, that he wrote it in the "Hebrew" language. - -The former assertion, which is supported by a striking consensus of -early writers, has already been considered. The latter is much more -puzzling. - - -3. WAS THE FIRST GOSPEL ORIGINALLY ARAMAIC? - -=(1) Meaning of "Hebrew."=--By "the Hebrew dialect," Papias no doubt -means Aramaic rather than what we call Hebrew. The term "Hebrew" -was applied to both of the two closely related languages. Compare -Acts 21:40. It is exceedingly unlikely that a Gospel would have been -written in Hebrew; for before the time of Christ that had ceased to -be the living language of Palestine. What Papias asserts, then, is -that Matthew wrote in Aramaic. - -=(2) "Everyone Translated Them as He Was Able."=--Papias asserts -further that everyone translated the oracles as he was able. These -words may be interpreted in various ways. Perhaps they mean that -every man who used the original of Matthew had to translate it for -himself; or perhaps that the Gospel was translated orally in the -churches, as the Jews translated the Hebrew Old Testament into -Aramaic in the synagogues; or perhaps that a number of written -translations of the Gospel were made. At any rate Papias seems to -imply that the condition which he here describes had come to an end -when he wrote. Some one Greek form of the Gospel had gained general -acceptance; the time when everyone translated as he was able was at -an end. - -(3) Value of the Tradition.--The tradition of an Aramaic original -of Matthew is not preserved merely by Papias, but appears in a -considerable number of early writers. How far the other writers -are independent of Papias is a disputed question. The tradition -may be variously estimated. Some have supposed that it is entirely -correct--that our Greek Gospel of Matthew is a translation, by -Matthew himself or by some one else, of an Aramaic work: others -have supposed that the tradition is altogether false--for example, -that an Aramaic translation of the Greek Gospel was mistaken for an -original from which the Greek Gospel had been translated: others -hold intermediate views--for example, that one of the sources of -our Greek Gospel was written in Aramaic. An important objection to -the view that there was an Aramaic original of Matthew is that the -Greek Gospel looks more like an original Greek work than like a -translation. The tradition of the Aramaic Matthew places before us -one of the unsolved problems of New Testament criticism. - -One thing is certain--the language of the Gospel of Matthew, like -that of the other Gospels, has a strong Aramaic coloring. This, -however, does not require the hypothesis that our Matthew was -translated from an Aramaic original. Undoubtedly, however our -Greek Matthew was written, there was a time in the early days of -the Church when the tradition of the life of Christ was carried -on chiefly or wholly in the Aramaic language. The words of Jesus, -at any rate, as they appear in our Gospels, have at some time or -other undergone translation; for Jesus taught in Aramaic. The -Aramaic coloring of the Gospels is one of the evidences of their -trustworthiness. Though written in Greek, they are evidently rooted -deep in the original Palestinian soil. - - -4. DATE - -The date of the Gospel cannot be determined with accuracy. Some -indication, however, is afforded by the assertion of Irenæus, of the -latter part of the second century, that Matthew published his Gospel -while Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome. Even if this assertion -should prove not to be absolutely correct, it would exhibit an early -tradition for the years between about A. D. 60 and 70 as the date of -the Gospel. This tradition is confirmed by the widespread view among -early writers that Matthew was written before Mark; for Mark is now -generally admitted to have been written before the destruction -of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. There is really no serious objection to -the traditional dating of Matthew. It was probably written in the -sixties of the first century, and probably, as tradition says, in -Palestine. - -There are traces of the use of the Gospel in writers of the early -half of the second century. On the other hand, there is no clear -indication that it was used by any New Testament writer. The absence -of citations from our Gospels in the epistles of Paul would tend to -indicate that in the very earliest period the gospel tradition was -carried on by word of mouth rather than by books. - - -5. THE APOSTLE MATTHEW - -In the four lists of the apostles, Matt. 10:2-4; Mark 3:16-19; Luke -6:13-16; Acts 1:13, Matthew is designated by the bare name, except -in his own Gospel, where he appears as "Matthew the publican." In -Matt. 9:9, his call is narrated. In the parallel passages in Mark -and Luke, Mark 2:14; Luke 5:27,28, the name of the publican who was -called is given only as "Levi." Without the Gospel of Matthew we -should not have been able to identify Levi and Matthew. Evidently -the apostle had two names, as was the case with so many others -of the persons mentioned in the New Testament. After his call, -Matthew made a great feast for Jesus. Luke 5:29; compare Mark -2:15. Matthew himself, alone among the Synoptists, does not even -make it perfectly clear that it was he in whose house Jesus sat at -meat. The peculiarities of the First Gospel in what is said about -Matthew become significant when the authorship is known. Of course -of themselves they would be quite insufficient to indicate who the -author was. The assertion by early writers that Matthew wrote the -Gospel, was based not upon indications in the Gospel itself, but -upon independent tradition. - - -6. "THE BOOK OF THE GENERATION OF JESUS CHRIST" - -The first verse of the Gospel is evidently based upon the formula, -occurring for the first time at Gen. 5:1, which marks off the -divisions of the book of Genesis. It is most naturally regarded as -a heading for the genealogy that follows in Matt. 1:2-17. There -is only one objection to that view. In Genesis "the book of the -generations of Adam," or "the generations of Shem" or the like, -introduces an account, not of ancestors of the persons in question, -but of their descendants. In Matt. 1:2-17, on the contrary, we have -an account not of descendants of Jesus, but of ancestors. This -objection has led some scholars to regard Matt. 1:1 as the title -not of the genealogy but of the whole Gospel. The title would then -represent Jesus as the beginning of a new race, or of a new period -in the history of humanity. - -This interpretation is unnecessarily subtle. It should rather be -admitted that there is a difference between the phrase in Genesis -and that in Matthew. The difference is very natural. In the case of -Abraham the descendants were in view; in the case of the Messiah, -the ancestors. Adam and Noah and Abraham were bearers of a promise; -Christ was the culmination. Genesis looks forward; Matthew looks -back. The difference in the use of the phrase is natural and -significant. - -The title, with the whole genealogy, is significant of what is to -follow. At the very start, the ruling thought of Matthew's Gospel -finds expression. Jesus is son of David, and son of Abraham; he is -the culmination of the divine promise. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 270-272, 290-293. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves -(supplemented), articles on "Gospel" and "Matthew." M'Clymont, -"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 1-20. Stevens and Burton, -"A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary -for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel According to -St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. xli-xliii, 1-186. Zahn, -"Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 367-427, 506-601. -The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some -knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXVIII - -A GRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JESUS - -The Gospel According to Mark - - -The Gospel of Mark contains scarcely any material which is not also -contained in one or both of the other two Synoptic Gospels. The -loss of Mark would not diminish appreciably the number of facts -that we know about Jesus. Nevertheless, the Second Gospel is of the -utmost importance; for although it narrates for the most part only -the same facts as are also narrated elsewhere, it narrates them in -a different way. Indeed the very brevity of the Gospel adds to its -special value. A picture is sometimes the more impressive by being -limited in extent. Read the Gospel of Mark, not piecemeal but as a -whole, and you obtain an impression of Jesus which can be obtained -from no other book. - - -1. THE TRADITION - -=(1) Papias on Mark.=--As in the case of Matthew, so in that of Mark -it is Papias of Hierapolis who provides the earliest information -about the production of the Gospel. Again also the words of Papias -are quoted by Eusebius (Church History, iii, 39, 15). The passage -from Papias is as follows: - -"This also the presbyter said: 'Mark, on the one hand, being -an interpreter of Peter, wrote accurately as many things as he -remembered, yet not in order, the things which were either said -or done by the Lord.' For neither did he hear the Lord nor did -he follow him, but afterwards, as I said, he followed Peter, who -carried on his teaching as need required but not as though he were -making an ordered account of the oracles of the Lord; so that Mark -committed no fault when he wrote some things as he had remembered -them. For he had one care--that he should not leave out anything -of the things that he had heard, or represent anything among them -falsely." - -=(2) Antiquity of the Papian Tradition.=--It will be observed -that Papias is here represented as quoting from "the presbyter." -Probably, however, it is only the first sentence that is quoted; the -rest seems to be an explanation by Papias himself. By "presbyter," -or "elder," Papias means not an officer in the Church, but a man of -an older generation. The tradition is therefore very ancient. Papias -himself lived in the former half of the second century; a man of a -still older generation would probably have acquired his information -about Mark well before A. D. 100. Such information is not to be -lightly rejected. - -(3) Mark an Interpreter of Peter.--According to the presbyter, Mark -was an "interpreter" of Peter. If the word be taken strictly it -means that Mark translated the words of Peter from one language into -another--probably from Aramaic into Greek. On the whole, however, it -is not probable, in view of linguistic conditions in Palestine and -in the Church, that Peter would be unable to speak Greek. Perhaps, -then, the sentence means that Mark was merely the mediator, in a -general sense, of Peter's preaching. He presented the teaching -of Peter to those who had not had the opportunity of hearing it -themselves. Perhaps the meaning is that he had done so formerly by -word of mouth. Perhaps, however, it is rather the Gospel itself that -is referred to. By writing the Gospel Mark became an interpreter or -mediator of the preaching of Peter. - -At any rate, whatever meaning be given to the word "interpreter," -the general sense of the sentence--especially when taken in -connection with the following explanation by Papias is fairly clear. -Mark derived the information for his Gospel not from personal -acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, but from association with Peter. - -(4) Mark Not Written "In Order."--The presbyter said further that -although Mark wrote accurately what he heard from Peter, he did not -succeed in giving "in order" an account of the things that Jesus -did and said. Evidently the historical incompleteness, the lack of -uninterrupted sequence, of the Gospel of Mark is here in view. - -But by what standard is the Gospel judged? It can hardly be by -the standard of Matthew, for Matthew pays even less attention to -temporal sequence than Mark does. The order in Luke also is by no -means in all respects more strictly chronological than that in Mark. -Only one standard satisfies the requirements of the presbyter's -words--the standard provided by the teaching of John. John was the -great leader of the Church of Asia Minor. His teaching naturally -formed the standard of authority in that region. Perhaps at the time -when the presbyter expressed his judgment on Mark the Gospel of -John had already been written, so that one Gospel could be compared -with the other; perhaps, however, it was merely the oral teaching -of John, afterwards embodied in the Gospel, which afforded the -basis of comparison. The Gospel of John alone provides something -like a chronological framework of the public ministry of Jesus: -John alone mentions the early Judean ministry; John alone narrates -the successive visits of Jesus to the feasts in Jerusalem. If, as -is possible, "the presbyter" of Papias was none other than John -himself, then of course the whole matter becomes especially plain. -John knew that there were important omissions in the Gospel of Mark; -he probably observed, for example, that that Gospel if taken alone -might readily create the impression that the ministry of Jesus -lasted only one year instead of three or four. No doubt he corrected -this impression in his oral teaching; certainly he corrects it in -his Gospel. In commending the Gospel of Mark, John would naturally -call attention to its chronological incompleteness. - - -2. THE HEADING - -Like the Gospel of Matthew, the Gospel of Mark opens not with a -sentence, but with a heading. As in the former case, however, the -exact reference of the heading is uncertain. "The beginning of the -gospel of Jesus Christ" may, in the first place, mean merely, "Here -begins the gospel of Jesus Christ." "The gospel of Jesus Christ" -would then be simply the story about Christ that is narrated in the -book that follows. - -In the second place, the phrase may be taken as a description of -the contents of the book. The whole of Jesus' life would then be -described as the beginning of that proclamation of the gospel which -was afterwards continued by the apostles and by the Church. - -In the third place, the phrase may be merely a heading for the -section that immediately follows, for Mark 1:2-8, or for vs. 2-13. -In this case the preaching of John the Baptist, with or without the -baptism of Jesus, the descent of the Spirit, and the temptation, -would be described as the beginning of, as preliminary to, the -proclamation of the gospel, which is mentioned in vs. 14, 15. - -Perhaps the first interpretation is to be preferred as being the -simplest, though it must be admitted that the phrase is a little -puzzling. - - -3. MARK THE MISSIONARY GOSPEL - -It is significant that the Gospel of Mark begins not with the birth -and infancy of Jesus, but with the ministry of John the Baptist -and the subsequent preaching of Jesus in Galilee. Mark seems to -be following with great exactness the scheme of early apostolic -preaching as it is laid down in Acts 10:37-43. Apparently Mark is -preëminently the missionary Gospel; it contains only those things -which had a place in the first preaching to unbelievers. That does -not mean that the things which Mark omits are necessarily less -important than the things which it contains. Mark gives a summary, -not exactly of the most important things about Jesus, but rather of -the things which unbelievers or recent converts could most easily -understand. Hence the omission of the mystery of the birth, of the -profound teaching of the early Judean ministry, of the intimate -instructions to the disciples. These things are of fundamental -importance. But they can best be understood only after one has first -acquired a thorough grasp of the public ministry, and of the death -and resurrection. - -The Second Gospel, judged by purely formal standards, cannot -be called exactly a beautiful book. It lacks the rhythm of Old -Testament poetry, and the grace of the Gospel of Luke. But its -rough, vigorous naturalness conveys a message of compelling power. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited) -article on "Mark." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," -pp. 21-26. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, -"A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, -"The Gospel according to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. -187-234. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Maclear, "The Gospel -according to St. Mark." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," -vol. ii, pp. 427-506, 601-617. The last-named work is intended -primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also -be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXIX - -A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS - -The Gospel According to Luke - - -The purpose of the Gospel of Luke was, the author says in his -prologue, that Theophilus might know the certainty concerning -the things wherein he had been instructed. These words involve -recognition of a fundamental need of the Church, which is to-day -often ignored. After interest in Christianity has been aroused, -after faith has been awakened, the Christian feels the need of a -deeper intellectual grounding of the faith that is in him. This -feeling is perfectly legitimate; it should not be stifled; the -expression of it should not be treated necessarily as sinful doubt. - -The treatment of these natural questionings is one of the most -important problems that faces the teachers of the present course. We -are dealing with young men and women of maturing minds, many of whom -can no longer be satisfied with the unthinking faith of childhood. -If Christianity is to remain permanently a force in their lives it -must be related to their entire intellectual equipment; it must be -exhibited as a reasonable thing, which is consistent with a sane and -healthy view of the world. In other words, we are dealing with the -problem of religious doubt, which is almost an inevitable stage in -the development of intelligent Christians of the present day. - -Undoubtedly the problem is often very unwisely handled. By hearing -every natural expression of their doubt unmercifully decried as -rebellion against the Word of God, many intelligent young people -are being driven into hopeless estrangement from the Church. It is -useless to try to bully people into faith. Instead, we ought to -learn the method of the Third Gospel. - -Very possibly Luke was facing the very same problem that is before -us teachers to-day--very possibly Theophilus, to whom the Gospel -and The Acts were dedicated, was a young man who had grown up in -the Church and could now no longer be satisfied with the vague and -unsystematic instruction that had been given him in childhood. At -any rate, whether he was a young man grown up in the Church, or -a recent convert, or merely a Gentile interested in Christianity, -he was a person of intellectual interests, and those interests are -treated by the evangelist not with contempt but with the utmost -sympathy. The Gospel was written in order that Theophilus might -"know the certainty" of those things wherein he had been instructed. - -That might be regarded as the motto for the entire course of study -which we have undertaken this year. It should be our aim to lay -before young people of the Church the certainty of the things -wherein they have been instructed--to enable them to substitute -for the unreasoning faith of childhood the profound convictions of -full-grown men and women. Moreover, exactly like the author of the -Third Gospel, we are endeavoring to accomplish this aim, not by -argument, but by an orderly presentation of "those matters which -have been fulfilled among us." A simple historical presentation of -the facts upon which Christianity is founded is the surest safeguard -of Christian faith. - - -1. THE PROLOGUE - -Alone among the Synoptists Luke gives his readers some direct -information about the methods of his work. Luke 1:1-4; Acts 1:1,2. -This information, which was barely touched upon in the Student's -Text Book, must here be considered somewhat more in detail. - -=(1) Luke Not an Eyewitness from the Beginning.=--From the prologue -to the Gospel, Luke 1:1-4, it appears, in the first place, that Luke -was not an eyewitness of the events that he narrates--at least he -was not an eyewitness "from the beginning." - -=(2) His Predecessors.=--In the second place, it appears that he -had had predecessors in his task of writing an account of early -Christian history. Apparently, however, none of these previous works -were produced by an apostle or by an eyewitness of the earthly -ministry of Jesus. The previous writers, like Luke himself, were -dependent upon the testimony of the eyewitnesses. The Gospel of -Matthew, therefore, since it was written by an apostle, was not one -of the works to which reference is made. This conclusion is amply -confirmed by a comparison of Matthew with Luke. Evidently, at least, -the two are entirely independent. If Luke refers to the First Gospel -in the prologue, at any rate he made no use of it. - -=(3) Was Mark One of the Predecessors?=--The Gospel of Mark, on -the contrary, answers to the description of the previous works. -It was written not by an eyewitness, but by one who listened to -eyewitnesses. Perhaps, therefore, it was one of the many works to -which Luke refers. If so, it may well have been used by Luke in -the preparation of his own Gospel. This supposition is by no means -excluded by a comparison of the two books. As a matter of fact, the -great majority of modern scholars suppose that the writer of the -Third Gospel made use of the Gospel of Mark. All that can here be -asserted is that this view, though not required by what Luke says in -his prologue, is perfectly consistent with it. - -=(4) Luke's Attitude Toward the Predecessors.=--It should be -observed that Luke attaches no blame whatever to the efforts of -his forerunners. When he says that they had "taken in hand" or -"attempted" to write accounts of certain things, he does not imply -in the slightest that their attempts had been unsuccessful. He means -simply to justify his own procedure by a reference to what had -already been done. "My effort at writing an account of the origin -of Christianity," he says in effect, "is no strange, unheard-of -thing. I have had many predecessors." Such a reference to the work -of predecessors was in antiquity a common literary form. At the -very beginning of his work, Luke displays the effects of his Greek -literary training. - -Of course, however, although Luke attaches no blame to his -predecessors, he would not have undertaken a new work if he had -thought that the old satisfied all needs. Evidently he hoped to -accomplish by his own book something that his predecessors had not -accomplished or had accomplished only in part. - -=(5) The Subject of the Gospel.=--Finally, therefore, Luke informs -his readers what his own peculiar methods and purposes were. The -main subject of the Gospel is not described with any definiteness in -Luke 1:1-4, but it appears in the retrospect at the beginning of the -second work. There the subject of the Gospel is designated as "all -that Jesus began both to do and to teach, until the day in which he -was received up, after that he had given commandment through the -Holy Spirit unto the apostles whom he had chosen." Acts 1:1,2. The -subject of the Gospel, in other words, was the earthly life of Jesus. - -=(6) Completeness of the Narrative.=--In treating this subject, Luke -had striven, he says, Luke 1:3, first of all for completeness. In -his investigations he had followed all things from the beginning. -This feature appears plainly in the Gospel. Instead of beginning as -Mark does, with the public ministry of Jesus, Luke first gives an -account of the birth and infancy, and not content with that, he -goes back even to events preceding the birth not only of Jesus, but -also of his forerunner. - -=(7) Accuracy.=--In the second place, Luke says that he had striven -after accuracy. Here again the Gospel justifies the claim of its -author. The effort after precision may be seen perhaps especially in -such a passage as Luke 3:1,2, where there is an elaborate dating of -the beginning of John the Baptist's ministry. - -=(8) Orderly Arrangement.=--The effort at orderly arrangement, -which forms a third part of the claim which the author makes, -was, especially in the Gospel, limited by the material that was -at hand. Evidently in Palestine in the early period, the memory -of the earthly ministry of Jesus was preserved not in a connected -narrative, but in isolated anecdotes. It was impossible, therefore, -even for a historian like Luke to maintain a chronological -arrangement throughout; where chronological arrangement was -impossible he was obliged to be satisfied with an arrangement -according to logical affinities. This logical method of arrangement, -however, is not resorted to by Luke so much as by Matthew; and for -considerable sections of his narrative he was able to gratify his -historian's desire for recounting events in the order in which they -happened. - -=(9) Luke a Historian.=--Detailed examination of the prologue should -not be allowed to obscure the outstanding fact that the sum of what -Luke here attests is a genuine historical aim and method in the -composition of his work. Of course, history in Luke's mind did not -exist for its own sake. The Gospel of Luke is not a mere scientific -dissertation. On the contrary, the history which is narrated was -to the author a thing of supreme value. But it was valuable only -because it was true. There is not the slightest evidence that -Luke was a bad historian because he was a good Christian. On the -contrary, he was a Christian just because he was a historian. In -the case of Jesus, knowledge of the real facts is the surest way to -adoration. - -=(10) Is Luke 1:1-4 a Prologue to both the Gospel and The -Acts?=--The first four verses of the Gospel of Luke may be taken as -a prologue either to the Gospel alone or else to the entire work, -including both the Gospel and The Acts. The latter view, since the -subject is described in v. 1 only in very broad terms, is not to -be rashly rejected. No doubt, however, in the prologue Luke was -thinking especially of the former part of the work--the part for -which he was dependent altogether upon the testimony of others. The -first verses of The Acts link the two parts close together. Their -connection has been obscured by the traditional arrangement of our -New Testament books. But that arrangement is altogether advisable. -The former part of the Lucan work certainly belongs among the -Gospels; and of the Gospels the Gospel of John must certainly be -placed last, as being supplementary to the others. - - -2. TYPICAL PASSAGES - -The characteristics of the Gospel of Luke may perhaps be presented -more vividly than by the general description in the Student's Text -Book, by an examination of a few typical passages. The two such -passages which we shall choose somewhat at random, are the narrative -of the birth and infancy in Luke 1:5 to 2:52, and the parable of the -Prodigal Son. Ch. 15:11-32. Both of these are without any parallel -in the other Gospels. Matthew provides an infancy narrative, but it -is concerned for the most part with events different from those that -appear in Luke. - -=(1) The Narrative of the Birth and Infancy.=--It has often been -observed that the characteristic Greek sentence of the prologue, -Luke 1:1-4, is immediately followed by the most strongly Hebraistic -passage in the New Testament. The Semitic style of Luke 1:5 to 2:52 -becomes explicable only if Luke was here making use of Palestinian -sources, either oral or written. This conclusion is confirmed by -the whole spirit and substance of the narrative. In this narrative -as clearly as anywhere else in the New Testament we find ourselves -transplanted to Palestinian soil. - -The early date of the narrative is as evident as its Jewish -Christian and Palestinian character. There is here no reference -to concrete events in the later history of the Church. Messianic -prophecy appears in its Old Testament form uncolored by the details -of the fulfillment. Evidently this narrative is no product of the -Church's fancy, but genuine history told in the very forms of speech -which were natural to those who participated in it. - -The first two chapters of Luke are in spirit really a bit of the Old -Testament continued to the very threshold of the New. These chapters -contain the poetry of the New Testament, which has taken deep hold -of the heart and fancy of the Church. - -In this section of his Gospel, Luke shows himself to be a genuine -historian. A biographer is not satisfied with narrating the public -life of his hero, but prefaces to his work some account of the -family, and of the birth and childhood. So our understanding of the -ministry of Jesus becomes far deeper when we know that he grew up -among the simple, devout folk who are described in the first two -chapters of Luke. The picture of Mary in these chapters, painted -with an exquisite delicacy of touch, throws a flood of light upon -the earthly life of the Son of Man. - -Beauty of detail, however, must not be allowed to obscure the -central fact. The culmination of the narrative, undoubtedly, is -to be found in the stupendous mystery of Luke 1:34,35. Far from -being an excrescence in the narrative, as it has sometimes been -represented in an age of rampant naturalism, the supernatural -conception of Jesus is the very keystone of the arch. In this -central fact, Matthew and Luke, totally independent as they are, are -perfectly agreed. By this fact Jesus is represented, more clearly -perhaps than by anything else, as not a product of the world but a -Saviour come from without. - -=(2) The Prodigal Son.=--The parable of the Prodigal Son, simple -though it is, has often been sadly misinterpreted. It has been -thought to mean, for example, that God pardons sin on the basis -simply of human repentance without the necessity of the divine -sacrifice. All such interpretations are wide of the mark. The -parable is not meant to teach how God pardons sin, but only the fact -that he does pardon it with joy, and that we ought to share in his -joy. - -Misinterpretation of the parable has come from the ignoring of its -occasion. The key to the interpretation is given in Luke 15:1,2. -Jesus was receiving publicans and sinners. Instead of rejoicing at -the salvation of these poor, degraded sons of Abraham, the Pharisees -murmured. In rebuke, Jesus spoke three parables. One of them, -the parable of the Lost Sheep, is reported also by Matthew, ch. -18:12-14; but the last two, the parables of the Lost Coin and of the -Prodigal Son, appear only in Luke. - -The teaching of all three of these parables is exactly the same. The -imagery varies, but the application is constant. That application -may be expressed very simply: "God rejoices at the salvation of a -sinner; if, therefore, you are really sons of God, you will rejoice -too." In the parable of the Prodigal Son, however, the application -is forced home more poignantly than in either of the other two. In -that parable alone among the three, the Pharisees could see--in the -elder brother--a direct representation of themselves. - -The incident of the elder brother, sometimes regarded as a mere -detail, really introduces the main point of the parable. Everything -else leads up to that. The wonderful description of the joy of the -father at the prodigal's home-coming is all intended as a contrast -to the churlish jealousy of the brother. The elder brother was as -far as possible from sharing in the father's joy. That showed that -he was no true son. Though he lived under the father's roof, he -had no real inward share in the father's life. So it was with the -Pharisees. They lived in the Father's house; they were, as we should -say, members of the Church. But when salvation, in the person of -Jesus, had at last come to the poor, sinful outcasts of the people, -the Pharisees drew aside. God rejoiced when the publicans crowded in -to Jesus; but the Pharisees held back. That showed that after all -they were not, as they thought, true sons of God. If they had been, -they would have shared God's feeling. - -It should be noticed that the parable ends with an invitation. The -elder brother is not harshly rebuked by the father, but tenderly -urged to come in still. Will the invitation be accepted? The -question is not answered; and there lies the crowning beauty of the -parable. The Pharisees are still given a chance. Will they still -share the joy of God at the return of his lost children? They must -answer the question for themselves. - -And we, too, have the same question to answer. If we are really -children of God, then we shall not despise the outcasts and the -sinners, but shall rejoice with him at their salvation. The parable -is characteristic of the Gospel of Luke. Of course, Luke did not -compose it. Nothing in the Gospels bears more indisputably the -marks of Jesus' teaching. But from the rich store of Palestinian -tradition Luke sought out those things which displayed sympathy for -the downtrodden and the sick and the sinful. It was an inestimable -service to the Church. Shall we heed the message? God rejoices at -the salvation of a sinner. Shall we be sharers in his holy joy? - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited), -article on "Luke." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," -pp. 27-32. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, -"A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, -"The Gospel According to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. -235-365. Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. -1-173. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have -some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXX - -THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE - -The Gospel According to John - - -1. THE EVANGELIST A WITNESS - -The author of the Fourth Gospel was a great man. He was great, -however, not as a philosopher or as a religious genius, but as -an apostle; not as the originator of great ideas, but as one who -received the teaching of another. He was great, not as one who -created a profound theology, but as one who could understand the -Lord Jesus Christ. The "Johannine theology" is the theology not of -John but of Jesus. So at least John himself represents it. He claims -to be not a theologian, but a witness. The value of his book depends -upon the truth of his witnessing. If the Johannine picture of Christ -is the creation of the author's genius, it commands admiration; but -only if it is a true picture of the historic Jesus can it offer -eternal life. - -Is the Jesus of the Fourth Gospel fiction or fact, a splendid -product of religious genius or a living Saviour? - -Few questions have caused profounder agitation in the modern Church. -The question cannot be separated from the question of authorship. -Clearly if the book was written by an intimate friend of Jesus, its -witness must be true. Who wrote the Fourth Gospel? This question is -of vital importance. - - -2. THE TRADITION - -At the close of the second century--the earliest period from -which any really abundant Christian literature outside of the New -Testament has been preserved--the tradition about the authorship -of the Gospel was practically unanimous. Even the one small and -uninfluential sect that disagreed practically supports the common -view, for its denial was evidently based upon objections to -the contents of the Gospel and not at all upon any independent -information. - -=(1) Irenæus and Polycarp.=--Of the three important writers of -the close of the second century, all of whom attest the Johannine -authorship of the Gospel, Irenæus deserves special mention. Irenæus -spent his early life in Asia Minor, but afterwards became the -leader of the Church in Gaul. Before he left Asia Minor he had -some very interesting associations. One of them was with Polycarp, -bishop of Smyrna, who was martyred in A. D. 155. Polycarp would be -an important figure merely on account of the early period in which -he lived; but what makes his testimony supremely valuable is his -personal association with John. Irenæus himself in his early youth, -before he had left Asia Minor, had heard Polycarp discoursing about -the things he had heard John say. Polycarp, then, was a personal -disciple of John, and Irenæus was a personal disciple of Polycarp. -Only one link, therefore, separated Irenæus from John. Moreover, -since Irenæus in his youth had lived in Asia Minor, the very place -of John's residence, it is natural to believe that what he heard -Polycarp say about John could be supplemented in other ways. - -Now beyond any reasonable doubt whatever, Irenæus supposed that -the John of whom he had heard Polycarp speak was none other than -John the apostle, the son of Zebedee. If that supposition was -correct, then the connection between Irenæus and the apostle John -was exceedingly close; and when Irenæus exhibits an absolutely -unwavering belief that the Fourth Gospel was written by the apostle, -it is very unlikely that he was mistaken. He had known one of the -personal disciples of John; he himself had lived in Asia Minor -where John had been the well-known leader of the Church, and where -the Fourth Gospel, no matter who wrote it, was almost certainly -produced. When, therefore, he asserts, not as something new, but -as a thing which he had known from the beginning, that the Fourth -Gospel was written by the apostle John, surely he must be believed. - -This conclusion has been avoided by the hypothesis that the John -about whom Polycarp spoke was not really, as Irenæus supposed, John -the son of Zebedee, but another John, a certain John the presbyter, -who was not one of the twelve apostles at all. The unnaturalness -of such an hypothesis appears on the surface. Could a native of -Asia Minor who had repeatedly heard Polycarp speak about the John -in question, and who had many other opportunities for acquainting -himself with the traditions of the church in Asia Minor--could such -a man, together with all his contemporaries, have come to labor -under so egregious a misapprehension? - -=(2) Other Attestation.=--The testimony of Irenæus to the Fourth -Gospel is of particular importance, on account of Irenæus' -connection with Polycarp. But it is only one detail in a remarkable -consensus. When the most widely separated portions of the Church -before the close of the second century all agreed that the Fourth -Gospel was written by John the son of Zebedee, their common belief -could not have been of recent origin. Earlier writers, moreover, by -their use of the Gospel attest at least its early date. - - -3. THE TESTIMONY OF THE GOSPEL ITSELF - -The tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the son of -Zebedee is confirmed by the testimony of the Gospel itself. Although -the book does not mention the name of its author it clearly implies -who he was. - -=(1) Indirectness of the Testimony.=--This testimony of the Gospel -itself is all the more valuable because it is indirect. If the name -John had been mentioned at the beginning, then it might conceivably -be supposed that an unknown author had desired to gain a hearing for -his work by putting it falsely under the name of a great apostle. -As it is, the inference that the author claims to be John the son -of Zebedee, though certain, does not force itself upon the careless -reader. A forger would not thus, by the indirectness of his claim, -have deprived himself of the benefits of his forgery. - -The testimony of the Gospel to its author must now be considered. - -=(2) The Author an Eyewitness.=--In the first place, almost at -the very beginning, we observe that the author claims to be an -eyewitness of the life of Jesus. "We beheld his glory," he says in -John 1:14. By beholding the glory of Christ he evidently does not -mean merely that experience of Christ's power which is possessed -by every Christian. On the contrary, the glory of Christ, as it is -intended by the evangelist, is fully explained by such passages as -ch. 2:11. The miracles of Jesus--palpable, visible events in the -external world--are clearly included in what is meant. It will be -observed that in ch. 1:14 it is very specifically the incarnate -Christ that is spoken of. The evangelist is describing the condition -of things after "the Word became flesh." Evidently, therefore, it -was the earthly life of Jesus which the evangelist claims to have -"beheld." - -This conclusion is confirmed by I John 1:1-4. Scarcely anyone doubts -that the First Epistle of John was written by the man who wrote -the Gospel. When, therefore, the author of the epistle speaks of -"that which we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes, -that which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the Word -of life," evidently these words have significance for the Gospel -also. The author fairly heaps up expressions to show, beyond all -possibility of misunderstanding, that he had come into actual -physical contact with the earthly Jesus. - -=(3) The Unnamed Disciple of John 1:35-42.=--The author of the -Fourth Gospel, then, clearly claims to be an eyewitness of the -earthly life of Christ. Further indications identify him with a -particular one among the eyewitnesses. In John 1:35-42, an unnamed -disciple of Jesus is mentioned. "One of the two," it is said in v. -40, "that heard John speak, and followed him, was Andrew, Simon -Peter's brother." Who was the other? There is some reason for -thinking that he was one of the two sons of Zebedee. But the matter -will become clearer as we proceed. - -Another question is why this disciple is not mentioned by name. The -Fourth Gospel is not chary of names. Why, then, is the disciple who -appears so prominently along with Andrew and Simon not mentioned -by name? Only one plausible explanation suggests itself--the -explanation that the unnamed disciple was the author of the Gospel, -who, through a feeling common in the literature of antiquity, as -well as of our own time, did not like to mention his own name in -the course of his narrative. We have already observed that the -author claims to be an eyewitness of the life of Christ. John 1:14. -When, therefore, near the beginning of the narrative a disciple of -Jesus is introduced, rather mysteriously, without a name, when, -furthermore, events in which this disciple was immediately concerned -are narrated with unusual vividness and wealth of detail, vs. 35-42, -the conclusion becomes very natural that this unnamed disciple is -none other than the author himself. - -=(4) The Beloved Disciple.=--This conclusion, it must be admitted, -so far as this first passage is concerned, is nothing more than a -likely guess. But by other passages it is rendered almost certain. - -In John 13:21-25, a disciple is mentioned as leaning on Jesus' -breast and as being one whom Jesus loved. This disciple is not -named. But who was he? Evidently he was one of the twelve apostles, -for only the apostles were present at the Supper which is described -in chs. 13 to 17. The disciple "whom Jesus loved," however, was not -only among the Twelve; he was evidently among the innermost circle -of the Twelve. Such an innermost circle appears clearly in the -Synoptic Gospels. It was composed of Peter and James and John. The -beloved disciple was probably one of these three; and since he is -clearly distinguished from Peter, ch. 13:24, he was either James or -John. - -The introduction of an unnamed disciple, which seemed significant -even in John 1:35-42, becomes yet far more significant in the -present passage. In the account of the Last Supper, a considerable -number of the disciples are named--Peter, Judas Iscariot, Thomas, -Philip, Judas not Iscariot--yet the disciple who is introduced with -especial emphasis, whose very position at table is described with a -wealth of detail far greater than is displayed in the case of any -of the others, is designated merely as "one of his disciples, whom -Jesus loved." The strange omission of this disciple's name can be -explained only if he was the author of the book. Clearly the painter -has here introduced a modest portrait of himself in the midst of his -great picture. - -Passing by John 18:15,16, where "the other disciple" is probably -the author, and ch. 19:26,27, where the repetition of the strange -designation, "the disciple ... whom he [Jesus] loved," confirms the -impressions derived from ch. 13:21-25, we discover another important -indication in ch. 19:35. "And he that hath seen hath borne witness, -and his witness is true: and he knoweth that he saith true, that ye -also may believe." "He that hath seen" can scarcely refer to anyone -other than the beloved disciple who was mentioned just before as -standing by the cross. In the present verse, this beloved disciple -is represented as the one who is now speaking. The identification -of the beloved disciple with the author of the Gospel, which was -implied before, here becomes explicit. - -In John 20:1-10, "the other disciple whom Jesus loved" is of course -the same as the one who appears in ch. 13:21-25; 19:26,27,35. - -=(5) Testimony of the Appendix.=--In John 21:7,20-23, the beloved -disciple appears again, and in v. 24 he is identified, in so many -words, with the writer of the Gospel. In this verse the first person -plural is used; other persons seem to be associated with the author -in commending the Gospel to the attention of the Church. This -phenomenon is explained if the twenty-first chapter be regarded as -a sort of appendix, perhaps added at the request of a circle of -friends. It will be observed that ch. 20:30,31 forms a fit ending to -the book; what follows therefore appears the more like an appendix, -though it was certainly written by the author's own hand and -published before his death along with the rest of the book. - -=(6) Why Are John and James Not Mentioned by Name?=--The conclusion -of our investigation is that the author of the Fourth Gospel -indicates clearly that he was either one or the other of the two -sons of Zebedee. This conclusion is confirmed by the curious -circumstance that neither one of these men is mentioned in the -Gospel by name. How did they come to be omitted? They were in the -very innermost circle of Jesus' disciples; many apostles far less -prominent than they are named frequently on the pages of the -Gospel. There can be only one solution of the problem: one at least -of these men is, as a matter of fact, introduced in the Gospel as -the beloved disciple, and the reason why he is introduced in such a -curiously anonymous way and why his brother also is not named, is -that the author felt a natural delicacy about introducing his own -and his brother's name into a narrative of the Lord's life. - -One statement that has just been made requires qualification: it is -not quite true that the sons of Zebedee are not designated by name -in the Gospel. They are not indeed called by their individual names, -but in ch. 21:2, they are designated by the name of their father. -Possibly this slight difference of usage between chapter 21 and the -rest of the Gospel has something to do with the fact that chapter 21 -seems to be an appendix. - -=(7) The Author Was Not James, but John.=--The author of the Fourth -Gospel, then, identifies himself with one or the other of the sons -of Zebedee. As to which one of the two is meant there cannot be the -slightest doubt. James the son of Zebedee was martyred in A. D. 44. -Acts 12:2. There is abundant evidence that the Fourth Gospel was not -written so early as that; and John 21:20-23 apparently implies that -the author lived to a considerable age. Evidently, therefore, it is -John and not James with whom the author identifies himself. - -=(8) Is the Gospel's Own Testimony True?=--Thus the singularly -strong tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the -son of Zebedee is supported by the independent testimony of the -book itself. Conceivably, of course, that testimony might be false. -But it is very hard to believe that it is. It is very hard to -believe that the author of this wonderful book, who despite all -the profundity of his ideas exalts in a very special manner the -importance of simple testimony based upon the senses, John 19:35; I -John 1:1-4, has in a manner far subtler and more heinous than if he -had simply put a false name at the beginning palmed himself off as -an eyewitness of the Saviour's life. Many learned men have found it -possible to accept such a view; but the simple reader of the Gospel -will always be inclined to dissent. The author of this book has -narrated many things hard to be believed. But there are still found -those who accept his solemn testimony; there are still found those -in whom the purpose of the book is achieved, who through this Gospel -believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and believing have -life in his name. John 20:31. - - -4. TRADITIONAL TIME AND PLACE AND PLAN - -The tradition about the Fourth Gospel is not confined to the bare -fact of Johannine authorship; it has preserved certain other very -interesting information. - -(=1=) =The Ephesian Residence.=--For example, tradition represents -the Fourth Gospel as written after the other three Gospels and at -Ephesus. The evidence for the Ephesian residence of the apostle John -is singularly abundant and weighty; and the contrary evidence which -has been thought to attest an early death of John is exceedingly -weak. At first, John, like the others of the original apostles, -remained in Palestine. He appears in Jerusalem a little before A. -D. 50 at the Apostolic Council. Gal. 2:9. At some subsequent time, -perhaps at the outbreak of the Jewish war in A. D. 66, he journeyed -to Asia Minor and there for many years was the revered head of the -Church. He lived indeed until the reign of Trajan, which began in A. -D. 98. - -(=2=) =The Gospel of John Supplementary to the Synoptic -Gospels.=--According to tradition, the Gospel of John was not -only written after the Synoptic Gospels, but was intended to be -supplementary to them. This information is amply confirmed by -the Gospel itself. Evidently John presupposes on the part of his -readers a knowledge of the Synoptic account. This explains his -peculiar choice of material--for example, his omission of most of -the Galilean ministry, and of such events as the baptism and the -institution of the Lord's Supper. It explains also, for example, a -verse like John 3:24: "For John was not yet cast into prison." The -Synoptic Gospels begin their account of the ministry of Jesus with -what happened after the imprisonment of John the Baptist. Mark 1:14. -Readers of Mark might even receive the impression that Jesus had -not begun his teaching till after that time. John corrects any such -impression in ch. 3:24. - -If, then, the Gospel of John is intended not to compete with the -Synoptic Gospels, but to supplement them, in what direction does the -supplementing move? What is it that John adds to what had already -been told? Here, again, tradition affords us useful hints. - -Eusebius, in the early part of the fourth century, writes as follows -(Church History, iii, 24, 7-13, translated by McGiffert, in "Nicene -and Post-Nicene Fathers," second series, vol. i, p. 153): - -"And when Mark and Luke had already published their Gospels, they -say that John, who had employed all his time in proclaiming the -Gospel orally, finally proceeded to write for the following reason. -The three Gospels already mentioned [Matthew, Mark and Luke] having -come into the hands of all and into his own too, they say that he -accepted them and bore witness to their truthfulness; but that -there was lacking in them an account of the deeds done by Christ -at the beginning of his ministry. And this indeed is true. For -it is evident that the three evangelists recorded only the deeds -done by the Saviour for one year after the imprisonment of John -the Baptist, and indicated this in the beginning of their account. -For Matthew, after the forty days' fast and the temptation which -followed it, indicates the chronology of his work when he says: 'Now -when he heard that John was delivered up he withdrew from Judea into -Galilee.' Mark likewise says: 'Now after that John was delivered up -Jesus came into Galilee.' And Luke, before commencing his account -of the deeds of Jesus, similarly marks the time, when he says that -Herod, 'adding to all the evil deeds which he had done, shut up -John in prison.' They say, therefore, that the apostle John, being -asked to do it for this reason, gave in his Gospel an account of the -period which had been omitted by the earlier evangelists, and of -the deeds done by the Saviour during that period; that is, of those -which were done before the imprisonment of the Baptist. And this is -indicated by him, they say, in the following words: 'This beginning -of miracles did Jesus'; and again when he refers to the Baptist, in -the midst of the deeds of Jesus, as still baptizing in Ænon near -Salim; where he states the matter clearly in the words: 'For John -was not yet cast into prison.' John accordingly, in his Gospel, -records the deeds of Christ which were performed before the Baptist -was cast into prison, but the other three evangelists mention the -events which happened after that time. One who understands this can -no longer think that the Gospels are at variance with one another, -inasmuch as the Gospel according to John contains the first acts -of Christ, while the others give an account of the latter part of -his life. And the genealogy of our Saviour according to the flesh -John quite naturally omitted, because it had been already given by -Matthew and Luke, and began with the doctrine of his divinity, which -had, as it were, been reserved for him, as their superior, by the -divine Spirit." - -According to Eusebius, then, John intended to treat the time before -the imprisonment of the Baptist as the Synoptists treated the time -after that event. We have already noted the element of truth in this -observation. Of course it is not the only observation that needs to -be made. Much of what John narrates occurred after the imprisonment -of the Baptist. - -According to Clement of Alexandria, of the close of the second -century, who here reports what had been said by his predecessors in -Alexandria, John, seeing that "bodily" matters had been treated by -the Synoptists, supplemented their work by writing a "spiritual" -Gospel. In this testimony also there is no doubt an element of -truth. It is true that the Fourth Gospel reproduces certain profound -elements in the teaching of Jesus which in the earlier Gospels -appear only incidentally. - -The oral tradition which forms the chief basis of the Synoptic -Gospels was rooted deep in the earliest missionary activity of the -Church. Especially, perhaps, in the Gospel of Mark, but also in -Matthew and Luke, we have for the most part those facts about Jesus -and those elements of his teaching which could appeal at once to -simple-minded believers or to outsiders. The Gospel of John, on the -other hand, drawing, like the others, from the rich store of Jesus' -teaching and Jesus' person, has revealed yet deeper mysteries. In -this profound book, we have the recollections of a beloved disciple, -at first understood only imperfectly by the apostle himself, but -rendered ever clearer by advancing experience, and firmly fixed by -being often repeated in the author's oral instruction of the Church. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," article on "John" -(7): Purves, article on "John, Gospel according to St." M'Clymont, -"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 33-40. Stevens and Burton, -"A Harmony of the Gospels." Westcott, "The Gospel according to St. -John: The Authorized Version with Introduction and Notes." "The -Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plummer, "The Gospel According to St. -John." Browning, "A Death in the Desert" (vol. iv, pp. 191-206 of -the Riverside Edition). Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," -vol. iii, pp. 174-355. The last-named work is intended primarily -for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by -others. - - - - -LESSON XXXI - -THE JESUS OF THE GOSPELS - - -It is possible to speak of "the Jesus of the Gospels" only if the -Gospels are in essential agreement. If the features of the four -portraits are so different that they never could have been united -really in the same person, then there is no such thing as a Jesus of -the Gospels, but only a Jesus of Matthew and a Jesus of Mark and a -Jesus of Luke and a Jesus of John. - - -1. AGREEMENT AMONG THE SYNOPTISTS - -Among the Synoptic Gospels, at any rate, no such difference exists. -Though every one of these Gospels possesses its own characteristics, -the peculiarities are almost negligible in comparison with the -underlying unity. There is certainly such a thing as "the Synoptic -Jesus." His words and deeds are narrated in each of the Gospels in a -different selection and in a different style, but the characteristic -features are everywhere the same. - - -2. THE SYNOPTISTS AND JOHN - -With regard to the Fourth Gospel, the matter is not quite so -plain. The contrast between the Synoptists and John has already -been noticed. It forces itself upon even the most casual reader. -Difference, however, is not necessarily contradiction. It may be -due to a difference in the point of view. Both the Synoptists and -John give a true picture of Jesus; the same features appear very -different when viewed from different angles. - - -3. DIVINITY AND HUMANITY - -At any rate, if there is a contradiction between the first three -Gospels and the Gospel of John, the contradiction is by no means -easy to formulate. It cannot be said, for example, simply that the -Synoptists present a human Jesus and John a divine Jesus. Whatever -the differences among the four Gospels, all four agree at least in -two essential features. All four present Jesus, in the first place -as a man, and in the second place as something more than a man. - -(=1=) =Humanity in the Synoptists.=--The former feature is perhaps -especially clear in the Synoptists. According to the first three -Gospels, Jesus led a genuine human life from birth to death. As -a child he grew not only in stature, but also in wisdom. He was -subject to human parents and to the requirements of the Jewish law. -Even after the inauguration of his ministry the human conditions of -his life were not superseded. He was even tempted like other men. -He grew weary and slept. He suffered hunger and thirst. He could -rejoice and he could suffer sorrow. He prayed, like other men, and -worshiped God. He needed strengthening both for body and for mind. -No mere semblance of a human life is here presented, but a genuine -man of flesh and blood. - -(=2=) =Humanity in John.=--But if the Jesus of the Synoptists is -a true man, how is it with the Jesus of John? Does the Fourth -Gospel present merely a heavenly being who walked through the world -untouched and unruffled by the sin and misery and weakness that -surrounded him? Only a very superficial reading can produce such -an impression. The Fourth Gospel indeed lays a supreme emphasis -upon the majesty of Jesus, upon his "glory" as it was manifested in -works of power and attested by God himself. But side by side with -these features of the narrative, as though to prevent a possible -misunderstanding, the author presents the humanity of Jesus with -drastic touches that can scarcely be paralleled in the Synoptists -themselves. It is John who speaks of the weariness of Jesus at the -well of Samaria, ch. 4:6; of the human affection which he felt for -Lazarus and Martha and Mary, ch. 11:3,5,36, and for an individual -among the disciples, ch. 13:23; of his weeping, ch. 11:35; and -indignant groaning, v. 38; and of his deadly thirst. Ch. 19:28. As -clearly as the other evangelists John presents Jesus as a man. - -(=3=) =Divinity in John.=--In the second place, all four Gospels, if -they present Jesus as a man, also present him as something far more -than a man. With regard to the Gospel of John, of course the matter -is unmistakable. The very first verse reads: "In the beginning was -the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God." Jesus -according to John was plainly no product of the world, but God come -in the flesh. John 1:14. The teaching of Jesus himself, as it is -reported in the Fourth Gospel, is concerned with the relation of -perfect unity that exists between the Father and the Son. - -(=4=) =Divinity in the Synoptists.=--In the Synoptists the -supernatural character of Jesus is somewhat less on the surface. -His teaching, as the Synoptists report it, is largely concerned not -directly with his own person, but with the kingdom that he came to -found. Even his Messiahship is often kept in the background; the -demons are often commanded not to reveal it. - -A closer examination, however, reveals the essential unity between -the Synoptists and John. If the supernatural character of Jesus -appears in the Synoptists less plainly on the surface, it is really -no less pervasive at the center. It does not so often form the -subject of direct exposition, but it is everywhere presupposed. The -doing by Jesus of what only God can do, Mark 2:5,7; the sovereign -way in which he legislates for the kingdom of God, Matt. 5:17-48; -his unearthly holiness and complete lack of any consciousness of -sin; the boundlessness of his demand for obedience, Luke 9:57-62; -his expected freedom from limitations of time and place, Matt. -28:20; the absolutely central place which he claims for himself -as ruler and judge; the substantiation of all his lofty claims -by wonderful power over the forces of nature--these are only -indications chosen almost at random of what is really plain upon -every page of the Synoptic Gospels, that the Jesus who is there -described is no mere human figure but a divine Saviour of the world. -The invitation of Matt. 11:28-30, which is typical of the Synoptic -teaching, would have been absurd on the lips of anyone but the Son -of God. - -Moreover, the divine nature of Jesus is not merely implied in the -Synoptic Gospels; there are times when it even becomes explicit. -The relation of perfect mutual knowledge that exists between Jesus -and the Father, Matt. 11:27, reveals a perfect unity of nature. The -Jesus of the Synoptists, as well as the Jesus of John, might say, "I -and the Father are one." - - -4. THE MANNER OF JESUS' TEACHING - -The Synoptic Gospels, therefore, imply everywhere exactly the same -Jesus who is more expressly presented in the Gospel of John. If, -then, there is a contradiction between the Synoptists and John, -it can be concerned only with the manner of Jesus' teaching. The -Synoptists as well as John present Jesus as a supernatural person, -it is said, but unlike John they represent him as keeping his own -person in the background. - -Even here, however, maturer consideration shows that the difference -does not amount to anything like contradiction. May not the same -person have spoken the discourses of the Fourth Gospel and also -those of the Synoptists? It must be remembered that the ministry -of Jesus was varied, and that the first three evangelists confine -themselves almost exclusively to one phase of it. In the public -Galilean ministry, which the Synoptists describe, it was necessary -for Jesus to keep even his Messiahship for a time in the background. -Publication of it, owing to the false political conception which -the Jews had of the Messiah's work, would have been fatal to Jesus' -plan. Here, as so often, the Fourth Gospel explains the other -three. After the feeding of the five thousand, John tells us, the -crowd wanted to take Jesus by force and make him a king. John 6:15. -Popularity was dangerous. Jesus could not proclaim himself publicly -as the Messiah, until by explaining the spiritual nature of the -kingdom he had prepared the people for the kind of Messiah which it -was his mission to be. - -Of course, it is difficult for us to understand at every point just -why Jesus acted as he did. All that we are now maintaining is that -the considerations just adduced, and others like them, show that it -is perfectly conceivable that Jesus, before his intimate disciples -and in Jerusalem and at a special crisis, John, ch. 6, adopted -a method of teaching which in the greater part of the Galilean -ministry he considered out of place. There is room in a true -narrative of Jesus' life both for the Synoptists and for John. - - -5. THE COMPREHENSIVENESS OF JESUS - -Jesus was many-sided. He was Lawgiver, he was Teacher, he was -Healer, he was Ruler, he was Saviour. He was man and he was God. The -Gospels have presented him in the richness of his mysterious person. -Modern historians are less comprehensive. They have been offended -at the manifoldness of the Gospel picture. They have endeavored to -reduce Jesus to the level of what they can comprehend. But their -effort has been a failure. After the supposed contradictions have -been removed, greater contradictions remain; and the resulting -figure is at any rate too small to account for the origin of -Christianity. The partial Jesus of modern criticism, despite his -comparative littleness, is a monstrosity; the comprehensive Jesus of -the Gospels, though mysterious, is a self-evidencing and life-giving -fact. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, article -on "Jesus Christ." Warfield, "The Lord of Glory," pp. 125-173. -Robertson, "Epochs in the Life of Jesus." Stalker, "The Life of -Jesus Christ." Denney, "Jesus and the Gospel." Andrews, "The Life of -Our Lord." - - - - -LESSON XXXII - -A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH - -The Epistle of James - - -1. THE CHRISTIANITY OF JAMES - -The Epistle of James has been called the least Christian book in -the New Testament. Superficially this judgment is true. The name of -Jesus occurs only twice in the epistle, James 1:1; 2:1, and there -is no specific reference to his life and death and resurrection. A -close examination, however, reverses the first impression. - -(=1=) =James and the Synoptic Discourses.=--In the first place, -the ethical teaching of James is permeated by the spirit of Jesus. -Even the form of the epistle displays a marked affinity for the -discourses of the Synoptic Gospels, and the affinity in content is -even more apparent. Many striking parallels could be cited; but -what is more convincing than such details is the indefinable spirit -of the whole. The way in which James treats the covetousness, the -pride, the heartlessness, the formalism, the pettiness and the -meanness of his readers, is strikingly similar to the way in which -his Master dealt with the Pharisees. James does not indeed actually -cite the words of Jesus; but the absence of citations makes the -underlying similarity all the more significant. The writer of this -epistle did not live at a time when the knowledge of the words of -Jesus was derived from books; rather he had himself listened to the -Master--even though he was not at first a disciple--and was living -in a community where the impression of Jesus' teaching and Jesus' -person was still fresh in the memory of those who had known him on -earth. - -(=2=) =James and Christian Doctrine.=--In the second place, -moreover, the Christianity of James is religious as well as ethical. -Of course it could not be like the teaching of Jesus if it were -merely ethical; for everything that Jesus taught even about the -simplest matters of human conduct was determined by the thought -of the heavenly Father and by the significance of his own person. -But by the religious character of the Epistle of James even more -than this is meant. Like all the writers of the New Testament -James was well aware of the saving significance of Jesus' death -and resurrection. For him as well as for the others, Jesus was -Lord, ch. 1:1, and a Lord who was possessed of a heavenly glory. -Ch. 2:1. James, as well as the others, was waiting for the second -coming of Christ. Ch. 5:8. He does not directly refer to the saving -events that form the substance of Christian faith; but he takes -them everywhere for granted. The word of truth through which the -disciples have been formed by God, ch. 1:18, the implanted word, -v. 21, that needs ever to be received anew, can hardly be anything -else than the apostolic gospel as it was proclaimed in the earliest -speeches of Peter which are recorded in The Acts, and as it found -its rich unfolding in the teaching of Paul. Just because that gospel -in our epistle is presupposed, it does not need to be expounded -in detail. The men to whom James was writing were not lacking in -orthodoxy. If they had been, he would have set them right, and we -should have had another exposition of the gospel. As a matter of -fact their fault was in practice, not in theory; and it is in the -sphere of practice that they are met by James. The epistle would -be insufficient if it stood alone. It does not lay the foundation -of Christian faith. But it shows how, upon that foundation, may be -built not the wood, hay and stubble of a wordy orthodoxy, but the -gold and silver and precious stones of an honest Christian life. - -This epistle, then, might be misleading if taken by itself; but it -becomes salutary if it is understood in its historical connections. -Far from disparaging Christian doctrine--as the modern Church is -tempted to suppose--it builds upon doctrine. In that it agrees with -the whole of the Bible. Christianity, as has been finely said, is -a life only because it is a doctrine. Only the great saving events -of the gospel have rendered possible a life like that which is -described in the Epistle of James. And where the gospel is really -accepted with heart as well as mind, that life of love will always -follow. - - -2. DATE AND AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE - -The view which will be held about the date of the Epistle of James -will depend very largely upon the interpretation of the passage -about faith and works. James 2:14-26. In that passage, some of the -same terms appear as are prominent in connection with the great -Judaistic controversy in which Paul was engaged from the time of -the Apostolic Council to the time of the third missionary journey. -Three views have been held with regard to the date of the Epistle -of James. The epistle may be regarded as written (1) before the -Judaistic controversy arose, (2) during that controversy or while it -was still fresh in men's minds, or (3) long after the controversy -had been settled. - -(=1=) =The Intermediate Date.=--The second of these three views may -be eliminated first. This intermediate view has the advantage of -placing the epistle within the lifetime of James. It can treat the -epistle as authentic. It has furthermore the advantage of explaining -the coincidences between James 2:14-26 and Rom., ch. 4. For if the -epistle was written at the very close of the lifetime of James--say -about A. D. 62, or, following Hegesippus, A. D. 66--the author may -have become acquainted with the Epistle to the Romans. - -But the difficulties of this view far overbalance the advantages. -If James was writing with Galatians and Romans before him, then -apparently in ch. 2:24 he intends to contradict those epistles. As -a matter of fact, however, as is shown in the Student's Text Book, -he does not really contradict them, but is in perfect harmony with -them. He has therefore gone out of his way in order to introduce a -formal contradiction of the great apostle to the Gentiles although -there is no real contradiction of meaning at all! What could he -possibly gain by such useless trouble-making? If James really wanted -to combat Paul's doctrine of justification by faith, he would have -done so very differently; and if he did not want to combat it, he -would certainly not have uselessly created the appearance of doing -so. - -Perhaps, however, James 2:14-26 is a refutation not of Paul but of -a misunderstanding of Paul. This also is very improbable. If the -passage was a refutation not of Paul but of a misunderstanding of -Paul, why did James not say so? Why did he not distinguish Paul -clearly from his misinterpreters? Instead he has indulged uselessly -in a formal contradiction of Paul, and has in refutation of a -misunderstanding of Paul not even used the abundant materials which -Paul himself could offer! And where was such a misunderstanding of -Paul possible in Jewish Christian circles of A. D. 62? - -What makes every form of this intermediate dating impossible is the -total absence from the epistle of any reference to the question of -the conditions upon which Gentiles were to be received into the -Church. In A. D. 62 this question had recently been the subject of -bitter controversy. At that time no one could have touched upon the -closely related topic of faith and works as James does and yet have -ignored so completely the controversial question. - -Evidently, therefore, the epistle was written either before the -Judaistic controversy arose or else long after it was over. - -(=2=) =The Late Date.=--The latter view makes the epistle a -pseudonymous work--it assumes that an unknown author has here tried -to enhance the influence of his work by putting it under the -name of the first head of the Jerusalem church. This is of itself -sufficient to refute the late dating. For the procedure of the -supposed falsifier is quite incomprehensible. He has chosen James as -the alleged author only because of the lofty position which James -held, and yet he has designated him in the first verse merely as a -simple Christian! The procedure of real forgers is very different. - -There are also, however, other objections to the late dating. -Would any writer in the second century, when the authority of Paul -was well established, have ventured to introduce such an apparent -contradiction of Paul as appears in James 2:24? In a writer of A. -D. 150 we should have had formal agreement with Paul and material -disagreement; in the Epistle of James we have formal disagreement -and material harmony. Apparent contradiction of expression combined -with perfect unity of thought is a sure sign of independence. The -Epistle of James has made no use of the epistles of Paul. - -Against this conclusion may be urged only the coincidence that -James and Paul both use the example of Abraham, and cite the same -verse, Gen. 15:6, with regard to him. But it must be remembered -that to every Jew Abraham offered the most obvious example in all -the Scriptures. It is possible, too, that the faith and works of -Abraham had in pre-Christian Jewish circles already been the subject -of controversy. Furthermore, James does not confine himself to -Abraham, but introduces Rahab also, who is not mentioned by Paul. -The coincidence between Paul and James is quite insufficient to -overbalance the clear evidence of independence. - -(=3=) =The Early Date.=--Only one hypothesis, then, suits the facts. -The Epistle of James was clearly written before the Judaistic -controversy became acute at the time of the Apostolic Council. In -the second chapter of the epistle, James has used the same terms -that became prominent in that controversy, but he has used them in -refuting a practical, not a theoretical, error--an error that is -related only indirectly to the great subject of Galatians and Romans. - - -3. UNDERLYING UNITY OF THE EPISTLE - -At first sight the Epistle of James seems to possess very little -unity. Topic follows topic often with little apparent connection. -But the connection between the individual sections is closer than -appears at first; and the epistle as a whole possesses at least a -perfect unity of spirit. - -(=1=) =Reality in Religion.=--The ruling tone of the epistle, -which may be detected beneath all the varying exhortations, is a -certain manly honesty, a certain fierce hatred of all sham and cant -and humbug and meanness. James is a stern advocate of a practical -religion. - -(=2=) =Supremacy of Religion.=--It must be noticed, however, that -the religion of this writer is none the less religious because it is -practical. James is no advocate of a "gospel of street-cleaning." On -the contrary he insists with characteristic vehemence upon personal -piety. The same writer who has been regarded as emphasizing works at -the expense of faith, who might be hailed as a leader of those who -would make religion terminate upon man rather than God, who might -be thought to disparage everything but "social service"--this same -writer is one of the most earnest advocates of prayer. James 1:5-8; -4:2,3; 5:14-18. This apostle of works, this supposed disparager -of faith, is almost bitter in his denunciation of unbelief! Ch. -1:6-8. God, not man, according to James, is the author of every -perfect gift. V. 17. Prayer is the remedy both for bodily and for -spiritual ills. Ch. 5:14-18. James lends no countenance to the -modern disparagement of religious devotion. The same uncompromising -severity with which he lashes an inactive religion is also applied -just as mercilessly to an irreligious activity. Ch. 4:13-15. James -does not attack religion in the interests of reality; he attacks -unreality in the interests of religion. - - -4. CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE - -The opening of the epistle, like that of the letters contained in -Acts 15:23-29; 23:26-30, is constructed according to the regular -Greek form. - -After the opening, James speaks first of trials or temptations. -Rightly used they will lead to perfection. If, however, there -is still imperfection, it can be removed by prayer to God. The -imperfection which is here especially in view is an imperfection -in wisdom. Apparently the readers, like the Pharisees, had laid -an excessive stress upon knowledge. The true wisdom, says James, -can be obtained not by human pride, as the readers seem to think, -but only by prayer. Prayer, however, must be in faith--there must -be no wavering in it. Pride, indeed, is altogether blameworthy. -If there is to be boasting, it should certainly be not in earthly -wealth but in those spiritual blessings which often reverse earthly -distinctions. Returning to the subject of temptations, James insists -that in their evil they do not come from God, but from the depths -of man's own desires. From God comes no evil thing, but every -perfect gift; and in the gospel God has bestowed upon us his richest -blessing. - -That gospel must be received with all diligence. It will exclude -wrath and insincerity. True religion consists not merely in hearing -but in doing; good examples of the exercise of it are the visitation -of the fatherless and widows and the preservation of one's own -personal purity of life. - -Faith in Christ, James continues in similar vein, excludes all undue -respect of persons. Indeed God in his choice of those who should -be saved has especially favored the poor. The rich as a class are -rather the oppressors of the Christians. Surely then the Christians -should not favor rich men for selfish reasons. The law of love will -exclude all such unworthy conduct. - -That law of love requires an active life. Faith, if it be true -faith, leads to works. Away with a miserable faith that is expressed -only in words! - -Words, indeed, are dangerous. The tongue is a prolific source of -harm. Evil speech reveals the deep-seated corruption of the heart. -The readers must be careful, therefore, about seeking the work of a -teacher. The true wisdom, which fits a man to teach, is not of man's -acquiring, but comes from God. - -Quarreling--which was produced especially by the inordinate ambition -among the readers to pose as teachers--must be counteracted by -submission to God. - -The constant thought of God excludes all pride in human planning. -Especially the rich must reflect upon the transitoriness of earthly -possessions and above all must be sure that their wealth is honestly -gained. - -Finally, patient waiting for the Lord, the example of the Old -Testament saints, and the earnest practice of prayer will make -effective all the exhortations of the epistle. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -123-138. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield, articles on -"James" and "James, Epistle of." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and -Its Writers," pp. 123-129. Knowling, "The Epistle of St. James." -"The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plumptre, "The General Epistle of -St. James." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. -73-151. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have -some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXXIII - -JESUS THE FULFILLMENT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT - -The Epistle to the Hebrews - - -1. PAUL NOT THE AUTHOR - -(=1=) =The Tradition.=--At Alexandria in the latter part of the -second century Paul was thought to be the author of the Epistle -to the Hebrews; but in North Africa a little later Tertullian -attributed the epistle to Barnabas, and in other portions of the -Church the Pauline authorship was certainly not accepted. In the -west, the Pauline authorship was long denied and the inclusion of -the epistle in the New Testament resisted. At last the Alexandrian -view won universal acceptance. The Epistle to the Hebrews became an -accepted part of the New Testament, and was attributed to Paul. - -Clement of Alexandria, who had apparently received the tradition of -Pauline authorship from Pantænus, his predecessor, himself declares -that Hebrews was written by Paul in the "Hebrew" (Aramaic) language, -and was translated by Luke into Greek. The notion of a translation -by Luke was based upon no genuine historical tradition--Hebrews -is certainly an original Greek work--but was simply an hypothesis -constructed to explain the peculiarities of the epistle on the -supposition that it was a work of Paul. - -(=2=) =The Value of the Tradition.=--The tradition of Pauline -authorship is clearly very weak. If Paul had been the author, -it is hard to see why the memory of the fact should have been -lost so generally in the Church. No one in the early period had -any objection to the epistle; on the contrary it was very highly -regarded. If, then, it had really been written by Paul, the Pauline -authorship would have been accepted everywhere with avidity. The -negative testimony of the Roman church is particularly significant. -The epistle was quoted by Clement of Rome at about A. D. 95; yet -at Rome as elsewhere in the West the epistle seems never in the -early period to have been regarded as Pauline. In other words, just -where acquaintance with the epistle can be traced farthest back, -the denial of Pauline authorship seems to have been most insistent. -If Clement of Rome had regarded Paul as the author, the history of -Roman opinion about the epistle would have been very different. - -On the other hand, on the supposition that there was originally no -tradition of Pauline authorship, the subsequent prevalence of such -a tradition is easily explained. It was due simply to the evident -apostolic authority of the epistle itself. From the start, Hebrews -was felt to be an authoritative work. Being authoritative, it would -be collected along with other authoritative works. Since it was -an epistle, and exhibited a certain Pauline quality of spirit and -subject, it would naturally be associated with the other works of -the greatest letter writer of the apostolic age. Being thus included -in a collection of the Pauline Epistles, and being regarded as of -apostolic authority, what was more natural than to attribute it -to the apostle Paul? Such, very possibly, was the origin of the -Alexandrian tradition. - -This tradition did not win immediate acceptance, because the rest -of the Church was still aware that the epistle was not written by -Paul. What led to the final conquest of the Pauline tradition was -simply the character of the book itself. The question of Pauline -authorship, in the case of this book, became connected with the -question of apostolic authority. The Church had to choose between -rejecting the book altogether, and accepting it as Pauline. When -she finally adopted the latter alternative, undoubtedly she chose -the lesser error. It was an error to regard the epistle as the work -of Paul; but it would have been a far greater error to exclude -it from the New Testament. As a matter of fact, though the book -was not written by Paul, it was written, if not by one of the -other apostles, at least by an "apostolic man" like Mark or Luke. -Scarcely any book of the New Testament bears clearer marks of true -apostolicity. - -(=3=) =Internal Evidence.=--The argument against Pauline -authorship which is derived from tradition is strongly supported -by the contents of the epistle itself. In the first place, it is -exceedingly doubtful whether Paul could have spoken of himself as -having had the Christian salvation confirmed to him by those who had -heard the Lord. Heb. 2:3. Knowledge of the earthly life of Jesus -was indeed conveyed to Paul by ordinary word of mouth from the -eyewitnesses; but the gospel itself, as he insists with vehemence -in Galatians, was revealed to him directly by Christ. In the second -place, the style of the epistle is very different from that of Paul, -being, as we shall see, far more carefully wrought. In the third -place, the thoughts developed in Hebrews, though undoubtedly they -are in perfect harmony with the Pauline Epistles, are by no means -characteristically Pauline. It is a little hard to understand, -for example, how Paul could have written at such length about the -law without speaking of justification by faith or the reception -of Gentiles into the Church. This last argument, however, must -not be exaggerated. Undoubtedly Paul would have agreed heartily -to everything that Hebrews contains. Paul and the author of this -epistle have developed merely somewhat different sides of the same -great truth. - - -2. WHO WAS THE AUTHOR? - -If Paul did not write the Epistle to the Hebrews, who did write it? -Prodigious labor has been expended upon this question, but with -very little result. In ancient times, Barnabas, Luke and Clement of -Rome, were each regarded as the author. Of these three views the -first is most probable; the second is exceedingly unlikely; and -the last is clearly impossible. Whoever wrote the epistle, Clement -certainly did not. The letter which we possess from his pen is -immeasurably inferior to the apostolic writings to which Hebrews -certainly belongs. Clement was a humble reader of Hebrews, not the -author of it. Luther was inclined to regard Apollos as the possible -author of Hebrews; and of all the many suggestions that have been -made, this is perhaps the best. Undoubtedly the circumstances -and training of Apollos were in a number of respects like those -which might naturally be attributed to the author of the epistle. -Apollos was closely associated with Paul, and perhaps at a later -time with others of the apostles, just as might be expected of the -author of an apostolic work such as Hebrews. On the other hand, -like the author of the epistle, he was not an eyewitness of the -life of Jesus. Compare Heb. 2:4. Like the author of the epistle he -was no doubt acquainted with Timothy. Compare ch. 13:23. He was -an "eloquent" or "learned" man, Acts 18:24, who might well have -produced the splendid rhetoric of the epistle. He was a Jew and -mighty in the Scriptures, as was also the author of Hebrews. He -was a native of Alexandria, the university city of the period, and -the seat of a large Jewish community, where just that combination -of Greek rhetorical training with Scriptural knowledge which is -exhibited in the epistle is most naturally to be sought. - -These indications, however, can merely show that Apollos might -conceivably have written the epistle; they do not show that he did -write it. The authorship of this powerful work will always remain -uncertain. How little we know, after all, of the abounding life of -the apostolic Church! - - -3. WHERE WERE THE READERS? - -In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the readers -of the epistle were probably members of some rather narrowly -circumscribed community. Where this community was is by no means -clear. The one indication of place which the epistle contains -is ambiguous. In ch. 13:24 it is said, "They of Italy salute -you." These words may mean that the author is in Italy and sends -greetings from the Christians of that country, or they may mean that -the author is outside of Italy and sends greetings from Italian -Christians who happened to be with him. In the latter case, probably -the readers were in Italy; for otherwise they would have no special -interest in the Italian Christians. All that we can say is then that -the epistle was probably written either from Italy or to Italy. If -it was written from Italy, then since the readers were Jews, it is -natural to seek them in Palestine. The Palestinian Christians were -"Hebrews" in the narrower, linguistic sense of the word, as well as -in the broader, national sense. The ancient heading of the epistle -thus comes to its full rights. On the other hand the Palestinian -hypothesis faces some rather grave difficulties. If the readers are -to be sought in Italy, then perhaps they formed a Jewish Christian -community in Rome or in some other Italian city. The question cannot -be settled with any certainty. The destination of the epistle is an -even greater riddle than the authorship. - - -4. WHEN WAS THE EPISTLE WRITTEN? - -The Epistle to the Hebrews was certainly written before A. D. 95, -for at about that time it was quoted by Clement of Rome. The mention -of Timothy in ch. 13:23 perhaps does not carry us much farther, for -Timothy, who was a grown man at about A. D. 50, Acts 16:1-3, may -have lived till the end of the first century. The epistle, however, -does not bear any of the marks of late origin. The question of date -is closely connected with the question whether in the epistle the -temple at Jerusalem is regarded as still standing. This question -cannot be settled with certainty. But on the whole the continuance -of the Levitical ceremonies seems to be assumed in the epistle, -and at any rate there is no clear reference to their cessation. -Probably therefore the Epistle to the Hebrews was written before the -destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. - - -5. HEBREWS A LITERARY WORK - -The Epistle to the Hebrews is a product of conscious literary art. -The rhetoric of Paul is unconscious; even such passages as the -first few chapters of First Corinthians or the eighth chapter of -Romans may have been composed with the utmost rapidity. The author -of Hebrews probably went differently to work. Such sentences as -Heb. 1:1-4, even in an inspired writer, can only be the result of -diligent labor. By long practice the writer of Hebrews had acquired -that feeling for rhythm and balance of phrase, that facility in -the construction of smooth-flowing periods, which give to his -epistle its distinctive quality among the New Testament books. -Greek rhetoric of the Hellenistic age, freed from its hollow -artificiality, is here laid under contribution for the Saviour's -praise. - -The presence of such a book in the New Testament is highly salutary. -Devout Christians in their enthusiasm for the simplicity of the -gospel are sometimes in danger of becoming one-sided. They are -sometimes inclined to confuse simplicity with ugliness, and then to -prize ugliness for its own sake. It is perfectly true that the value -of the gospel is quite independent of æsthetic niceties, and that -the language of the New Testament is for the most part very simple. -But it is not true that the simplicity of the New Testament has -anything in common with the bad taste of some modern phraseology, or -that eloquence is of itself evil. The Epistle to the Hebrews shows -by a noble example that there is such a thing as Christian art. The -majestic sentences of this ancient masterpiece, with their exquisite -clearness and liturgic rhythm and uplifting power, have contributed -inestimably to the Christian conception of the Saviour. The art of -Hebrews is not art for art's sake, but art for the sake of Christ. -Literary perfection is here combined with profound genuineness and -apostolic fervor; art is here ennobled by consecration. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. -164, 165, 265-267, 286-289. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": -Purves, article on "Hebrews, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New -Testament and Its Writers," pp. 116-122. Ellicott, "A New Testament -Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 275-348: Moulton, -"The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews." Westcott, "The -Epistle to the Hebrews." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," -vol. ii, pp. 293-366. The two last-named works are intended -primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also -be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXXIV - -CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE - -The First Epistle of Peter - - -1. SEPARATION FROM THE WORLD - -The First Epistle of Peter is the epistle of separateness. The -modern Church is in grave danger of forgetting the distinctiveness -of her gospel and the glorious isolation of her position. She is -too often content to be merely one factor in civilization, a means -of improving the world instead of the instrument in creating a new -world. - -The first readers of the epistle were subject to a similar danger, -though it arose from a somewhat different cause. To-day we are no -longer subject to persecution; but the danger is fundamentally -the same. The world's friendship may be even more disastrous than -the world's hatred. The readers of First Peter were tempted to -relinquish what was distinctive in their faith in order to avoid -the hostility of their heathen neighbors; we are tempted to do the -same thing because the superficial respectability of modern life -has put a gloss of polite convention over the profound differences -that divide the inner lives of men. We, as well as the first readers -of the epistle, need to be told that this world is lost in sin, -that the blood of Christ has ransomed an elect race from the city -of destruction, that the high privileges of the Christian calling -demand spotless purity and unswerving courage. - -(=1=) =The Character of the Persecution.=--The character of the -persecution to which the readers of the epistle were subjected -cannot be determined with perfect clearness. It is not even certain -that the Christian profession in itself was regarded officially as -a crime. Apparently charges of positive misconduct were needed to -give countenance to the persecutors. I Peter 2:12. The Christians -needed to be warned that there is no heroism in suffering if the -suffering is the just punishment of misdeeds. Chs. 2:20; 4:15. What -particular charges were brought against the Christians it is of -course difficult to determine. Perhaps they were sometimes charged -with gross crimes such as murder or theft. But a more frequent -accusation was probably "hatred of the human race," or the like. The -Christians were thought to be busybodies. In setting the world to -rights they seemed to meddle in other people's affairs. In claiming -to be citizens of a heavenly kingdom, they seemed indifferent or -hostile to earthly relationships. As subjects of the emperor and of -his representatives, the Christians were thought to be disloyal; as -slaves, they seemed disobedient. - -(=2=) =Duties of Earthly Life.=--In view of these accusations, -Peter urges his readers to avoid all improper employment of their -Christian freedom. Christian freedom does not mean license; -Christian independence does not mean indifference. There is no -reason why a good Christian should be a bad citizen, even of a -heathen state, ch. 2:13-17, or an unprofitable servant, even of -a harsh master, vs. 18-25, or a quarrelsome wife, even of an -unconverted husband. Ch. 3:1-6. On the contrary, Christians must -approve themselves not only in the spiritual realm, but also in the -ordinary relationships of this life. - -(=3=) =Application to Modern Conditions.=--Here again the lesson is -important for the present day. Now as always fervent realization of -the transcendent glory of Christianity tends sometimes to result -in depreciation of ordinary duties. Men of exceptional piety -sometimes seem to feel that civilization is unworthy of their -attention, even if it is not actually a work of Satan. Of all such -vagaries the First Epistle of Peter is the best corrective. Truth -is here admirably guarded against the error that lurks at its root. -The very epistle that emphasizes the separateness of the Church -from the world, that teaches Christian people to look down upon -earthly affairs from the vantage ground of heaven, is just the -epistle that inculcates sober and diligent conduct in the various -relationships of earthly life. In the effort at a higher morality, -the simple, humble virtues that even the world appreciates should -not be neglected; piety should involve no loss of common sense. Now -as always the Christian should be ready to give a reason for the -faith that is in him; now as always he should be able to refute -the slanders of the world; now as always he should commend his -Christianity by his good citizenship. Only so will the example of -Christ be fully followed. Jesus was in possession of a transcendent -message; but he lived the life of a normal man. The Christian, too, -is a man with a divine mission; but like his Master he must exercise -his mission in the turmoil of life. He must not be a spoilsport at -feasts; his is no desert rôle like John the Baptist's. Christianity -has a mission from without; but its mission is fulfilled in loving -contact with the world of men. - -(=4=) =The Christian's Defense.=--The Christians who suffered -persecution should first of all, according to Peter, defend -themselves to the very best of their ability. They should do their -best to remove dishonor from the name of Christ. They should show -the baselessness of the accusations which are brought against -them. Then, if they still suffer, it will be clearly suffering for -Christ's sake. Such suffering is glorious. It is a test from which -faith emerges strong and sure, ch. 1:7; it is true conformity to the -example of Christ. Chs. 2:21-24; 3:18; 4:1,13. - - -2. THE DATE OF THE PERSECUTIONS - -From the persecutions presupposed in First Peter no very certain -conclusion can be drawn with regard to the date of the epistle. -A late date has sometimes been inferred from such passages as I -Peter 4:16. Christians were not punished as Christians, it is said, -until the beginning of the second century, and especially no such -persecution was carried out in the early period throughout the whole -empire. Ch. 5:9. - -This argument breaks down at a number of points. In the first -place, as has already been observed, it is by no means clear that -First Peter presupposes a persecution of the Christians simply as -Christians. Apparently special charges of immorality were still in -the foreground, though these charges were often mere pretexts in -order to secure the punishment of members of the hated sect. - -In the second place, it is not clear exactly when Christians first -began to be punished as "Christians" by the Roman authorities. -Undoubtedly the legal basis for such persecution was present as -soon as Christianity began to be regarded as separate from Judaism. -Judaism had a legal status; Christianity, strictly speaking, had -none. - - -3. DEPENDENCE AND ORIGINALITY - -First Peter is clearly dependent upon a number of the Pauline -Epistles, and apparently also upon the Epistle of James. The -dependence, however, is by no means slavish; the epistle possesses -marked characteristics of its own. As compared with Paul, for -example, First Peter is somewhat simpler both in thought and in -expression. No mere imitator, but a genuine personality, speaks to -us from the noble simplicity of these pages. - - -4. COMPARISON WITH THE SPEECHES OF PETER - -It is interesting to compare this epistle with the early -speeches of Peter that are recorded in The Acts. Part of the -difference--similarities also have been pointed out--no doubt, -was due to the difference in the persons addressed. In those early -speeches, Peter was preaching to unconverted Jews, and had to -content himself with a few outstanding facts. In the epistle, he -was addressing Christians, before whom he could lay bare the deep -things of the faith. Nevertheless, the passing years had brought a -change in Peter himself. Upon him as upon everyone else the mighty -influence of Paul made itself felt; and even the revelation which -came directly to him was progressive. The essence of the gospel -was present from the beginning; but the rich unfolding of it which -appears in First Peter was the product of long years spent in an -ever-widening service. - - -5. THE STYLE OF THE EPISTLE - -The style of First Peter, though not at all rhetorical, like that -of Hebrews, is smooth and graceful. It has often been considered -strange that a fisherman of Galilee should have been so proficient -in Greek. But probably we have an exaggerated notion of the poverty -and roughness of the first disciples of Jesus. Undoubtedly they had -not enjoyed a rabbinical education; in the technical Jewish sense -they were "unlearned and ignorant men." Acts 4:13. Nevertheless, -they clearly did not belong at all to the lowest of the population; -Peter in particular seems to have been possessed of considerable -property. Furthermore, it must be remembered that Greek culture -in the first century was making itself felt very extensively in -Galilee. No doubt Peter could use Greek even before he left Galilee, -and in the course of his later life his linguistic attainments must -have been very greatly improved. It is by no means impossible that -he wrote First Peter entirely without assistance. - - -6. SILVANUS - -In order, however, to account for the linguistic excellence of this -epistle, and in particular for the striking difference between it -and Second Peter, a rather attractive hypothesis has been proposed. -In I Peter 5:12, Peter says: "By Silvanus, our faithful brother, as -I account him, I have written unto you briefly." Undoubtedly these -words may designate Silvanus merely as the messenger who carried -the letter to its destination. Compare Acts 15:23. It is also -possible, however, that Peter meant to say that Silvanus had written -the letter under his direction. In that case the thought would be -due altogether to Peter; but the form, to some extent at least, -would be the work of Silvanus. The hypothesis, of course, is only -plausible, not necessary. There are other ways of accounting for the -peculiarities of the epistle. - -In all probability, the Silvanus of First Peter is the same as -the Silvanus of the Pauline Epistles and the Silas of The Acts. -If so, his association with Peter is altogether natural; he was -originally a member of the Jerusalem church. If, in accordance with -the hypothesis which has just been mentioned, Silvanus was really -concerned in the composition of the epistle, the choice of such a -man for the task was, as has been pointed out by the chief advocate -of the hypothesis, exceedingly wise. Silvanus, who had been a -companion of Paul and his associate in founding many of the churches -of Asia Minor, would be just the man who could find the right tone -in writing to the churches to which the epistle is addressed. - - -7. MARK - -The appearance of Mark in I Peter 5:13 confirms the strong tradition -which makes Mark a disciple of Peter and associates him with Peter -in the production of the Second Gospel. The only two individuals -whom Peter mentions in his First Epistle were both natives of -Jerusalem, and both, during part of their lives, companions of -Paul. The unity of the apostolic Church was preserved not only by a -unity of spirit, but also by the changing associations of Christian -workers. - - -8. FORTITUDE IN THE MODERN CHURCH - -The First Epistle of Peter has a varied message to the Church of -to-day. Even in its exhortations to bravery and steadfastness it is -very much needed. We are not subject to persecution by the state, -but still there are a thousand circumstances of life in which we -need to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, casting all -our anxiety upon him, because he careth for us. Ch. 5:6,7. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 267, 275-282. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield -(supplemented), article on "Peter." M'Clymont, "The New Testament -and Its Writers," pp. 130-136. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary -for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 385-436: Mason, "The First -Epistle of St. Peter." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," -vol. ii, pp. 134-194. The last-named work is intended primarily for -those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by -others. - - - - -LESSON XXXV - -THE CHRISTIAN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD ERROR AND IMMORALITY - -The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude - - -1. AUTHENTICITY - -The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude are among -the least known and most seriously questioned parts of the New -Testament. Even in ancient times their authenticity was disputed; in -the third and fourth centuries there were some at least who desired -to exclude them from the New Testament. These ancient doubts have -been continued in the modern Church. By very many scholars of the -present day, Second Peter and Jude are assigned to second-century -writers who falsely assumed the names of an apostle and of a brother -of the Lord. - -Against such views as these, a number of arguments might be -employed. But the strongest argument of all is provided by -the self-witness of the epistles themselves. Second Peter, in -particular, not only lays claim to apostolic authorship in the -address, but is written throughout in the name of an apostle. Either -it was really written by an apostle or else it was a deliberate -fraud. The latter alternative is excluded by the epistle itself. -Second Peter does not look at all like a pseudonymous work, but is -a weighty bit of writing, full of the sincerest moral earnestness. -Both Second Peter and Jude ring true, with the genuine apostolic -note. - - -2. SECOND PETER AND FIRST PETER - -Resemblances have often been pointed out among all three divisions -of the New Testament material attributed to Peter. Second Peter has -been shown to resemble not only First Peter, but also the speeches -of Peter as they are reported in The Acts. Such similarities of -course point to a common authorship. It cannot be denied, however, -that differences stand side by side with the similarities. In the -comparison of the epistles with the speeches, such differences are -of course not surprising. The total difference of subject and the -wide interval of time provide an amply sufficient explanation. But -how is it with the difference between Second Peter and First Peter? - -(=1=) =Difference of Purpose and Subject.=--In the first place, the -difference may be partly explained by the difference of purpose and -subject. First Peter is a presentation of the glories of the faith -in order to encourage Christians under trial and make them feel -their separateness from the world; Second Peter is a solemn warning -against dangerous perverters of the life of the Church. - -(=2=) =Difference of Time.=--In the second place, a considerable -interval of time may separate the two epistles. Here we find -ourselves on uncertain ground. On the whole it is perhaps better to -put the epistles near together at the close of Peter's life. - -(=3=) =Work of Silvanus.=--In the third place, recourse may be had -to the hypothesis, mentioned in the last lesson, which attributes a -considerable share in the composition of First Peter to Silvanus. - -(=4=) =Conclusion.=--Finally, there may be still further -possibilities of explanation which cannot now be detected. The -differences of style and of thought between the two epistles of -Peter are far from sufficient to show diversity of authorship, and -it must be remembered that similarities are to be balanced against -the differences. - - -3. VALUE OF SECOND PETER AND JUDE - -Although Second Peter and Jude are not so familiar as most of the -New Testament, yet even these two brief epistles have entered deep -into the mind and heart of the Church. - -(=1=) =Expressive Phrases.=--Even the inimitably expressive phrases -and sentences that have been derived from the epistles have produced -no small enrichment of Christian life. The "exceeding great and -precious promises," and the "partakers of the divine nature" of II -Peter 1:4, the chain of virtues in vs. 5-7, the "make your calling -and election sure" of v. 10, the "sure word of prophecy" of v. 19, -the description of inspired prophecy in vs. 20, 21--"no prophecy of -the scripture is of any private interpretation. For the prophecy -came not in old time by the will of man: but holy men of God spake -as they were moved by the Holy Ghost"--the "vexed his righteous -soul" of ch. 2:8, the "railing accusation" of v. 11; Jude 9, the -"stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance" of II Peter 3:1, -the "not willing that any should perish, but that all should come -to repentance" of v. 9, the "faith which was once delivered unto -the saints" of Jude 3, the magnificent doxology of vs. 24, 25--a -review of these passages as they appear in the King James Version -will bring some realization of the profound influence which even the -most obscure books of the New Testament have exerted both upon the -English language and upon the character of Christian men. - -The influence of Second Peter and Jude, however, is not merely -the influence of isolated phrases. The epistles as a whole have a -distinctive message for the Church. That message is twofold. It -embraces in the first place an emphasis upon authority, and in the -second place an insistence upon holiness. - -(=2= =)The Emphasis Upon Authority.=--The adversaries who are -combated in Second Peter and Jude were impatient of restraint. -Apparently they distinguished themselves, as possessing the Spirit, -from the ordinary Christians, as being merely "natural." Jude 5, 19; -II Peter 2:12. They appealed to their own deeper insight, instead of -listening to what apostles and prophets had to say. In reply, Peter -and Jude insisted upon the authority of the Old Testament prophets, -and upon the authority of the apostles, which was ultimately the -authority of Christ. See especially II Peter 3:2. - -A similar insistence upon authority is greatly needed to-day. -Again men are inclined to appeal to an inward light as justifying -freedom from ancient restraints; the Christian consciousness is -being exalted above the Bible. At such a time, renewed attention -to Second Peter and Jude would be salutary. False notions are rife -to-day with regard to apostolic authority. They can be corrected -by our epistles. Peter as well as Paul exerts his authority not in -an official or coldly ecclesiastical way, but with an inimitable -brotherliness. The authority of the apostles is the authority of -good news. Subjection to such authority is perfect freedom. - -The authority which Peter and Jude urge upon their readers is a -double authority--in the first place the authority of the Old -Testament, and in the second place the authority of Christ exerted -through the apostles. For us, however, the two become one. The -apostles, like the Old Testament prophets, speak to us only through -the Bible. We need to learn the lesson. A return to the Bible is the -deepest need of the modern Church. It would mean a return to God. - -(=3=) =Insistence Upon Holiness.=--The second characteristic of -Second Peter and Jude is the insistence upon holiness. Religion -is by no means always connected with goodness. In the Greco-Roman -world, the two were often entirely separate. Many pagan cults -contained no ethical element whatever. The danger was therefore very -great that Christianity might be treated in the same way. The early -Christians needed to be admonished ever and again that their God was -a God of righteousness, that no unclean thing could stand in his -presence. - -Insistence upon holiness is in itself no peculiarity of Second -Peter and Jude. It runs all through the New Testament. But in these -epistles it is directed more definitely perhaps than anywhere else -against the opposite error. The opponents of Peter and Jude did -not merely drift into immorality; they defended it on theoretical -grounds. They were making a deliberate effort to reduce Christianity -to the level of a non-ethical religion. Such theoretical defense of -immorality appears, indeed, in a number of places in the apostolic -Church. A certain party in Corinth, for example, made a wrong -use of Christian freedom. But what is more or less incidental in -First Corinthians forms the main subject of Second Peter and Jude. -Christianity is here insisting upon its thoroughly ethical character. - -At first sight the message might seem obsolete to-day. We always -associate religion with morality; we can hardly understand how the -two ever could have been separated. It is to be feared, however, -that the danger is not altogether past. In our thoughts we preserve -the ethical character of Christianity. But how is it with our lives? -How is it with our religious observances? Are we not constantly in -danger of making religion a mere cult, a mere emotional excitement, -a mere means of gaining earthly or heavenly advantages, a mere -effort to bribe God by our worship? The danger is always with us. -We need always to remind ourselves that Christian faith must work -itself out in holy living. - -Peter in his second epistle has provided us with one important means -to that end. It is the thought of Christ's coming. There can be no -laxness in moral effort if we remember the judgment seat of Christ. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 267-270, 282-285. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield -(supplemented), article on "Jude." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and -Its Writers," pp. 137-143. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary -for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 437-463, 505-519: Plummer, -"The Second Epistle of St. Peter" and "The Epistle of St. Jude." -Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 194-293. -The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some -knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXXVI - -THE LIFE OF THE CHILDREN OF GOD - -The Epistles of John - - -1. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST EPISTLE - -The First Epistle of John does not contain the name of its author. -According to tradition, however, it was written by the apostle -John, and tradition is here supported by the characteristics of the -epistle itself. The author of the epistle was evidently the same as -the author of the Fourth Gospel. The marked similarity in style can -be explained in no other way. Even the careless reader observes that -the style of the Fourth Gospel is very peculiar. Short sentences are -joined to one another with the utmost simplicity; the vocabulary is -limited, but contains expressions of extraordinary richness; the -total effect is singularly powerful. These same characteristics, -though they are so peculiar, appear also in the epistle. There is -the same simplicity of sentence structure, the same use of such -terms as "life" and "light" and "love," the same indescribable -spirit and tone. Yet the epistle is no slavish imitation of the -Gospel--differences stand side by side with the similarities. These -two works are evidently related, not as model and copy, but as -living productions of the same remarkable personality. - - -2. TESTIMONY OF AN EYEWITNESS - -As in the Gospel, so also in the epistle the author presents himself -clearly as an eyewitness of the life of Jesus, I John 1:1-3; 4:14; -as in the Gospel he lays stress upon simple testimony. Even those -things which have just been noticed as characteristic of his style -are connected ultimately with the teaching of Jesus. In both Gospel -and epistle, the beloved disciple has reproduced what he heard -in Galilee and in Judea, though in both he has made the memory a -living, spiritual fact. - - -3. DESTINATION AND DATE - -The First Epistle of John is perhaps scarcely to be called an -epistle at all. Practically all the characteristics of a letter are -missing. There is no address; there is no greeting at the close; -there are no personal details. The readers are indeed referred to -in the second person; but preachers as well as letter-writers say, -"you." First John is a sort of general address written probably to -some extended group of churches. - -These churches are probably to be sought in Asia Minor. Throughout -the epistle the readers are addressed in a fatherly tone. See, for -example, ch. 2:1. Evidently the writer was well known as a sort of -patriarch throughout an extended region. Such conditions prevailed -in Asia Minor after the apostle John had begun to reside at Ephesus. -Trustworthy tradition as well as the New Testament informs us of a -period in the apostle's life when he had outlived all or most of -the other apostles and was revered as the head of the Asian church. -At some time within this period--probably nearer the end than the -beginning--the First Epistle of John was written. - - -4. THE FALSE TEACHERS - -The form of error against which the epistle is directed becomes -clearest, perhaps in ch. 4:2,3. The false teachers had denied that -Jesus Christ was come in the flesh. This may be interpreted in -several different ways. - -(=1=) =Docetism.=--In the first place, John may mean that the -opponents simply denied the reality of the earthly life of Jesus. -Such a form of error is by no means unknown in the history of the -Church. It is called "Docetism." According to Docetism the Son of -God did not really live a human life--with human sufferings and a -human death--but only appeared to do so. - -(=2=) =Cerinthus.=--In the second place, the meaning of the passage -may be that the opponents denied the unity of the person of Jesus -Christ. Compare ch. 2:22. Some persons in the early Church supposed -that there were two separate persons in the figure that is described -in the Gospels. A heavenly being, the Christ, it was thought, united -himself with the man Jesus at the time when the dove descended after -the baptism. Matt. 3:16,17. Such was the view of Cerinthus, who is -declared by tradition to have been an opponent of the apostle John -at Ephesus. It has been suggested, therefore, that it was actually -Cerinthus, with his disciples, who is combated in the First Epistle -of John. - -(=3=) =Denial of the Incarnation.=--Both Cerinthus and the Docetists -denied the reality of the incarnation--both denied that the Son of -God actually assumed a human nature and lived a complete human life. -According to Cerinthus and others like him, the Christ stood only -in somewhat loose relation to the man Jesus. He was united with him -only late in life, he left him before the crucifixion. On this view, -it was not the Christ who lay in the manger at Bethlehem, it was not -the Christ who suffered on the cross. Cerinthus, like the Docetists, -kept the Son of God out of any close relation to the world and to us. - -(=4=) =John's Reply.=--Against some such view as one of these, John -was concerned to establish the reality of the incarnation--the truth -that "the Word became flesh." In the Gospel, that truth underlies -the whole of the narrative; in the First Epistle it is directly -defended against the opposing error. It is defended first of all -by an appeal to what the writer had seen and heard. "We knew Jesus -in Palestine," says John in effect, "and we can testify that Jesus -himself was none other than the Christ, the Son of God." I John, -1:1-4. - -(=5=) =John, the Opponents, and Cerinthus.=--The false teachers who -are combated in the epistle had apparently withdrawn from the Church -and formed a separate sect. I John 2:19. Their separateness of mind -and heart and life had found expression in open schism. Whether -they are to be identified with disciples of Cerinthus is at least -doubtful. False speculation about the person of Christ no doubt -assumed many forms in the closing years of the first century. - - -5. CONNECTION BETWEEN THE SECOND AND THE THIRD EPISTLE - -In III John 9, the apostle tells Gaius that he had written "somewhat -unto the church." This letter to the church may have been written -at some previous time. It is also possible, however, that it was -written together with the letter to Gaius. The Greek word for -"I wrote" admits of that interpretation. If that interpretation -be correct, then John perhaps means to say that although he has -written a letter to the church he could not in that letter urge -the hospitable reception of the missionaries. For the present, the -influence of Diotrephes was too strong. The letter to the church had -to be concerned with other matters. - -If this view of the letter mentioned in III John 9 be adopted, then -the Second Epistle of John corresponds to the description. The -Second Epistle is addressed to a church, and it is written with -some reserve. If "certain" of the children of "the elect lady" -were walking in truth, II John 4, the inference is that others -were conducting themselves very differently. Evidently there was -danger of false teaching among the readers. Hospitality to men like -Demetrius and his companions could hardly be expected of such a -church. If hospitality should be practiced, it was only too likely -to be hospitality to men of a very different stamp. Vs. 10, 11. - -Possibly, therefore, the Second Epistle of John is actually the -letter that is referred to in III John 9, a letter to the church -of which Gaius was a member. This hypothesis is supported by -the striking formal similarity of the two letters. They are of -almost exactly the same length; the openings and especially the -conclusions, II John 12, 13; III John 13, 14, are couched in almost -exactly the same terms. They look very much like twin epistles, -written on two sheets of papyrus of the same size. - -Of course the hypothesis is by no means certain. Perhaps the -letter referred to in III John 9 was a previous letter bespeaking -hospitality, which had failed of its effect. When the apostle saw, -from the answer or lack of answer to the previous letter, that the -church was ill disposed, he had recourse to an individual member of -it. Even in this case, however, it remains probable that our two -epistles were written at about the same time. - - -6. VALUE OF THE SHORTER EPISTLES - -These last two epistles of John do not deserve the neglect which -they have sometimes suffered. Despite their brevity--they are the -shortest books of the New Testament--they are instructive in a -number of ways. - -(=1=) =Historical.=--It is exceedingly interesting, for example, -to compare them with the private letters of the same period which -have recently been discovered in Egypt--see Lesson III, Teacher's -Manual, in this course. In form, the opening of the Third Epistle -is very much in the manner of the papyrus letters. Compare, for -example, with III John 1-4 the following opening of a letter of the -second century after Christ: "Apion to Epimachus his father and lord -heartiest greetings. First of all I pray that you are in health and -continually prosper and fare well with my sister and daughter and -my brother. I thank the lord Serapis...." (The translation is that -of Professor Milligan. See p. 20 of Teacher's Manual, Part I, of -this course.) The differences, however, are even more instructive -than the resemblances. What was said in Lesson I about the epistles -of Paul applies in full measure to the epistles of John. Even the -epistolary forms are here modified so as to be the vehicle of a new -message and a new spirit. - -Furthermore, the two epistles, especially Third John, cast a flood -of light upon the internal development of the Church. In one -respect indeed the historical significance of the Third Epistle has -sometimes been exaggerated. It is not true that we have here the -emergence of the monarchical episcopate--that is, the preëminence -of one presbyter, called a "bishop," over his brother presbyters. -Diotrephes does not appear clearly as a bishop. At about A. D. 110 -in the epistles of Ignatius the episcopate is very prominent; but -Third John belongs to an earlier period. - -Nevertheless, this concrete picture of the internal affairs of -a late first-century church is absolutely unique. The period is -very obscure; these few brief lines illumine it more than pages of -narrative. The traveling preachers of Third John are particularly -interesting. Similar missionaries appear also in the "Didache," a -sort of church manual which may probably be dated in the early part -of the second century. In that later period, however, care had to be -taken lest the hospitality of the churches should be abused. "But -let every apostle," says the writer--the word "apostle" is used in -a very broad sense to designate wandering preachers--"who comes to -you be received as the Lord. He shall remain, however, no more than -one day, or if necessary two. If he remains three days he is a false -prophet." Such precautions, we may be sure, were not needed in the -case of Demetrius and his companions. - -(=2=) =Practical.=--Despite its individual address and private -character, the Third Epistle of John is not an ordinary private -letter. Like all the books of the New Testament, it has a message -for the entire Church. The devout reader rises from the perusal of -it with a more steadfast devotion to the truth and a warmer glow of -Christian love. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 272-274, 294-308. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves -(supplemented), article on "John, Epistles of." M'Clymont, "The New -Testament and Its Writers," pp. 144-149. Ellicott, "A New Testament -Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 467-502: Sinclair, -"The Epistles of St. John." Westcott, "The Epistles of St. John." -Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 355-384. -The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have -some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXXVII - -THE MESSAGES OF THE LIVING CHRIST - -The Book of Revelation (First Lesson) - - -1. THE APOCALYPSE AND THE GOSPEL OF JOHN - -In the Student's Text Book it was maintained that the Apocalypse was -written by John the son of Zebedee. The strongest objection to this -view is to be found in the striking difference of language and style -which exists between the Apocalypse on the one side and the Gospel -and Epistles of John on the other. The style of the Apocalypse is -extraordinarily rough; in it the most elementary laws of Greek -grammar are sometimes disregarded. Such peculiarities appear -scarcely at all in the Gospel; the language of the Gospel, though -simple, is perfectly grammatical. - -This observation has led many scholars to decide that the Gospel and -the Apocalypse never could have been written by the same person; -the argument, indeed, was advanced as early as the third century by -Dionysius of Alexandria. Those who thus deny the unity of authorship -do not all reject either one book or the other as authoritative; -some suppose that the John whose name appears in the Apocalypse, -though not the same as John the son of Zebedee, was a genuine -prophet. - -The evidence, however, for attributing all the Johannine books to -the son of Zebedee is exceedingly strong. If the Apocalypse is to -be attributed to some one else, tradition is very seriously at -fault, and it is also very difficult to see how another John could -have introduced himself to the churches of Asia Minor in the way -that the author does at the beginning and end of the book without -distinguishing himself from the greater man of the same name who -was residing at Ephesus at the very same time. The Apocalypse -must therefore be assigned to the son of Zebedee unless there is -absolutely unimpeachable evidence to the contrary. - -Such evidence is not really forthcoming. The difference of style -between the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel is capable of -explanation. - -(=1=) =Possible Difference of Date.=--In the first place, it might -be explained by a wide difference of date. If the Apocalypse was -written at about A. D. 68, then an interval of some twenty-five -years or more separates it from the Gospel. Such an interval would -allow plenty of time for the style of the author to change. When the -Galilean fisherman first left his home in Palestine, his command -of the Greek language might conceivably be slight; whereas after a -long residence in Asia Minor, as leader of a group of Greek-speaking -churches, the roughness of his style would be removed. Hence the -un-Greek, strongly Hebraistic usages of the Apocalypse would in the -Gospel naturally give place to a correct, though simple style. - -This hypothesis, however, is beset with serious difficulties. It -is difficult to suppose that the Apocalypse was written before the -closing decade of the first century. Some passages, it is true, have -been strongly urged in favor of the early date. Particularly the -reference to the seven kings in Rev. 17:10 has been thought by many -excellent scholars to be decisive. The reference to the seven hills -in the preceding verse seems to show that the "beast" represents -Rome; the seven kings therefore naturally represent Roman emperors. -The fifth emperor, beginning with Augustus, was Nero. If at the time -when the book was written five were fallen, one was and the other -was not yet come, v. 10, the book must apparently have been written -under Nero's successor. His successor, Galba, reigned only a few -months: the book was therefore written in A. D. 68 or 69. Or if the -very brief reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius be not counted, then -the book was written between A. D. 69 and 79, during the reign of -Vespasian. - -The passage remains, however, so obscure that it is very doubtful -whether any one interpretation of it should be allowed to -overbalance the evidence for the later date. Such evidence is -abundant. Most weighty of all, perhaps, is the strong tradition -which places the Apocalypse in the closing years of Domitian. It -is hard to believe that that tradition is seriously at fault. The -condition of the Church, moreover, as it is presupposed in the book, -is more naturally to be sought at A. D. 95 than twenty-five years -earlier. The persecution, for example, which the writer describes, -seems far more like the persecution under Domitian than it is like -the outbreak which was occasioned by the cruelty of Nero. - -=(2) The Difference of Subject.=--If the later date be accepted, -then the Gospel and the Apocalypse were written in the same period -of the apostle's life, and the difference of style cannot be -explained by a difference of date. Another explanation, however, is -sufficient. The difference between the two books may be explained -by the total difference of subject. The Gospel is a narrative of -Jesus' life, written with abundant opportunity for reflection; the -Apocalypse is a record of wonderful visions, where stylistic nicety -would have marred the immediateness of the revelation. The very -roughness of the Apocalypse is valuable as expressing the character -of the book. In the Gospel, John brought to bear all his power of -reflection and of expression; in the Apocalypse, he wrote in haste -under the overpowering influence of a transcendent experience. - -The grammatical irregularities of the Apocalypse, moreover, often -create the impression that they are intentional. They belonged, -apparently, to an apocalyptic style which to a certain extent had -already been formed; they were felt to be suited to the peculiar -character of the work. - -Finally, it must not be forgotten that side by side with the -differences of style there are some remarkable similarities. The -underlying unity of thought and expression points to unity of -authorship. - - -2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE APOCALYPSE - -(=1=) =A Record of Visions.=--In what has just been said, the -dominant peculiarity of the Apocalypse has already been indicated. -The Apocalypse is no careful literary composition, pieced together -from previous works of a similar character. On the contrary, it is a -record of genuine revelations. Before writing, the seer was "in the -Spirit." - -(=2=) =Influence of the Old Testament.=--Nevertheless, although -the Apocalypse is a record of visions, and was written consciously -under the impulsion of the Spirit, it is by no means uninfluenced -by previous works. To a degree that is perhaps not paralleled by -any other New Testament book, the Apocalypse is suffused with the -language and with the imagery of the Old Testament. Though there is -not a single formal quotation, the Old Testament Scriptures have -influenced almost every sentence of the book. Particularly the books -of Ezekiel and Daniel, which, like the Apocalypse, are composed -largely of the records of visions, have supplied much of the imagery -of the New Testament work. - -This wide-spread influence of the Old Testament upon the Apocalypse -is by no means surprising. The Apocalypse is based upon direct -revelation, but direct revelation is not necessarily out of relation -to everything else. On the contrary, it uses the language which its -recipients can understand; and part of the language of the apostle -John was the phraseology and imagery of the Old Testament. - -It has already been hinted that works very similar in form to the -Apocalypse are to be found in the Old Testament. This apocalyptic -form was continued in a number of Jewish works written after the -conclusion of the Old Testament canon. Superficially these works -bear considerable resemblance to the New Testament Apocalypse; -but closer examination reveals profound differences. The Jewish -apocalypses appeared under assumed names--the most important of -them under the name of Enoch--while John is so firmly convinced of -having received genuine revelation that he requires no such spurious -authority for his work. The similarity between our Apocalypse and -its extra-canonical Jewish predecessors and contemporaries is a -similarity at most of form; in spirit and content the difference is -incalculable. Unlike these other works, the Apocalypse is a genuine -prophecy. - - -3. THE MESSAGES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES - -The so-called letters to the seven churches were never intended to -be circulated separately. From the beginning the letters formed part -of the Apocalypse, which was addressed to all seven of the churches. -From the beginning, therefore, each of the letters was intended to -be read not only by the church whose name it bears, but also by all -the others. The seven churches, moreover, are representative of the -Church at large. - -Nevertheless, despite the universal purpose of the letters, they -are very concrete in the information that they provide about the -churches in Asia Minor. Like the Second and Third Epistles of John -they illumine an exceedingly obscure period in the history of -Christianity. - -(=1=) =The "Angels" of the Churches.=--Some details in the letters, -it is true, are to us obscure. What, for example, is meant by the -"angels" of the churches to which the several letters are addressed? -The Greek word translated "angel" may also mean simply "messenger." -Conceivably, it might designate merely a congregational officer. -Many have supposed that it designates a bishop. In the epistles -of Ignatius, which were written not very many years after the -Apocalypse, the term "bishop" is applied to an officer who had -supreme authority over a congregation including the presbyters. The -appearance of these "angels" or "messengers" in the Apocalypse has -been urged as proof that John as well as Ignatius recognized the -institution of the episcopacy. - -Surely, however, the matter is more than doubtful. The Greek word -used, whether it be translated "angel" or "messenger," is a very -strange designation of a bishop. Moreover, in the rest of the -Johannine literature there is no recognition of the episcopacy. In -the Third Epistle of John, for example, even if Diotrephes had set -himself up as a bishop--which is itself exceedingly doubtful--his -claim is certainly not accepted by the apostle. - -On the whole, it seems better to regard the "angels" to which the -seven letters of the Apocalypse are addressed merely as ideal -representatives of the churches--representatives conceived of -perhaps as guardian angels. Compare Matt. 18:10. - -(=2=) =The Nicolaitans.=--Another puzzling question concerns the -"Nicolaitans" who appear in several of the letters. The name itself -is obscure. By tradition it is connected with that Nicolaüs of -Antioch who was one of the seven men appointed in the early days of -the Jerusalem church to attend to the administration of charity. -Acts 6:5. The tradition may possibly be correct. If it is correct, -then Nicolaüs, in his later life, had not justified the confidence -originally reposed in him. - -At the first mention of the Nicolaitans, in the letter to Ephesus, -Rev. 2:6, nothing whatever is said about their tenets. Their error, -however, was not merely theoretical, but practical, for it was their -"works" that the Lord is represented as hating. In the letter to -Pergamum, the Nicolaitans are probably meant in v. 14. Like Balaam, -they enticed the people of God to idolatry and impurity. The form -which their idolatry took was the eating of meats offered to idols. -The question of meats offered to idols was no simple matter. In the -First Epistle to the Corinthians Paul had permitted the eating of -such meats under certain circumstances, but had sternly forbidden it -wherever it involved real or supposed participation in idolatrous -worship. The form in which it was favored by the Nicolaitans -evidently fell under the latter category. In a time of persecution, -the temptation to guilty compromise with heathenism must have been -insidious; and also the low morality of the Asian cities threatened -ever and again to drag Christian people back into the impure life of -the world. - -In the letter to Thyatira, also, "the woman Jezebel" is apparently -to be connected with the same sect, for the practical faults in -Thyatira and in Pergamum were identical. Jezebel, the Phoenician -wife of Ahab, was, like Balaam, a striking Old Testament example -of one who led Israel into sin. It is significant that the woman -Jezebel in Thyatira called herself a prophetess. Rev. 2:20. This -circumstance seems to indicate that the Nicolaitans had excused -their moral laxness by an appeal to special revelations. The -impression is confirmed by v. 24. Apparently the Nicolaitans had -boasted of their knowledge of the "deep things," and had despised -the simple Christians who contented themselves with a holy life. At -any rate, whatever particular justification the Nicolaitans advanced -for their immoral life, they could not deceive the all-searching eye -of Christ. Their "deep things" were deep things, not of God, but of -Satan! - -Who is meant by "the woman Jezebel"? Some interpreters, who suppose -that the "angel" of the church was the bishop, regard Jezebel as -a designation of the bishop's wife. This whole interpretation is, -however, beset with serious difficulty. Perhaps "the woman Jezebel" -does not refer to an individual at all, but is simply a figurative -designation of the Nicolaitan sect. The description of the coming -retribution in vs. 21-23 seems to be highly figurative. - -It will be observed that the sin of the churches at Pergamum -and Thyatira was not limited to those who actually accepted the -Nicolaitan teaching. Even to endure the presence of the guilty -sect was the object of the Lord's rebuke. Toward the works of the -Nicolaitans only hatred was in place. Rev. 2:6. That is a solemn -lesson for modern indifferentism. Tolerance is good; but there are -times when it is a deadly sin. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," -pp. 274, 308-312. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves -(supplemented), article on "Revelation." M'Clymont, "The New -Testament and Its Writers," pp. 150-155. Milligan, "Lectures on the -Apocalypse" and "Discussions on the Apocalypse." Ellicott, "A New -Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 523-641: -Carpenter, "The Revelation of St. John." Ramsay, "The Letters to -the Seven Churches of Asia." Plumptre, "A Popular Exposition of the -Epistles to the Seven Churches of Asia." Swete, "The Apocalypse of -St. John." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. -384-449. The two last-named works are intended primarily for those -who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others. - - - - -LESSON XXXVIII - -A VISION OF THE FINAL TRIUMPH - -The Book of Revelation (Second Lesson) - - -1. THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE - -The interpretations of the Apocalypse may be divided into four -classes. - -(=1=) =Unfulfilled Prophecies.=--According to one method of -interpretation, the prophecies of the book are all unfulfilled. In -the last days there will be a mighty revival of evil like that which -is symbolized by the dragon and the beast and the false prophet, -there will be plagues and woes like those which are described in -connection with the seals and the trumpets and the bowls, and there -will be a triumph of God's people and an eternal blessedness of the -new Jerusalem. This interpretation would place the Apocalypse out of -analogy with the other prophecies of the Bible. Prophecy is seldom -out of all connection with the immediate present. Even where the -prophetic vision reaches to the very end of time, the fulfillment -or the preparation for the fulfillment is usually represented as -beginning at once. In the Apocalypse, as in other prophecy, there is -evident reference to the circumstances of the original readers. - -(=2=) =Contemporary Events.=--A second method of interpretation goes -to an opposite extreme. By this method the prophecies of the book -are thought to be concerned merely with events of the writer's own -age. "The beast" is the Roman Empire; "Babylon" is the city of Rome; -the author expected the destruction of both to take place within -a few years' time. In its thoroughgoing form this interpretation -also is to be rejected. It degrades the Apocalypse to the level of -a mistaken prediction, and reduces the self-evidencing glories of -the book to trivialities. Evidently the outlook of the seer was -far broader and far more spiritual than it is represented by the -advocates of this interpretation. - -(=3=) =The Whole History of the Church.=--By a third method of -interpretation, the first two methods are combined. The book is -written distinctly in view of conditions of the first century, its -predictions concern partly the immediate future; but there is also -an outlook upon remoter ages. By this interpretation the prophecies -are held to provide an epitome of the whole of history from the -first coming of Christ to his second coming. - -(=4=) =Mixture of Discordant Traditions.=--A fourth method of -interpretation, which has become influential in very recent years, -abandons all hope of discovering a unitary message in the book, and -proceeds to divide it into its component parts. The analysis was -carried on first by literary criticism. An older work of the time -of Nero was supposed to have been revised at a later period; or -non-Christian Jewish works were supposed to have been incorporated -in the present work by a Christian compiler. This sort of literary -criticism has in the last few years given place sometimes to a -subtler method. Investigation is now directed to the materials of -which the book is composed, whether those materials were embodied -in previous literary works or only in previous traditions. The -ultimate source of much of the material is found in Babylonia or -other eastern countries; this material is thought to be not always -in accord with the context into which in our Apocalypse it has been -introduced. - -This method must emphatically be rejected. It contains, indeed, -an element of truth. Undoubtedly the Apocalypse makes use of -already-existing materials. But these materials are, for the most -part at least, of genuinely Hebrew origin; and they have been -thoroughly assimilated for the purposes of the present prophecy. -The Apocalypse is not a compilation full of contradictions, but a -unitary work, with one great message for the Church. - -(=5=) =Wrong Use of the Third Method.=--Of these four methods of -interpretation the third has been adopted in the Student's Text -Book. The prophecies of the Apocalypse concern the entire history of -the Church. Undoubtedly this interpretation is subject to abuse. It -has been employed in the interests of special controversy, as when -the Protestants saw in the scarlet woman a representation of papal -Rome. - -(=6=) =Principles, Not Individual Facts.=--All such abuses may be -avoided, however, if the interpreter will remember that the book -deals with great principles, rather than with individual facts. The -beast is neither the Roman Catholic Church, nor the religion of -Mohammed, nor the Turkish Empire. Undoubtedly it expressed itself in -some phases of each of those institutions. But no one of them can be -identified with it outright. The beast of the Apocalypse is nothing -less than the blatant, godless power of worldly empire, however that -power may be manifested. At the time of John it was manifested -especially in the empire of Rome. Even Rome, however, cannot be -identified with the beast entirely without qualification. Even Rome -had its beneficent side. John as well as Paul, even in the fire -of persecution, might have expressed the thought of Rom. 13:1-7. -Peter also wrote in the midst of persecution; yet Peter could say, -"Be subject to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake: whether -to the king, as supreme; or unto governors, as sent by him for -vengeance on evil-doers and for praise to them that do well." I -Peter 2:13,14. - -The other side of Rome's power, it is true, was prominent at the -close of the first century. More systematically than before, -Rome had begun to persecute the Church of God. By the demand of -emperor-worship she had tried to put her stamp upon the followers of -Jesus. Through her priesthood she had endeavored to lead men astray. -In these things she was a manifestation of the beast. As such she -was execrated and resisted to the death by every loyal Christian. -There could be no hope of compromise. Hope lay rather in the power -of God. God would give the just reward; God would give the final -victory. Such was the message of the Apocalypse. - -The message is of perennial value. The beast is not yet dead. His -methods are different, but still he oppresses the Church. Wherever -his power is felt--whether in ruthless oppression or impious warfare -or degrading superstition--there the prophecy of John is a comfort -and an inspiration to the people of God. - -Undoubtedly this method of interpretation, which detects in the book -principles rather than individual facts, involves a reduction in the -amount of direct information which the Apocalypse may be thought to -give. A detailed account, whether of the progress of the Church, or -of the final catastrophe, is by this interpretation no longer found -in the book. - - -2. THE THOUSAND YEARS - -At one point at least, this conclusion has been regarded by many -devout Christians as involving a serious loss. That point is -concerned with the thousand years of Rev. 20:1-8. According to the -interpretation that has just been advocated, the thousand years are -merely a symbol for the time of the present Christian dispensation, -and the rule which the saints are represented as bearing with -Christ probably refers to the condition of the blessed dead up to -the final resurrection. To many devout readers of the Bible this -interpretation seems to be an impoverishment of the prophet's -words. In reality, they maintain, the passage predicts a return of -Jesus to earth before the final judgment, and a long period of his -blessed sway. - -Undoubtedly this more literal interpretation of the millennium seems -at first sight to be required by certain phrases of the passage. -But the highly figurative character of apocalyptic language must -always be borne in mind. Numbers, in the Apocalypse, are usually -symbolic; so it may be with the thousand years. During the present -dispensation Satan is in one sense bound, and in another sense he -is free. In principle he has been conquered; but in the sphere of -worldly power he continues to work his wrathful will. - - -3. THE CHRISTIAN HOPE - -One thing at least is clear. No interpretation of the Apocalypse is -correct if it fails to do justice to the hope of Christ's return. -If the figurative interpretation weakens our expectation of that -dread meeting with the Lord, then it is untrue to the mind of the -Spirit. There are difficulties connected with the idea of a literal -millennium; but such difficulties are inconsiderable in comparison -with those that result from any rationalizing, any explaining away, -of the universal Christian hope. The Apocalypse, according to any -right interpretation, is a vision of final triumph. - -That triumph is a triumph of Christ. Back of all the lurid imagery -of the book, back of the battles and the woes, and back of the -glories of God's people, stands the figure of the Saviour. With him -the book began, and with him, too, it ends. He is the same who lived -the life of mercy and of glory on earth, the same who died for our -sins on the cross. To the Lamb all power is given--all power in -heaven and on earth. By him all enemies are conquered; by him the -whole earth will be judged. To those who bear the mark of the beast -he is an Avenger; to his Church he is an ever-living Saviour. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--The reading suggested under Lesson XXXVII is -intended for both of the lessons on the Apocalypse. - - - - -LESSON XXXIX - -REVIEW - - -This review lesson is fully as important as any other lesson of -the first three quarters. Without reviewing, the study of history -is unproductive; only a review can make of the facts a permanent -possession. The story of the apostolic age, as it is narrated in the -work of Luke, is really very simple; it becomes confusing only when -it is imperfectly mastered. A little time spent in turning over the -pages of the Lucan narrative, or even of the Student's Text Book, -will accomplish wonders. - - -1. UNANSWERED QUESTIONS - -The New Testament account of the apostolic age is indeed only -fragmentary. Many questions must be left unanswered. Of the original -twelve apostles only Peter and the sons of Zebedee and Judas -Iscariot receive in The Acts anything more than a bare mention; and -even the most prominent of these disappears after the fifteenth -chapter. What did Paul do in Arabia and in Tarsus? What was the -origin of the great church at Alexandria? Who founded the church -at Rome? These questions, and many like them, must forever remain -unanswered. - -If, moreover, even the period covered by The Acts is obscure, far -deeper is the darkness after the guiding hand of Luke has been -withdrawn. For the death of the apostle Paul, there is only a meager -tradition; the latter years of Peter are even more obscure. For the -important period between the release of Paul after his first Roman -imprisonment and the death of the apostle John at about the end of -the first century, anything like a connected narrative is quite -impossible. - - -2. THE NERONIAN PERSECUTION - -A few facts, however, may still be established. The Roman historian -Tacitus tells of a persecution of the Christians at Rome at the -time of the burning of the city in A. D. 64. The emperor Nero, -suspected of starting the fire, sought to remove suspicion from -himself by accusing the Christians. The latter had already become -unpopular because of their peculiar ways, and were thought to be -guilty of abominable crimes; but the cruelty of Nero almost exceeded -the wishes of the populace. The Christians were put to death under -horrible tortures. Many were burned, and their burning bodies served -as torches to illumine the emperor's gardens. - -The beheading of Paul has often been brought into connection with -this persecution, but more probably it occurred a few years later. -Paul had been released from his first imprisonment, and his second -imprisonment, at the time of the Neronian outbreak, had not yet -begun. - -The extent of the Neronian persecution cannot be determined with -certainty. Probably, however, although there was no systematic -persecution throughout the empire, the provinces would not be -altogether unaffected by what was happening at Rome. The causes of -popular and official disfavor were always present; it required only -a slight occasion to bring them actively into play. - - -3. THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM - -Even more important than the Roman persecution of A. D. 64 was the -destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. At the outbreak of the war -which culminated in that catastrophe, the Jerusalem Christians took -refuge in Pella, east of the Jordan; Jerusalem ceased to be the -center of the Christian Church. After the war, the Jerusalem church -never regained its old position of leadership; and specifically -Jewish Christianity, suffering by the destruction of the national -Jewish life, ceased to be influential in Christian history. - - -4. THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL - -From the years between the destruction of Jerusalem and the closing -years of the century, scarcely any definite incidents can be -enumerated. Undoubtedly the missionary activity of the Church was -continuing; the gospel was making rapid progress in its conquest of -the empire. In this missionary activity probably many of the twelve -apostles were engaged; but details of their work are narrated for -the most part only in late tradition. - - -5. JOHN AT EPHESUS - -At some time--whether before or after A. D. 70 is uncertain--the -apostle John went to Ephesus, and there became the leader of -the Asian church. Detailed information about his position and -the churches under his care is provided not only in trustworthy -tradition--especially that which comes through Irenæus from -Polycarp, the hearer of John--but also in the writings of John -himself. The two shorter epistles of John, though each embraces -only a small page, are extraordinarily rich in information about -congregational matters, and even more instructive are the seven -messages of the Apocalypse. By means of the latter the moral -condition of the church in Asia Minor is characterized with a -vividness that is scarcely to be paralleled for any other period of -the apostolic age. - - -6. THE PERSECUTION UNDER DOMITIAN - -During the latter part of the residence of John in Asia Minor there -was an important event in the history of the Church. This was the -outbreak of the persecution under Domitian--a persecution which -apparently exceeded in extent, if not in severity, every persecution -that had preceded it. Under Domitian the Roman authorities became -definitely hostile; apostasy from Christ was apparently demanded -systematically of the Christians--apostasy from Christ and adhesion -to the imperial cult. The latter, in the Apocalypse, is represented -as an example of the mark of "the beast"; the Roman Empire, as would -have been unnatural in the days of Paul, appears in that book as an -incorporation of Satanic power. The long conflict between the Church -and the empire had at last begun. Which side would be victorious? In -the Apocalypse the answer is plain. The Lord himself was fighting -for his Church! - - -7. THE NEW TESTAMENT GOSPEL - -Our knowledge of the apostolic age, though fragmentary, is -sufficient--sufficient not indeed for a complete history, but for -the requirements of Christian faith. The information provided in the -New Testament makes up in quality for what it lacks in quantity. Its -extraordinary vividness and concreteness possesses a self-evidencing -value. The life of the apostle Paul--revealed with unmistakable -fidelity--is itself a sufficient bulwark against historical -skepticism; it involves inevitably the supernatural Christ. The -gospel is no aspiration in the hearts of dreamers; it is a real -entrance of divine power into the troubled battle field of human -history. God was working in the apostolic Church, God is speaking in -the New Testament--there is the summation of our study. - - - - -PART IV: - -The Apostolic Church and the -Church of To-Day - - - - -LESSON XL - -THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD - - -The apostolic Church, as was observed in the Student's Text Book, -found itself from the beginning in the midst of an environment more -or less actively hostile. If we had been in Jerusalem at about the -year 30, we should have observed a small group of disciples of -Jesus, outwardly conforming to Jewish customs, but inwardly quite -different from their countrymen. In Corinth and in other pagan -cities of the Greco-Roman world, the contrast between the Church and -its environment was even more striking; these cities were sunk in -superstition and vice; the Church was leading, in the eyes of the -world, a very peculiar life. - -The presence of a common enemy led in the apostolic age to a closer -union among the Christians themselves, and so it will always be. -When Christian people realize the power of the enemy against whom -they are all fighting, then they will have no time to fight among -themselves. The Christian life is a warfare against sin--sin in -a thousand deadly forms. In such a warfare, if we are to be good -soldiers, we must all stand shoulder to shoulder. - -The apostolic Church was waging an audacious warfare against the -intrenched forces of heathenism and sin. Fortunately it had a -Leader; and by that Leader alone it won the victory. The Leader was -Christ. The primary relation of the soldier is the relation to the -commander; the relation of the individual soldiers to one another -is dependent upon that. So we shall study to-day the lordship -of Christ; by that study, the work of the whole quarter will be -introduced. - - -1. TERMS DESCRIPTIVE OF DISCIPLESHIP - -The lordship of Christ may profitably be studied by an examination -of some of the various names which in the New Testament are applied -to the Church and its individual members. The individual titles -should be studied first. After all, the Church exists for the -individual believer rather than the individual believer for the -Church. The primary relation is the relation between Christ and -the individual soul. Brotherhood comes only through the union of -individuals with a common Lord. - -(=1=) "=Christians.="--Probably the first title that occurs to us -to-day to designate the individual members of the Church is the -title "Christian"; yet as a matter of fact that title appears only -three times in the New Testament, and then only as it was taken from -the lips of unbelievers. In accordance with the explicit testimony -of Acts 11:26, the name was given for the first time at Antioch; -it had no place, therefore, in the early Jerusalem church. A -moment's thought will reveal the reason. The name "Christians" would -have meant to a Jew adherents of the "Christ," or the "Messiah." -Obviously no Jew would have applied such a name specifically to the -disciples of Jesus; for all the Jews, in one sense or another, were -adherents of the Messiah. The Jews were adherents of him by way of -anticipation; the disciples thought he had already appeared; but all -earnest Jews alike would have rejoiced to be called by his name. - -Evidently the name was applied in Antioch by the pagan population. -The Church had become so clearly separate from Judaism that a -separate name for it was required. The name "Christian" suggested -itself very naturally. "Jesus Christ" was forever on the lips of -these strange enthusiasts! "The Christ" was indeed also spoken of -by the Jews, but only careful observers would necessarily be aware -of the fact. The Messianic hope was an internal concern of the -synagogues, with which outsiders would usually have little to do. -The new sect, on the other hand, brought the title "Christ" out from -its seclusion; "Christ" to these enthusiasts was something more than -a title, it was becoming almost a proper name; like "Jesus," it -was a designation of the Founder of the sect, and accordingly the -adjective derived from it could be used to designate the sect itself. - -In Acts 26:28, the name appears as used by Agrippa; in I Peter -4:16, also, it is evidently taken from the lips of the opponents -of the faith. The Christians, however, Peter implies, need not be -ashamed of the name which has been fastened upon them. Rather let -them strive to be worthy of it! It is the highest honor to be called -by the name of Christ; and if they are true "Christians," their -confession will redound to the glory of God. - -In modern times, the name is often misapplied; the use of it is -broadened and weakened. Nations are declared to be Christian -although only a very small percentage of their citizens really -deserve the name; teaching is called Christian though it is -only similar in some respects to the teaching of Christ. Such a -use of terms should be avoided wherever possible; the original -poignancy of the designation should be restored. Properly speaking, -"Christian" means not "like Christ" but "subject to Christ." A -Christian is not one who admires Christ or is impressed with -Christ's teaching or tries to imitate Christ, but one to whom Christ -is Saviour and Lord. - -Are we willing to be known as "Christians" in that sense? At the -time of First Peter, it would have been a serious question; an -affirmative answer would have meant persecution and perhaps death. -But it is also a serious question to-day. Confession of Christ -involves solemn responsibilities; dishonor to the "Christian" means -dishonor to Christ; the unworthy servant is a dishonor to his -Master. But let us not fear; Christ is Helper as well as Lord. - -(=2=) "=Disciples.="--The earliest designation of the followers of -Jesus was "disciples" or "learners"; during the earthly ministry -perhaps scarcely any other designation was commonly used. Jesus -appeared at first as a teacher; the form of his work was somewhat -like that of other teachers of the Jews. Nevertheless, although he -was a teacher from the beginning, he was also from the beginning -something more. He had not only authority, but also power; he was -not only Teacher, but also Saviour. His followers were not merely -instructed, but were received into fellowship; and that fellowship -made of them new men. "Disciples" in the Gospels is more than -"learners" or "students"; it is a fine, warm, rich word; the Teacher -was also Friend and Lord. - -The same term was continued in the early Palestinian Church, and the -resurrection had brought an incalculable enrichment of its meaning. -The "disciples" were not merely those who remembered the words of -Jesus, but those who had been redeemed by his blood and were living -now in the power of his Holy Spirit. If we use the term, let it be -in the same lofty sense. Let us be learners, indeed; let us hear the -words of Jesus, as they are recorded in the Gospels; but let us hear -them not from a dead teacher, but ever anew from the living Lord. - -(=3=) "=Saints.="--A third designation is "saints." This term is -used as a title of the Christians in Acts 9:13,32,41; 26:10, and -frequently in the epistles of Paul and in the Apocalypse. Its use -in the New Testament is very different from some uses of it that -appeared at a later time. The Roman Catholics, for example, employ -the term as a title of honor for a number of persons carefully -limited by the Church; Protestants often designate by it persons -of exceptional purity or goodness. In the New Testament, on the -contrary, the title "saints" is clearly applied to all Christians. - -In the original Greek the word is exactly the same as a word meaning -"holy"; it is simply the adjective "holy" used as a noun. "Saints," -therefore, really means "holy persons." Unfortunately, however, the -word "holy," as well as the word "saint" has undergone modifications -of usage. "Holy," in the Bible, is not simply another word for -"good" or "righteous," but expresses a somewhat different idea. It -has the idea of "sacred" or "separate"--separate from the world. God -is holy not merely because he is good, but because he is separate. -Undoubtedly his goodness is one attribute--perhaps the chief -attribute--that constitutes the separateness; but other attributes -also have their place. His omnipotence and his infinitude, as well -as his goodness, make him "holy." - -The word "holy" or "saint" as applied to Christians has -fundamentally the same meaning. Believers are "holy" because they -are in communion with the holy God and therefore separate from the -world. Undoubtedly the most obvious element in their separateness -is their goodness; the moral implications of the term "holy" are -sometimes so prominent that the specific meaning of the word seems -obscured. But that specific meaning is probably never altogether -lost. Christians are called "saints" because they are citizens, not -of the present evil world, but of a heavenly kingdom. - -The familiar word, thus interpreted, has a startling lesson for the -modern Church. Can modern Christians be called "saints," in the -New Testament sense? Are we really separate from the world? Are we -really "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, -a peculiar people" (A. V.)? Do we really feel ourselves to be -strangers and pilgrims in the earth? Or are we rather salt that has -lost its savor? Have we become merged in the life of the world? - -(=4=) "=Brethren.="--A fourth designation is concerned, not with -the relation of the believer to Christ or to the world, but with -the relation of believers among themselves. That designation -is "brethren." It is a very simple word; it requires little -explanation; the rich meaning of it will be unfolded in the whole of -this quarter's study. - -(=5=) "=Church.="--After studying the New Testament terms that -denote the disciples of Jesus individually, it will now be well to -turn for a moment to the chief designation of the body of disciples -considered as a unit. That designation is "church," or in the Greek -form, "ecclesia." - -The word "ecclesia" is in itself a very simple term indeed. It -is derived from the verb "call" and the preposition "out." An -"ecclesia" is a body of persons called out from their houses to a -common meeting place, in short it is simply an "assembly," and an -assembly of any kind. This simple use of the word is found in Acts -19:32,39,41; the Greek word which is there translated "assembly" is -exactly the same word as that which is elsewhere translated "church." - -Even before New Testament times, however, the word had begun to -be used in a special, religious sense. Here, as so often, the -Septuagint translation of the Old Testament prepared the way for New -Testament usage. In the Septuagint the word "ecclesia" was used to -denote the solemn assembly of the people of Israel. That assembly -was of course religious as well as political; for Israel was a -theocratic nation. Hence it was no abrupt transition from previous -usage when the New Testament writers selected the word "ecclesia" to -denote the Christian congregation. - -In the New Testament, the word is used in various ways. In the -first place, it designates the body of Christians who lived in -any particular place. So, for example, the epistles of Paul are -addressed to individual "churches." In the second place, however, -the word designates the whole body of Christians throughout the -world. This usage is prominent in the Epistle to the Ephesians, -but it also appears even in the Gospels, in the memorable words of -Jesus at Cæsarea Philippi. Matt. 16:18. It is a wonderfully grand -conception which is thus disclosed by the familiar word. "The -Church" is a chosen people, ruled by the Lord himself, a mighty -army, engaged, not in earthly warfare, but in a spiritual campaign -of salvation and love. - -(=6=) "=The Kingdom of God.="--One further conception requires at -least a word. What is meant by "the kingdom of God"? This conception -is evidently related to the conception of "the Church," but the -two are not identical. The kingdom of God is simply that place or -that condition where God rules. As the kingdom of Cæsar was the -territory over which Cæsar held sway, so the kingdom of God is the -realm where God's will is done. In one sense, of course, the kingdom -of God embraces the whole universe, for nothing is beyond the reach -of God's power. But in the New Testament the term is used in a far -deeper sense; it is used to denote the realm where God's will is -done, not of necessity, but by willing submission. Wherever human -hearts and wills are in true accord with the will of God, there the -"kingdom" has come. - -In one sense the kingdom of God belongs to the future age. It is -never realized fully upon earth; there is here always some lurking -trace of sinful resistance. Nevertheless, in the New Testament the -kingdom is by no means always represented as future. Though it has -not yet been fully realized, it is already present in principle; it -is present especially in the Church. The Church gives clear, though -imperfect, expression to the idea of the kingdom; the Church is a -people whose ruler is God. - -Entrance into the Church is not to be obtained by human effort; it -is the free gift of God through the Lord Jesus Christ. No other gift -is so glorious. If we are members of that chosen people, we need -fear nothing in heaven or on earth. - - -2. PRACTICAL CONCLUSIONS - -Two lessons should be conveyed by our study of to-day: in the first -place the lesson of separateness, and in the second place the lesson -of unity. Neither can be truly learned without the other. There can -be no true Christian unity if individual members of the Christian -body make common cause with the unbelieving world. A knowledge -of the common enemy will draw us all into closer fellowship. -That fellowship need not necessarily be expressed in a common -organization; but it will be expressed at least in a common service. -Separateness from the world will not mean leaving the world to its -fate; the Christian salvation will be offered freely to all. But -the gravity of the choice should never, by any false urbanity, be -disguised. It is no light difference whether a man is within the -people of God or without; there is a definite line of demarcation, -and the passing of it means the transition from death into life. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -"Church," "Disciple," "Christian." Hastings, "Dictionary of -the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church." Hort, "The Christian -Ecclesia." Charteris, "The Church of Christ." Westcott, "The -Two Empires: The Church and the World," in "The Epistles of St. -John," pp. 250-282. "The Epistle to Diognetus," introduction and -translation in Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers," pp. 487-489, -501-511. Erdman, "Coming to the Communion." - - - - -LESSON XLI - -THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE - - -1. A PHILOSOPHY, OR A TESTIMONY? - -In the Student's Text Book the Christian message has been -represented as primarily a piece of good news, a story of something -that happened. That representation does not pass unchallenged -to-day. Many suppose that the message of the apostles was concerned -simply with reflection upon eternal truths. For centuries, it is -said in effect, men had been reflecting upon the problems of God and -the world and sin; what the apostles did in Jerusalem and elsewhere -was simply to provide better instruction on these great themes; -Jesus had taught men that God is a Father, the apostles simply -continued his teaching. - -Such a view, of course, can be held only by rejecting or distorting -the testimony of the New Testament. If the book of The Acts is -correct, if Paul is correct, then the preaching that founded the -apostolic Church was not better instruction about old facts, but -information about a new fact. Before Jesus came, the world was -lost under sin; but Jesus lived and died and rose again, and gave -salvation to all who would receive. According to the New Testament, -Jesus did not come to tell men that they were God's children; he -came to make them God's children. John 1:12; Gal. 4:3-5. Without -him they were under God's wrath and curse; but by faith in him, by -acceptance of his sacrifice of himself for them, by receiving from -his Spirit the power to believe, they could call God Father. On the -day of Pentecost Jesus was presented as more than a Teacher; he was -presented as a Saviour. - - -2. THE EFFECTS OF THE MESSAGE - -=(1) In the Apostolic Age.=--The effects of that presentation have -been considered briefly in the Student's Text Book, and what was -said there might easily be supplemented. The conversion of the three -thousand was only a beginning. The new spirit of the Christian -community, the brotherly love and holy joy of the disciples, indeed -everything that will be treated in the lessons of the quarter, -were the result of a simple piece of news. By the wise men of the -world--then as now--the message was despised, but "the foolishness -of God is wiser than men; and the weakness of God is stronger than -men." I Cor. 1:25. - -This lesson offers a singular opportunity to the teacher. The -Christian message in the apostolic Church was a message of power. -The story of its progress is full of dramatic vigor; it appeals -even to the non-Christian historian. The story of the apostolic age -is full of surprises--the sudden transformation of bitter Jewish -enemies into humble disciples; the triumphant spread of the faith -when everything seemed opposed; the establishment of Christian -churches in the very centers of pagan vice; the astonishingly -rapid preparation for the conquest of the empire; and all this -accomplished not by worldly wisdom, but by simple men who only had a -bit of news--a bit of news, and God! - -=(2) In the History of the Church.=--The triumphs of the gospel, -however, were not confined to the age of the apostles. The apostolic -age was prophetic of the Christian centuries. There were many -days of darkness; but the Church always emerged again triumphant. -So it will be to-day. God has not deserted his people; he will -attest his truth with the power of his Spirit; there is no room -for discouragement. One thing, however, should be remembered; the -victories of the Church are victories, not of brilliant preachers, -not of human wisdom or human goodness, but of the cross of Christ. -Under that banner all true conquests move. - - -3. THE PRESENTATION OF THE MESSAGE - -The Christian message was presented in the apostolic Church in many -different ways. The gospel was everywhere essentially the same, -but the presentation of it was adapted to the needs of particular -hearers, and the understanding of it became ever more complete under -the illumination of the Holy Spirit. It is interesting to collect -the various types of missionary speeches that are found in the New -Testament. - -=(1) The Missionary Preaching of the Jerusalem Church.=--The early -chapters of The Acts preserve a number of speeches that were -addressed to Jews. As might have been expected, these speeches -are intended primarily to prove the Messiahship of Jesus. If that -could be proved, then--among the Jews--the rest would follow. The -Messiahship was proved first by an appeal to the Scriptures, and -second by the fact of the resurrection. Even the death of Jesus on -the cross, which was to the Jews a stumblingblock, was predicted by -the prophets, and so served to prove that Jesus was the promised -One. The resurrection was also predicted; and the resurrection was -established first by the simple testimony of eyewitnesses and second -by the wonderful works of the living Christ. - -These early speeches contain only a little of the full truth of -the gospel. In them, for example, the significance of the death -of Christ as an atonement for sin is not fully explained. Such -omissions were due no doubt to two causes. - -(a) Limitations Due to the Hearers.--In the first place, the -peculiar needs of the hearers had to be considered. The hearers were -Jews; to them the death of the Messiah was an unheard-of paradox; -to them the cross was a stumblingblock. Before the inner meaning of -the crucifixion could be explained, obviously the objections derived -from it needed to be overcome. The first task of the missionaries -was to show that Jesus, although he had been crucified, was the -Messiah. That was done by an appeal to prophecy and to the plain -fact of the resurrection. After conviction had thus been produced, -it would be time enough to show that what was at first regarded as a -stumblingblock was really the supreme act of divine grace. - -(b) Limitations Due to an Early Stage of Revelation.--The omissions -in the early speeches were due, however, not merely to the peculiar -needs of the hearers, but also to limitations in the knowledge -of the apostles. Christian truth was not all revealed at once; -undoubtedly the full explanation of the cross, the full exposition -of the atonement, was revealed only when the disciples could bear -it. Such is the divine method, even in revelation. The disciples -were brought gradually, by the gracious leading of the Holy Spirit, -into ever richer knowledge of the truth. - -(c) The Significance of the Cross.--Nevertheless, the meagerness -of the early teaching must not be exaggerated. In the very first -missionary speech of Peter, Jesus was represented as "delivered -up by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God." Acts -2:23. What happened "by the determinate counsel ... of God" was -no meaningless chance; the crucifixion was not a victory of evil -over God, it must have had some beneficent purpose. Furthermore, -Jesus himself had explained what that purpose was. He had spoken -of giving his life a ransom for many, Mark 10:45; still more -plainly, on the last solemn passover evening, he had represented -his death as sacrificial. These words were certainly not forgotten -in the Jerusalem church; they were called to mind in the repeated -celebration of the Lord's Supper, and must have formed the subject -of meditation. The Jerusalem Christians knew that Jesus' death was a -death on their behalf. - -(d) The Lordship of Jesus.--The lordship of Jesus, moreover, was -fully recognized from the very beginning. The risen Christ had -ascended into glory, and had poured forth his mighty Spirit. The -believer was no mere learner of the words of a dead teacher; he was -called into communion with a Lord and Saviour. Such communion meant -nothing less than an entirely new life, in which sin could have -no rightful place. It was a life of conflict, but also a life of -hope. The Saviour would come again in like manner as he had gone. -The spiritual victory, already won, would be perfected by a final -victory in every realm. - -=(2) The Missionary Preaching of Paul.=--The gospel of the early -preachers was a glorious message. It was a piece of glad tidings, -such as the world had never known. Yet even greater things were in -store; even more wondrous mysteries were to be revealed. They were -revealed especially through the instrumentality of the apostle Paul. -The gospel had been preached from the beginning, but much of its -deeper meaning was reserved for Paul. - -(a) Truth and Error.--In the teaching of Paul, truth became plainer -by being contrasted with error. The original apostles had really -been trusting in the atonement of Christ for salvation; but now -that trust became plainer and more explicit by being contrasted -with works of the law. The original apostles had really grasped the -inner significance of Jesus as the fulfillment of the Old Testament; -but now that significance became still plainer by the contrast with -Pharisaic legality. Now at length the death and resurrection were -represented sharply and clearly as great representative acts in -which the believer shares through faith. The original apostles were -not overwhelmed and confused by the new revelation; they recognized -the grace of God. Their perfect agreement with Paul exhibited the -unity of the apostolic gospel. - -Scarcely anything would be more interesting than a full collection -of the missionary speeches of Paul. Such a collection, however, has -not been preserved. The writings that we possess from the hand of -Paul are not missionary addresses, but letters written to those who -were already Christians. We should not, however, complain of the -providence of God. God has not thought good to give us everything, -but what he has given us is enough. - -(b) Information Provided by The Acts.--The book of The Acts, -in the first place, affords valuable information. The author -was interested, indeed, chiefly in beginnings. The examples of -Paul's missionary preaching which Luke has preserved, are perhaps -preliminary to evangelism, rather than evangelism itself. The -speech at Pisidian Antioch shows how Paul proved the Messiahship -of Jesus. In winning the Jews, that proof was the first step. The -Pauline gospel indeed appears, but it appears only at the very -end of the speech. The speech at Athens is still more clearly of -preliminary character. Monotheism needed to be established before -the gospel of Christ could be understood. Despite their necessary -limitations however, these speeches are instructive. They show, in -the first place, that Paul adapted his preaching to the needs of his -hearers. He did not preach the same sermon mechanically to all. He -sought really to win men over, he began with what his hearers could -understand. They show, in the second place, that all preliminary -matters were kept strictly subordinate. These matters were not made -an end in themselves, as is often the case in the modern Church, but -were merely a means to an end. No matter where he began, Paul always -proceeded quickly to the center of the gospel. Both at Pisidian -Antioch and at Athens, he hastened on to the resurrection. - -(c) Information Provided by the Epistles.--The Pauline Epistles, in -the second place, though they are addressed to Christians, really -afford sufficient information, at least in outline, about the -missionary preaching of Paul. Incidental references are sufficient -to show at least that the cross and the resurrection were the center -and core of it. The Thessalonians, for example, under the preaching -of Paul, "turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true -God, and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the -dead, even Jesus, who delivereth us from the wrath to come." This -little passage is worth pages of exposition. Preaching to Gentiles -is here reviewed in epitome, though of course not with studied -symmetry and completeness. The knowledge of the one true God formed -of course, for Gentiles, the starting point for all the rest, but -from that starting point the preacher at once proceeded to tell of -the work of Christ. Just as illuminating are passages like I Cor. -2:2; Gal. 3:1. In Corinth Paul knew nothing save "Jesus Christ, -and him crucified"; in Galatia the story of the cross was made so -plain that it was as though Jesus Christ crucified were held up -before the eyes of the Galatians on a great picture or placard. -The famous passage in First Corinthians, ch. 15:1-8, is, however, -perhaps clearest of all. At the very beginning Paul had spoken of -the death of Christ and the resurrection. The death, moreover, was -not presented as a mere inspiring story of a holy martyrdom, but -as a death "for our sins"; and the resurrection was supported not -primarily by an inward experience, but by simple testimony. - -Apostolic preaching was everywhere essentially the same. The -apostles never began, like many modern preachers, with exhortation; -though they proceeded to exhortation, they always began with facts. -What was always fundamental was the simple story of the life and -death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ crucified and -risen was the subject of the good news that conquered the world. -When will the modern Church take up the message with new power? We -do not know. The times are in God's hand. But when the blessed day -comes, it will be a day of victory. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Bunyan, "The Pilgrim's Progress." Warfield, "The -Saviour of the World," and "The Power of God Unto Salvation" (the -latter in "The Presbyterian Pulpit"). Hodge, "The Way of Life." - - - - -LESSON XLII - -THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS - - -This lesson and the two following are intended primarily to -encourage in the student the diligent use of "the means of grace." -The wise teacher will keep the practical purpose steadily in view. -That practical purpose may now be examined a little more in detail. -Why should the example of the apostolic Church be followed in the -matter of Bible-reading, of the sacraments, of prayer, of Christian -meetings? What was God's purpose in providing these simple exercises -of the Christian life--what benefit do we receive from them? Perhaps -the briefest and simplest answer is that we receive from them what -is often known as "reality" in religion. - - -1. REALITY IN RELIGION - -Many Christians are puzzled by the lack of the sense of "reality" -in their Christian life. They have believed in Christ, but often -he seems far from them. It is not so much that positive doubts -have arisen, though certainly the lack of fervency gives doubt its -opportunity. Rather is it an inexplicable dulling of the spiritual -eye. The gospel still seems wonderful to the intellect, but to the -heart it has somehow lost its power. - -=(1) The Need of Diligence.=--This condition is due very often to -a neglect of "the means of grace," which we shall study in this -lesson and the two lessons following. It is a great mistake to -suppose that the spiritual life is altogether beyond our control. -Undoubtedly it is instituted only by an immediate exercise of -the divine power, independent of the human will; undoubtedly the -maintenance of it would be impossible without the assistance of the -Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, in that work of maintenance, we have a -very definite part. Many Christians suppose that any performance -of religious exercises merely for duty's sake, without immediate -spiritual profit, is a mere form. This supposition is erroneous. -Not performance of religious exercises without spiritual profit, -but performance of them without the desire of spiritual profit, is -formalism. The appointed means of grace must continue to be used -even when no immediate benefit can be discerned. In the reading of -the Bible, in prayer, in public worship, the Christian should first -of all do his duty. The result may safely be left to God. - -=(2) The Danger of Neglect.=--Without such attention to duty, the -Christian life becomes merely a matter of inclination. In times of -great spiritual distress we call upon God for comfort and help; -but in the long, level weeks of comparative prosperity we think we -can do without him. Such thoughts are the height of folly. God is -not our servant, he is not one who can safely be left out of our -thoughts except when we think we especially need him. If we neglect -God in time of prosperity, we may call in vain when adversity comes. - -=(3) The Reward of Duty.=--The religious life is not merely a matter -of inclination; it must be diligently fostered. Such attention -to duty, however, will never be merely drudgery. It may begin -with drudgery, and it may become drudgery again at times, but if -persisted in, it will be an ever-widening avenue of joy and power. - - -2. THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE - -The reading of the Bible is such a simple thing, and so obviously -necessary to the Christian life, that it requires comparatively -little discussion. Despite its indispensableness, however, it is -being sadly neglected to-day. Our fathers learned the Bible with -a thoroughness which to-day is almost unknown. The change is full -of danger. A Bible-reading Church is possessed of power; without -the Bible the Church loses its identity altogether and sinks back -into the life of the world. The process, unfortunately, has gone to -considerable lengths. How may it now be checked? - -=(1) The Study Should Be Made Interesting.=--Something, no doubt, -may be done by making the study of the Bible more interesting. -Certainly the Bible does not yield in interest to any other branch -of knowledge. The Bible does not merely present spiritual truth; it -presents it in a wonderfully rich and varied way. If the study of -the Bible is stupid, the fault lies not in the subject matter, but -in the student or in the teacher. - -=(2) The Motive of Duty.=--Nevertheless, a mere appeal to the -interest of the students is entirely insufficient. After all, -there is no royal road to learning--not to Biblical learning any -more than to the learning of the world. Solid education can never -be attained without hard work; education that is easy is pretty -sure to be worthless. Especially at the beginning the chief appeal -in education must be to a sense of duty. So it is in the case -of the Bible. The Bible is the word of God; obviously it may not -be neglected. Let us study it, then, primarily because the study -of it is an obvious duty. As a matter of fact the duty will soon -become a pleasure, but let not that be the motive. Let us read -the Bible regularly and persistently, in entire independence of -changing impulse. That is the kind of study that is blessed of God. -Superficial study, determined by mere inclination, may at first -sight seem just as good. But when adversity or temptation comes, -then the difference appears. It is the difference between a house -built upon the sand and a house built upon the rock. The two houses -look alike, but when the rains descend and the floods come, one -falls and the other stands. The Christian whose knowledge of the -Bible is obtained by old-fashioned, patient study, never interrupted -by changing inclination, has dug deep and founded his house upon the -rock. - -=(3) The Example of the Apostolic Church.=--The example of the -apostolic Church in the matter of the means of grace is especially -significant. In the apostolic age, it might have seemed as though -these simple exercises might be dispensed with. What need of -regularly appointed forms when the Holy Spirit was so immediately -manifested? Yet as a matter of fact all of the essential forms -of Christian custom were present from the beginning. Regularity -and diligence were cherished even in the first exuberance of the -Jerusalem church. Enthusiasm of spiritual life did not lead to -the despising of ordinary helps; the early disciples "continued -stedfastly," "day by day," "with one accord in the temple, and -breaking bread at home, they took their food with gladness and -singleness of heart." Acts 2:46. - -The use which the apostolic Church made of the Bible might seem -to some modern men particularly surprising. A book religion, men -say, is a stagnant religion; living faith is independent of dead -documents; it is only when the early enthusiasm is lost that -belief becomes crystallized in submission to venerable authority. -This sort of religious philosophy shatters on the plain facts of -the apostolic age. Admittedly that was an age of freshness and -independence. There never has been such an outburst of religious -enthusiasm as that which planted the faith in Jerusalem and carried -it like wildfire throughout the civilized world. Yet another fact -is equally plain--this wonderful enthusiasm was coupled with the -utmost reverence for a book. Nothing could exceed the unquestioning -submission which the early Christians paid to the Old Testament -Scriptures. The exuberance of apostolic Christianity was intertwined -with a book religion! - -The explanation, of course, is simple. Submission to a human book -means stagnation; but genuine submission to the Word of God means -always what it meant in the apostolic age--heroism and victory and -life. - - -3. BAPTISM - -=(1) Baptism and Circumcision.=--The sacrament of baptism had its -truest predecessor in circumcision, the Old Testament sign of union -with the covenant people. Baptism as well as circumcision is a sign -of the covenant, though the varied symbolism marks the advance of -the new covenant over the old. - -=(2) Christian Baptism and the Baptism of John.=--In form, moreover, -and to a considerable extent also in meaning, Christian baptism -in the early Church was prepared for by the baptism of John the -Baptist, which had even been continued by the disciples of Jesus -during Jesus' earthly ministry. John 4:1,2. Both the baptism of John -and Christian baptism symbolized cleansing from sin. Compare Acts -2:38 with Matt. 3:6,11. - -Christian baptism, however, differed from every rite that had -preceded it by its definite reference to Christ, and by its definite -connection with a new manifestation of the Holy Spirit. - -=(3) Baptism "Into Christ."=--In the apostolic writings, baptism -is sometimes spoken of as a baptism "into Christ." Gal. 3:27; Rom. -6:3. The meaning of this phrase has often been obscured both in -translation and in interpretation. The phrase "into Christ" in this -connection means something more than "with reference to Christ"; -it means rather "into a position within Christ." The Christian, -according to a common Pauline expression, is "in Christ"; he is in -such close union with Christ that the life of Christ might almost be -described as the atmosphere which he breathes. To be baptized "into -Christ" means to come by baptism into this state of blessed union -with the Saviour. - -=(4) Baptism and Faith.=--At this point, however, a serious -question arises. How can baptism be described as the means by which -the Christian comes into union with Christ, when at other times -salvation is declared to be by faith? One solution of the difficulty -would be simply to say that baptism and faith are both necessary--a -man must believe if he is to be saved, but he must also be baptized. -Clearly, however, this view does not represent the meaning of the -New Testament. The passages where faith alone is represented as -the condition of salvation are too strong; especially the vigorous -contrast which Paul sets up between faith and works prevents -any inclusion of such a work as baptism along with faith as an -additional condition of acceptance with God. The true solution is -that baptism is related to faith, or rather to the regenerative work -of the Holy Spirit, as the sign is related to the thing signified. -Baptism represents the work of the Spirit; it is a means which the -Spirit uses. If it stood alone, it would be a meaningless form, but -when it is representative of spiritual facts it becomes a channel of -divine grace. - - -4. THE LORD'S SUPPER - -The celebration of the Lord's Supper in the Jerusalem church was -probably connected in some way with "the breaking of bread," which -is mentioned in Acts 2:42. Every common meal was an expression of -Christian communion, but the solemn words of Christ at the Last -Supper could not have been forgotten. Here, as so often, the book of -The Acts affords little information about the internal affairs of -the Church. - -Fortunately, Paul, in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, is far -more explicit, and inferences can be drawn from him with regard -even to Jerusalem. Paul represents the Lord's Supper, not as an -innovation, but as something that had been given to the Corinthians -as a matter of course, at the very beginning of their Christian -lives; evidently the sacrament was celebrated universally in the -churches; Paul had "received" the account of the institution of the -Supper from the Lord through the first Christians. - -In Corinth, as was also probably the case in the early days in -Jerusalem, the Supper was celebrated in connection with the common -meals of the Christian community. Certain abuses had arisen; the -rich brought food and drink with them and feasted luxuriously in -the presence of their poorer brethren; the spiritual significance -of the Supper was profaned. Against such abuses Paul enunciates the -great principle that the Supper does not work a magical benefit; if -partaken of irreverently it brings condemnation rather than blessing. - -In I Cor. 10:14-22, the Lord's Supper appears as a warning against -participation in heathen feasts. The pagan fellow citizens of the -Corinthian Christians, by their religious feasts, held communion -with idols; the Christians cannot remain with them and at the same -time commune with Christ. A man must take his choice--either -Christ or idols; he must choose either the Lord's Supper or heathen -feasts. Here the Lord's Supper appears especially as a sign of -communion with Christ, as in ch. 11:26 it appears especially as a -commemoration of his death. These two aspects of the Supper, and -their intimate connection with each other, should now be explained a -little more in detail. - -=(1) A Representation of the Death of Christ.=--The Lord's Supper, -as is observed in the Student's Text Book, is representative of -the death of Christ on our behalf. In many passages of the New -Testament, the significance of that death is explained in words; -in the Lord's Supper it is represented in visible form. The Lord's -Supper is related to the story of the gospel, as the picture or the -acted representation is related to ordinary discourse. In the broken -bread and poured-out wine we not only apprehend with the mind, but -actually see the broken body and shed blood of the Lord. Of course -that does not mean, as the Roman Catholic Church teaches, that the -bread and wine are actually by a miracle, at every celebration of -the Supper, changed into the body and blood of Christ, but only -that they represent them. The very simplicity of the sacrament -should have guarded against misinterpretation. An actual image of -the dying Saviour might lead to idolatry, or to an overemphasis -upon the details of the scene on Calvary; the simple representation -that Christ ordained is enough to be vivid, without being enough to -become misleading. - -=(2) A Representation of Our Union with Christ.=--The Supper -represents the death of Christ not as a mere drama, remote from us, -but as a death on our behalf. In the Supper we do not merely witness -the breaking of the bread and the pouring out of the wine; we -partake of the bread and wine ourselves. Plainly the symbolism means -that we who are disciples of Christ do not merely admire the holy -self-sacrifice of Christ, but rather receive the benefits of it. We -feed upon the body and blood of Christ in the high spiritual sense -that by faith we obtain from Christ's death pardon for our sins and -a fresh start in the full favor of God. These benefits we obtain not -by our own efforts, but by a free gift. It was Christ himself who -broke the bread and poured out the wine on the last evening before -the crucifixion; it is also Christ who, through his minister, at -every celebration of the sacrament, is represented as offering to us -his body and blood. - -The Lord's Supper, therefore, is not merely a commemoration of an -event in the past; it is also the symbol of a present fact. It -symbolizes the blessed communion of believers with one another and -with Christ. - - -5. THE SACRAMENTS MORE THAN A PROCLAMATION OF THE GOSPEL - -So far we have considered the sacraments merely as one means of -proclaiming the gospel. The Bible proclaims the gospel in words; -the sacraments proclaim it in pictures. Even if that were all, the -sacraments would be of great value. By these symbolic actions the -gospel message attains a new vividness and definiteness. - -As a matter of fact, however, baptism and the Lord's Supper are more -than peculiar ways of making a vivid presentation of the gospel. -They were instituted especially by Christ, and the Holy Spirit has -connected with them a special blessing. The Spirit can use what -means he will, and he has chosen to use these. In the Lord's Supper, -for example, the Lord is really present in the midst of his people. -He is not present, indeed, in "a corporal and carnal manner"; but -his spiritual presence is a blessed fact. - -The sacraments, therefore, should not be neglected. In themselves, -when unaccompanied by faith, they are valueless; and they are not -necessary for salvation. Ordinarily, however, they are a chosen -means of blessing. When God wills, other means can take their place, -but under all ordinary circumstances they are used. Certainly they -should not be neglected without adequate cause. They have been -provided by God, and God is wiser than men. - -The Lord's Supper should be received with solemnity; but sometimes -young Christians have perhaps an exaggerated dread of it. The error -of the Corinthian Christians should indeed be carefully avoided; -wanton carelessness in the solemn act will of course bring the -condemnation of God. But the Supper does not demand perfection, -even in faith; on the contrary it is intended to help to remove -imperfection. The Lord's Supper is not a dangerous bit of magic, -where any little mistake might break the charm. Let us partake of it -with a simple prayer, and leave the results to the goodness of God. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on -"Lord's Supper"; Purves, article on "Baptism." W. W. Moore, "The -Indispensable Book." Candlish, "The Christian Sacraments" (In -"Handbooks for Bible Classes," edited by Dods and Whyte). Lilley, -"The Lord's Supper." - - - - -LESSON XLIII - -PRAYER - - -1. THE ANSWERER OF PRAYER - -The prayers of the apostolic age reveal with startling clearness the -apostolic conception of God; and one chief reason why our prayers -fall short of the apostolic standard is that our idea of God is -different. - -=(1) God Is a Person.=--In the first place, true prayer always -conceives of God as a Person; whereas much of modern religious -thinking conceives of him as only another name for the world. Human -life, it is said, is a part of the life of God; every man, to -some degree, is divine. Such a philosophy makes prayer logically -impossible. It is impossible for us to speak to an impersonal -world-force of which we ourselves are merely an expression; the -personal distinction between man and God is absolutely essential to -prayer. - -The transcendence of God as over against the world is grandly -expressed in the prayer of the Jerusalem church, which was studied -in the Student's Text Book; the Jerusalem Christians addressed God -as the Lord who made "the heaven and the earth and the sea, and all -that in them is." Acts 4:24. God, in other words, is not another -name for the world, but Creator of the world. He is indeed present -in the world; not a single thing that happens is independent of him; -the world would not continue for a moment without God's sustaining -hand. But that means, not that God is identical with the world, but -that he is Master of it. God pervades all things; he is present -everywhere; but he is also free. - -That conception pervades all the prayers of the apostolic Church; -in all of them man comes to God as one person to another. God is -free; God can do what he will; through Christ he is our Father. He -is not bound by his own works; he is independent of nature; he will -overrule all things for the good of his children. Such is the God -that can answer prayer. - -=(2) God Is an Infinite and Holy Person.=--If, however, the prayers -of the apostolic age conceive of God as a Person, they also conceive -of him as very different from men. Here, also, they provide a -salutary example for the modern Church. Many devout Christians of -to-day, in avoiding the error which has just been described, in -thinking of God plainly as a person, are inclined to fall into the -opposite mistake. In their clear realization of God as a person -they think of him as a person exactly like ourselves. They regard -the difference between God and man as a difference of degree -rather than a difference of kind; they think of God as merely a -greater man in the sky. The result of such thinking is disastrous -for prayer. Prayer, to be sure, is here not absolutely destroyed; -communion with God remains possible; but such communion is degraded. -Communion loses that sense of mystery and awe which properly belongs -to it. Man becomes too familiar with God; God takes merely the -leading place in a circle of friends; religion descends to the -plane of other relationships. Prayer to such a God is apt to become -irreverent. If our prayers are to lift us fully into the presence of -God they must never lie on the same plane with the communion that we -enjoy with our fellow men, but must be filled with a profound sense -of God's majesty and power. - -The danger of permitting prayer, on account of its very privilege, -to become a commonplace thing is one that threatens us all. It may -be overcome, however, in the first place, by the contemplation of -nature. "The heavens declare the glory of God; and the firmament -showeth his handiwork"--and it is a terrible, mysterious God that -they reveal. The stupendous vastness of the universe and the -baffling mystery of the surrounding infinity oppress the thoughtful -mind with a profound sense of insignificance. And God is the Maker -and Ruler of it all, the One in whom all the mystery finds its -explanation! Such is the employment of nature in the prayer of the -Jerusalem church. Acts 4:24. - -All the prayers of the apostolic Church illustrate the principle -which is now being emphasized. There is never anything trite or -vulgar about the prayers that are contained in the New Testament; -they are all characterized by a wonderful dignity and reverence. - -If the infinity and omnipotence of God should prevent any -irreverence in our prayers, the thought of his holiness is perhaps -even more overwhelming. We are full of impurity. Who can stand -before the white light of God's awful judgment throne? - -=(3) God Is a Gracious Person.=--Nevertheless, despite the majesty -and holiness of God, he invites us into his presence. It is a -stupendous wonder. No reasoning could have shown it to be probable; -only ignorance can regard it as a matter of course. If God were -only a somewhat greater man, there would have been comparatively -little mystery in prayer; but communion with the infinite and -eternal and holy One, the unfathomed cause of all things, is -the wonder of wonders. It is a wonder of God's grace. It is too -wonderful to be true; yet it has become true in Christ. True prayer -brings us not before some God of our own devising, before whom -we could stand in our own merit without fear, but into the dread -presence of Jehovah. Let us not hesitate to go; God has called us; -he loves us as a Father, far more than we can ever love him. Prayer -is full of joy; the joy is so great that it is akin to fear. - - -2. THE INFLUENCE OF JESUS' TEACHING UPON THE PRAYERS OF THE -APOSTOLIC CHURCH - -In studying the prayers of the apostolic age, it must always be -remembered that they stood upon the foundation of Jesus' example and -precept. - -=(1) The Example of Jesus.=--With all his power and holiness Jesus -was not above asking for strength to perform his gracious work; -after that long, wearying day in Capernaum he "departed into a -desert place, and there prayed." Mark 1:35. In the hour of agony in -Gethsemane, he prayed a truly human, though holy, prayer: "Abba, -Father, all things are possible unto thee; remove this cup from me: -howbeit not what I will, but what thou wilt." Ch. 14:36. Prayer, -moreover, was not something which Jesus reserved for himself; -clearly it was a privilege which he extended to all his disciples. -In the prayer that he taught his disciples, he summed up all that -our prayer should be. Matt. 6:9-15. - -=(2) God as Father.=--One thing in particular was derived by the -apostolic Church from Jesus--the conception of God as Father. This -conception appears in the epistles of Paul as a matter of course; -evidently it was firmly established among the readers; it no longer -required defense or explanation. Yet it had not lost, through long -repetition, one whit of its freshness; in Paul it is never a mere -phrase, but always a profound spiritual fact. - -Obviously this idea of the fatherhood of God was of particular -importance for prayer. It taught the disciples "to draw near to God -with all holy reverence and confidence, as children to a father, -able and ready to help" them. A characteristic way of addressing God -even in the Gentile churches of Paul was "Abba, Father." Gal. 4:6; -Rom. 8:15. The Aramaic word "Abba" is sufficient to show that this -hallowed usage was based ultimately upon the teaching and example of -Jesus; the word was the very one that Jesus had used both in his own -prayers, for example in Gethsemane, Mark 14:36, and in the "Lord's -Prayer" which he taught to his disciples. - -=(3) The Right of Sonship.=--What needs to be observed especially, -however, is that the right of addressing God as "our Father" was -not in the apostolic Church extended to all men. Certainly no -justification for such an extension could have been found in the -teaching of Jesus; it was not the unbelieving multitude, but his own -disciples, to whom Jesus taught the Lord's Prayer. Matt. 5:1; 6:9; -Luke 11:1, 2. Paul is even more explicit; the cry "Abba, Father" was -to him a proof that a great change had taken place, that those who -had been formerly under bondage to the world had now become sons -of God. This change Paul represents especially under the figure of -adoption, Gal. 4:5; men have to be adopted by God before they can -call God Father; and adoption is accomplished only by the work of -Christ. Vs. 4,5. - -=(4) The Intercession of the Spirit.=--The cry, "Abba, Father" can -never be uttered by sinful man alone, but only by the power of -Christ's Spirit. The prayers even of the redeemed are faulty. But -the Holy Spirit takes up their cry. "And in like manner the Spirit -also helpeth our infirmity: for we know not how to pray as we ought; -but the Spirit himself maketh intercession for us with groanings -which cannot be uttered; and he that searcheth the hearts knoweth -what is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh intercession for -the saints according to the will of God." Rom. 8:26, 27. - -There lies the true ground of confidence in prayer. Prayer does not -derive its efficacy from any merit of its own, but only from the -goodness of God. Let us not worry too much as to whether our prayers -are good or bad; let them only be simple and sincere; God knows our -weakness; his Spirit will make intercession for us far better than -we can intercede for ourselves. - - -3. PUBLIC PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH - -The few individual prayers that have been preserved from the -apostolic age are for the most part prayers of a more or less public -character. The spontaneous outpourings of the hearts of individual -saints before God would usually not be put into writing; the full -secrets of the prayer closet are known to God alone. - -=(1) Spontaneity and Sincerity.=--Nevertheless, the public character -of the prayers of the New Testament does not mean that they are cold -and formal. On the contrary, at a time when set liturgies had not -yet been formed, public prayer possessed all the spontaneity of more -private devotions; the thought of the listening congregation or of a -circle of readers did not bring any hampering restraint. There is a -sterling sincerity about all the prayers or fragments of prayers in -the New Testament. - -=(2) Dignity.=--The spontaneity and sincerity of the prayers, -however, did not involve any sacrifice of dignity. The prayer of -the Jerusalem congregation, Acts 4:24-30, is a marvel of exalted -speech; its employment of Scripture phrase is an admirable example -for public prayers of all ages. That prayer received a glorious -answer; indeed the true prayer of the congregation never remains -unheard. Christ's promise is always fulfilled; where two or three -are gathered together in his name there is he in the midst of them. - -In the epistles, there is to be found here and there what may be -called, if not the beginning of liturgy, at any rate material of -which a magnificent liturgy can be formed. The benediction of Heb. -13:20,21, for example, is characterized by a splendid rhythm as well -as by true evangelical fervor. Such a prayer lifts the hearts of the -congregation up into the presence of God. There is use for beauty, -even in prayer; and the truest beauty is to be found in the prayers -of the Bible. - - -4. PRIVATE PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH - -The apostolic guidance in prayer extends even to those private -prayers which no one hears except God. In this field, the epistles -of Paul are of special value. More fully than any other one man of -the apostolic age, Paul has revealed the very secrets of Christian -experience; and that experience is rooted in prayer. A glance at -the beginnings and endings of the epistles will be sufficient to -show how fundamental prayer was in Paul's life; news of the churches -was never received without issuing at once in thanksgiving or in -intercession, and Paul desires, not merely the good wishes, but the -prayers, of his beloved converts. Paul practiced what he preached -when he urged the Thessalonian Christians to "pray without ceasing." -I Thess. 5:17. Compare chs. 1:3; 2:13; Rom. 1:9; II Tim. 1:3. -Evidently, moreover, he regarded prayer as something far more than -an incidental expression of the Christian life; he believed in its -real efficacy with the Ruler of the world. - - -5. "MY POWER IS MADE PERFECT IN WEAKNESS" - -One passage, particularly, will repay special study. In II Cor. -12:8,9, we have information about the most intimate, the most -personal of the prayers of Paul. The apostle had been afflicted with -a persistent illness; it had apparently hampered him in his work, -and caused him acute distress. In his trouble he called upon the -Lord; and by that prayer Paul's affliction has been made to redound -to the lasting instruction and encouragement of the Church. - -=(1) Prayer Concerning Physical Ills.=--In the first place, the -prayer concerns not spiritual matters, or the needs of the Church -at large, but a simple affair of the physical life. As life is -constituted here on earth, we are intimately connected with the -physical world; the body is necessary to the soul. But God is Master -of earth as well as of heaven; even the simplest needs of life may -be laid before him in prayer. To teach us that, we have here the -example of Paul, as well as the precept of the Saviour himself. - -=(2) The Answer.=--In the second place, the prayer was answered, and -answered in a very instructive way. The illness was not removed; -but it was made an instrument of blessing. The purpose of it was -revealed: "My power," said Christ, "is made perfect in weakness." -Physical suffering is worth while if it leads to heroism and faith. -Such is often the Lord's will. He himself trod the path of suffering -before us, and in his case as in ours, the path led to glory. - -=(3) The Prayer Addressed to Christ.=--In the third place, this -prayer was addressed, not to God the Father, but to Christ. -Compare Acts 7:59,60. Without doubt "the Lord" in II Cor. 12:8, -as practically always in the Pauline Epistles, refers to Christ. -Usually, in the New Testament, prayer is addressed, through Christ, -to God the Father; but there is no reason why it should not be -addressed to the Son. The Son as well as the Father is a living -Person; and the Son as well as the Father is God. It is well that -we have apostolic examples for prayer addressed directly to the -Saviour. Christ, to Paul, was no mere instrument in salvation, -that had served its purpose and was then removed; he was alive and -sovereign, and the relation to him was a relation of love. In a time -of acute physical distress, Paul turned to the Saviour. Three times -he called, and then the answer came. The answer will always come in -the Lord's way, not in ours; but the Lord's way is always best. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Bernard, -article on "Prayer" (III). Thomas, "The Prayers of St. Paul." - - - - -LESSON XLIV - -THE CONGREGATION - - -1. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN PALESTINE - -In studying the congregational meetings of the apostolic churches -it must be remembered that the Christian community in Jerusalem -continued for many years its participation in the worship of temple -and synagogue. Specially Christian meetings, therefore, were at -first not the sole expression of the collective worship of the -Jerusalem Christians. Nevertheless, such meetings were undoubtedly -held, even from the beginning. From the days when the one hundred -and twenty brethren were gathered together before Pentecost, the -Church was not without some outward expression of its distinctive -life. - -=(1) As Indicated in The Acts.=--The circumstances of such early -meetings of the congregation are, however, obscure. The very -considerable numbers of the converts, Acts 2:41,47; 4:4; 5:14, would -perhaps sometimes make it difficult to gather the whole congregation -together in one place; if, however, that were done, it would perhaps -be usually in some part of the temple area. There seem to have been -general meetings--for example, Acts 15:1-29--but it is perhaps not -necessary to suppose that they included every individual member of -the Jerusalem church. - -Certainly, however, no members of that first Christian community -neglected the assembling of themselves together. Evidently the sense -of brotherhood was strongly developed, and evidently it expressed -itself not only in the regular relief of the needy, Acts 6:1, but -also in meetings for instruction and worship and prayer. Ch. 2:42; -4:23-31. These meetings were only outward indications of a wonderful -unity of mind and heart. Ch. 4:32. The cause of that unity was the -common possession of the Spirit of God. - -As might have been expected in a book which is interested chiefly -in the outward extension of the kingdom, the book of The Acts -gives us little detailed information about the conduct of these -earliest Christian meetings. Probably, however, the example of the -Jewish synagogue made itself strongly felt. There was no violent -break with Judaism; a new spirit was infused into ancient forms. -The resemblance between the synagogue service and even the fully -developed Christian meetings of to-day was noted in connection with -Lesson IV. - -=(2) As Indicated in the Epistle of James.=--The Epistle of James -perhaps helps somewhat to supply the need of detailed information. -That epistle, as was observed in Lesson XXXII, was written by the -head of the Jerusalem Church, and probably to Jewish Christians -before A.D. 49. Apparently, therefore, we have in James 2:1-6 some -welcome information about Christian assemblies, if not in Jerusalem, -at least in other Jewish Christian churches. In v. 2, the word -"synagogue" is applied to the meeting which is described, but that -word in Greek means simply "gathering together"--almost the same -word is used in Heb. 10:25. The use of the word by James shows -simply that at that early time "synagogue" had not become purely a -technical designation of a non-Christian Jewish assembly. - -So interpreted, the passage in James indicates--what might indeed -have been expected--that the early Christian meetings were not -always perfect. A Pharisaical habit of respect of persons and desire -for the chief seats had crept even into the Church. If similar -faults appear in modern times, we should not despair, but should -fight against them in the spirit of James. - - -2. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN THE PAULINE CHURCHES - -With regard to the Pauline churches information about the conduct -of religious services is far more abundant than it is with regard -to the churches of Palestine; for we have here the inestimable -assistance of the Pauline Epistles. The First Epistle to the -Corinthians, especially, is a mine of information; but much can also -be learned elsewhere. - -=(1) The Place of Meeting.=--From The Acts it appears that Paul -regularly began his work in any city by preaching in the Jewish -synagogue, but that the opposition of the Jews soon made it -necessary to find another meeting place. Often, a private house, -belonging to one of the converts, served the purpose. Rom. 16:23; -I Cor. 16:19; Col. 4:15; Philem. 2. Sometimes there seem to -have been a number of such house-churches in the same city; yet -common meetings of all the Christians of the city seem also to -be presupposed. In Ephesus Paul used for his evangelistic work -a building or a room belonging to a certain Tyrannus, who was -probably a rhetorician. The erection of buildings especially for -Christian use belongs of course to a considerably later time. - -=(2) The Time of Meeting.=--The frequency of the meetings does not -appear, and may well have varied according to circumstances. There -is some indication, however, that the first day of the week, the -present Sunday, was especially singled out for religious services. I -Cor. 16:2; Acts 20:7. The same day is apparently called "the Lord's -day" in Rev. 1:10. - -=(3) Temporary Gifts of the Spirit.=--In the actual conduct of the -meetings, some features appear which are not to be observed in the -modern Church. A number of the gifts discussed in I Cor., chs. 12 to -14--for example, miracles, speaking with tongues, the interpretation -of tongues, and prophecy in the strict sense--have become extinct. -The cessation of them need cause no wonder; the apostolic age was -a time of beginnings, when the Church was being established by the -immediate exercise of the power of God; it is no wonder that at -such a time the Spirit manifested himself as he did not in later -generations. There is a fundamental difference between the apostolic -age and all subsequent periods in the history of the Church. - -Nevertheless, all the essential features of our modern church -services were present from the earliest time about which we have -detailed information. The example of the apostles is here very -explicit. - -=(4) Scripture-Reading.=--In the first place, the Pauline churches -certainly practiced the reading of the Bible. That would be proved -sufficiently by the evident familiarity of the Christians with the -Old Testament Scriptures; for in those days such familiarity would -undoubtedly be received in large measure by having the Bible read -aloud. The example of the synagogue would also have its influence. -It must be remembered that some even of the Gentile converts were -familiar with the synagogue service before they became Christians. -But there is also the explicit testimony of I Thess. 5:27, Col. -4:16. There the reading of Pauline Epistles is specifically -enjoined. The Apocalypse also was clearly intended to be read aloud. -Rev. 1:3; 22:18. - -=(5) Preaching.=--In the second place, there was preaching. No doubt -this part of the service often took a somewhat different form from -that which it assumes to-day. Prophecy, for example, was a kind of -preaching which has been discontinued. The exercise of the gift of -"teaching" perhaps corresponded more closely to the sermons of the -present day; certainly an exposition of the Scripture passages read -would have been according to the analogy of the Jewish synagogue. At -any rate, in some form or other, there was certainly instruction in -the Scriptures and in the gospel, and exhortation based upon that -instruction. - -=(6) Prayer.=--In the third place, there was prayer; directions for -public prayer are given at some length in I Tim., ch. 2; and there -are indications that prayer was practiced also in the meetings of -the Corinthian church. See for example, I Cor. 11:4,5. - -=(7) Singing.=--In the fourth place, there was probably singing, -though the direct information about this part of the service is -slight. See, for example, I Cor. 14:26. Certainly no elaborate -argument is necessary in order to exhibit the Scripture warrant for -singing in the worship of God. Psalms were sung in Old Testament -times to an instrumental accompaniment, and there is no evidence -that the customs of the Church were changed in this respect under -the new dispensation. Indeed, if singing is an expression of joy, it -would seem to be especially in place after the fulfillment of the -promises has come. - - -3. PAUL'S DIRECTIONS FOR CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS - -Two features balance each other in Paul's directions for the public -worship of the Corinthian church. - -=(1) The Principle of Freedom.=--In the first place he is in full -sympathy with the freedom and informality that prevailed. There seem -to have been no set speakers in Corinth; every man spoke as the -spirit gave him utterance; the service must have been characterized -by great variety. This variety, Paul says, is not disturbing, -because it finds its higher unity in the Holy Spirit. "There are -diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit." I Cor. 12:4. - -=(2) The Principle of Dignity.=--In the second place, however, -Paul has a strong sense of dignity. The enthusiastic expression of -religious feeling must not degenerate into anything like a senseless -orgy; spiritual gifts, however exalted, are not independent of -reason. "The spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets; -for God is not a God of confusion, but of peace." I Cor. 14:32,33. -"Let all things be done decently and in order." V. 40. - -Dignity was to be preserved, moreover, not merely in the ordering of -the service itself, but also in the dress and behavior of those who -took part. So much at least is clear in the difficult passage, ch. -11:2-16. Apparently the full equality which was granted to women in -the Christian life led the women of the Corinthian congregation to -give a kind of expression to their freedom which at least at that -time was not seemly. Paul detected the danger and guarded against -it. The lesson always needs to be learned. However dignity may be -preserved in detail, in any particular country and at any particular -time, the principle itself should always be borne in mind exactly as -Paul enunciated it. - -At a later period in the apostolic age, the sense of dignity seems -to have found expression in a quieter sort of religious service than -that which prevailed at the time of First Corinthians. The First -Epistle to Timothy lays great stress upon sobriety and gravity in -various departments of the life of the Church. - -=(3) The Principle of Love.=--These two principles--the principle -of freedom and the principle of dignity--are kept each in its own -proper place only when they are submitted to the governance of a -higher principle. That higher principle is love. The ultimate aim of -congregational meetings, according to Paul, is not the benefit of -the individual, but the edification of the whole body, and of the -stranger who may come in. The man who has the principle of Christian -love in his heart, as it is grandly described in I Cor., ch. 13, -will never push himself forward in the congregation in such a way as -to display his own spiritual gifts at the expense of others. On the -other hand, he will not be inclined to check the operations of the -Spirit; it is the Spirit alone who can convert the stranger, it is -the Spirit alone who can build up Christian people in the life of -faith and hope and love. - -The principle of love is often neglected in the modern Church. -People say they will not go to church because they get nothing out -of it. No doubt they are mistaken; no doubt if they did go, the -benefit would appear clearly in the long run in their own lives. -But at any rate they have ignored the highest motive altogether. We -should go to church not only to obtain benefit for ourselves, but -also, and especially, to benefit our brethren by joining with them -in worship, in prayer and in instruction. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible"; Gayford, -article on "Church"; Adeney, article on "Worship (in N.T.)." -Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 44-90. - - - - -LESSON XLV - -THE RELIEF OF THE NEEDY - - -In the Student's Text Book, special emphasis was laid upon the -relief of the needy as it was practiced in the Jerusalem church. -Here it may be well to supplement what was there said by a somewhat -more detailed treatment of the great collection that was undertaken -by Paul. The exposition will serve to illustrate the apostolic -principles of Christian giving. - - -1. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO FIRST CORINTHIANS - -=(1) The Beginning in Galatia and in Corinth.=--Writing from Ephesus -during his long stay in that city, Acts 19:1 to 20:1, Paul tells -the Corinthians that he had already given directions about the -collection to the churches of Galatia, I Cor. 16:1; he had probably -done so either during the second visit to Galatia, Acts 18:23, or -by letter after his arrival at Ephesus. Now, at any rate, he asks -the Corinthians--very simply and briefly, and evidently presupposing -previous information on the part of his readers--to prosecute the -collection during his absence in order that when he should arrive at -Corinth everything might be ready. - -_(2) Laying in Store on the First Day of the Week._--The manner in -which the collection was to be managed is exceedingly interesting. -"Upon the first day of the week," Paul says, "let each one of you -lay by him in store, as he may prosper." I Cor. 16:2. Apparently -no permanent church treasury was used for the reception of the -gifts, every man was to save his own money at home, very much as -private collection barrels are used to-day. The laying up of the -money, however, was to take place on the first day of the week; we -have here probably an early trace of the Christian Sabbath. Perhaps -we may conclude that the act of giving was regarded as a part of -religious worship. Such a conclusion is at any rate in thorough -harmony with all that Paul says about the collection. Some people -seem to feel that the taking of an offering rather mars the dignity -of a church service. In reality it has that effect only if it is -executed in the wrong spirit. Christian giving is treated by Paul as -a legitimate part of the worship of God. - -=(3) The Delegates of the Corinthian Church.=--When Paul should -arrive at Corinth, he was to receive the collection and either -send or take it to Jerusalem by the help of delegates whom the -Corinthians themselves should choose. The purpose of choosing these -delegates appears more plainly in Second Corinthians. - - -2. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO SECOND CORINTHIANS - -=(1) The Situation.=--After the writing of the First Epistle to the -Corinthians, there had followed a period of serious estrangement -between Paul and the Corinthian church. Naturally enough the -collection suffered during this period, as did other Christian -activities. At the time of Second Corinthians, perhaps about a year -after the first letter had been written, Paul was obliged to remind -his readers that although they had begun the work the year before, -much remained still to be done. II Cor. 8:10; 9:2. Nevertheless, -Titus, during his recent visit to Corinth, when the repentance -of the church had become manifest, had apparently been able to -take the matter again in hand. Such seems to be the most probable -interpretation of ch. 8:6; 12:18. If Titus did take up the matter on -the very visit when the rebellion against Paul had been only with -difficulty quelled, that is a striking indication of the importance -which Paul and his associates attributed to the collection. It -was not a matter that could wait until some convenient season; it -had to be taken in hand vigorously, even perhaps at the risk of -misunderstanding and suspicion, the very moment when Paul's relation -to the church became again tolerably good. - -=(2) Courtesy of Paul.=--Like all of Paul's management of money -matters, his treatment of the collection is characterized by -admirable delicacy and tact. Instead of berating the Corinthians -roundly for their delinquency, as so many modern organizers would -have done, he seeks to win them over by worthier methods. He points, -indeed, to the example of the Macedonian Christians, in order to -fire the zeal of the Corinthians; the poverty of the Macedonian -churches had not stood in the way of their liberality; they had -given up to their power and indeed beyond their power; they had -given, not of compulsion, but willingly, dedicating themselves as -well as their goods to the Lord. II Cor. 8:1-5. But the Corinthians -are allowed to draw their own conclusion; Paul does not force it -upon them. He does not press the matter home brutally; he does not -put the Corinthians to shame by expressly pointing out how much -more generously the poorer Macedonian Christians had contributed -than they. Indeed he gives his readers full credit; he courteously -calls their attention to the fact that it was they who had made the -beginning, v. 10, and that he had been able to boast of them to the -Macedonians, so that their zeal had stirred up their Macedonian -brethren. Ch. 9:1,2. He appeals especially to the pride that they -ought to feel in the boasting which Paul had ventured upon in their -behalf; Paul had boasted to the Macedonians that Achaia had been -prepared for a year; how sad an end it would be to such boasting if -Macedonians should go to Corinth with Paul and should find that the -collection was not ready after all! Paul urges the Corinthians not -to leave any part of the work until after his arrival; if they do, -they will put both him and themselves to shame. Vs. 1-5. - -With equal delicacy Paul hints that the achievements of the -Corinthians in other directions ought to be supplemented by this -grace of giving. The Corinthians, according to the first epistle, -had been very proud of their power of "utterance" and their -"knowledge"; to these Paul can now add--after the loyalty of the -church has finally been established--earnestness and love, II Cor. -8:6-8; but all these excellences will be incomplete unless there -is also liberality. The Christian life must express itself in the -simpler graces, if the more conspicuous activities are to be of -genuine value. - -=(3) No Unfair Burdens to Be Borne.=--The delicacy of Paul's -treatment of the matter is observed also in II Cor. 8:10-15; he -is careful to explain that the Corinthians are not asked to lay -unfair burdens upon themselves. There should be an equality among -Christians; it is now time for the Corinthians to give rather than -to receive, but if circumstances should change they might count on -the aid of their brethren. Furthermore, no one should be discouraged -if he can give only a little; "if the readiness is there, it is -acceptable according as a man hath, not according as he hath not." - -=(4) Cheerful Giving.=--Paul urges his readers, indeed, to be -bountiful. "He that soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly; -and he that soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully." II -Cor. 9:6. But this bountifulness was to be secured, not by pressing -out the last cent, but by promoting real cheerfulness in giving. -"Let each man do according as he hath purposed in his heart: not -grudgingly, or of necessity: for God loveth a cheerful giver." The -Pauline method is wisest in the end. Men can seldom be bullied into -liberality; they will give liberally only when giving becomes, not a -mere duty, but a joy. Cheerfulness in giving, moreover, possesses a -value of its own, quite aside from the amount of the gift; it is a -true expression of Christian communion. - -=(5) The Unity of the Church.=--Probably Paul desired to accomplish -by the collection something even more important than the relief of -the Jerusalem poor. Many Palestinian Christians--not only extreme -Judaizers, but also apparently considerable numbers among the rank -and file--had been suspicious of the Gentile mission. Acts 21:20,21. -Such suspicions would be allayed by deeds more effectively than by -words; a generous offering for the poor of the Jerusalem church -would show that Jews and Gentiles were really united in the bonds of -Christian love. II Cor. 9:12-14. - -=(6) The Glory of God.=--Ultimately, however, the purpose of the -collection, as of all other Christian activities, is to be found, -according to Paul, in God. "For the ministration of this service -not only filleth up the measure of the wants of the saints, but -aboundeth also through many thanksgivings unto God." The unity of -the Church, inspiring though it is, is desired, not for its own -sake, but for the sake of the glory of God. By the simple means of -the collection, Paul hopes to present a united Church--united in -thanksgiving and in love--as some poor, human return to him who has -granted us all the "unspeakable gift" of salvation through his Son. - -=(7) Sound Business Methods.=--The arrangements which Paul made for -the administration of the gifts are as instructive in their way as -are the lofty principles that he applied. In order to avoid base -suspicions, II Cor. 8:20; 12:16-18, he determined that delegates -approved by the Corinthians themselves should carry the gifts to -Jerusalem, I Cor. 16:3,4, and secured for the prosecution of the -work in Corinth men who had the full indorsement of the churches. -II Cor. 8:16-24. The lesson is worth learning. It will not do to be -careless about the money matters of the Church; it will not do to -say that the Church is above suspicion. Like Paul, "we take thought -for things honorable, not only in the sight of the Lord, but also -in the sight of men." In other words, we must be not only honorable -in managing the money affairs of the Church, but also demonstrably -honorable. To that end sound business methods should always be used. -The accounts of the Church should be audited, not with less care, -but if anything with more care, than those of ordinary business -enterprises. - - -3. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO ROMANS - -In the Epistle to the Romans, written from Corinth a little after -the time of Second Corinthians, Paul speaks of the collection -again. Rom. 15:22-29,31. He is on the point of going with the -gifts to Jerusalem, and asks the Roman Christians to pray that -the ministration of the Gentiles may be "acceptable to the -saints." There is no reason to suppose that such prayers were -unanswered; Paul was cordially received by the Jerusalem Christians, -Acts 21:17-26; the trouble which caused his arrest came from -non-Christian Jews. - - -4. TO WHOM WAS RELIEF EXTENDED? - -=(1) Breadth of Christian Sympathy.=--The relief of the needy -in the apostolic Church, as it has been studied in the present -lesson, concerned, not outsiders, but Christian brethren. This fact -certainly does not mean that the early Christians were narrow in -their sympathies; they had received from Jesus the command to love -their enemies, and the command was reiterated by the apostles. Rom. -12:20. They were commanded, furthermore, to "work that which is good -toward all men." Gal. 6:10. - -=(2) Special Attention to Christian Brethren.=--There were reasons, -however, why such good works should be directed "especially toward -them that are of the household of the faith." - -(a) The Special Rights of Brethren.--In the first place, there was -a general reason, which applies to all ages. Though the Church has -a duty to all men, it has a special duty to its own members; for -Christian people to allow their brethren to starve is as unnatural -as for a father to neglect a son, or a husband a wife. Community in -the faith does create a special bond, which should make itself felt -in all departments of life. - -It should be observed that in the matter of the collection Paul -takes altogether for granted the right of the poor saints to the -support of the Church. He does not think it worth while to go into -details about the suffering of the Jerusalem poor; he does not -attempt to play upon the sympathies of his readers; he does not -patronizingly represent the recipients of the bounty as paupers. -Indeed, the Jerusalem Christians, he tells the Romans, though they -are receiving material aid, are not really debtors, but rather -creditors. "If the Gentiles have been made partakers of their -spiritual things, they owe it to them also to minister unto them in -carnal things." Rom. 15:27. This attitude toward poorer Christians -is worthy of all emulation. Aid to the brethren is not "charity," in -the degraded sense which that fine word has unfortunately assumed, -but a solemn and yet joyful duty. It should never be undertaken in -a patronizing spirit, but in a spirit of love that multiplies the -value of the gift. - -(b) Avoidance of Idleness in the Church.--On the other hand, -however, the apostolic Church did not encourage begging or -pauperism. What the special reason was for the poverty of the -Jerusalem church we do not know. Perhaps many of the Jerusalem -Christians had been obliged to leave their homes in Galilee and in -the Dispersion. At any rate, we may assume that the poverty of the -church was not due to idleness. In the Thessalonian epistles Paul -takes occasion to warn his converts against an idle life; they are -to do their own business and work with their hands; "if any will -not work, neither let him eat." I Thess. 4:10-12; II Thess. 3:6-15. -Certainly Paul was the best example of such diligence; despite his -wonderful gifts and lofty duties he had made himself independent by -manual labor. In the First Epistle to Timothy, moreover, particular -precautions are taken against allowing the bounty of the Church to -be abused. I Tim. 5:3-16. The treatment of the poor in the apostolic -Church exhibits everywhere an admirable combination of common sense -with lofty idealism. - -(c) Conditions in the Apostolic Church and Conditions To-day.--If -the gifts of the apostolic Church were devoted chiefly to Christian -brethren rather than to outsiders, that is no justification for such -limitation to-day. In the apostolic age there were special reasons -why the Church could not often deal extensively with the material -needs of the world at large. The Church was exceedingly poor; many -of the converts probably suffered serious losses by the very fact -of their being Christians; under such conditions the first duty -was obviously at home. Conditions to-day are widely different. -The Church has become wealthy; she is well able to extend her -ministrations far and wide. Only by unlimited breadth of service -will she really be true to the example of Jesus and of his first -disciples; only by universal helpfulness will she be true to her -great commission. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Uhlhorn, "Christian Charity in the Ancient Church." -Brace, "Gesta Christi," pp. 93-105. Charteris, "The Church of -Christ," pp. 91-129. - - - - -LESSON XLVI - -ORGANIZING FOR SERVICE - - -Whatever the organization of a body of Christians may be, the body -itself is a true branch of the Church if it consists of those who -believe in Christ. Nevertheless, if the Church is to be more than an -aggregation of individuals, if it is not only to be something, but -also to do something, it requires some sort of organization. This -fundamental need was clearly recognized in the apostolic age; and -it was met by certain provisions which we believe ought still to be -followed. These provisions, however, do not amount to anything like -an elaborate constitution; they do not hinder adaptation to changing -conditions. - - -1. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES - -In the Pastoral Epistles, which afford more detailed information -about organization than is to be found anywhere else in the New -Testament, the government of the local church is seen to be -intrusted to a body of "elders," with whom "deacons" are associated. -No one of the elders, so far as can be detected, possessed authority -at all different in kind from the authority of the others; all had -the function of ruling; all were "overseers" or "bishops" of the -church. - -The functions of the elders are not described in detail; but -evidently they had a general oversight over the affairs of the -congregation. That is the meaning of the word "bishop" as it is -applied to them. Some of them at least also labored "in the word and -in teaching," but all seem to have been alike in their function of -bearing rule. - - -2. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PRESBYTERIAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT - -The similarity of such an arrangement to our own Presbyterian -form of government is plain. Our churches also are governed not -by an individual, but by a body of "elders" who are equal to -one another in authority. Changing conditions have of course -introduced elaboration of the simple apostolic model. Thus the -teaching function, for example, which in apostolic times was perhaps -exercised more or less informally by those of the elders who -possessed the gifts for it, is now naturally assigned for the most -part to men who have received a special training. These "teaching -elders" in our church are the ministers. Conditions have become so -complex that men of special training, who devote their whole time -to the work of the Church, are imperatively required. The pastors -and teachers, Eph. 4:11, even in the apostolic Church, seem to have -formed a fairly definite group. This class of gifts is exercised -to-day especially by the ministers, though similar functions should -also be exercised by other members of the Church. - - -3. HOW WERE ELDERS TO BE CHOSEN? - -With regard to the government of the apostolic Church a number of -interesting questions can never be definitely answered. For example, -how were the elders to be chosen? - -=(1) Sometimes Appointed by the Apostles.=--Such passages as Acts -14:23; Titus 1:5, do not settle the question. According to the -former passage, elders were appointed in the churches of southern -Galatia by Paul and Barnabas. But it must be remembered that the -authority of the apostles was peculiar and temporary. Because the -apostles had power to appoint elders it does not follow that any -individuals at a later time would possess a similar power. The -situation, at the time of the first Christian mission, was peculiar; -small bodies of Christians had just been rescued from heathenism; -at first they would need a kind of guidance which could afterwards -safely be withdrawn. According to Titus 1:5, Titus was to appoint -elders in the churches of Crete. But clearly Titus, like Timothy, -was merely a special and temporary representative of the apostle -Paul; for Titus to appoint elders, under the definite direction of -Paul, was no more significant than for Paul to appoint them himself. - -=(2) The Right of Congregational Election.=--On the whole, it may -be confidently maintained that the Presbyterian method of choosing -elders--namely the method of election by the whole congregation--is -more in accordance with the spirit of apostolic precedent than -any other method that has been proposed. Throughout the apostolic -Church, the congregation was evidently given a very large place in -all departments of the Christian life. The Jerusalem congregation, -for example, had a decisive voice in choosing the very first -Church officers who are known to have been added to the apostles. -Acts 6:2-6. In Thessalonica and in Corinth the whole congregation -was active in the matter of church discipline. II Thess. 3:14,15; -I Cor. 5:3-5; II Cor. 2:6. The whole congregation was also invited -to choose delegates for carrying the gifts of the Corinthian church -to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16:3. These are merely examples. It must be -remembered, moreover, that the authority of the congregation in the -apostolic age was limited by the authority of the apostles, which -was special and temporary; when the apostles should be removed, the -congregational functions would be increased. Yet even the apostles -were exceedingly careful not to destroy the liberties of the rank -and file. Nowhere in the apostolic Church were the ordinary church -members treated as though they were without rights and without -responsibilities. Indeed, even when the apostles appointed elders, -they may have previously ascertained the preferences of the people. - - -4. THE APOSTOLIC PRECEDENT AND DEPARTURES FROM IT - -The presbyterial form of church government--that is, government -by a body of elders--which is found in the apostolic age, differs -strikingly from certain later developments. In several particulars, -at least, principles have become prevalent which are at variance -with the apostolic model. - -=(1) The Monarchical Episcopate.=--The first particular concerns the -relation of the church officers to one another. In the apostolic -Church, as we have observed, there was a parity among the elders; -the local congregation was governed, not by an individual, but by a -body. As early, however, as the first part of the second century, -a change had taken place, at least in many of the churches. The -supreme authority had come to be held by an individual, called -"bishop"; all other officers were clearly subordinate to him; the -government of the local congregation was no longer presbyterial, but -monarchical; the so-called "monarchical episcopate" had been formed. - -This state of affairs appears clearly in the epistles of Ignatius, -which were written a short time before A. D. 117. But all attempts -to find traces of the monarchical episcopate in the apostolic age -have resulted in failure. The Greek word _episcopos_, which is -translated in the English Bible--rather misleadingly, perhaps--by -"bishop," is applied, not to a special officer standing above the -elders, but simply to the elders themselves. "Elder" designates -the office; _episcopos_ designates one function of the office. The -latter word could hardly have been used in this general way if it -had already acquired its technical significance. - -The efforts which have been made to discover references to the -office of bishop in the apostolic age are unconvincing. It is -exceedingly doubtful whether the "angels" of the seven churches -to which messages are sent in the Apocalypse are to be regarded -as church officers; and even if they were church officers it is -by no means clear that they exercised the functions of bishops. -Undoubtedly Timothy and Titus appear in the Pastoral Epistles with -functions similar in many respects to those of bishops, but it is -also clear that they exercised those functions, not as officers -of the Church who might have successors, but merely as temporary -representatives of the apostle Paul. - -=(2) The Priesthood of the Clergy.=--An even more important -divergence from apostolic conditions concerns the functions of the -church officers. According to a theory which has become widely -prevalent, certain officers of the Church are to be regarded -as "priests"--that is, they are mediators between God and man. -Curiously enough the English word "priest," is nothing but another -form of the word "presbyter," which means "elder"; "presbyter" is -only "priest" "writ large." In actual usage, however, "priest" means -vastly more than "presbyter"; it designates a man who represents -men to God and mediates God's actions to men. So understood, the -term is never applied in the New Testament to church officers as -such. According to the New Testament, the only priest (in the -strict sense) under the new dispensation is Christ; Christ is the -only mediator between God and man, I Tim. 2:5; the high-priesthood -of Christ is elaborated in the Epistle to the Hebrews. In another -sense, indeed, all believers are priests, I Peter 2:5,9; Rev. 1:6; -5:10; 20:6; all have the right of direct access to God; all are -devoted to a holy service. The idea of a special priesthood in -the Christian Church is strikingly at variance with the apostolic -teaching. - -=(3) Apostolic Succession.=--Another point of variance concerns the -manner in which the officers of the Church should receive their -authority. By a theory prevalent in the Church of England and in -the Protestant Episcopal Church in America as well as in the Greek -and Roman Catholic Churches, the authority of the clergy has been -received through an unbroken line of transmission from the apostles; -the immediate successors of the apostles received the right of -handing down the commission to others, and so on through the -centuries; without an ordination derived in this way no one can be a -ruler in the true Church; and without submission to such regularly -ordained rulers no body of persons can constitute a branch of the -true Church. This theory places a tremendous power in the hands of -a definite body of persons whose moral qualifications for wielding -that power are often more than doubtful. Surely so stupendous -a claim can be made good only by the clear pronouncement of a -recognized authority. - -Such a pronouncement is not to be found in the New Testament. There -is not the slightest evidence to show that the apostles provided for -a transmission of their authority through a succession of persons. -On the contrary, their authority seems to have been special and -temporary, like the miraculous powers with which they were endowed. -The regular church officers who were appointed in the apostolic age -evidently possessed no apostolic authority; however chosen, they -were essentially representatives of the congregation. A true branch -of the Church could exist, at least in theory, without any officers -at all, wherever true believers were together; the Church did not -depend upon the officers, but the officers upon the Church. - - -5. RELATIONS OF THE CONGREGATIONS TO ONE ANOTHER - -So far, the organization of the apostolic Church has been considered -only in so far as it concerned the individual congregation; a word -must now be said about the relation of the congregations to one -another. - -That relation, in the apostolic age, was undoubtedly very close. -The Pauline Epistles, in particular, give an impression of active -intercourse among the churches. The Thessalonian Christians "became -an ensample to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia"; the -story of their conversion became known "in every place." I Thess. -1:7-10. In the matter of the collection, Macedonia stirred up -Achaia, and Achaia Macedonia. II Cor. 8:1-6; 9:1-4. The faith of -the Roman Christians was "proclaimed throughout the whole world." -Rom. 1:8. Judea heard of the missionary labors of Paul, Gal. -1:21-24; fellowship between Jews and Gentiles was maintained by the -collection for the Jerusalem saints. Evidently the apostolic Church -was animated by a strong sense of unity. - -This feeling of unity was maintained especially by the -instrumentality of the apostles, who, with their helpers, traveled -from one congregation to another, and exerted a unifying authority -over all. Certainly there was nothing like a universal Church -council; Christian fellowship was maintained in a thoroughly -informal way. In order that such fellowship should be permanent, -however, there would obviously be an increasing need for some -sort of official union among the congregations. When the apostles -passed away, their place would have to be taken by representative -assemblies; increasing complexity of life brought increasing -need of organization. The representative assemblies of our own -Church, therefore, meet an obvious need; and both in their free, -representative character and in their unifying purpose it may fairly -be claimed that they are true to the spirit of the apostolic age. - - -6. PRINCIPLES - -The apostolic precedent with regard to organization should always be -followed in spirit as well as in form. Three principles, especially, -are to be observed in the Church organization of the apostolic age. -In the first place, there was considerable freedom in details. No -Christian who had gifts of any kind was ordinarily prevented from -exercising them. In the second place, there was respect for the -constituted authority, whatever it might be. Such respect, moreover, -was not blind devotion to a ruling class, but the respect which -is ennobled by love. Finally, in Church organization, as in all -the affairs of life, what was regarded as really essential was the -presence of the Holy Spirit. When Timothy laid his hands upon a new -elder, the act signified the bestowal of, or the prayer for, divine -favor. This last lesson, especially, needs to be learned to-day. -Without the grace of God, the best of Church organizations is mere -machinery without power. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on -"Elder," "Deacon," "Deaconess," "Laying on of Hands." Hastings, -"Dictionary of the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church"; Gwatkin, -article on "Church Government in the Apostolic Age." Lightfoot, -"The Christian Ministry," in "Saint Paul's Epistle to the -Philippians," pp. 181-269, and in "Dissertations on the Apostolic -Age," pp. 135-238. Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 1-43, -130-170, 205-239. Falconer, "From Apostle to Priest." MacPherson, -"Presbyterianism" (in "Handbooks for Bible Classes"). - - - - -LESSON XLVII - -A MISSION FOR THE WORLD - - -1. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY - -In teaching the lesson in class, it might be well simply to review -the principal steps in the geographical extension of the apostolic -Church. This geographical advance, however, was made possible only -by an advance in principles which should not be ignored. The really -great step in the early Christian mission was not the progress from -Jerusalem to Antioch, or from Antioch to Asia Minor and to Greece, -but the progress from a national to a universal religion. Judaism, -despite its missionary activity, always identified the Church more -or less closely with the nation; it was a distinctly national -religion. Full union with it meant the abandonment of one's own -racial and national relationships. - -=(1) Limitations of Judaism.=--The national character of Judaism -was an insurmountable hindrance to the Jewish mission. Despite the -hindrance, it is true, Judaism achieved important conquests; it won -many adherents throughout the Greco-Roman world. These missionary -achievements undoubtedly form an eloquent testimony to the power of -Israel's faith; despite those features of Jewish custom which were -repulsive to the Gentile mind, the belief in the one true God and -the lofty ethical ideal of the Old Testament Scriptures possessed -an irresistible attraction for many earnest souls. Nevertheless, so -long as Jewish monotheism and Jewish ethics were centered altogether -in the life of a very peculiar people, they could never really -succeed in winning the nations of the world. - -=(2) Apparent Identity of Judaism and Christianity.=--At first it -looked as though Christianity were to share in the limitation; it -looked as though the disciples of Jesus formed merely a Jewish sect. -Undoubtedly they would bring the Jewish people to a loftier faith -and to a purer life; they would themselves become better and nobler -Jews; but Jews they would apparently always remain. - -=(3) The Great Transition.=--Before many years had passed, however, -the limitation was gloriously transcended. Christianity was no -longer bound to Judaism. It became a religion for the world, within -whose capacious borders there was room for every nation and every -race. How was the transition accomplished? - -It was not accomplished by any contemptuous repudiation of the -age-long exclusiveness of Israel. Such repudiation would have -involved the discrediting of the Old Testament, and to the Old -Testament the Church was intensely loyal. Jewish particularism had -been ordered of God; the Scriptures were full of warnings against -any mingling of the chosen people with its neighbors. Jehovah had -made of Israel a people alone; he had planted it in an inaccessible -hill country, remote from the great currents of the world's thought -and life; he had preserved its separateness even amid the changing -fortunes of captivity and war. Salvation was to be found only in -Israel; Israel was the chosen people. - -The Church never abandoned this view of Israelitish history. Yet -for herself she transcended the particularism that it involved. She -did so in a very simple way--merely by recognizing that a new era -had begun. In the old era, particularism had a rightful place; it -was no mere prejudice, but a divine ordinance. But now, in the age -of the Messiah, particularism had given place to universalism; the -religion of Israel had become a religion of the world. What had -formerly been right had now become wrong; God himself had ushered in -a new and more glorious dispensation. Particularism, in the divine -economy, had served a temporary, though beneficent, purpose; God had -separated Israel from the world in order that the precious deposit -of Israel's faith, pure of all heathen alloy, might finally be given -freely to all. - -The recognition of this wonderful new dispensation of God was -accomplished in two ways. - - -2. THE DIVINE GUIDANCE - -In the first place, it was accomplished by the direct command of -the Holy Spirit. The first preaching to Gentiles was undertaken -not because the missionaries understood why it should be done, but -simply because God commanded. - -=(1) Philip.=--For example, when Philip preached to the -Ethiopian--who was not in the strictest sense a member of the -Jewish people--he was acting not in accordance with any reflection -of his own--a desert road was a very unlikely place for missionary -service--but under the plain and palpable guidance of the Spirit. -What is emphasized in the whole narrative is the strange, -unaccountable character of Philip's movements; evidently his actions -at such a time were not open to criticism; what Philip did God did; -if Philip preached to an outsider, such preaching was God's will. -Acts 8:26-40. - -=(2) Cornelius.=--In the case of the conversion of Cornelius and -his friends, Acts 10:1 to 11:18, the divine warrant was just as -plain. Both Cornelius and Peter acted altogether in accordance with -God's guidance. On the housetop, Peter's scruples were unmistakably -overcome. "What God hath cleansed," he was told, "make not thou -common." Peter did not fully comprehend the strange command that he -should eat what the law forbade, and it was not explained to him; -but at least the command was a command of God, and must certainly -be obeyed. The meaning of the vision became clear when Cornelius' -house was entered; a Gentile had evidently been granted the offer -of the gospel. God was no respecter of persons. Finally the Holy -Spirit fell on all the Gentiles who heard the message; they spake -with tongues as the disciples had done at the first. That was the -crowning manifestation of God's will. There was no reason to wait -for circumcision or union with the people of Israel. "Can any man -forbid the water," said Peter, "that these should not be baptized, -who have received the Holy Spirit as well as we?" Acts 10:47. All -opposition was broken down; only one conclusion was possible; the -Jerusalem Christians "glorified God, saying, Then to the Gentiles -also hath God granted repentance unto life." Acts 11:18. - -=(3) The Grace of God in the Gentile Mission.=--Scarcely less -palpable was the divine guidance in the subsequent developments of -the Gentile mission. After the momentous step of certain unnamed -Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, who founded the church at Antioch, -Barnabas had no difficulty in recognizing the grace of God. Acts -11:23. Not suspicion, but only gladness, was in place. When Paul and -Barnabas returned from the first Gentile mission, they could report -to the Antioch church that God had plainly "opened a door of faith -unto the Gentiles." Ch. 14:27. If God had opened, who could close? -At the apostolic council, in the very face of bitter opposition, the -same great argument was used. The missionaries simply "rehearsed -all things that God had done with them," ch. 15:4, especially "what -signs and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles through them." -V. 12. There was only one thing to be done; the Gentile mission -must be accepted with gladness as a gift of God; he that wrought -for Peter unto the apostleship of the circumcision wrought for Paul -also unto the Gentiles, Gal. 2:8; James and Peter and John could -recognize, both in the Gentile mission and in the inner life of the -chief missionary, the plainest possible manifestation of the grace -of God. V. 9. - - -3. REASONS FOR GENTILE FREEDOM - -The Church transcended the bounds of Judaism, then, primarily -because of a direct command of God. Such commands must be obeyed -whether they are understood or not. As a matter of fact, however, -God did not leave the matter in such an unsatisfactory state; he -revealed not only his will, but also the reason for it; he showed -not only that the Gentiles must be received into the Church, but -also why they must be received. The essence of the gospel had -demanded Gentile freedom from the beginning; the justification of -that freedom at the bar of reason, therefore, brought a clearer -understanding of the gospel itself. - -Two contrasts, at least, enabled the Church to explain the reason -why the Gentiles could be saved without becoming Jews. The first was -the contrast between faith and works, between grace and the law; the -second was the contrast between the type and the thing typified. The -former was revealed especially to Paul; the latter to the author of -Hebrews. - -=(1) The Law and Grace.=--Salvation through Christ, according to -Paul, is an absolutely free gift. It cannot be earned; it must -simply be received. In other words, it comes not by works, but by -faith. The law of God, on the other hand, of which the Mosaic law -was the clearest embodiment, offers a different means of obtaining -God's favor. It simply presents a series of commandments, and -offers salvation on condition that they be obeyed. But the trouble -is, the commandments, since the fall, cannot be obeyed; everyone -has incurred deadly guilt through his disobedience; the power of -the flesh is too strong. At that point, however, God intervened. -He offered Christ as a sacrifice for sin that all believers might -have a fresh start; and he bestowed the Spirit of the living Christ -that all might have strength to lead a new life. But Christ will do -everything or nothing. A man must take his choice. There are only -two ways of obtaining salvation--the perfect keeping of the law, or -the simple, unconditional acceptance of what Christ has done. The -first is excluded because of sin; the second has become a glorious -reality in the Church. - -If, however, salvation is through the free gift of Christ, then the -law religion has been superseded. All those features of the law -which were intended to make the law palpable, as a set of external -rules, are abrogated. The Christian, indeed, performs the will of -God--in the deepest sense Christianity only confirms the law--but -he performs it, not by slavish obedience to a complex of external -commandments, but by willing submission to the Spirit of God. - -Of course, the religion of the Old Testament was not, according -to Paul, purely a law religion; on the contrary Paul quotes the -Old Testament in support of faith. But there was a law element in -the Old Testament; and the law served merely a temporary, though -beneficent, purpose. It was intended to deepen the sense of sin and -hopelessness, in order that finally salvation might be sought not in -man's way but in God's. The new order at length has come; in Christ -we are free men, and should never return to the former bondage. -The middle wall of partition has been done away; the ordinances of -the law no longer separate Jew and Gentile; all alike have access -through one Saviour unto God, all alike receive power through the -Holy Spirit to live a life of holiness and love. - -=(2) The Type and the Fulfillment.=--The contrast which was worked -out in the Epistle to the Hebrews was especially a contrast between -the sign and the thing signified. The ceremonial law, which had -separated Jew from Gentile, was intended to point forward to Christ; -and now that the fulfillment has come, what further need is there of -the old types and symbols? Christ is the great High Priest; by him -all alike can enter into the holy place. - -=(3) The Meaning of the Gospel.=--The transition from Jewish -Christianity, with all the difficulties of that transition, led -finally to a deeper understanding of the gospel. It showed once for -all that the salvation of the Christians is a free gift. "Just as -I am, without one plea but that thy blood was shed for me"--these -words are a good summary of the result of the Judaistic controversy. -The transition showed, furthermore, what had really been felt from -the beginning, that Christ was the one and all-sufficient Lord. -When he was present, no other priest, and no other sacrifice was -required. That is the truly missionary gospel--the gospel that will -finally conquer the world. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Orr, "Neglected Factors in the Study of the Early -Progress of Christianity" and "The Early Church." George Smith, -"Short History of Christian Missions" (in "Handbooks for Bible -Classes"). - - - - -LESSON XLVIII - -THE CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF PERSONAL MORALITY - - -In treating the lesson for to-day, the teacher will be embarrassed -by the wealth of his material. It is important, therefore, that -the chief purpose of the lesson should not be lost amid a mass of -details. That chief purpose is the presentation of Christianity as -something that has a very definite and immediate bearing upon daily -life. Christianity is first of all a piece of good news, a record -of something that has happened; but the effect of it, if it be -sincerely received, is always manifest in holy living. - - -1. THE EXAMPLE OF JESUS - -In the Student's Text Book, little attempt was made at detailed -analysis of the apostolic ideal. The defect should be supplied by -careful attention to the "Topics for Study," and also, if possible, -by the treatment of the lesson in class. First of all, however, -it should be observed how naturally the apostolic presentation of -the ideal grows out of the teaching of Jesus. The advance which -revelation made after the close of Jesus' earthly ministry concerned -the fuller explanation of the means by which the moral ideal is to -be attained rather than additional exposition of the ideal itself. -That does not mean that the apostles did no more, in the field of -ethics, than quote the words of Jesus; indeed there seem to be -surprisingly few direct quotations of the words of Jesus in the -apostolic writings; the ethical teaching of the apostolic Church was -no mere mechanical repetition of words, but a profound application -of principles. Nevertheless the teaching of Jesus was absolutely -fundamental; without an examination of it, the moral life of the -apostolic Church cannot be fully understood. - -=(1) The Inexorableness of the Law.=--Jesus had insisted, for -example, upon the inexorableness of the law of God. To the keeping -of God's commandments everything else must be sacrificed. "If thy -right eye causeth thee to stumble, pluck it out, and cast it from -thee: for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should -perish, and not thy whole body be cast into hell." Matt. 5:29. In -this respect the apostles were true disciples of their Master. The -Christian, they insisted, must be absolutely ruthless; he must be -willing to sacrifice everything he has for moral purity. - -This ruthlessness, however, this thoroughgoing devotion to moral -purity, did not mean in the teaching of Jesus, any more than in -that of the apostles, that under ordinary conditions the Christian -ought to withdraw from the simple pleasures that the world offers. -Jesus himself took his place freely at feasts; so far was he from -leading a stern, ascetic life that his enemies could even accuse -him of being a winebibber and a friend of publicans and sinners. -The fidelity with which the apostles followed this part of their -Master's example has been pointed out in the Student's Text Book. -The enjoyable things of the earth are not evil in themselves; they -are to be received with thanksgiving as gifts of the heavenly -Father, and then dedicated to his service. - -=(2) The Morality of the Heart.=--Furthermore, Jesus, as well as his -apostles, emphasized the inwardness of the moral law. Here again the -apostolic Church was faithful to Jesus' teaching. The seat of sin -was placed by the apostles in the very center of a man's life; the -flesh and the Spirit wage their warfare in the battle field of the -heart. See, for example, Gal. 5:16-24. - - -2. CONTRASTS - -The sharp difference between the Christian life and the life of the -world was set forth in the apostolic teaching by means of various -contrasts. - -=(1) Death and Life.=--In the first place, there was the contrast -between death and life. The man of the world, according to the -apostles, is not merely ill; he is morally and spiritually dead. -Col. 2:13; Eph. 2:1,5. There is no hope for him in his old -existence; that existence is merely a death in life. But God is One -who can raise the dead; and as he raised Jesus from the tomb on the -third day, so he raises those who belong to Jesus from the deadness -of their sins; he implants in them a new life in which they can -bring forth fruits unto God. A moral miracle, according to the New -Testament, stands at the beginning of Christian experience. That -miracle was called by Jesus himself, as well as by the apostles, -a new birth or "regeneration." It is no work of man; only God can -raise the dead. See John 1:13; 3:1-21; I John 2:29; I Peter 1:3,23. - -=(2) Darkness and Light.=--The contrast between darkness and light, -also, was common to the teaching of Jesus and that of his apostles. -It appears particularly in the Gospel of John, but there are also -clear traces of it in the Synoptists, Matt. 5:14-16; the righteous -are "the sons of the light." Luke 16:8. In the writings of the -apostles the contrast appears in many forms. "Ye are all sons of -light," said Paul, "and sons of the day: we are not of the night, -nor of darkness; so then let us not sleep, as do the rest, but let -us watch and be sober." I Thess. 5:5,6. "Ye were once darkness, but -are now light in the Lord: walk as children of light." Eph. 5:8. God -has called us "out of darkness into his marvellous light." I Peter -2:9. The contrast serves admirably to represent the honesty and -openness and cleanness of the true Christian life. - -=(3) Flesh and Spirit.=--An even more important contrast is the -contrast of flesh and Spirit, which is expounded especially by Paul. -"Flesh" in this connection means something more than the bodily -side of human nature; it means human nature as a whole, so far as -it is not subjected to God. "Spirit" also means something more than -might be supposed on a superficial examination. It does not mean the -spiritual, as distinguished from the material, side of human nature; -but the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of God. The warfare, therefore, -between the flesh and the Spirit, which is mentioned so often in the -Pauline Epistles, is a warfare between sin and God. - -The flesh, according to Paul, is a mighty power, which is too strong -for the human will. It is impossible for the natural man to keep -the law of God. "I know," says Paul, "that in me, that is, in my -flesh, dwelleth no good thing: for to will is present with me, but -to do that which is good is not.... I find then the law, that, to -me who would do good, evil is present. For I delight in the law of -God after the inward man: but I see a different law in my members, -warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity -under the law of sin which is in my members." Rom. 7:18,21-23. In -this recognition of the power of sin in human life, Paul has laid -his finger upon one of the deepest facts in human experience. - -The way of escape, however, has been provided; sin has been -conquered in two aspects. - -It has been conquered, in the first place, in its guilt. Without -that conquest, everything else would be useless. The dreadful -subjection to the power of sin, which becomes so abundantly plain in -evil habit, was itself a punishment for sin; before the effect can -be destroyed, the guilt which caused it must be removed. It has been -removed by the sacrifice of Christ. Christ has died for us, the -Just for the unjust; through his death we have a fresh start, in the -favor of God, with the guilty past wiped out. - -Sin has been conquered, in the second place, in its power. Together -with the very implanting of faith in our hearts, the Holy Spirit has -given us a new life, a new power, by which we can perform the works -of God. A mighty warfare, indeed, is yet before us; but it is fought -with the Spirit's help, and by the Spirit it will finally be won. - -=(4) The Old Man and the New.=--As the contrast between the flesh -and the Spirit was concerned with the causes of the Christian's -escape from sin, so the contrast now to be considered is concerned -with the effects of that escape. The Christian, according to Paul, -has become a new man in Christ; the old man has been destroyed. -The Gentiles, he says, are darkened in their understanding, and -alienated from God. Eph. 4:17-19. "But ye did not so learn Christ; -if so be that ye heard him, and were taught in him, even as truth -is in Jesus: that ye put away, as concerning your former manner of -life, the old man, that waxeth corrupt after the lusts of deceit; -and that ye be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and put on the -new man, that after God hath been created in righteousness and -holiness of truth." Vs. 20-24. Compare Col. 3:5-11. This putting -on of the new man is included in what Paul elsewhere calls putting -on Christ. Gal. 3:27; Rom. 13:14. The true Christian has clothed -himself with Christ; the lineaments of the old sinful nature have -been transformed into the blessed features of the Master; look upon -the Christian, and what you see is Christ! This change has been -wrought by Christ himself; "it is no longer I that live," says Paul, -"but Christ liveth in me"; Christ finds expression in the life of -the Christian. It is noteworthy, however, that the "putting on" of -Christ, which in Gal. 3:27 is represented as an accomplished fact, -is in Rom. 13:14 inculcated as a duty. It has been accomplished -already in principle--in his sacrificial death, Christ has already -taken our place in the sight of God--but the practical realization -of it in conduct is the lifelong task which every earnest disciple, -aided by the Holy Spirit, must prosecute with might and main. - - -3. THE NEW MAN - -Details in the character of the "new man," as they are revealed in -the apostolic writings, can here be treated only very briefly. - -=(1) Honesty.=--Certainly the Christian, according to the apostles, -must be honest. Honesty is the foundation of the virtues; without -it everything else is based upon the sand. Nothing could exceed -the fine scorn which the New Testament heaps upon anything like -hypocrisy or deceit. The Epistle of James, in particular, is a plea -for profound reality in all departments of life. Away with all -deceit! The Christian life is to be lived in the full blaze of God's -sunlight. - -Many hours could be occupied in the class with the applications -of honesty under modern conditions. Student life, for example, is -full of temptations to dishonesty. To say nothing of out-and-out -cheating, there are a hundred ways in which the fine edge of honor -can be blunted. In business life, also, temptations are many; and -indeed no one can really escape the test. The apostolic example -deserves to be borne in mind; Christian honesty ought to be more -than the honesty of the world. - -=(2) Purity.=--In the second place, the apostolic Church presents -an ideal of purity, purity in thought as well as in word and deed. -The ideal must have seemed strange to the degraded populations of -Corinth and Ephesus; but it is also sadly needed to-day. Let us not -deceive ourselves. He who would hold fellowship with Christ must put -away impurity; Christ is the holy One. Purity, however, is to be -attained not by unaided human effort, but by the help of the Spirit -of God. The Holy Spirit, if he be admitted to the heart, will purge -it of unclean thoughts. - -=(3) Patience and Bravery.=--In the third place, patience and -humility are prominent in the Christian ideal. These virtues are -coupled, however, with the most vigorous bravery. There is nothing -weak or sickly or sentimental about the Christian character. "Watch -ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong." I Cor. -16:13. - -=(4) Love.=--The summation of the Christian ideal is love. Love, -however, is more than a benevolent desire. It includes purity and -heroism as well as helpfulness. In order to love in the Christian -sense, one must attain "unto a fullgrown man, unto the measure of -the stature of the fulness of Christ." Eph. 4:13. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Strong, -article on "Ethics" (II). Kilpatrick, "Christian Character." Bruce, -"The Formation of Christian Character." Luthardt, "Apologetic -Lectures on the Moral Truths of Christianity." - - - - -LESSON XLIX - -CHRISTIANITY AND HUMAN RELATIONSHIPS - - -1. THE PROBLEM - -Two apparently contradictory features appear in the life of -the apostolic Church. In the first place, there was an intense -other-worldliness; the Christians were regarded as citizens of a -heavenly kingdom. In the second place, there was careful attention -to the various relationships of the present life; no man was excused -from homely duty. The two sides of the picture appear in the -sharpest colors in the life of the apostle Paul. No one emphasized -more strongly than he the independence of the Christian life with -reference to the world; all Christians, whether their worldly -station be high or low, are alike in the sight of God; the Church -operates with entirely new standards of value. Yet on the other -hand, in his actual dealing with the affairs of this world Paul -observed the most delicate tact; and in all history it is difficult -to find a man with profounder natural affections. Where is there, -for example, a more passionate expression of patriotic feeling -than that which is to be found in Rom. 9:3? "I could wish that I -myself were anathema from Christ for my brethren's sake, my kinsmen -according to the flesh." - -On the one hand, then, the apostolic Church regarded all earthly -distinctions as temporary and secondary, and yet on the other hand -those same distinctions were very carefully observed. The apparent -contradiction brings before us the great question of the attitude -of Christianity toward human relationships. This question may be -answered in one of three ways. - - -2. THE WORLDLY SOLUTION - -In the first place, there is the worldly answer. The Christian finds -himself in a world where his time and his thoughts seem to be fully -occupied by what lies near at hand. The existence of God may not be -denied, but practically, in the stress of more obvious duties, God -is left out of account. - -=(1) "Practical Christianity."=--In its crude form, of course, -where it involves mere engrossment in selfish pleasure, this answer -to our question hardly needs refutation. Obviously the Christian -cannot devote himself to worldly enjoyment; a cardinal virtue of -the Christian is self-denial. Worldliness in the Church, however, -may be taken in a wider sense; it has often assumed very alluring -forms. At the present day, for example, it often represents itself -as the only true, the only "practical" kind of Christianity. It is -often said that true religion is identical with social service, -that the service of one's fellow men is always worship of God. This -assertion involves a depreciation of "dogma" in the interests of -"practical" Christianity; it makes no difference, it is said, what a -man believes, provided only he engages in the improvement of living -conditions and the promotion of fairer laws. - -=(2) This World Is Not All.=--This tendency in the Church really -makes religion a thing of this world only. Undoubtedly, much good -is being accomplished by social workers who have given up belief -in historic Christianity; but it is good that does not go to the -root of the matter. Suppose we have improved conditions on this -earth, suppose more men have healthy employment and an abundance of -worldly goods. Even so the thought of death cannot be banished. Is -the totality of man's happiness limited to a brief span of life; are -we after all but creatures of a day? Or is there an eternal life -beyond the grave, with infinite possibilities of good or evil? Jesus -and his apostles and the whole of the apostolic Church adopted the -latter alternative. - -=(3) The Secularization of Religion.=--We lay our finger here upon -one of the points where the modern Church is in danger of departing -most fundamentally from the apostolic model. Religion is in serious -danger of being secularized; that is, of being regarded as concerned -merely with this life. The only corrective is the recovery of the -old conception of God. God is not merely another name for the -highest aspirations of men, he is not merely the summation of -the social forces which are working for human betterment. On the -contrary, he is a living Person, working in the world, but also -eternally independent of it. You can work for the worldly benefit -of your fellow men without coming into any saving contact with God; -it does make a vast difference what you believe; it makes all the -difference between death and life. - -=(4) The Teaching of Jesus and of the Apostles.=--Only one-sided -reading of the New Testament can find support for the opposite view. -Jesus said, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of these my brethren, -even these least, ye did it unto me," Matt. 25:40; but the same -Jesus also said, "If any man cometh unto me, and hateth not his -own father, and mother, and wife, and children, and brethren, and -sisters, yea, and his own life also, he cannot be my disciple." -Luke 14:26. The giving of a cup of cold water, which receives the -blessing of Jesus, is done for "one of these little ones ... in the -name of a disciple." Matt. 10:42. Evidently the good works of the -Christian are not independent of the attitude of the doer toward -Jesus and toward God; Jesus regards the personal relation between -himself and his disciples as one which takes precedence of even -the holiest of earthly ties. Far more convincing, however, than -any citation of definite passages is the whole spirit of the New -Testament teaching; evidently both Jesus and his early disciples had -their lives determined by the thought of the living, personal God, -holy and mysterious and independent of the world. Social service -exists for the sake of God, not God for the sake of social service. -The reversal of this relationship is one of the most distressing -tendencies of the present day; a study of the apostolic Church may -bring a return to sanity and humility. - - -3. THE ASCETIC SOLUTION - -The second answer to our question is the answer of ascetics of many -different kinds. According to this answer, the relationship of the -Christian to God on the one hand, and his relationship to his fellow -men on the other, are in competition. Consequently, in order to -strengthen the former, the latter must be broken off. In its extreme -form, this way of thinking leads to the hermit ideal, to the belief -that the less a man has to do with his fellow men the more he has to -do with God. Such conceptions are not always so uninfluential as we -are inclined to think, even in our Protestant churches. Monasticism -is not indeed consistently carried out, but it is often present in -spirit and in principle. Some excellent Christians seem to feel that -whole-hearted, natural interest in earthly friends is disloyalty to -Christ, that all men must be treated alike, that admission of one -man into the depths of the heart more fully than another is contrary -to the universality of the gospel. By such men, individuals are -not treated as persons, with a value of their own, but merely as -opportunities for Christian service. - -=(1) This Solution Defeats Its Own End.=--It is evident, in the -first place, that such an attitude defeats its own aim. Evidently -the power of a Christian worker depends partly at least upon his -interest in individuals. It will not do, for example, for the -teachers in this course to let their students say, "The teacher -loves Christ supremely, but he has no interest in me." Evidently -the power of influencing our fellow men is largely increased by -an intimate personal relationship; if we are to serve Christ by -bringing men to his feet, then we ought not to dissolve but rather -to strengthen the bonds of simple affection which unite us to our -human friends. - -=(2) This Solution Is Opposed to Apostolic Example.=--The example of -the apostolic Church points in the same direction; we have already -noticed the intensity of natural affection which was displayed even -by a man so thoroughly and heroically devoted to Christian service -as was the apostle Paul. This example might well be supplemented, -and supplemented most emphatically of all by the example which lies -at the basis of all of the apostolic Church--the example of Jesus -himself. If any man might have been aloof from his fellow men, it -was Jesus, yet as a matter of fact, he plainly had his earthly -friends. - - -4. THE TRUE SOLUTION - -The true solution of the problem is found in consecration. Human -relationships are not to be made the sole aim of life; neither -are they to be destroyed; but they are to be consecrated to the -service of God. Love for God under normal conditions comes into no -competition with love for man, because God takes a place in the life -which can never be filled by any human friend; by lopping off human -friendships we are not devoting ourselves more fully to God, but -merely becoming less efficient servants of him. - - -5. CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL SERVICE - -Consecration of human relationships to God does not involve any -depreciation of what is known to-day as "social service." On the -contrary it gives to social service its necessary basis and motive -power. Only when God is remembered is there an eternal outlook in -the betterment of human lives; the improvement of social conditions, -which gives the souls of men a fair chance instead of keeping them -stunted and balked by poverty and disease, is seen by him who -believes in a future life and a final judgment and heaven and hell -to have value not only for time, but also for eternity, not only for -man, but also for the infinite God. - -=(1) Society or the Individual?=--It is sometimes regarded as a -reproach that old-fashioned, evangelical Christianity makes its -first appeal to the individual. The success of certain evangelists -has occasioned considerable surprise in some quarters. Everyone -knows, it is said, that the "social gospel" is the really effective -modern agency; yet some evangelists with only the very crudest -possible social program are accomplishing important and beneficent -results! The lesson may well be learned, and it should never be -forgotten. Despite the importance of social reforms, the first -purpose of true Christian evangelism is to bring the individual man -clearly and consciously into the presence of his God. Without that, -all else is of but temporary value; the human race is composed of -individual souls; the best of social edifices will crumble if all -the materials are faulty. - -=(2) Every Man Should First Correct His Own Faults.=--The true -attitude of the Christian toward social institutions can be learned -clearly from the example of the apostolic Church. The first lesson -that the early Christians learned when they faced the ordinary -duties of life was to make the best of the institutions that were -already existing. There was nothing directly revolutionary about -the apostolic teaching. Sharp rebuke, indeed, was directed against -the covetousness of the rich. But the significant fact is that such -denunciations of wealthy men were addressed to the wealthy men -themselves and not to the poor. In the apostolic Church, every man -was made to know his own faults, not the faults of other people. -The rich were rebuked for their covetousness and selfishness; but -the poor were commanded, with just as much vehemence, to labor for -their own support. "If any will not work," said Paul, "neither let -him eat." II Thess. 3:10. In short, apostolic Christianity sought -to remove the evils of an unequal distribution of wealth, not by a -violent uprising of the poor against the rich, but by changing the -hearts of the rich men themselves. Modern reform movements are often -very different; but it cannot be said that the apostolic method is -altogether antiquated. - -=(3) The Ennobling of Existing Institutions.=--Certainly the -apostolic method has been extraordinarily successful; it has -accomplished far more than could have been accomplished by a violent -reform movement. A good example is afforded by the institution of -slavery. Here, if anywhere, we might seem to have an institution -which was contrary to the gospel. Yet Paul sent back a runaway -slave to his master, and evidently without the slightest hesitation -or compunction. That action was a consistent carrying out of the -principle that a Christian man, instead of seeking an immediate -change in his social position, was first of all to learn to make -the best of whatever position was his already. "Let each man abide -in that calling wherein he was called. Wast thou called being -a bondservant? care not for it: nay, even if thou canst become -free, use it rather. For he that was called in the Lord being a -bondservant, is the Lord's freedman: likewise he that was called -being free, is Christ's bondservant. Ye were bought with a price; -become not bondservants of men. Brethren, let each man, wherein he -was called, therein abide with God." I Cor. 7:20-24. The freedom of -the Christian, in other words, is entirely independent of freedom -in this world; a slave can be just as free in the higher, spiritual -sense as his earthly master. In this way the position of the slave -was ennobled; evidently the relation of Onesimus to Philemon was -expected to afford both slave and master genuine opportunity for -the development of Christian character and for the performance of -Christian service. - -=(4) The Substitution of Good Institutions for Bad.=--In the long -run, however, such conceptions were bound to exert a pervasive -influence even upon earthly institutions. If Philemon really adopted -the Christian attitude toward one who was now "more than a servant, -a brother beloved" in Christ, then in the course of time he would -naturally desire to make even the outward relationship conform more -perfectly to the inward spiritual fact. The final result would -naturally be emancipation; and such was the actual process in the -history of the Church. Slavery, moreover, is only an example; a host -of other imperfect social institutions have similarly been modified -or removed. What a world of progress, for example, is contained in -Gal. 3:28: "There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither -bond nor free, there can be no male and female; for ye are all one -man in Christ Jesus." Not battles and revolutions, the taking of -cities and the pulling down of empires, are the really great events -of history, but rather the enunciation of great principles such as -this. "Ye are all one man in Christ Jesus"--these words with others -like them have moved armies like puppets, and will finally transform -the face of the world. - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--R. E. Thompson, "De Civitate Dei. The Divine Order -of Human Society." Clow, "Christ in the Social Order." Cunningham, -"Christianity and Social Questions." Schmidt, "The Social Results of -Early Christianity." - - - - -LESSON L - -THE CHRISTIAN USE OF THE INTELLECT - - -1. THE PROBLEM OF CHRISTIANITY AND CULTURE - -The last two lessons have emphasized the duty of consecration. The -enjoyment of simple, physical blessings, the opportunities afforded -by earthly relationships, are all to be devoted to the service of -God. Exactly the same principle must be applied in the lesson for -to-day. If physical health and strength and the companionship of -human friends may be made useful in the Christian life, surely -the same thing is true of intellectual gifts. The most powerful -thing that a man possesses is the power of his mind. Brute force -is comparatively useless; the really great achievements of modern -times have been accomplished by the intellect. If the principle of -consecration is true at all--if it be true that God desires, not the -destruction of human powers, but the proper use of them--then surely -the principle must be applied in the intellectual sphere. - -The field should not be limited too narrowly; with the purely -logical and acquisitive faculties of the mind should be included the -imagination and the sense of beauty. In a word, we have to do to-day -with the relation between "culture" and Christianity. For the modern -Church there is no greater problem. A mighty civilization has been -built up in recent years, which to a considerable extent is out of -relation to the gospel. Great intellectual forces which are rampant -in the world are grievously perplexing the Church. The situation -calls for earnest intellectual effort on the part of Christians. -Modern culture must either be refuted as evil, or else be made -helpful to the gospel. So great a power cannot safely be ignored. - -=(1) The Obscurantist Solution.=--Some men in the Church are -inclined to choose a simple way out of the difficulty; they are -inclined to reject the whole of modern culture as either evil -or worthless; this wisdom of the world, they maintain, must be -deserted for the divine "foolishness" of the gospel. Undoubtedly -such a view contains an element of truth, but in its entirety it is -impracticable. The achievements of modern culture are being made -useful for the spread of the gospel by the very advocates of the -view now in question; these achievements, therefore, cannot be -altogether the work of Satan. It is inconsistent to use the printing -press, the railroad, the telegraph in the propagation of our gospel -and at the same time denounce as evil those activities of the human -mind by which these inventions were produced. Indeed, much of modern -culture, far from being hostile to Christianity, has really been -produced by Christianity. Such Christian elements should not be -destroyed; the wheat should not be rooted up with the tares. - -=(2) The Worldly Solution.=--If, however, the Christian man is in -danger of adopting a negative attitude toward modern culture, of -withdrawing from the world into a sort of unhealthy, modernized, -intellectual monastery, the opposite danger is even more serious. -The most serious danger is the danger of being so much engrossed -in the wonderful achievements of modern science that the gospel is -altogether forgotten. - -=(3) The True Solution.=--The true solution is consecration. Modern -culture is a stumblingblock when it is regarded as an end in itself, -but when it is used as a means to the service of God it becomes a -blessing. Undoubtedly much of modern thinking is hostile to the -gospel. Such hostile elements should be refuted and destroyed; the -rest should be made subservient; but nothing should be neglected. -Modern culture is a mighty force; it is either helpful to the gospel -or else it is a deadly enemy of the gospel. For making it helpful -neither wholesale denunciation nor wholesale acceptance is in -place; careful discrimination is required, and such discrimination -requires intellectual effort. There lies a supreme duty of the -modern Church. Patient study should not be abandoned to the men of -the world; men who have really received the blessed experience of -the love of God in Christ must seek to bring that experience to -bear upon the culture of the modern world, in order that Christ -may rule, not only in all nations, but also in every department of -human life. The Church must seek to conquer not only every man, but -also the whole of man. Such intellectual effort is really necessary -even to the external advancement of the kingdom. Men cannot be -convinced of the truth of Christianity so long as the whole of their -thinking is dominated by ideas which make acceptance of the gospel -logically impossible; false ideas are the greatest obstacles to the -reception of the gospel. And false ideas cannot be destroyed without -intellectual effort. - -Such effort is indeed of itself insufficient. No man was ever argued -into Christianity; the renewing of the Holy Spirit is the really -decisive thing. But the Spirit works when and how he will, and he -chooses to employ the intellectual activities of Christian people in -order to prepare for his gracious coming. - - -2. THE APOSTOLIC EXAMPLE - -Abundant support for what has just been said may be discovered in -the history of the apostolic Church. Paul's speech at Athens, for -example, shows how the Christian preacher exhibited the connection -between the gospel and the religious aspirations of the time. This -line of thought, it is true, was merely preliminary; the main thing -with which the apostles were concerned was the presentation and -explanation of the gospel itself. Such presentation and explanation, -however, certainly required intellectual effort; and the effort was -not avoided. The epistles of Paul are full of profound thinking; -only superficiality can ignore the apostolic use of the intellect. - -=(1) Christianity Based Upon Facts.=--The fundamental reason why -this intellectual activity was so prominent in the apostolic age -is that the apostles thought of Christianity as based upon facts. -Modern Christians sometimes cherish a different notion. A false -antithesis is now sometimes set up between belief and practice; -Christianity, it is said, is not a doctrine, but a life. In reality, -Christianity is not only a doctrine, but neither is it only a life; -it is both. It is, as has been well said, a life because it is a -doctrine. What is characteristic of Christianity is not so much that -it holds up a lofty ethical ideal as that it provides the power by -which the ideal is to be realized. That power proceeds from the -great facts upon which Christian belief is founded, especially the -blessed facts of Christ's atoning death and triumphant resurrection. -Where belief in these facts has been lost, the Christian life may -seem to proceed for a time as before, but it proceeds only as a -locomotive runs after the steam has been shut off; the momentum -is soon lost. If, however, Christianity is based upon facts, it -cannot do without the use of the mind; whatever may be said of -mere emotions, facts cannot be received without employment of -the reason. Christian faith is indeed more than intellectual; it -involves rejoicing in the heart and acceptance by the will, but the -intellectual element in it can never be removed. We cannot trust -in Christ, in the Christian sense, unless we are convinced that he -lived a holy life when he was on earth, that he claimed justly to be -divine, that he died on the cross, and that he rose again from the -dead. - -=(2) Christianity Involves Theology.=--Furthermore, Christian faith -involves not only a bare acceptance of these facts, it involves also -some explanation of them. That explanation can never be complete; -the gospel contains mysteries in the presence of which only -wondering reverence is in place; but some explanation there must be. -It is quite useless, for example, to know merely that a holy man, -Jesus, died on the cross; it is even useless to know that the Son -of God came to earth and died in that way. The death of Christ has -meaning for us only because it was a death for our sins; the story -of the cross becomes a gospel only when the blessed meaning of it -is explained. The explanation of that meaning forms the subject of -a large part of the New Testament. The apostolic Church had none of -our modern aversion to theology. - -It is time for us to return to the apostolic example. Mere bustling -philanthropy will never conquer the world. The real springs of -the Church's power lie in an inward, spiritual realm; they can be -reached only by genuine meditation. The eighth chapter of Romans -has been neglected long enough; neglect of it is bringing deadly -weakness. Instead of adapting her message to the changing fashions -of the time, the Church should seek to understand the message -itself. The effort will not be easy; in a "practical" age, honest -thinking is hard. But the results will be plain. Power lies in the -deep things of God. - -=(3) The Duty of Every Man.=--The great intellectual duty of the -modern Church is not confined to a few men of scholarly tastes. On -the contrary, the simplest Christian may have his part; what is -needed first of all is common sense. By an unhealthy sentimentalism, -old-fashioned study has been discredited. If God is speaking in the -Bible, surely the logical thing for us to do is to hear. Yet modern -Christians are strangely neglectful of this simple duty. Bible study -is regarded as of less importance than social service; improvement -of earthly conditions is preferred to acquaintance with God's Word. -The evil may easily be corrected, and it may be corrected first -of all by the old-fashioned reading of the Bible. That requires -intellectual effort--there is no use in turning the pages if the -mind is elsewhere--but the effort can be made by the plain man as -well as by the scholar. Simple acquaintance with the Bible facts by -the rank and file of the Church will accomplish as much as anything -else toward meeting the arguments of opponents. By learning what -Christianity is, we shall be able, almost unconsciously, to refute -what can be said against it. - - -3. THE PRACTICE OF THE TRUTH - -This intellectual effort, however, should never be separated from -practice. The best way to fix truth in the mind is to practice it -in life. If our study teaches us that God is holy, let us hate sin -as God hates it. If we learn that God is loving, let us love our -fellow men as God loves them. If the Bible tells us of the salvation -offered by Christ, let us accept it with a holy joy, and live in the -power of it day by day. That is the true "practical Christianity", a -Christianity that is based solidly upon facts. Conduct goes hand in -hand with doctrine; love is the sister of truth. - - -4. GOD THE SOURCE OF TRUTH - -The ultimate Source of all truth, as of all love, is God. The -knowledge for which we are pleading can never result in pride, -for it is a knowledge that God gives, and a knowledge consecrated -at every point to God's service. Presumptuous reliance upon human -wisdom comes from knowledge that ignores part of the facts; true -science leads to humility. If we accept all other facts, but ignore -the supreme fact of God's love in Jesus Christ, then of course our -knowledge will be one-sided. It may succeed in producing creature -comforts; it may improve the external conditions of life upon this -earth; it may afford purely intellectual pleasure; but it will never -reveal the really important things. This one-sided knowledge is what -Paul was speaking of in I Cor. 1:21 when he said that "the world -through its wisdom knew not God." The true wisdom takes account of -the "foolishness" of God's message, and finds that that foolishness -is wiser than men. The true wisdom of the gospel is revealed only -through the Holy Spirit; only the Spirit of God can reveal the -things of God. Without the Spirit, the human mind becomes hopeless -in dismal error; it is the Spirit of truth who sheds the true light -over our path. - - "O grant us light, that we may know - The wisdom Thou alone canst give; - That truth may guide where'er we go, - And virtue bless where'er we live." - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Patton, "A Summary of Christian Doctrine." Greene, -"Christian Doctrine." A. A. Hodge, "Outlines of Theology" and -"Popular Lectures on Theological Themes." - - - - -LESSON LI - -THE CHRISTIAN HOPE AND THE PRESENT POSSESSION - - -A type of religious effort has become prevalent to-day which is -directed chiefly to the present life; the improvement of worldly -conditions is often regarded as the chief end of man. All such -tendencies are strikingly at variance with apostolic Christianity. -The apostolic Church was intensely other-worldly. The chief gift -that the apostles offered was not a better and more comfortable life -in this world, but an entrance into heaven. - - -1. THE END OF THE WORLD - -Only the great outlines of the events connected with the end -of the world are revealed in the New Testament. Minute details -cannot be discovered except by an excessively literal method of -interpretation, which is not really in accord with the meaning of -the apostolic writers. Some have supposed, for example, that there -are to be two resurrections, first a resurrection of the Christian -dead and long afterwards a resurrection of other men; expectation -of a thousand-year reign of Christ upon earth has been widely -prevalent. Such beliefs are not to be lightly rejected, since they -are based upon an interpretation of certain New Testament passages -which is not altogether devoid of plausibility; but on the whole -they are at least doubtful in view of other passages, and especially -in view of the true nature of prophecy. God has revealed, not -details to satisfy our curiosity, but certain basal facts which -should determine our lives. - -Those basal facts, connected with the end of the world, are a second -coming of Christ, a resurrection of the dead, a final judgment, an -eternity of punishment for the wicked and of blessing for those who -have trusted in Christ. It is not maintained that these facts stand -absolutely alone; certainly they are fully explained, at least in -their spiritual significance; but the devout Bible-reader should be -cautious about his interpretation of details. - - -2. FEAR AND JOY - -The practical effect of the apostolic teaching about the end of -the world should be a combination of earnestness with joy. A man -who lives under the expectation of meeting Christ as Judge will -desert the worldly standard of values for a higher standard. He -will rate happiness and worldly splendor lower, in order to place -the supreme emphasis upon goodness. The difference between evil and -good, between sin and holiness, is not a trifle, not a thing of -merely relative importance, as many men regard it; it enters deep -into the constitution of the universe, it is the question of really -eternal moment. Again and again, in the New Testament, the thought -of Christ's coming and of the judgment which he will hold is made -the supreme motive to a pure and holy life. The apostolic example -may well be borne in mind. When we are tempted to commit a mean or -dishonest or unclean act, when unholy thoughts crowd in upon us like -a noisome flood, we cannot do better than think of the day when we -shall stand in the presence of the pure and holy Judge. - -On the other hand, the thought of Christ's coming is to the believer -the source of inexpressible joy. Christ has saved us from a terrible -abyss. Our joy in salvation is in proportion to our dread of the -destruction from which we have been saved. To the truly penitent -man, the thought of the righteous God is full of terror. God -is holy; we would sometimes endeavor vainly to shrink from his -presence. Yet such a God has stretched out his hand to save--there -is the wonder of the gospel--and if we trust in the Saviour the last -great day need cause no fear. We are lost in sin, but God looks -not upon us but upon him who died to save us. "Salvation" to the -apostolic Church meant "rescue," rescue from the just and awful -judgment of God. - - -3. THE INTERMEDIATE STATE - -The time of that judgment has not been revealed, but so far as any -offer of repentance is concerned the time comes to every man at -death. One question of detail cannot altogether be ignored. What did -the apostles teach about the condition of the believer between death -and the final resurrection? Upon this subject, the New Testament -says very little, but it becomes clear at least that the believer, -even when absent from the body, is to be present with the Lord, -II Cor. 5:8, and that to die is to be with Christ. Phil. 1:23. On -the whole, no better statement of the apostolic teaching about the -"intermediate state" can be formulated than that which is contained -in the Shorter Catechism: "The souls of believers are at their death -made perfect in holiness, and do immediately pass into glory; and -their bodies, being still united to Christ, do rest in their graves, -till the resurrection." The hope of an immediate entrance into bliss -at the time of death should not be allowed, however, to obscure the -importance of the resurrection. The resurrection of the body will be -necessary to "the full enjoying of God to all eternity." - - -4. THE FINAL BLESSEDNESS - -That enjoying of God is no mere selfish pleasure; it means first -of all a triumph of holiness. Every last vestige of evil will -be removed. No taint of sin will separate the redeemed creature -from his God. Service will be free and joyous. The consummation, -moreover, will concern not merely individuals, but the race; no mere -expectation of the personal immortality of individuals begins to do -justice to the apostolic teaching. The ultimate end, indeed, is not -our own enjoyment, but the glory of God. Some carnal, materialistic -conceptions of the future age would really remove God from his own -heaven, but such is not the teaching of the New Testament. God will -be all and in all; only in his glory is to be found the true glory -of a redeemed race. The power of loving God is the highest joy that -heaven contains. - - -5. THE DISPENSATION OF THE SPIRIT - -The present age, according to the New Testament, is a time of -waiting and striving; it is related to the future glory as a -battle is related to the subsequent victory. Satisfaction with the -present life, even as it is led by the best of Christians, would -to the apostles have been abhorrent; the Christian is still far -from perfect. A prime condition of progress is a divine discontent. -Jesus pronounced a blessing upon them that "hunger and thirst -after righteousness." Eternal things to us are unseen; they can be -discovered only by the eye of faith; we long for a time when hope -will be supplanted by sight. Nevertheless, there is no room for -despondency; the blessed time is surely coming. - -Its coming is rendered certain by the presence, here and now, of the -Holy Spirit. The Spirit may be relied upon to prepare us, both in -soul and in body, for the glory of heaven. - -=(1) The Spirit in the Old Testament and in the Life of Jesus.=--The -Spirit of God was mentioned even in the Old Testament. At the -beginning he "moved upon the face of the waters," Gen. 1:2; he -was the source of the mighty deeds of heroes and of the prophets' -inspired words. In the life and teaching of Jesus, however, the -Spirit was far more fully revealed than he had ever been revealed -before. He was the source of Jesus' human nature, Matt. 1:18, 20; -Luke 1:35; he descended upon the newly proclaimed Messiah, Matt. -3:16, and was operative in all the earthly ministry of the Lord. - -=(2) The Spirit in the Church.=--For the disciples, however, the -full glory of the Spirit's presence was manifested only after -Jesus himself had been taken up into heaven; the present age, -from Pentecost to the second coming of the Lord, is peculiarly -the dispensation of the Holy Spirit. Discontent with the Church's -imperfections and dismay at her many adversaries should never cause -us to lose confidence in the work that is being done by the Spirit -of God. It was expedient that Jesus should go away; through the -other "Comforter" whom he has sent, he manifests himself even more -gloriously than he did to the disciples in Galilee. - -=(3) The Nature of the Spirit.=--The apostles never discuss the -nature of the Holy Spirit in any thoroughly systematic way. But two -great facts are really presupposed in the whole New Testament. In -the first place, the Holy Spirit is God, and in the second place he -is a person distinct from the Father and from the Son. The divinity -of the Spirit appears, for example, in I Cor. 2:11. The point of -that verse is that the Spirit is as closely related to God as the -human spirit is to a man. "For who among men knoweth the things of -a man, save the spirit of the man, which is in him? even so the -things of God none knoweth, save the Spirit of God." The distinct -personality of the Spirit appears with special clearness in Rom. -8:26, 27. There the Spirit is represented as making intercession -with him "that searcheth the hearts"; the one who intercedes is -personally distinct from him before whom he makes intercession. -Even more convincing, perhaps, is the great promise of Christ in -John 14:16, 17, 26; 15:26; 16:7-15, where the other "Comforter" is -spoken of in clearly personal terms and is distinguished both from -the Father and from the Son. Personal distinctness, however, is -not inconsistent with a perfect unity of nature. What the Spirit -does the Son and the Father do; when the other Comforter comes to -the Church, Christ himself comes. The doctrine of the "Trinity" is -a profound mystery, but its mysteriousness is no obstacle to the -acceptance of its truth. Mystery in the depths of God's nature is -surely to be expected. This mystery, taught by the pen of inspired -writers, has brought salvation and peace into the lives of men. -Distinctly Trinitarian passages, such as Matt. 28:19; II Cor. 13:14, -are merely the summation of the New Testament teaching about God, -and that teaching has worked itself out in unspeakable blessing in -the life of the Church. - -=(4) The Work of the Spirit.=--A complete summary of the belief of -the apostolic Church about the work of the Holy Spirit would be -impossible in one brief lesson. The Christian life is begun by the -Spirit, and continued by his beneficent power. Conversion, according -to Jesus and his apostles, is only the manward aspect of a profound -change in the depths of the soul. That change is "regeneration," a -new birth. Christian experience is no mere improvement of existing -conditions, but the entrance of something entirely new. Man is not -merely sick in trespasses and sins, but "dead"; only a new birth -will bring life. That new birth is a mysterious, creative act of the -Spirit of God. John 3:3-8. - -But the Spirit does not leave those whom he has regenerated to -walk alone; he dwells in them and enables them to overcome sin. -The motive of his work is love. He is no blind force, but a loving -Person; the Christian can enjoy a real communion with him as with -the Father and the Son. In the presence of the Spirit we have -communion with God; the Persons of the Godhead are united in a -manner far beyond all human analogies. There is no imperfect medium -separating us from the divine presence; by the gracious work of the -Holy Spirit we come into vital contact with the living God. - -The Spirit is the ground and cause of Christian freedom. "Where the -Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." II Cor. 3:17. "For as -many as are led by the Spirit of God, these are sons of God. For ye -received not the spirit of bondage again unto fear; but ye received -the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father." Rom. 8:14, -15. This liberty that the Spirit brings is, however, not a liberty -to sin; it is liberation from sin. The body of the Christian is a -temple of the Holy Spirit; in that temple only purity is in place. -The inward power of the Holy Spirit in the heart is more powerful -than the law; if a man yields to that power he will overcome the -flesh; the law of God is fulfilled by those "who walk not after the -flesh, but after the Spirit." - - * * * * * - -IN THE LIBRARY.--Vos, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the Kingdom -of God and the Church." Crane, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the -Holy Spirit." Swete, "The Holy Spirit in the New Testament." Thomas, -"The Holy Spirit of God." - - - - -LESSON LII - -RETROSPECT: THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CENTURY - - -The apostolic example can be applied intelligently to the problems -of our time only if there be some understanding of the intervening -centuries. We are connected with the apostolic Church by an unbroken -succession. A study of Church history would help us to apply the New -Testament teaching to our own age. - -The Christian writings which have been preserved from the early -part of the second century show a marked decline from the spiritual -level of the apostles. Evidently the special inspiration which had -made the New Testament a guide for all ages had been withdrawn. Yet -the Spirit of God continued to lead the Church. Even in the darkest -periods of Church history God did not forget his people. - -Only scanty Christian writings have been preserved from the first -three-quarters of the second century; the extant works of the -so-called "Apostolic Fathers" and of the "Apologists" are of limited -extent. About the close of the century, however, the record becomes -more complete. Clement of Alexandria, Irenæus of Asia Minor and -Gaul, and Tertullian of North Africa, give a varied picture of -the Christian life of the time. The Church had gained rapidly in -influence since the conclusion of the apostolic age; persecutions -had not succeeded in checking her advance. Finally, under -Constantine, in the first part of the fourth century, Christianity -became the favored religion of the Roman Empire. - -About the same time, in A.D. 325, the first ecumenical council, at -Nicæa, undertook the work of formulating the belief of the Church. -The creeds which were adopted at the great ancient councils are -accepted to-day in all parts of Christendom. During the same general -period, the power of the bishop of Rome was gradually increased -until it culminated in the papacy. - -After the conquest of the western part of the Roman Empire in -the fifth century, Christianity was accepted by the barbarian -conquerors, and during the dark ages that followed the Church -preserved the light of learning and piety until a better day should -dawn. During the middle ages, though there was for the most part -little originality in Christian thinking, great scholars and -theologians formed striking exceptions to the general condition. -The political power of the papacy became enormous, but was hindered -by the personal weakness and immorality of many of the popes. -The degraded moral and spiritual condition of the Church was -counteracted here and there by the establishment of monastic orders, -whose purpose at the beginning was good, by the writings of certain -mystics, and by the work of the three "pre-reformers," Wyclif in -England, Huss in Bohemia and Savonarola in Italy. - -A genuine advance, however, did not come until the Reformation -of the fifteenth century, when Luther in Germany and Zwingli in -Switzerland, almost at the same time and at first independently, -became the leaders in a mighty protest. A little later Calvin -carried out the principles of the Reformation in a comprehensive -theological system, and by the power of his intellect and the -fervency of his piety exerted an enormous influence throughout the -world. The Reformation was distinctly a religious movement, though -it had been prepared for by that revival of learning which is called -the Renaissance. The work of Luther was a rediscovery of Paul. Not -the performance of a set of external acts prescribed by the Church, -but, as Paul taught, the grace of God received by faith alone, is, -according to Luther, the means of salvation. - -The Reformation brought about a counter-reformation in the Roman -Catholic Church, and the western European world was finally divided -between the two great branches of Christendom. After a period of -controversy and wars between Protestants and Catholics, the Church -was called upon to fight a great battle against unbelief. That -battle, begun in its modern form about the middle of the eighteenth -century, continues unabated until the present day. We are living in -a time of intellectual changes. To maintain the truth of the gospel -at such a time and to present it faithfully and intelligently to -the modern world is the supreme task of the Church. The task to -some extent has been accomplished; and the missionary movement of -the nineteenth and twentieth centuries attests the vitality of the -ancient faith. God has not deserted his Church. There are enemies -without and within, compromise will surely bring disaster; but the -gospel of Christ has not lost its power. This is not the first time -of discouragement in the history of the Church. The darkest hour has -always been followed by the dawn. Who can tell what God has now in -store? - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - -Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. - -Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained -as printed. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LITERATURE AND HISTORY OF NEW -TESTAMENT TIMES*** - - -******* This file should be named 43685-8.txt or 43685-8.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/3/6/8/43685 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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